Assignment: Serving Ethic Population - Week 1

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Journal of Career Development Volume 34 Number 4

June 2008 362-396 © 2008 Curators of the University of Missouri

10.1177/0894845308316292 http://jcd.sagepub.com

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Career Development Concerns of Recent Immigrants and Refugees Oksana Yakushko Autumn Backhaus Megan Watson Katherine Ngaruiya Jaime Gonzalez University of Nebraska–Lincoln

The number of recent immigrants and refugees in the United States is growing dramatically. Among key reasons for migration is search for adequate employ- ment and hope for opportunities to develop occupationally. However, recent immigrants and refugees face multiple obstacles in their career development in the United States. This article uses social cognitive career theory to examine the role of relocation circumstances, stressors of migration, acculturation pat- terns, and oppression on the career development and employment functioning of recent immigrants and refugees. Specific suggestions for career counselors working with this population are provided.

Keywords: immigrants; refugees; career development; career adjustment

Immigration is undoubtedly the strongest force that has shaped U.S.history, and current global changes account for unprecedented movements of individuals across the world in search of better life opportunities and con- ditions, especially employment opportunities (Marsella & Ring, 2003). U.S. Census Bureau reports show that that approximately 12% of the U.S. popu- lation is foreign-born and that three out of four individuals who are foreign- born have immigrated to the United States since 1980 (Larsen, 2004). More than 100 million immigrants and 13 million refugees have moved across bor- ders worldwide within the last several decades. The number of foreign-born

Authors’ Note: Please address correspondence to Oksana Yakushko, 235 Teachers College Hall, Department of Educational Psychology, University of Nebraska–Lincoln, Lincoln, NE 68588-0345; e-mail: [email protected].

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individuals in the United States has increased from 5.1% in 1970 to 11.5% in 2002, and is predicted to continue to increase dramatically over the com- ing years. With regards to work, about one in seven of the country’s workers was foreign-born (Marsella & Ring, 2003; Yakushko, 2007). In addition, a large number of immigrants reside and work in the United States without legal documentation (Fry, 2001).

Majority of the immigrants and refugees seek employment after their relo- cation to the United States (Schmidley, 2001). Information about the career development and career transition issues of immigrants and refugees remains limited, yet career counseling to these populations can be one of the most sig- nificant contributors to their positive transition into a new culture (Yakushko, 2006). For example, the United Nations Resolution on Refugees called on all nations that have ratified refugee agreements to focus on providing refugees with information on specific opportunities about employment after relocation (Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 1991). Moreover, immi- grant and refugee women and men are not only likely to seek to transition and adjust to their new work environment but also many of them view their relo- cation as an opportunity to develop their career potential.

This article focuses exclusively on the population of immigrant and refugee women and men in the United States who have recently migrated and who may be struggling with career transition and adjustment issues because of relocation. This article neither addresses the employment and career devel- opment concerns of immigrants and refugees who have been in the United States for considerable amount of time nor the subsequent immigrant gener- ations who were born in the United States. Career development concerns of these individuals are also important to explore, because recent studies sug- gest that the economic and sociopolitical pressures have many negative out- comes for immigrants and refugees even after lengthy periods of time in this country (see Portes & Rumbaut, 2006, for review). Furthermore, international students and those who remain in the United States for limited periods of time are not considered in this article. Unique needs of these individuals are increasingly receiving attention in the career literature (e.g., Yang, Wong, Hwang, & Heppner, 2002).

This article reviews existing literature about immigrants and refugees in the United States and has developed a framework for understanding and working with career concerns of these individuals. Social cognitive career theory (SCCT) is used throughout the article as a framework for understanding the factors that may facilitate or serve as barriers in the career development of recent immigrants and refugees. The article summarizes the SCCT and

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briefly describes the circumstances of relocation and the demographic char- acteristics of immigrants and refugees in the United States. An overview of key influences that shape the career experiences of immigrants and refugees is provided. Last, the authors suggest specific strategies for providing career counseling to immigrants and refugees as well as ways by which career coun- selors can build competencies in this population.

Career Development and Employment After the Relocation

Employment presents a special challenge to immigrant and refugee indi- viduals (Yakushko, 2006). Although some immigrants and refugees chose to migrate to the United States primarily to support their families through any available job opportunities, such as in the case of many undocumented immi- grants, many immigrants and refugees expect to find meaningful work or to continue developing in their career path after the relocation. However, most of these individuals experience a dramatic downturn in terms of their career opportunities after migration (Berger, 2004; Yakushko, 2006). Immigrants and refugees may face unemployment, underemployment, and disqualifica- tion of their previously held professional credentials (Berger, 2004). Moreover, immigrants may be less likely to obtain employment in their former occupation and are often forced to work in the lowest levels of occu- pational ladder in the United States (Yakushko, 2006). For example, Foner (2001) interviewed immigrant women residing in New York City and found that majority of the women experienced a loss of professional status in moving from being a scientist, a teacher, or a clerical worker to working as a domestic aid.

In addition, immigrants are disproportionately employed in physically demanding jobs and in industries where there is substantial potential for injury (Center for Workforce Success, 2007; Pransky et al., 2002). Earnings for immigrants and refugees are typically low (Larsen, 2004) and income is frequently directed toward supporting families left at home (Mehta et al., 2000). Although employers cite lack of English skills as the primary reason for low-level dead-end jobs for many immigrants and refugees, most work sites do not facilitate language training (Center for Workforce Success, 2007). Moreover, many immigrants and refugees report financial pressure and work at multiple sites for extended hours to support their families, which does not leave them time to gain proficiency in English (Yakushko, 2008b).

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Employment difficulties significantly contribute to immigrants’ and refugees’ mental health. For example, securing employment, economic hard- ship, and job demands were identified as major stressors contributing to mental illness among Latino immigrants (Finch, Catalano, Novaco, & Vega, 2003). Work–family strain has also been found to negatively affect Mexican immigrant women and men, resulting in elevated levels of depression and anxiety (Grzywacz, Quandt, Arcury, & Marín, 2005). These mental health difficulties in turn become a barrier in the career development processes of the recent immigrants and refugees.

On the other hand, work can be extremely beneficial and empowering for people who are struggling in a new country (Yakushko, 2006). Employment can aid the process of adjustment and help individuals make roots in the new country. Working decreases the isolation that many feel and may contribute to building a new social network. It may also provide an opportunity for new friendships as well as an opportunity to learn more about the culture, includ- ing facilitating English language skills. For many immigrants and refugees, developing a positive career path in the United States would signify that their migration was indeed successful.

Shinnar (2007) conducted a qualitative study on the barriers and facilitators of career development of recent Mexican immigrants. According to her find- ings, individual-level variables (such as personal characteristics and personal goals), group-level factors (such as cultural values, immigration status, and discrimination), and contextual factors (such as job security) were significant in influencing the perceptions of career development processes among her interviewees. Factors identified in Shinnar’s study point to a theoretical frame- work that can be useful in understanding the career development processes of new immigrants and refugees according to the SCCT developed by Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994). This theory has been used in understanding the career development processes of diverse groups within the United States (e.g., Ward & Bingham, 1997). Its emphasis on the role of individual and con- textual factors is especially applicable to understanding the distinct patterns of career development of immigrants and refugees.

Social Cognitive Career Theory Framework

Among the recent theories that provide framework for understanding indi- vidual career development is the SCCT (Lent et al., 1994). SCCT posits that the development of positive career development depends on an individual’s

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experiences that result from interactions between environmental and personal factors (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 2000; Swanson & Gore, 2000). The theory emphasizes the role of proximal and distant factors that can serve as facilitators or as barriers of a person’s career development. SCCT highlights the role of a person’s abilities, past performances, self-efficacy, and outcome expectan- cies in the development of his or her interests, educational and vocational choices, and educational and vocational persistence. Specifically, the theory highlights the importance of a person’s self-efficacy, or judgments about their personal abilities in the development of their interest and subsequent educational and career goals. For example, a person who has low self-efficacy related to his or her musical abilities is likely to have less interest in pursuing musically related educational or career goals. Conversely, a person who has more positive self-efficacy regarding his or her musical abilities is more likely to consider musically related educational or career goals. In addition to the role of self-efficacy, SCCT also emphasizes the role of a person’s outcome expectancies on educational and career goal formation. Outcome expectancies can be described as a person’s beliefs about probable outcomes or likely results of a particular action. For example, a person who believes that if she or he pursues an interest in writing poetry, the probable outcome would be low paying, hard to find jobs, then that person’s outcome expectancy will affect his or her pursuit of the education and career related to poetry writing. As a result, a person’s self-efficacy and outcome expectancies work together to influence and determine a person’s interests and education- and career-related pursuits.

Among the unique contributions of the theory is an emphasis on the influ- ences of the person inputs along with background contextual factors (Lent et al., 2000). Thus, among person inputs may be individual characteristics, such as gender, race, ethnicity, and an ability level, whereas background con- textual factors may include availability of opportunities to develop those learn- ing experiences that led to positive sense of self-efficacy and outcome expectation. In addition, the theory highlights the key role of the contextual influences that are proximal to choice behavior during the process of a per- son’s career development based on his or her self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Discrimination and political events, for example, could be seen as such contextual moderators of individual’s career development process.

Because SCCT places emphasis on the role of self-efficacy and outcome expectations, as well as personal factors (gender, race, etc.) and background or contextual factors (sexist or racist societal stereotypes, etc.), SCCT has been cited for its relevant application to the educational and career needs and

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behaviors of persons from diverse backgrounds (Gysbers, Heppner, & Johnston, 2003; Sharf, 2002; Ward & Bingham, 1997). Studies using the theory with minorities who are native to the United States have supported its use in understanding career development of diverse populations (e.g., Hackett, Betz, Casas, & Rocha-Singh, 1992). These studies have shown that self- efficacy and outcome expectations of individuals from marginalized groups are related to differential background and contextual factors as well as to academic and career functioning.

SCCT may be especially valuable in understanding the career develop- ment processes of the recent immigrants and refugees. Their confidence in obtaining employment and growing in a career path of their choice is signif- icantly influenced by both the personal and environmental factors. Among the most influential of these factors are the circumstances of their relocation related to the legality of their status in the United States.

Circumstances of Relocation

The circumstances of migration can be incorporated into the context of SCCT theory as an important contextual or background factor. Migration can be voluntary or forced and can result in differing legal statuses. The three broad categories of relocation that are officially recognized in the United States are (a) legal immigration, (b) refugee relocation, and (c) undocumented or illegal immigration. Legal immigration refers to relocation of noncitizens who are granted legal permanent residence by the U.S. federal government. Legal permanent residence provides the right to remain in the country indef- initely, to be gainfully employed, and to seek benefits of U.S. citizenship through naturalization (Mulder et al., 2001). This status does not give the right to vote or receive benefits such as the social security payments because many federal subsidies are reserved for U.S. citizens (Mulder et al., 2001).

A different type of immigration status is granted to individuals who are considered refugees. Refugees are defined by the 1967 United Nations Protocol on Refugees as those people outside their country of nationality who are unable or unwilling to return to that country because of persecution or well-founded fear of persecution (Mulder et al., 2001). The U.S. Refugee Act of 1980 stated that under circumstances outlined by the U.N. Protocol, the United States will allow a certain number of individuals of any country to enter the United States as refugees (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). This number is determined by the U.S. President and Congress and has a ceiling. In

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addition, the determination about which countries and political conflicts can be a function of the relations between the United States and those countries (see Pedraza, 2000).

The third category of U.S. immigrants represents individuals who seek to relocate to the United States in search of employment and better living con- ditions. Often referred to as the illegal or undocumented population, the unauthorized migrant population consists primarily of two groups: (a) those entering the United States without inspection and (b) those entering the United States with legal temporary visas but stay beyond the time allotment of their visas (Mulder et al., 2001). The research by the Pew Hispanic Center estimates that 10 to 12 million individuals reside in the United States with- out legal documents (Passel, 2006).

Immigrants’ and refugees’ status in the United States is significant to their legal and economic eligibilities and has distinct psychological and social consequences (Berger, 2004). However, the differences between the groups cannot be assumed to be universal. In fact, many legal immigrants seek refuge in the United States because of great political, economic, and social hard- ships they experience in their homelands. Many undocumented immigrants experience traumatic relocation experience akin to that of the refugees: Torture, rape, abuse, and physical traumas are not uncommon. Last, a great number of refugees who enter the United States have not experienced war and physical assaults. For example, a large number of Jewish women and men from the former USSR have received and continue to receive refugee status in the United States based on their experiences of religious and ethnic discrimination.

However, status and circumstances of relocation are significant for immi- grant and refugee individuals, especially in terms of their eligibilities for work and employment. As a result, in keeping with the framework of SCCT, the legality of a person’s status and the circumstances of his or her relocation are undoubtedly among the key contextual factors that influence the career trajectories of recent immigrants and refugees. Not only is a person’s migra- tion status a contextual factor, it is also likely to influence the individual’s self-efficacy and outcome expectancies as they relate to educational and career pursuits. For example, a person without legal documents might have very different outcome expectancies related to finding a job than a person who has legal permanent resident status. Thus, throughout the article, both the distinct aspects of career development related to legal status as well general patterns that may be common to most individuals in this group will be highlighted.

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Immigration Stress

Migration is a highly stressful experience that influences immigrant and refugee individuals’ well-being and functioning. Rumbaut (1991) stated that “migration can produce profound psychological distress among the most motivated and well prepared individuals, and even in most receptive circum- stances” (p. 56). Immigrant women and men may experience posttraumatic stress, mourning and grieving of multiple losses, acculturative stress, loneliness, loss of self-esteem, strain and fatigue from cognitive overload, uprootendess, and perceptions that they are unable to function competently in the new cul- ture (Berger, 2004; Espín, 1997, 1999; Garza-Guerrero, 1974; Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). Women and men who enter the United States without documents in search of work may face significant travails in getting to their destination and living in constant fear of deportation. Moreover, undocu- mented migrant workers face tremendous hazards of working in unsafe harsh conditions. As a result, Hovey and Magana (2003) reported that migrant farm workers from Mexico had elevated levels of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideations.

Refugees undergo severe psychological duress as a result of their trauma- tization history and forced relocation (Cole, Espín, & Rothblum, 1992). Mollica, Wyshak, and Lavelle (1987) categorized trauma that may have been experienced by refugees into four categories: (a) deprivation, such as the lack of food or shelter; (b) physical injury, rape, or torture; (c) incarceration or reeducation camps; and (d) witnessing torture and killing. In addition to refugees experiencing extreme psychological traumas prior to their relocation, they may have developed many profound physical symptoms as the result of injuries and deprivation (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Prendes-Lintel, 2001). For example, refugee women and men may have untreated head injuries that would severely limit their ability to learn and adjust. Last, refugees’ migra- tion process may be further complicated by experiences of abuse while in resettlement camps (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Prendes-Lintel, 2001).

Within the SCCT framework, contextual factors that are background and proximal to their career development, such as immigration stressors, have a substantial impact on the person’s self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Thus, choice behavior and career performance may be significantly moder- ated by the experiences of stress prior to and after the migration. However, personal input variables may also play a role in how immigrants and refugees address these stressors in their lives.

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Individual Factors in Migration

For both immigrants and refugees, additional factors that influence their immigration experiences include their individual factors that may account for differences in how they cope with migration stress (Ben-Sira, 1997). For example, a person who may have had premigration mental health issues, such as anxiety or depression, may be especially vulnerable to stress after the migration. Voluntary migration, optimistic expectations, language skills, and availability of support are associated with more positive outcomes for immi- grants (Escobar, Nervi, & Gara, 2000; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994; Salgado de Snyder, 1994). Moreover, personality factors, such as cognitive flexibility, optimism, and positive coping styles, may also contribute to less problematic relocation experiences (Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). Additionally, the pres- ence of a culturally similar immigrant community and availability of helpful resources are significant during the process of relocation and adjustment for immigrants and refugees (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006; Yakushko, 2008b).

Undoubtedly, both the positive factors and stressors of immigration play a significant role in how immigrant and refugee individuals are able to approach their career development. Previous research has suggested that individual characteristics such as resilience, insight, and identity are components of career motivation that can aid recent immigrants in development of a success- ful career path. These authors define resilience as a dedication to persevere despite difficulties, insight as an ability to have clear understanding of one- self and the world of work, and identity as a developed sense of career goals. Within the SCCT framework, the various personal inputs as well as back- ground contextual factors of recent immigrants and refugees may have an impact on the person’s self-efficacy and outcome expectations. These factors can both help and hinder immigrant and refugee individuals in the develop- ment of their interests and educational and vocational attainment while in the new country. Acculturation and cultural adaptation may also be essential to the career development and adjustment in this group.

Acculturation

Acculturation, or the process of adopting the values and behaviors of a new culture, is the most common factor used to discuss immigrants’ mental health needs (Flannery, Reise, & Yu, 2001; Hays, 2001; Ortega, Rosenheck, Alegria, & Desai, 2000; Salgado de Snyder, 1994), and it is an important

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consideration when examining personal and contextual factors within the framework of SCCT. Acculturation is an inevitable result of contact with a nonnative culture and has been regarded as a complex process in which cultural, interpersonal, and intrapersonal variables are operant (Berry & Sam, 1997; Miranda & Umhoefer, 1998). In the acculturation process, changing attitudes and behavior moderate an individual’s adaptation to a new environment.

Models of acculturation emphasize several patterns consisting of rejecting or accepting host community’s cultural values and practices as well as reject- ing or maintaining immigrant’s home cultural values and practices. In one of the most commonly used acculturation models, these patterns result in patterns of rejection/encapsulation, deculturation/marginalization, assimilation or integration/biculturalism (Berry, 1980; Berry & Sam, 1997). Scholars have found support for integration or biculturalism as the most positive acculturation outcome in terms of immigrants’ mental health (González, Haan, & Hinton, 2001; Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980; Wong-Rieger & Quintana, 1987).

Many scholars, however, have viewed acculturation as a unidimensional phenomenon (see Sam & Berry, 2006, for review). Special attention is given primarily to English language acquisition and use. Greater English language skills are often seen by both scholars and the public as a positive sign of adjustment and integration of immigrants into the U.S. community. Indeed, immigrant women from former Soviet Union, who are less acculturated, especially in terms of English language proficiency, were found to have higher levels of depression (Miller & Chandler, 2002; Miller et al., 2006). Language skills are also seen as a primary factor in immigrants’ and refugees’ career development and job success. For example, a report by the Center for Workforce Success (2007) of the Manufacturing Institute showed that employers in industries typically hiring immigrants and refugees see language skills as a main factor in their overall work performance.

However, theorists and researchers have highlighted that acculturation is a complex multifaceted process that reaches beyond language skills (see Sam & Berry, 2006, for review). In a sample of Korean immigrants, Oh, Koeske, and Sales (2002) found that those aspects of acculturation that facilitated immigrants’ social integration, such as the English language, were inversely related to depression. Similarly, in a sample of immigrant women from the former Soviet Union, those acculturative patterns that contributed to women’s lower social alienation were associated with their lower symptoms of psy- chological distress (Miller et al., 2006). However, abandonment of cultural identity, traditions, and values, associated with higher acculturation, may be directly related to higher levels of depression (Oh et al., 2002). Because job

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sites may emphasize cultural heterogeneity and abandonment of cultural values that may differentiate recent immigrants and refugees from other workers, such pressures to acculturate may be perceived by many immigrants and refugees as a barrier to further career development.

Empirical studies on the influence of acculturation on the academic and career development of immigrant youth further highlights the complexities of the processes of cultural adjustment and adaptation. For example, in a study of 105 Latino adolescent girls, Flores, Ojeda, Huang, Gee, and Lee (2006) found that acculturation played a key role in their educational attain- ment. Specifically, results of their study indicate that Anglo-focused rather than Mexican-focused acculturation patterns were related to greater educa- tional attainment. In another study by Flores, Navarro, Smith, and Ploszaj (2006) acculturation level significantly predicted Mexican American boys’ nontraditional career self-efficacy. According to their findings, Mexican American boys who were more acculturated were more likely to develop strong beliefs about their abilities for nontraditional careers for men and were more likely to be open to careers traditionally held by women. A study by Hurtado and Gauvain (1997) found that for adolescents of Mexican descent acculturation was significant in their actual attendance of college. For immigrant adults, acculturation may also relate to greater willingness to seek literacy skill and career-related development opportunities.

Acculturation patterns of refugees and immigrants may be especially complex if they experienced frequent severe premigration trauma (Bemak & Chung, 2002). As mentioned earlier, experiences of torture, physical depriva- tion, assaults, forced relocation, multiple losses, and separation from family and community are likely to complicate the process of adaptation to a new country for many refugees and some immigrants. Their relocation to a new country has been shown to result in feelings of helplessness and disorientation (Bemak & Greenberg, 1994). For example, Tayabas and Pok (1983) identi- fied that the first 1 to 2 years following the resettlement may be especially crucial in the adaptation of refugees.

According to Bemak (1989), acculturation of refugees may take on a more developmental process with the first phase focusing on safety and security followed by phases of greater bicultural adjustment and of stronger orientation toward future goals. Refugee individuals’ struggle to adapt to a host com- munity may be directly related to their coping strategies developed to survive severe trauma. For example, refugees who may have experienced rape, torture, or witnessing atrocities may have learned to play dumb to stay alive (Chung & Okazaki, 1991). Many of these coping patterns may be seen as maladaptive

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by individuals from the host community and may impede refugees’ adaptation to a new country, especially in terms of work (Bemak & Chung, 2002). Among other barriers to refugees’ adaptation may be their ambivalence about their relocation, wishing to return to their home communities to make a difference or rebuild lives, and the survivor guilt of having successfully escaped unlike the others who did not (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Tobin & Friedman, 1983). These barriers may prevent refugee individuals from attempting to integrate into their new communities through learning a language or gaining adequate employment. Their career development may be forestalled or hampered.

Very few studies have focused on the experiences of acculturation among immigrants who reside in the United States without legal documents. Although many migrant workers seek jobs temporarily to earn money and return to their homes, others relocate without documentation to settle in and develop new lives in the United States. Among many of their goals, such as education for their children and safety for their families, finding and developing a successful career is often seen as the primary goal (Yakushko, 2008b). However, pressures experienced by this immigrant group are tremendous, and their acculturation processes are complex and stressful. Undoubtedly, multiple barriers to the cul- tural adaptation of undocumented immigrants based on the fear of deportation as well as general xenophobic environment play a significant role in their work adjustment and well-being. A study by Hovey and Magana (2003) found that Mexican migrant farm workers reported high levels of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideations related to higher acculturative stress. Predictors of negative functioning included family dysfunction, ineffective social support, low levels of self-esteem, high levels of education, lack of choice in decisions about migration and farm work, and low levels of religiosity.

In addition to differences in immigrants’ and refugees’ acculturation pat- terns based on their migration experiences, individual factors play an impor- tant role in what ways and how quickly they adapt to their new environment. Acculturation may be influenced by age, economic resources, desire to adapt, the support of family and community, cultural norms and values, as well as an ability to address psychological barriers such as their trauma (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Berger, 2004; Yakushko, 2008b). Gender norms and their flex- ibility in a new cultural environment are also significant aspects of accultur- ation (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1999; Yakushko, 2006).

An acculturation process has direct implications for the career develop- ment of recent immigrants and refugees. Miranda and Umhoefer (1998) studied a group of Latino adults and found that the best predictors of career self-efficacy were acculturation and language use. The results indicated that

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the degree to which Latinos were acculturated and used the English language predicted career self-efficacy better than length of residence in the United States, age, or educational level. Earlier researchers have theorized that inter- cultural competence that results from positive acculturation processes is essential to the career development of this population. These authors high- lighted that low career success may be related to low intercultural compe- tence, which does not include language only. For example, many jobs in the United States require multitasking whereas this skill may be new for some immigrants and refugees.

Thus, immigrants’ and refugees’ employment as well as their overall career development are influenced profoundly by the individuals’ ability to adapt to their new environment. Certainly, language skills are key to their work expe- rience. Understanding cultural norms in terms of social interactions, work attitudes, and other customs are also essential to not only securing a job but to seeking out opportunities for promotion as well as finding career paths in their new country that are consistent with the individuals’ skills and interests. On the other hand, losing connection to one’s culture may result in isolation from their immigrant community who can serve as role models, offer support, and provide networking opportunities (Segal & Mayadas, 2005).

Bicultural acculturative process (González et al., 2001; Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980; Wong-Rieger & Quintana, 1987) may facilitate positive career development paths for immigrants and refugees. This process seeks to value individuals’ culture, their experiences and skills prior to migration, and their roots. At the same time, this bicultural acculturation process can aid individ- uals in obtaining cultural knowledge and skills that are essential in surviving and thriving in the new occupational environment. These skills may include knowledge of English language, understanding cultural customs and attitudes, ability to multitask, willingness to learn about new technologies, acting in direct and assertive manner with authorities, and development of social rela- tions with individuals in the host environment (Segal & Mayadas, 2005; Yakushko, 2006). Within the SCCT framework, positive acculturation can serve as a moderating contextual factor that is proximal to immigrant and refugee individuals’ career choice behavior. It is also likely that immigrants’ and refugees’ sense of self-efficacy and outcome expectation in their new work environment can increase as they adjust to a new cultural milieu while maintaining connection to their own cultural roots.

Although acculturative processes can facilitate positive career adjustment for recent immigrants and refugees, they may be held back by the forces that are far beyond their own control. The United States and other western

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countries have experienced a recent rise in anti-immigrant attitudes that directly affect all immigrant individuals (Yakushko, 2008a). Career develop- ment of recent immigrants and refugees is undoubtedly influenced by these negative prejudices that are systemic and widespread.

Oppression and Discrimination

Perhaps one of the most influential contextual factors to be considered when examining the career development of immigrant and refugee individuals within the framework of SCCT is the issue of oppression and discrimination. The SCCT is one of the few theoretical models of career development that directly emphasizes the role of these systemic factors on the individuals’ career development processes (see Ward & Bingham, 1997, for discussion). Immigrant and refugee individuals in the United States experience multiple sources of social oppression. These forces include, but are not limited to, xeno- phobia, racism, sexism, and discrimination based on poverty and employment (Berger, 2004; Marsella & Ring, 2003; Pew Hispanic Center, 2006; Segal & Mayadas, 2005; Yakushko, 2007; Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). Immigrant individuals are often portrayed as criminal, poor, violent, desperate to live in the United States, and noneducated (Espanshade & Calhoun, 1993; Muller & Espanshade, 1985; Pew Hispanic Center, 2006; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Contrary to stereotypes, research shows that those who are immigrating to the United States have higher education levels than the national averages of their home countries, work longer hours than U.S.-born individuals, hold strong moral values, and often desire to return home (Fry, 2001; Guarnaccia, 1997; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Although all immigrants and refugees face hostile xenophobic climate in the United States, it is undocumented migrant workers that are especially targeted by anti-immigrant violence (Yakushko, 2008a). Undocumented immigrants who have no legal rights are often emotionally (e.g., harassment), physically (e.g., poor working conditions), and economi- cally (e.g., no consistent pay or health benefits) abused or neglected by U.S. employers, government, or social service systems (Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). Without the right to vote and stay in the United States legally, many immigrants have little power to change oppressive social structures.

Cultural values and prejudices also influence how immigrants and refugees are represented in psychological science, including vocational psychology (Yakushko, 2008a). Societal intolerance has led many social scientists to narrowly conceptualize immigrants as oppressed and helpless (see Darvishpour, 2002, for

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review) and to disregard their strengths, resilience, resourcefulness, and com- munity networks (Cole et al., 1992). Services to recent immigrants and refugees, which often must include the use of interpreters, are limited; instru- ments that are used with native-born individuals have not been validated with these populations (Yakushko, 2008a). Such systemic forces of oppression and discrimination play a powerful role in shaping immigrants’ and refugees’ men- tal health, career identity, and their access to counseling resources.

Undoubtedly, discrimination and immigrants’ perception of their host environment play significant roles in their career development and a sense of efficacy in being able to obtain employment as well as to seek out career paths that would be personally fulfilling. SCCT provides a useful framework for understanding how crucial is the impact of environmental factors, such as discrimination, on the individuals’ career life (Lent et al., 1994; Swanson & Gore, 2000). Discrimination, as a contextual proximal factor, can serve as a powerful mediator between immigrant and refugee individuals’ development of career interests and skills and their experiences of outcomes. Negative career outcomes that are due to prejudice and discrimination, according to the theoretical model, are likely to have a loopback effect on self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Recognition of these influences is crucial for coun- selors who work with recent immigrants and refugees.

Career Counseling With Immigrants and Refugees

The review of the factors that influence the career development of recent immigrants and refugees highlights that systemic contextual factors play a significant role in shaping experiences regarding work and career for this group. Blustein, McWhirter, and Perry (2005) highlighted that for groups such as recent immigrants and refugees, who experience discrimination and prejudice, work is a means of survival and not personal career development. These authors suggest an emancipatory communitarian approach to career counseling that must attend to broader contexts outside the four walls of the counseling rooms, such as advocacy and policy work. Moreover, the eman- cipatory communitarian approach emphasizes the key role of empowerment of individuals through career-related information.

To empower those immigrant and refugee individuals who may seek career counseling, career counselors can use their sessions to raise their clients’ awareness and build their skills in dealing with the work environments and the structure of work opportunities in the United States. Career counselors

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can choose to focus on one or several strategies for empowering their immigrant and refugee clients through knowledge about the world of work. Additionally, career counselors can facilitate their clients’ career-related growth when counselors address their own competence in working with this population.

Exploring the Career and Work Background

The career development path of immigrant and refugee individuals is shaped by both their career experience in their home countries and by their relocation to the United States (Yakushko, 2006). This fact, although obvious, is important to highlight because immigrants’ and refugees’ career develop- ment is not affected by the same factors that influence career development of U.S.-born citizens. Immigrant individuals’ circumstances from their childhood to the time of relocation—in their families, immediate communities, schools (if they were allowed or able to receive an education), and their countries— reflect a unique combination of factors that are likely to be different than those of the U.S.-born citizens. Moreover, gender and social class shape the world of work in most countries of the world and will also play a significant role in career development of recent immigrants and refugees. Table 1 highlights many of the key issues that are unique to recent immigrants and refugees and may have a direct influence on their career development and adjustment. At the same time, after their relocation to the United States, immigrant individuals can share experiences common to their native-born counterparts based on entrance into the Western/American gendered, racial, and class systems that shapes the world of work in the United States. This complexity of background and proximal experiences is acknowledged by the SCCT and, therefore, lends itself for use as a conceptual framework when providing career guidance and counseling to immigrants and refugees.

Examining the Contextual Factors

In addition to recognizing background factors such as previous employ- ment and level of resources as well as proximal factors such as xenophobia and discrimination, career counseling with recent immigrants and refugees must attend to concrete needs of individuals who are seeking to continue or to begin their career development in a new country. Because immigrants and refugees comprise a very large diverse group of individuals, it is paramount to attend to this diversity by beginning with an extensive clinical interview. Information in Table 1 may provide counselors with a structure for what may be helpful to include in such an assessment interview. Although significant

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Table 1 Psychosocial Factors That Can Influence Mental Health and Career

Functioning of Recent Immigrants and Refugees

Factors Specific Considerations

Place of origin Racial and ethnic composition of the country of origin Urban or rural home and host environments Political climate of the country or origin Developed, Third World, or economy-in-transition economic

status of the country Home country’s relations with the host country

Conditions of migration Economic Political Familial Educational Vocational

Socioeconomic status Educational level Social class status in the home culture Financial resources available for migration Socioeconomic status of the home country

Demographic factors Age Gender Ability level Religious practices Relationship status and size of the kinship unit

Social support Proximity of similar ethnic community Proximity of other immigrant groups Proximity of family and friends Proximity of social services for immigrants

Personality factors Personality traits (e.g., optimism) Coping styles Worldview Achievement motivation Resilience Rigidity or flexibility Cognitive styles

Language proficiency Knowledge of spoken English Knowledge of written English Literacy in a home language Availability of interpreters

Legal status Legal immigrant (i.e., naturalized citizen, Green Card holder or permanent alien resident, asylum seeker

Refugee Undocumented immigrant Availability of legal and social services resources

(continued)

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differences do exist between documented immigrants, undocumented migrant workers, and refugees, the factors that are most influential in their career development process are likely to be similar. For example, many undocu- mented migrant workers as well as recent immigrants migrate to the United States because of histories of trauma and persecution, whereas some refugees may have experienced persecutions related to their freedoms to practice religion rather than wars or forced relocations. Thus, most immigrants and refugees have common barriers to their career development that can be addressed through career counseling. Among these barriers is lack of knowledge about career options, processes of obtaining and maintaining a job, cultural norms with regard to work, developing work-related cultural competencies, balancing work and education, and balancing work and family life.

Dealing With a Career Transition

Most immigrants and refugees have had experiences of developing and maintaining career in their home country environments. These career back- grounds are essential to understanding the current career functioning, expec- tations, and possible trajectories of recent immigrants and refugees. Many individuals, especially those entering the United States for the purposes of employment, may have struggled with underemployment or unemployment in their own countries. Refugees are relocating from home environment where often their systems of social and employment possibilities were severely disrupted by wars or political turmoil (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Segal & Mayadas, 2005). Immigrant and refugee individuals from the former USSR

Table 1 (continued)

Factors Specific Considerations

Length since migration Length of time in the host culture Work-specific skills Occupation prior to relocation

Time management Assertiveness and directness in communicating with others Ability to multitask Knowledge and comfort in use of technologies Dual-parent work skills Interviewing and resume-writing experiences Understanding work laws, regulations, and responsibilities

Note: List of factors and considerations is not comprehensive.

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may have been guaranteed a job yet experienced it as bureaucratic, static, and unsatisfying (Yakushko, 2007). These individuals may be both passive and skeptical about the process of career development in the United States, yet on the other hand, they may also hold great expectations for a career that could bring them tremendous financial and personal resources. Recent immi- grants and refugees who seek help with their career development will be in the process of a career transition that will be influenced by these prior expe- riences as well as by their postmigration circumstances. Career counseling with immigrant and refugee clients can seek to emphasize the phases of making a career transition, such as immobilization/shock, minimization of change, self-doubt, letting go of negative appraisals, testing new options, search for meaning, and integration/renewal (Abrego & Brammer, 1992). Helping clients establish a plan for dealing with various phases of their transition can facilitate a more positive adjustment to a new world of work.

Building Knowledge About Career Options

Many recent immigrants and refugees will be unaware of career options available to them. Through social services and informal networks of other immigrants, they may hear about jobs that typically employ recent immigrants. These jobs concentrate in manufacturing, agriculture, and low-skills service provision. Such occupational venues are especially open for recent immigrants and refugees because of their lack of language skills and often other job skills; these work settings also are characterized by low wages and high turnover. Although getting a job that pays will be a necessity for a vast majority of recent immigrants and refugees, many of them view these early employment possi- bilities as temporary work solutions and desire development of their own career dreams. Similar to how the children and adolescents who are born in the United States face barriers in their career development from lack of adequate information, so too do recent immigrant and refugee adults. Lack of knowl- edge may result in low self-efficacy and low outcome expectation. It may indeed be one of the biggest barriers to career development of individuals within this group. Thus, career counselors can use individual and family ses- sions as well as workshops and presentations to disseminate information about career paths and career requirements in the United States.

For those immigrants and refugees who enter the United States with previous career experiences, it may be important to obtain necessary infor- mation on how to receive recertification. For example, a refugee doctor or a

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refugee teacher may need to understand the requirements placed by the licensing boards governing these occupations. Career counselors must see themselves as key partners in helping gain and explain information to their immigrant and refugee clients.

Discussing How to Obtain and Maintain a Job

This component can help immigrants and refugees to learn about where to obtain information about available jobs, how to prepare and deliver a job application, how to interview for positions, and how to follow-up their job interviews. This intervention cannot be underestimated. Immigrants and refugees may have come from environments where jobs were assigned or gained through indirect means, such as family connections rather than having obtained through the typical U.S. method of searching and interviewing for the position (Bemak & Chung, 2002; Yakushko, 2007). Helping an immigrant and refugee client to develop a repertoire of job-searching behaviors as well as to gain an understanding of the interviewing strategies might be essential to their ability to gain employment and develop in a career path.

Exploring Cultural Norms About Work

Career counselors can begin the counseling process by asking the client to describe the world of work in their home countries as well as their personal career development journeys prior to relocation (Yakushko, 2006). To make such conversations more vivid and meaningful, and in light of the fact that it will be difficult for a counselor and the client to communicate about vastly different cultural experiences, immigrant and refugee clients can be asked to bring objects or pictures that represent their stories. In presenting informa- tion or providing interventions with immigrants and refugees, the counselor can inquire about how certain processes, such as a job search, occur in the client’s home country. Paying attention to such aspects of work culture as multitasking and time management practices may be especially significant.

People who have recently moved to a foreign culture may also not be familiar with the common structures of the job market in the United States (Segal & Mayadas, 2005). Inviting immigrants and refugees to watch movies or television programs that can show how organizational systems work within the United States can help them become more familiar with differences between job environments in their home cultures and the host culture. Using films can also help counselors and their clients focus on specific distinctions

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between work environments in different cultures. For example, Lost Boys of Sudan, a documentary about African refugee adolescents, has a focus on the role and culture of work in the United States. Another example is the musi- cal Working, which is based on interviews with people across many different occupations in the United States, such as a restaurant waiting staff, a truck driver, and a builder.

In addition to having clients describe the world of work in their home countries, career counselors can provide valuable psychoeducational oppor- tunities and information about the world of work in the United States. For example, the counselor could engage the client in role playing communica- tion interactions common in the U.S. work environment. During this process, the client and counselor can collaboratively work toward resolving some of the differences between the client’s previous culture of work and work practices in the United States. These types of psychoeducational opportuni- ties can provide the client with awareness and skills that they can use to make informed decisions about how to navigate the world of work in the United States.

Developing Work-Related Intercultural Competence

Counselors can assess their clients for a sense of resilience in a new work culture, their insight or understanding of themselves and the U.S. world of work, as well as their sense of identity or career goals. Acculturation and intercultural competence may be another important factor in their career development. Counselors may inquire about the ease their immigrant or refugee clients feel in understanding and functioning in their new work environment. For example, counselors can ask about their clients’ typical day at work and encourage the clients to highlight typical situations that appear puzzling or confusing to their clients. Moreover, counselors can ask their clients to con- trast their daily experiences of work situations in their home environment in comparison with their new experiences. These assessments can aid the coun- selors in gaining a picture of their clients’ intercultural functioning, includ- ing clients’ strengths and limitations. Specific attention can also be given to immigrants’ and refugees’ patterns of language acquisition and interaction with U.S.-born individuals. While supporting their clients’ cultural norms, traditions, and community connections, counselors can also provide clients with information on how to build their intercultural competence through immersion in host community’s cultural opportunities, especially those that are free and require a low fee.

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Discussing Opportunities for Work and Education

Building intercultural competence may be especially difficult for recent immigrants and refugees who experience financial pressure to work many hours in environments that are typically stressful and even physically danger- ous (Yakushko, 2008b). Many immigrants and refugees may feel that they are unable to pursue the aforementioned free and low-fee opportunities for edu- cation. For many, their need for work will conflict with their desire for further education (Yakushko, 2008b). Career counselors can focus on empowering their immigrant and refugee clients to find time and resources for educational opportunities that have less conflict with clients’ job schedules. Obtaining education may be one of the only ways for recent immigrants and refugees to develop their career dreams. These educational opportunities can provide them with certificates and eligibilities to be employed in certain occupations, and receiving English language instruction in formal ways is necessary for immigrants and refugees to gain basic proficiency required by vast majority of employers. Many communities around the United States provide such opportunities. Career counselors must familiarize themselves with services and trainings through English literacy councils, GED preparation and train- ing settings, community colleges, technical schools, faith-based initiatives, and social service agencies. In addition to providing this information, career counselors can explore with their immigrant and refugee clients specific strategies for balancing their work demands and educational needs. For example, career counselors may help their clients advocate for themselves with their employers for release time to attend classes and trainings.

Balancing Work and Family Life

Typical immigrant and refugee family includes far greater number of children than typical U.S.-born family (Schmidley, 2001). Family demands may be considerable for recent immigrants and refugees who will also be unfamiliar with child care opportunities (Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). In addition, typical familial and community structures that were present in immigrant and refugee individuals’ home countries (e.g., grandparents, extended families, neighbors) are likely to be severely disrupted by the relo- cation. Thus, career counselors who work with immigrant and refugee indi- viduals with children must also discuss ways that immigrant families can obtain help with their child care needs. For example, clients may be encouraged to discuss family policies with their employers as well as to seek out available resources in their new communities.

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Attending to Individual and Systemic Facilitators and Barriers of Work and Career Goals

As stated earlier, career interventions with immigrant and refugee clients can include a direct exploration of the facilitators and barriers to their success in the world of work (Yakushko, 2006). Highlighting the clients’ strengths and resources as well as brainstorming ideas for dealing with existing diffi- culties in the career development processes can provide clients with tangible ideas and solutions. Clients may benefit from assessment of their skills, interests, and values. Special attention can be paid to those skills, interests, and values that may be unique because of the clients’ immigrant background. For example, exploration may focus on a client’s growing bilingual abilities or bicultural resourcefulness that can become beneficial in her or his career pursuits.

Clients’ career development may also be hindered by factors such as lack of access to transportation. Other limitations may be based on immigrants’ and refugees’ health status or abilities. For example, refugees from areas affected by war may have suffered traumatic injuries (Prendes-Lintel, 2001). Attending to such barriers may be essential in helping address clients’ access to available jobs as well as their efficacy with regard to career development.

Additionally, counselors may also discuss the impact of current climate of prejudice toward immigrants and refugees in their career development (Yakushko, 2008a). For instance, foreign accents may be seen by employers as a barrier to their employment opportunities. Counselors may work with clients to help them recognize when others are judging them based on their accent or national origin and brainstorm ways to address this prejudice in work environ- ments. Career counselors can also help immigrant/refugee clients reframe “hav- ing an accent” as a positive indication of flexibility, teachability, courage, and innate intelligence. Immigrants and refugees learning a new language late in life are taking on a daunting task, and career counselors can help them turn the embarrassment of an accent into a continual reminder of the integrity of their life journey and as something of which they can be justly proud.

Developing Competencies in Working With Immigrants and Refugees

In addition to specific strategies for working with recent immigrants and refugees, it may be important for counselors to examine their competencies in working with this diverse population. Although many counselors have

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been exposed to information about racism and its impact on individuals, most have not received training on how to work specifically with those who have recently migrated. Specifically, many counselors may hold assumptions about immigrants or foreign countries. They may also tend to work individ- ually rather than using a team approach, which has been shown to be more successful with this group (Prendes-Lintel, 2001). Last, they may be unfa- miliar with the practical and ethical aspects of involving a language interpreter in their work.

Challenging Personal Assumptions

Career counseling has been transformed by multiculturalism and attention to issues of diversity (Sue & Sue, 1999). Guidelines for multiculturally com- petent practice have been influential in aiding counselors from the dominant cultural backgrounds address their awareness, knowledge, and skills in work- ing with individuals and communities marginalized within the U.S. society (Sue, Aredondo, & McDavis, 1992). Although majority of the immigrants are racial minorities in the United States, and will experience racism (Sue, 2003), counselors may pay less attention to their immigrant clients’ status as foreign- ers. Specifically, ethnocentric and xenophobic attitudes may be unexamined by career counseling practitioners and scholars (Yakushko, 2007). A general cul- tural belief that the United States is the greatest nation in the world permeates nearly all aspects of society in the United States and is reflected in the nearly complete absence of international career counseling information in the U.S. career counseling training programs. For example, an assumption that seems prevalent is U.S. concern regarding gender relations within the world of work outside the United States (Yakushko, 2006). Many socialist and Soviet-block countries (e.g., the former Soviet Union, Eastern European countries, the Republic of China, Cuba) were committed to greater gender equality with regard to women’s education and employment (Yakushko, 2007). Another example is lack of awareness of educational opportunities around the world and the typical educational status of immigrants and refugees in the United States. For instance, counselors may not be aware that African immigrants have highest rate of high school completion (94.7%) in comparison with all other immigrant groups, including Europeans, Asians, and Latin American immigrants (Schmidley, 2001). It is paramount that career counselors working with immigrant and refugee individuals enter their work with a healthy skepti- cism regarding traditional cross-cultural assumptions and ready to realize that their knowledge of immigrant individuals’ experiences may be inaccurate.

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Career counselors who work with immigrants and refugees must become aware of their assumptions about immigrant and refugee host communities and actively explore with their clients the types of work opportunities that were available to them prior to relocation. As stated earlier, immigrants and refugees can be especially disappointed with occupational limitations set on them by xenophobic restrictions, such as the availability of only domestic ser- vices or dead-end jobs (Foner, 2001; Segal & Mayadas, 2005; Yakushko, 2006). Immigrant families accustomed to either the dual incomes supporting their livelihood or the family and community support may face difficulties in countries such as the United States because of a lack of structural support for both men and women’s full participation in the workforce, such as inadequate child care. A career counselor who unquestioningly accepts ethnocentric notions that other countries have it worse than people in the United States may provide damaging and unethical services to immigrant and refugee clients.

Stereotypes, ethnocentric attitudes, and reliance on one’s own cultural understanding are difficult to change because they provide a structure for the expectations of how others in foreign countries act and behave. Approaching a session with a beginner’s mind can communicate to immigrant and refugee clients that their career counselor is open to learning about and respecting both their culture and their unique position within that culture as well as facilitating the establishment of alliance (Heppner & Heppner, 2003).

Using a Team Approach to Treatment

Including other service providers in working with recent immigrants and refugees may be especially significant. In her review of a model of working with recent refugees, Prendes-Lintel (2001) highlights that refugees as well as many immigrants may have experienced extensive traumatization that resulted in physical, emotional, and social impairment. Thus, career coun- selors may wish to regard their work with this population from a team approach that uses a collaborative effort to help clients adjust and succeed in their new work environments. For example, career counselors can familiar- ize themselves with the work of local refugee relocation centers, multicul- tural behavioral health centers, cultural centers, churches, literacy programs, and employment agencies.

Using Interpreters or Working With Linguistic Limitations

One of the unique aspects of working with immigrant and refugee clients is the potential use of interpreters. Establishing rapport with the client when

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another person is present in the counseling room is likely to be complex. Complications arise when the client has concerns about the anonymity of the counseling process based on fears that an interpreter is likely to interact with the client’s ongoing ethnic community (Pernice, 1994; Yakushko, 2007). Moreover, working through an interpreter requires a specific set of skills from a counselor, which is not typically acquired during her or his training. For example, decisions about whether the interpreter uses first or third person language, as well as the office arrangement for client and the interpreter, timing and accuracy of interpretation must be attended by the counselors.

Unfamiliarity With the Helping Process

Immigrant and refugee clients may be unfamiliar with the U.S. concept of confidentiality with psychological professionals, or may mistrust the concept even when it is understood. Ishisaka, Nguyen, and Okimoto (1985) found that some of their Indochinese clients had to be taught about confidentiality and its use in health settings. Those immigrant and refugee clients who left politically repressive home environments can understandably be suspicious about the limits of confidentiality and this suspicion will often be heightened by the presence of an interpreter. For example, clients may fear that if they share about their disappointment or experiences of discrimination in the workplace, their statements may be reported back to their employers or shared with government officials. In addition to lack of knowledge about the confidentiality and privilege, immigrant and refugee clients may hold assumptions about seeking counseling, such as counseling is only for crazy and weak people. Last, in many cultures, seeking help outside the bounds of one’s family of origin is considered inappropriate. Career counselors must attend to these and other assumptions about the helping process and address these early on in their work.

A career counselor who is mindful of the immigrant/refugee client’s needs to learn and trust the process of career counseling can focus on creating a positive safe environment. Counselors can explicitly state to their clients that they are willing to talk about every situation their clients experience, however baffling or dehumanizing. Additionally, counselors can highlight for their clients that it is acceptable and, in fact, helpful for their immigrant and refugee clients to share their negative perceptions about their host environment and that the counselors will not be offended by such critiques. Strategies that can help create such an atmosphere include, for example, asking the client to teach the counselor a few words in his or her language, such as hello, thank

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you, yes/no, and good bye. Those who frequently work with immigrants and refugees can choose to keep an atlas or a globe in their office and ask their clients to describe where they came from or tell their story of migration. Following the immigrant/refugee client’s lead in the etiquette of communi- cation can be another way the counselor can show concern and respect (Sue & Sue, 1999). For example, giving the client a choice of how and where to sit in your office or accepting gifts for your time and assistance can communicate respect for cultural norms. Last, acknowledging to immigrants and refugees that you want to have a better understanding of them and their culture can help create a culturally and personally affirming therapeutic space.

Creating Workshops and Structured Groups

For the majority of people around the world, individual counseling is truly a foreign worldview concept (Sue & Sue, 1999). Using structured workshops and groups can be more acceptable to immigrants and refugees than attending individual sessions. Structured workshops can be arranged with community organizations that serve immigrants locally. Workshops can focus on issues that broadly influence their lives in general—jobs, education, language, rela- tionships, and mental and physical health. For example, Aggarwal (1990) described about English as a second language classes, which focused specifi- cally on language skills necessary for employment. Review of the recent Census data suggested that indeed English language proficiency was directly related to the earning potential of recent immigrants and refugees (Dávila & Mora, 2004). Chronister (2006) developed a career intervention program for Mexican immigrant women, which was conducted through a domestic violence shelter. In addition to career-related information, workshops and groups can provide immigrant and refugees with needed support from other immigrants and refugees, a space for networking and exchanging of ideas, and accessing helpful advice about how to navigate a new world of work. Career counselors involved in the creation of such workshops can develop professional relation- ships with organizations and individuals who provide services to immigrants and refugees in their communities.

Developing a Global Perspective

U.S. psychology training in general and career training in particular have historically been undertaken in rather remarkable isolation from the rest of the world. Graduate and professional training programs have given minimal

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attention to having students learn about international perspectives on mental health or career counseling processes. This trend appears to be changing based on the increase in articles that focus on cross-cultural applications of career psychology or on describing career counseling services around the world. International English-language scholarly publications such as the International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance and the International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling or career journals published in Australia and Great Britain (e.g., British Journal of Guidance and Counselling and the Australian Journal of Career Development) are now available in a number of U.S. libraries. Journals in the United States that are focused on career and vocational counseling have also increased the number of articles that include an international focus (see Flores et al., 2003). Although the majority of these international publications focus only on portions of the entire world, such as on the developed countries of Southeast Asia, Australia, and Western Europe, they nevertheless provide a picture of how international career counseling processes can and do differ from U.S.-based practices.

Openness to other cultures is stimulated by a general commitment to understanding and challenging ethnocentrism in one’s own life and career counseling work. Watching foreign films, attending international community events, volunteering in local organizations that support immigrants, reading foreign literature, and traveling abroad can all provide career counselors with opportunities to step outside the U.S.-centered worldviews of life and work. The Internet with its world wide web can be an extraordinary resource for helping counselors obtain specific information about other countries, peoples, and cultures.

Not unlike the immigrant and refugee clients, counselor efficacy and out- come expectations can be affected by the aforementioned facilitators and barriers of developing competencies in working with this population. Career counselors must examine these facilitators and barriers as they increase their skills in working with immigrant and refugee clients. Personal exploration, continued training, consultation, and supervision can aid career counselors in their development as competent helpers for those immigrants and refugees who may seek their assistance.

Conclusion

The United States will continue to be a nation of immigrants and refugees, and the number of those who migrate to this country is predicted to grow

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(Marsella & Ring, 2003). The workforce in the United States is believed to become even more reliant on immigrant workforce in the future. Among primary reasons for relocation for many recent immigrants and refugees is their search for adequate employment as well as an opportunity to develop a career path that facilitates their personal growth and provides stable support for their families (Shinnar, 2007; Yakushko, 2006).

The career concerns of immigrants and refugees must be considered within larger systems, such as families, cultural communities, and the receiv- ing communities. This article focuses primarily on the functioning of indi- viduals themselves rather on these other contextual systems that undoubtedly influence their career development. Further theoretical and empirical work can focus on examining the systemic factors in the career functioning of immigrants as individuals, families, and communities.

This article provides a theoretical review of possible influences on the career development of recent immigrants and refugees. Empirical career- focused research with this population is necessary for expanding the knowl- edge and improving the tools in working with these individuals and communities. SCCT can be further tested and refined in its applications to the immigrant and refugee individuals. Scholars may examine what inter- ventions and under what conditions and in which contexts these interven- tions are successful in addressing the needs of the immigrant and refugee clients and communities.

It is also vital that such research is built on emancipatory, communitarian approach that critically addresses issues of power, oppression, and privi- lege (Blustein et al., 2005). For example, higher levels of critical conscious- ness in relation to the structure of career opportunities in the United States are related to higher vocational identity achievement among urban adoles- cents in the United States (Diemer & Blustein, 2006). Scholars, practitioners, and advocates for immigrant communities can explore whether intentional consciousness arising through the career counseling process with this group can aid them in more positive career development processes in the United States.

Career scholarship and practice in psychology have been rooted in the commitment to social justice, to providing adequate and fulfilling employ- ment to those who are not assured access to positive work environments (Swanson & Gore, 2000). Yet again, career counseling can become a liberat- ing tool for recent immigrants and refugees who can also experience the personal satisfaction of developing their career paths and reaching their career dreams.

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Oksana Yakushko, PhD, is an assistant professor of counseling psychology in the Department of Educational Psychology at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Her scholarly work focuses on immigration and immigrant adjustment, career counseling and development, gender issues, and cross-cultural work. She enjoys hiking with her family, exploring new places, dancing Flamenco, and running.

Autumn Backhaus is a doctoral candidate in the counseling psychology program at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. She received her master’s degree in clinical psychology from Emporia State University, Kansas. Her research interests include issues related to social

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class, socioeconomic status, and classism as well as various topics in the area of psychology and public policy. She spends her free time reading, traveling, and spending time with family and friends.

Megan Watson is a doctoral candidate in the counseling psychology program at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. She received her master’s degree in forensic psychology from the University of Denver. Her research interests include issues related to trauma, vic- timization, feminist identity, and immigrant/refugee mental health. Main areas of interest include domestic violence and government sponsored torture. She spends her free time read- ing, gardening, and enjoying family and friends.

Katherine Ngaruiya received most of her K-12 schooling in Nairobi, Kenya, where she lived for about 8 years of her life. She received her masters in counseling psychology at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Currently, she works as a counselor at Centerpointe a Dual Diagnosis center for individuals dealing with mental health and substance use issues. Her research interests center around the immigration/emigration process, women and domestic violence, and unique barriers faced by individuals struggling with substance use problems and/or mental health issues. She also enjoys biking and reading.

Jaime Gonzalez is a fourth-year doctoral candidate in the counseling psychology program at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. He is originally from Los Angeles, California, and received his BA in psychology and MS in clinical/counseling psychology from the California State University San Bernardino. In 2004, Jaime received the prestigious APA Minority Fellowship Program fellowship. Under the supervision of his mentor Dr. Michael J. Scheel, Jaime has used this fellowship to advance his research skills and has investigated topics such as the concept of hope in psychotherapy and motivators for academically at-risk youth. Jaime and his wife Maria enjoy the outdoors.

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