6-8 page research paper base on the topic and the abstract

WOMEN'S STATUS IN SOUTH KOREA Tradition and Change

Marian Lief Palley

The Republic of Korea (ROK) has experienced very rapid industrial growth and economic modernization since the end of the Korean War. Although the society's material change has been substantial, behavioral adjustments to the economic developments have occurred slowly and have sometimes been justified by tradition. Thus, inequities in women's opportunities are maintained through an elaborate system of role relationships that are rooted in and rationalized by Confucian customs; they are socially mandated and often legally condoned. However, despite the cultural limits on behavioral change, a women's rights movement has developed in the ROK over the past several years, and it is addressing issues of equity and worker exploitation-two universal concerns of mod- ernized societies. The interaction of tradition with the calls for change issued by this women's rights movement is the focus of this study.

General Perspectives Industrial Development and Change in Women's Expectations

Many nations have industrialized and modernized their economies in the post-World War 2 era. Much attention has been focused on this develop- ment in Asia, since countries such as Japan and the "Four Tigers" (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore), to name just a few, have been very successful in their efforts to compete in world markets with the more established industrial giants of Western Europe and North America.

Marian Lief Palley is Professor of Political Science, University of Delaware. The research for this article was conducted during summer 1988 when the author was a Fulbright Scholar at the Ewha Women's University, Seoul, Korea. An earlier version of the paper was presented at the American Political Science Association Convention, Washington, D.C., September 1, 1988.

? 1990 by The Regents of the University of California

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1 137

However, even though a nation's productive capacity may become mod- ernized, it does not necessarily follow that its social and political values, which have evolved through the centuries, will be completely supplanted. The ROK is a nation that has industrialized and economically modernized a substantial portion of its productive capacity in the past two decades. Yet, despite its rapid transition into becoming a modem industrial society, there are cultural and social values that are sometimes used to justify so- cial institutions and expectations that arose in earlier eras. Put in some- what different terms, culture can be described in terms of its material and behavioral components. While the material culture in South Korea has modernized and been affected by Western influences, its behavioral culture maintains and embraces some Confucian traditions, and it is slow to change.' Part of this behavioral culture is reflected in the inequities in women's roles.2

Modernization3 and industrialization have led to improved educational opportunities for many ROK women. Accordingly, employment options have changed, and if women do not share the same job alternatives as men, they do have more work-place opportunities than they had ten years ago. Professionally trained and other upper-class women seek adjustments in the status of women through political action-mostly using the parliamen- tary process but not shunning altogether protest tactics. Women's polit- ical activity increasingly attempts to place issues on the national public policy agenda that had previously been deemed private and thus inappro- priate for public scrutiny. Questions relating to family and work roles for women are now raised in public debate, and policy makers are pressed to

1. Koh Yong-bok, "Traditionalism and De-Traditionalism," in Korean Society, Chun Shin-yong, ed. (Seoul, Korea: The Si-sa-yong-o-sa Publishers, 1982), p. 137; Chung Chai-Sik, "Confucian Tradition and Values: Implications for Conflict in Modern Korea," in Religions in Korea, Earl H. Phillips and Yu Eiu-Young, eds. (Los Angeles: California State University, Center for Korean-American and Korean Studies, 1982), pp. 99-116; Norman Jacobs, The Korean Road to Modernization and Development (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1985), ch. 1.

2. Confucianism also establishes role relationships for men. Moreover, behavioral roles are in place for many types of relations and situations. Women are not alone in being con- fined in their behavior by established rules. However, limits that are placed on women are often justified by invoking traditional practices of Confucianism, and it is these role relation- ships and behavioral expectations as well as the contemporary response that are being ex- amined in this research.

3. "Modernization" is being defined "as the introduction of novel means in order to im- prove society's performance, but with the aim that those changes not challenge, and in fact reinforce, certain cherished goals and organizational procedures." The stimulus for change may come from either internal or external sources, and in the case of most Asian nations it has been derived directly or indirectly from the United States or Western Europe, and is usually referred to as "Westernization." Jacobs, The Korean Road, p. 6.

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1 138 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990

make decisions on these issues. There has been "a process of . . . depriva- tization of female roles [which] coincides with a growing number of wo- men perceiving themselves to have a greater stake in altering existing arrangements of public roles."4 As this has occurred, numerous women's organizations have developed in order to foster the political participation by and on behalf of women.

During the 1980s, political turmoil was nearly a daily occurrence in South Korea. Demands for democratization, reunification with North Korea, and human rights reforms were the three pillars of discontent that articulated and fueled the country's ongoing strikes, protests, and demon- strations. Much of the underlying cause of political opposition, however, seems to have been rooted in discomfort with some of the consequences of ROK's rapid industrialization and modernization.

Women participate in the social movements, which issue these calls for change, but they do not hold leadership positions. Neo-Marxist rhetoric sometimes colors the discourse, and when the women in these campaigns for social and political change discuss women's issues, this rhetoric tends to carry over. However, usually women-specific issues are buried within the broader concerns of these social movements. Other politically active women not involved with the social movements are more specifically con- nected with women's volunteer organizations, which perform community services, provide leisure time activities, or offer professional associations that reinforce occupational status. During the past decade many of these groups have also begun to address issues of sexual inequality. The vast majority of Korean women, however-just as most men and women in all nations-have no involvement with any organization that is concerned with changing society in any way.

The history and role of women in Korean society have been studied,5 but women's organizations and their role in effecting changes in female expectations and attitudes by and toward women have not yet been consid- ered seriously by observers of Korean politics. This study will look at traditional women's roles in South Korea, consider the groups involved in the contemporary women's movement, and see how they try to redress

4. Joni Lovenduske and Jill Hills, "Introduction," The Politics of the Second Electorate (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981), p. 3.

5. Recent literature in English includes: Kim Ynug-Chung, Women of Korea (Seoul: Ewha Women's University Press, 1976); Hyoung Cho, "Household Economy and Gender Division of Labor in Korea" (mimeograph, Seoul, 1988); Pil-wha Chang-Mitchell, Women and Work: A Case Study of a Small Town in the Republic of Korea (Sussex, U.K.: University of Sussex, thesis, 1988). Also see collections of articles in Challenges for Women, Chung Sei- wha, ed. (Seoul: Ewha Women's University Press, 1986) and; Women Studies Forum: 1985, 1986, 1987 (Seoul: Korean Women's Development Institute).

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1 139

seemingly entrenched and tradition-bound, sex-role relationships. Many socially conscious Korean women perceive that they have not yet achieved equal status with Korean men. They believe that if there is to be any change in this relationship then a leadership must be in place to help facili- tate an expanded awareness among women regarding their situation; to alter male attitudes about women and their appropriate roles in the family and in society and; to help shape the nation's policy agenda. Such a lead- ership group has developed in the ROK, and an awareness of the need for these changes is beginning to occur. A cadre of women that is engaged in fostering some attitude changes can be found in the numerous women's organizations that exist in South Korea. Ultimately, these women will have to mobilize a large enough following of active members and other supporters who are willing to contribute time, energy, money, and other resources to their efforts to produce greater gender equality in ROK soci- ety.

To discern the role of women's organizations as they attempt to alter women's status in ROK Korean society, it was necessary to look at the position of women in Korea and understand the cultural constraints under which women and their organizations operate. Next, women activists were interviewed for their views on the changing conditions that influence the status of women in their society.

These interviews took place from June through August 1988 with wo- men who held leadership positions in 16 women's groups (there are over 40 women's organizations that have some relationship-sometimes tan- gential-with the women's movement in South Korea. In order to sketch out the scope of sex-role relationships and the relative position of women in Korean society, ten women professors of sociology, political science, and women's studies were also interviewed. In addition, one of the women who now serves in the House of Delegates, two women who served in the House of Delegates prior to this most recent election, and several people in leadership positions at the Korean Women's Development Institute were interviewed.

At the outset of this research, a reputational approach was utilized to draw the sample. Several faculty members from the Women's Research Institute at Ewha Women's University suggested the names of leaders in women's rights groups. Interviews were scheduled with these people. At each of these meetings the interviewee was asked for other women's names who were thought to be appropriate for this study. In other words, people provided the names of women who were perceived to be influential in the women's movement. Appointments were then made with any women whose name was mentioned at least twice in this context. The respondents were asked questions that addressed attitudes, organizational develop-

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1140 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990 ment, and changing sex roles in "the New Korea" as well as political strat- egy and tactics.

Women in Korea: A Cultural Perspective An understanding of Korean culture and society is not possible without comprehending the nature and role of Confucian thought-it would be like trying to grasp the nature of American development without sensing the significance of liberalism, the Protestant ethic, or the frontier. While Americans are concerned foremost with freedom and individualism, Kore- ans, steeped as they are in a Confucian moral code, are more deeply con- cerned with relationships. Therefore, to understand the role of women's rights organizations and their leaders as they try to alter women's status in Korean society, it is useful to bear in mind some of the basic assumptions of Confucianism that are often used to justify women's unequal roles.

"In traditional Korean society, women have long been in a disadvan- taged position."6 Korean social structure consisted of a royal monarch, strong class consciousness, and a patriarchically dominated, extended fam- ily system that emphasized the maintenance of family lines. This structure tended to maintain separate and unequal roles for women from those of men.7 In large measure this separation is rooted in Confucianism. One of the tenets of Confucianism requires three obediences of women: to the father when young; to the husband when married; and to the son in old age.

Confucian thought is sometimes applied and appreciated unevenly, i.e., some portions of the code are upheld while others are observed in the breach. Thus, it should not be too surprising that sometimes the code is used to justify a separate and unequal role for women. Despite centuries of inequality between the sexes and the inferior position of women in tradi- tional Korean society, industrialization and modernization have wrought some changes in female lives. But, a gap exists between industrial develop- ment and cultural response or, in other terms, material and behavioral culture. Kim Chong Ui wrote in Korean Women Today, a publication of the Korean Women's Development Institute, (a government agency) that "because of the wrong socialization process in our society which has con- tinued for too long, not only men but also women themselves tend to rec- ognize the inferiority of women, at least unconsciously. This is what remains as the major obstacle to achieving equality between men and wo-

6. Korean Women's Development Institute, Status of Women in the Republic of Korea (Seoul, 1985), p. 7.

7. Ibid.

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1141 men."8 Women do work outside of the home today. Yet, they have no expectation that men will assist them in their home and child-care respon- sibilities. As in many other countries, there are almost no public programs to assist the working mother, and very few private employers provide sup- ports that could facilitate the dual roles of women as mother/wife and worker.

Women are employed in light industry, agriculture, and some of the professions, especially teaching. Opportunities for professional mobility are very limited, and on average in 1988 women earned approximately 45% that of men. It has been estimated that over 70% of the workers in the poorly paid garment/textile, toy, and electronics factories that manu- facture goods for export are women.

Women's suffrage was included in the 1948 Constitution. Article 8 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea states that all citizens are equal before the law and that there shall not be discrimination in political, eco- nomic, social, or culture life on account of sex, religion, or social status. Often the reality is at variance with the American-influenced Constitution. At the present time, there are no cabinet ministers who are women, and only six women serve in the National Assembly, which has 299 members. And despite the language of equality that was incorporated into the Con- stitution, the ROK has only recently (effective January 1, 1991) modified a Family Law, which had included legal provisions that placed women in a disadvantaged position vis-A-vis men.

The influence of the United States in drafting the ROK Constitution is clear, particularly in the article that addresses equality. This language re- flects a diffusion of rhetoric from the American to the Korean experience, although there was no initial comparable diffusion of cultural beliefs and attitudes. Thus, the ROK has had a constitution and a family law that were at variance with one another with the latter reflecting the reality of life in Korea more than the former. However, the Constitution provides an ideological baseline that some people, e.g., members of reformist wo- men's groups, strive to reach.

The Contemporary Women's Movement The vocabulary of the Korean women's movement needs to be understood. There are presently two types of women's organizations that seek im- proved conditions for women in Korea. They are usually identified by women activists as either "radical" or "reformist" in orientation. These terms must be understood in the context of the women's movement in

8. Kim Chong Ui, "On Male Chauvinistic Cultural Attitudes," Korean Women Today (Seoul, Spring 1988), p. 4.

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1142 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990

Korea and should not be confused with American usage of these con- structs.

Radical women's groups in Korea are identified with broader human rights issues, such as the torturing of prisoners, democratization of the political system, and with the reunification with North Korea. These concerns sometimes precede radical women's groups' identification with women-specific issues. It can be argued that opposing torture, indefinite detention, and advocating for the democratization of the political system are hardly "radical" in a society where there has been repression. Also, the use of unconventional tactics such as strikes and demonstrations do not qualify as "radical" methods to many. Moreover, it is possible that the violence associated with the strikes and demonstrations has been as much a function of government response to the demonstrations as it has been the conscious tactical choice of the demonstrators.

When the term "radical" is used to describe women's groups it does not mean support for radical changes in women's role and status. The term is sometimes used interchangeably with support for human rights reforms. At times the rhetoric used by members of these groups is very harsh within the context of Korean society and the language is often neo-Marxist and out of touch with the political mainstream of society. "Today, neo-Marx- ism and nationalism go together," many radical women proclaim. Although there is widespread opposition to the oppression of recent Ko- rean regimes, it is important to remember that most Koreans are not prone to support neo-Marxist movements. These groups at times employ tradi- tional lobbying methods but they also join in demonstrations and strikes that sometimes become violent. They supported the Party for Peace and Democracy in the last election and consequently are now identified as anti- government. Put in somewhat different terms, the radical women's groups do not necessarily support radical shifts in women's roles although they do tend to support political change in society, which their leaders believe will eliminate the restrictions on individual freedom that they see in Korea. The tactics that they are willing to use are nonconventional, i.e., strikes, marches, demonstrations, etc., as well as traditional and conventional modes of participation.

The reformist groups-which women activists refer to as "traditional" or "mainstream" organizations-appear, in contrast to the radical groups, to be moderate to conservative in bent-although many would be viewed as liberal in the American political context. That is, they work for change in women's role within the constraints of the existing society. They seem to be using concepts employed by groups that operate in the American women's movement-to be effective you must be perceived as legitimate; to be perceived as legitimate you must focus on incremental issues; also, it

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1143 is important to be involved in the definition of the problem; and, at the very early stages of the policy process, it is helpful to try to manipulate symbols favorable to your cause.9 Some of these groups have been very effective in bringing significant demands for changes in the position of wo- men in society to the attention of public policy makers and at times, these organizations have been credited with fostering real changes in the role of women in ROK society. Finally, unlike the radical groups, women in the mainstream organizations utilize only traditional lobbying techniques. They are involved in education, influencing decision makers, drafting legis- lation, etc. These groups tend to support the ruling party and are there- fore identified as progovernment.

The problems and concerns of South Korean women cannot be grouped into one neat aggregation. Rather, a five-fold classification of women and their backgrounds provides a more accurate picture.10 Farm women, working-class women, professional women, middle-class housewives, and poor women all have different problems and concerns. Policy priorities for these five groups of women are often quite different. Of course this situa- tion is true anywhere, and it is certainly the case in any complex or devel- oping society. It should be noted at the outset of this discussion of women's groups in the ROK that even though different cohorts of women have different needs and interests, most of the women's groups have middle-class leaders and tend to reflect the interests of middle-class wo- men.

Farm women are not concerned with the right to work-they work to survive. In agricultural societies all able-bodied people participate in pro- ductive endeavors. Korea is no exception, for it has a very labor-intensive agricultural sector, and as a result women are by necessity involved in most aspects of agricultural production. However, when heavy machinery is brought onto a farm, men operate the machinery. Working-class wo- men often work out of the home too, and their major concerns are work related, i.e., pay equity and improved working conditions. Some analysts have observed that South Korea's "economic miracle" was achieved in large measure as a result of female labor since women have been very heav- ily involved in some of the labor-intensive industries, such as the garment trades.

With ROK's modernization, there has been an improvement in educa- tion and professional training for women. However, professional women often cannot find employment positions at all or, if they do find jobs, these

9. Joyce Gelb and Marian Lief Palley, Women and Public Policies, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), ch. 1.

10. This classification was suggested by Lee Yong-Suk, cultural affairs officer, United States Information Agency, Seoul, Korea, July 6, 1988.

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1144 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990

often are not commensurate with their skills and training. These women want better job opportunities and fringe benefits. In the ROK today it is easier for women high school graduates to find employment than it is for women with university degrees. Less than one-half of women university graduates can hope to find employment out of the home. Yet, a survey conducted at the Ewha Women's University in 1987 showed that over 90% of the students wanted to work after completion of their education.

Professionally trained and educated women are concerned also with the provisions of the Family Law. Despite its modifications, the law still maintains a system of patrilineal family headship, defines relationship in a different manner for a woman's family than for a man's, and restricts mar- riage between people with the same name and place of origin-even if they are very distant relatives.

Middle-class housewives often need outlets for their physical and intel- lectual energies. These women are the mainstay of the voluntary sector in South Korea. Many leaders of the women's groups are educated middle- class homemakers. They are concerned with changing the provisions of the Family Law and with issues as far ranging as consumer protection, education for children, job training for poor women, and career opportuni- ties for women who wish to work outside their homes.

Finally, there are the poor women. These women require education, job training, social programs, and employment. Most often these women and their problems are defined as welfare concerns and are not included under the rubric of women's issues. The groups in the women's movement sel- dom address these concerns, although there are some traditional groups that maintain job-training programs for poor women.

The Groups in the Women's Movement Numerous organizations representing women's interests have emerged in the ROK in the past few years. There are in addition some groups that pre-date the current concerns with women's rights and can trace their ori- gins to the pre-World War 2 era and the immediate post-1945 period. However, prior to the mid-1980s, these groups were not particularly con- cerned with issues relating to women's rights and equality. Any effort to divide neatly the 40-plus women's organizations into two discrete clusters will have its limitations, but it is nonetheless useful to consider ROK wo- men9s groups in the terms used by women activists themselves. Thus, one talks of two separate sets of groups-the more established mainstream groups that tend to be reformist in perspective and the radical groups. Some of the reformist organizations are affiliated with the Council of Ko- rean Women's Organizations (CKWO), an umbrella organization that acts to foster coalition behavior among these otherwise separate groups. The

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1145 radical groups tend to be more recent entrants into the political process, being only three or four years old. These groups tend to affiliate with the Korean Women's Association United (KWAU), another umbrella organi- zation that works to foster group interaction and coalition building. As noted previously, among the women involved in the women's movement in Korea, the more established mainstream reformist groups are often re- ferred to as "traditional" organizations. In English this usage is a misno- mer since the women in these groups are working to change some traditions, in particular those that keep women in a subordinate position in relation to men.

The membership of the mainstream groups tends to be middle class. Its leadership is well educated and attended elite universities. The more radi- cal groups have very small memberships and the leaders of its groups are also middle class, well educated, and graduates of the same elite universi- ties as the reformist groups. Of the women who were interviewed for this study, all but two were graduates of the Ewha Women's University. Of the two exceptions, one was a graduate of Seoul National University, and one was a high school graduate who headed the Korean Women's Work- ers Association.

What often distinguished the leaders of the different types of groups was age. The leaders of the radical groups tend to be younger. Also, while the women in the reformist groups were usually willing to speak English, the radical-group women would only speak Korean. Since the women in both group cohorts were similar in their social and educational backgrounds, language choice seemed to be a symbolic statement. The reformist women were willing to accommodate to the linguistic limitations of the inter- viewer whereas the radical women seemed to be making a nationalist and anti-American statement with their unwillingness to use English and pref- erence to rely on an interpreter.

It would be impossible to discuss all of the groups associated with the women's movement in Korea separately in these pages. However, it is useful to consider a representative sample of organizations in the move- ment to gain an appreciation of the range of issue concerns and strategies employed by the different associations.

The Mainstream Organizations The mainstream groups tend to be mass membership groups. For exam- ple, the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), which was es- tablished in Korea in 1922, has 30,000 paid members, and in the course of any year over two million women participate in its programs. It has 31 chapters, all of which conduct programs for their regions. Local chapters of the YWCA are involved in various service projects that assist poor wo-

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1146 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990 men, and the YWCA has taken a strong position and developed a program emphasis relating to creative education, peace and unification, economic self-reliance, and environmental conservation. They regularly provide political support for women's issues, although the YWCA is traditionally a service organization. It is, however, often difficult to develop a unified po- sition for the YWCA since there are numerous local groups, and the mem- berships of these locals sometimes find it difficult to agree on single perspectives.

Members of the YWCA have been active politically. In recent years, the majority of women who have served in the National Assembly have been YWCA members. Also, members of the YWCA are active in other organizations. They talk with many people, meet with other groups, and speak with government officials. In the last House of Delegates, three wo- men were members of the YWCA, and in the present House of Delegates there is one member.

The Korean Center for Family Law, established in 1954 by Lee Tai Young, is seen by most women involved in the women's movement as one of the key organizations along with the YWCA. The Family Law Center has coordinated efforts to change the Family Law for the past 34 years. Its organizational leadership takes the position that central to women's role is the family and that there is a need to alter the Family Law. Originally the organization focused on women's affairs exclusively, but now it provides legal aid to all poor people. They are affiliated with the Korean National Council of Women (KNCW), and they work with KNCW when there is a need for coalition effort. Kwak Bae Hae, the supervisor of counseling at the center, did not think that coalition efforts were particularly successful when working to alter the Family Law. Although the Family Law Center is not affiliated with the KWAU, this has been raised as an issue since the center is involved with human rights activities, and the KWAU is also intimately involved with such activities.

Among the more established mainstream groups are also Business and Professional Women (BPW) and the Korean Association of University Women (KAUW) which, along with the YWCA, are affiliated with inter- national bodies. BPW is a small organization that attracts members who are married, professional women. As an organization it has supported re- form of the Family Law, which Kim Hyun Ja, a former president of BPW (and vice-president of the YWCA and former member of the National As- sembly), referred to as Korea's Equal Rights Amendment, as well as the Equal Opportunity Act. BPW usually can be counted on to support programmatic changes that will improve the status of women.

KAUW was founded in 1950 to "promote understanding and friendship among women, and to further educational development for university wo-

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1147

men." More recently they have expanded their concerns to include oppor- tunity building for all women. KAUW has 1,000 members who are organized into five chapters. The major issues with which the organization is concerned relate to equal job opportunities for women, especially wo- men college graduates who are often forced to stay at home because they cannot find suitable employment. The group tends to support most of the positions taken by the other traditional women's groups, including reform of the Family Law and implementation of the Equal Employment Act. However, members of KAUW identify their organization's main purpose as education. They are particularly concerned with educating the public and changing the education system itself. One of its primary concerns is reform of the college entrance system, which is based on an examination system. (In 1988, 200,000 out of 1,000,000 high school graduates entered college.)

In addition to these, there are professional organizations for nurses, hairdressers, and the like that are affiliated with the Council of Korean Women's Organizations that are concerned with the employment status of their members. But they too are involved with supporting changes that will improve the status of all Korean women. Finally, there are the two largest women's groups in Korea, the Korean National Mother's Associa- tion (KNMA) and the Korean Federation of Housewives' Clubs. The Mothers' organization, founded in 1958, has between 40,000 and 50,000 members and the Housewives' group, established in 1963, has a member- ship of 180,000 organized into 198 clubs. These latter two groups are seen as being at the most conservative and tradition-bound end of the women's groups' spectrum.

It is interesting that it was the KNMA that helped to spearhead the planned parenthood drive in the late 1950s, and along with the house- wives' group, they support changes in the Family Law, the Equal Employ- ment Opportunity Act, and on the need to equalize women's status in society with that of men. The stated main purposes of the Mother's Asso- ciation is to educate mothers about family planning and help women adapt to the changing society. The primary concerns of the Housewives' Federa- tion relate to support of the consumer movement and the fair evaluation of domestic labor. This latter programmatic perspective effects their position on divorce and the Family Law more generally. At present, women re- ceive in divorce settlements only what men want to provide to them. It is the contention of the Housewives' Federation's leadership that divorce set- tlements would be more equitable if domestic labor was defined as produc- tive labor.

The mainstream groups, with the exception of the YWCA, are affiliated with the Council of Women's Organizations, which was founded in 1959.

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1148 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990 It attempts to coordinate the coalition activities of the women's groups. However, by most accounts, coalition building has not been too successful.

As noted above, the mainstream groups are concerned with changing the provisions of the Family Law, equal employment opportunity and jobs, and consumer protection. In recent years reformist groups have lobbied for the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, which went into effect in April 1988. This legislation provides for equality for women in job placement, on-the-job training, promotions, retirement, and com- pensation for maternity and maternity leaves of up to one year for each child. The more radical groups have criticized the law and the main- stream reformist groups, which supported it, on the grounds that it has no mechanism for implementation. The mainstream groups' leaders respond that one must begin some place, and that the symbol of the law and what it means is very important. They contend that now that they have a law, albeit a minimalist one, they can work for tools to implement it.

Efforts to alter the Family Law have been far more difficult. The 1987 agreement by each of the political parties to consider changes in the Fam- ily Law was supported by all of the women's organizations, mainstream and radical. The amendment proposed by all of the women's organiza- tions would have eliminated the family headship system; abolished the prohibition of marriage between members of the same clan; altered child- custody arrangements so that a child would not automatically go to the father in cases of divorce; altered the inheritance system so that all surviv- ing members of the family of a deceased man would receive equal shares rather than the present system in which the eldest son receives a larger portion of the resources; and changed the rules for property division in divorce so that women could receive proper alimony and not be at the mercy of the ex-husband. When this proposal came before the National Assembly, 61 members signed a petition in support of the changes. But the Confucian elders launched a countercampaign against the changes and got 12 of the delegates to remove their names from the supporting petition. Also, they were able to exert sufficient influence-based on a fear that they would mobilize voters to vote against any delegate who supported the amendment-so that the proposal to amend the Family Law was never brought to the floor of the National Assembly for debate and a vote.

In 1989, the National Assembly did enact legislation that changed some of the provisions of the Family Law that the women's organizations found most offensive. On January 1, 1991, child-custody arrangements will change. Children will not automatically go to the father in cases of di- vorce. The inheritance system will be revamped so that all surviving chil- dren-regardless of gender, marital status, or birth order-will share equally. Also, although the family headship system is retained, some of

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MARIAN LIEF PALLEY 1149 the duties and responsibilities of the family head can be shared, by law, with other members of the family.

The Radical Organizations The radical groups, with limited memberships, do not have as much money as the mainstream groups and thus find it difficult to be as active as the older, more moderate organizations. There are 24 groups that belong to Korean Women's Associated United, a coalition of the more radical women's organizations. The largest and best known of these groups is the Women's Society for Democracy, which is a multi-issue women's rights group under the leadership of Professor Lee Hyo Jae, a member of the Sociology Department at the Ewha Women's University. Along with Lee Oo Jeong, the president of KWAU, she is seen by most of the radical wo- men as a symbolic leader of the contemporary women's movement in Ko- rea. Other radical groups include the Women's Hotline, the Women's Newspaper, Korean Women's Workers Association, Korean Catholic Farmers, Women's Committee, and numerous church-related organiza- tions (in fact, Lee Oo Jeong is also president of Korean Church Women United).

The Korean Women's Society for Democracy was founded in 1987 after the Women's Society for Justice and Equality-which had been organized in 1983 to deal with women's labor issues and the patriarchal system- died from internal splits between members who advocated labor reforms, which would benefit women, and those who were more concerned with democratic reforms of the political system. In 1988 the Korean Women's Society for Democracy had 150 active members and directed its attention to a wide range of issues that affect women, including women's labor rights, prostitution, and sex torture. They are also involved in efforts to alter the Family Law. However, the leaders of the organization believe that it is premature to confront men on issues of sexual equality until more general concerns regarding human rights, reunification, and democratiza- tion are addressed and resolved.

The Women's Hotline, in contrast, is a single-issue group that was founded in Seoul (and continues to operate only in Seoul) in 1983 to ad- dress problems associated with spouse battering, rape, prostitution, and other sex violations. Its organizational leaders are now beginning to ex- press concern about AIDS, especially as it affects prostitutes who work around American military installations. The Women's Hotline runs Shel- ter House, a facility for battered wives, and also receives hundreds of phone calls each month asking for information and advice. In addition, this organization tries to bring the issue of sexism in the workplace to the attention of the public through publication of printed materials and

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1150 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990

through public demonstrations. Members of the Women's Hotline tend to be younger than members of the more traditional, mainstream groups. Lo Youn Hee, a representative of this organization, thought that attitudes by women and men about women were changing as a result of heightened social democratic consciousness. She did, however, argue that women and labor are the most oppressed groups in Korea, and that the liberation of women is hampered by contradictions of class, sex, and nationality. This rhetoric fits well into the discourse of the more overarching social move- ment that addresses human rights reform, democratization, and reunifica- tion of North and South Korea.

Kim Sue Ja, manager of the Women's Newspaper, agreed with Lo Youn Hee's assessment of women's situation in Korea. She noted that although there has been some change achieved since 1980-especially regarding wo- men's attitudes about themselves-substantive changes will require changes in social institutions. Social institutions have not been altered, and as a result substantial changes in the unequal status of women have not been addressed. However, she argued that women have modified their Confucian ideological perspective and have developed greater social awareness, but added that it is possible to balance improved status for wo- men with a Confucian belief system. The Women's Newspaper is a new- comer to the women's rights scene, having been founded in 1986 as a research group for women's organizations. Initially illegal, in April 1988 the newsletter became legal. Its first issue was published in October 1988, targeting a middle-class readership because of its concern to change atti- tudes regarding domestic labor. They are, therefore, interested in raising the consciousness of women and on educating young children to be an- drogynous.

While most of the organizations discussed thus far focus their energies and attention on issues that are of central concern to middle-class women, the Korean Women's Workers Association (KWWA), created in 1987, has a different orientation. Young Soon Lee, president of the organization, noted that the group is concerned specifically about the status of women workers. In particular, the differential pay and promotion opportunities afforded women workers is seen as inequitable, and the fact that other labor organizations do not address problems that are women-specific. Married women workers often leave their jobs when they have children. But, increasingly, families need the women wage earner's income in order to make ends meet. Thus in 1987, 40.7% of women who were working in production prior to marriage continued to work after marriage. Women who continue to work after they have families have not necessarily im- proved their situation since they then must perform work- and home-place labor. The KWWA is working to educate women to try to overcome what

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they identify as this disadvantaged position. They support the develop- ment of day nurseries for children (and run one day nursery themselves). Although KWWA supports changes in the Family Law, the law is not considered to be of particular concern to poor and working-class women because its immediate affects upon them are not seen as being great.

A somewhat different perspective on women and their role in Korean society is provided by the Korean Christian Farmer's Association (KCFA) that works for the improvement of farmers. Kim Min Hee, executive sec- retary of this organization, said that they want "to change the structure that exploits the rural areas." In rural areas, she said, women are produ- cers along with men, and the problems men and women confront are simi- lar. In 1984 the KCFA established a Women's Department in order to involve women with the men in "participating in the struggles" to improve conditions. The issues that are of particular concern to KWAU and its Women's Department at this time involve problems associated with the import of agricultural products. As far as support programs for women workers are concerned, Kim Min Hee believes that the KCFA cannot pro- vide such supports. The problems are rooted in the "feudal conscious- ness" of rural areas, which leave women's role unchanged, she noted. Moreover, to raise the consciousness of men and women, support would have to come from national public policy changes as personal or regional efforts would not be sufficient. The KWAU Women's Department spokes- women, like those of the KWWA, do not see that the economic problems of farmers will be solved by reforms in the Family Law.

Changes in Korean society have led to the rise of radical groups. Whereas many of the mainstream groups were established originally as social and voluntary organizations for and by middle-class women, the radical groups are a product of the latter half of the 1980s. In the 1970s, mainstream women's organizations were influenced by the women's move- ments of the West, and especially the U.S., where numerous Korean wo- men were educated. Also, media presentations affected the direction that Korean women's organizations took in the 1970s. In fact, the ideology of these Korean women's organizations followed very closely that of the American women's rights groups.

The 1980s began to see the rise of a countermovement to Western, and especially American, influences. In particular, the "Third World" influ- ences regarding equality were added to the women's movement's ideologi- cal baggage. This concern for equality in the Korean context was translated into "human rights." The women in the radical women's orga- nizations believe that women can only achieve their goal of equal status with men if there is a change in the political mechanism. As noted earlier, there tends to be a willingness among these women to place women's issues

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1152 ASIAN SURVEY, VOL. XXX, NO. 12, DECEMBER 1990

in abeyance until the broader political goals of democratization, human rights, and reunification are met.

The groups affiliated with the KWAU have worked with the more main- stream women's organizations to try to bring about changes in the Family Law. However, as noted above, some of the women who were interviewed and who represented farm women and factory workers observed that Fam- ily Law was of secondary importance to them because the issues of inheri- tance, divorce, custody, and the like are not too important to the people whom they represent. The issues that concern workers are work condi- tions and pay equity, and the issues that most affect farmers relate to eco- nomic inequities, which the political system maintains.

The Equal Employment Law was not endorsed by any of the radical groups. In part this was a conscious strategy by the groups' leaders who believed that support for this legislation would be a "sell out" since it has no implementing mechanism. In fact, these organizations opposed the law and their unwillingness to lobby for the law's passage was seen as a reflec- tion of their distaste for the bill. When they are involved in trying to effect some policy change, either for women or in the context of the broader radical politics of the nation, these groups are as likely to utilize protest tactics--e.g., street marches, strikes, and rallies-as they are traditional lobbying techniques-e.g., education campaigns, media presentations, and one-on-one lobbying of members of deliberative assemblies.

Two important groups have not been mentioned in the above-the Ko- rean League of Women Voters (KLWV) and the Women's Research Insti- tute at the Ewha Women's University. The KLWV is a small group, established in 1969, and modeled closely after the League of Women Vot- ers in the U.S. As an organization, it is concerned with voter participation and education. Of particular interest in recent years has been the issue of local autonomy. KLWV is interested in home rule and is involved in edu- cating voters about the potential of local autonomy. KLWV, seen as radi- cal by mainstream organizations and as moderate by radical groups, remains unaffiliated with either of the major coalition groups. In the past two years it has increased its activities and visibility. In part this can be seen as a result of recent political liberalization.

Conditions Today At the present time Korean women are faced with several underlying problems, which make it difficult to foster change in sex-role relationships and equality. To begin with, the underlying Confucian moral code that assumes a primary role for women in maintaining family relationships is very strong. It is maintained by custom and is further reinforced by the Family Law. Inasmuch as the social mores deny women an equal role

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with men in the work place, it has been difficult to change peoples' expec- tations regarding women working outside of the home. This condition is particularly vexing since many women are, in fact, work-place participants in Korea. The work until they marry or have families. They tend to hold poorly paid, dead-end positions. Professionally trained women often do not have the opportunities for employment; and, the ROK society, which has been transformed economically, is losing much of its trained people power to the influence of traditional norms and expectations.

There have been some changes that have occurred in the past several years. Women's attitudes about their own roles have been changing. Men's attitudes have been changing too, although more slowly. A vice- president of the Korean League of Women Voters said that the "major problem is women's consciousness. Women still believe that they should be good housewives and mothers. There is some change but it is very, very slow." What is most significant seems to be the very fact that the question of women's rights is discussed at all. Some of the concerns that women's groups articulate have moved onto the nation's policy agenda. Thus an Equal Employment Opportunity Law was enacted, and there have been changes in the Family Law.

The women's rights movement is relatively new in Korea. Although there have always been women's societies, the concern with issues of sex- ual equality and equal opportunity is of very recent vintage. There has been some cultural diffusion from the West as a result of American influ- ences as well as the UN's Decade of the Women. Also, media presenta- tions, Western education, and the rise of women's studies programs have all effected the emergence of the movement.

It is important to keep in mind that there is not just one adaptation to industrial modernization-there are as many adaptations as there are soci- eties. Thus, in Korea the material culture has changed substantially while the behavioral culture has adapted within the constraints justified by tradi- tion. When considering the role of women and the influence of the wo- men's rights movement in affecting the relative position of women in society, it seems naive to assume that the movement and its groups will look like a reflection of a Western campaign for change or that the changes that will take place in Korea will make it look like a Western society. Moreover, it is unlikely that the women who lead the struggle for change even want reform through the imposition of individualistic, Western-style behavioral norms and values since family and relationships remain very central to most Koreans. However, concerns with gender equity and an end to labor exploitation do seem to reflect universalized and generalized concerns of a "modernized" society.

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