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Overview: Women's Roles from the Civil War to World War I       

Women's status in the United States has been in question since the early days of the republic, probably because a greater percentage of the colonial population (as opposed to those living in Europe) had to work, and fewer people had incomes that did not depend on their own labor. Since su!rage traditionally has been based on the ability to be taxed, a grievance raised during the American Revolution, this idea, and property-rights discrimination, guaranteed that women's financial and political equality would be continuing questions for the majority of American women. It was not until the 1840s that an organized mass movement to work for improved legal rights for women began to develop; this attempt was fueled by both the Great Awakening and the worldwide movement for the abolition of slavery. Until this time the greatest obstacle to freedom for women had been, as it had been for the African slave, the idea of biology as destiny—the idea that having a particular kind of body meant that one's life could be defined and one's life choices limited or made by someone else. As social movements built consensus and the leisured classes expanded throughout the United States in the decades a"er the Civil War, supporters of women's rights grew in number and influence until formerly radical assumptions about the meaning of sexual di!erence became common sense. By the time of the Great War, the passage of a women's su!rage amendment to the Constitution was a foregone conclusion. More important, the groundwork was laid in the years 1870–1920 to protect women's fundamental rights as individual citizens in a republic: the right to live in accordance with self-determined values and principles; to work in professions best suited to personal interest and ability; to make autonomous decisions about the uses of their bodies; and to associate with others or marry based on personal desires rather than social or economic necessity.

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At some early abolitionist congresses in London, such as the World's Anti-Slavery Congress in the summer of 1840, women attendees from America were told to keep silent. U.S. abolitionists brought home a renewed resolve to create a women's movement. When asked by an abolitionist society not to discuss women's rights, Lucy Stone responded in 1848, "I was a woman before I was an abolitionist. I must speak for the women." Early leaders among abolitionist women included politically radical freethinkers, Unitarians, or members of the Society of Friends—Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, and Abby Kelley Foster being the most well known. With their guidance, the women's movement in America o!icially began with the 1848 meeting at Seneca Falls, New York. As these women generally came from religious traditions that did not privilege a male clergy, they were accustomed to speaking when moved by conscience, and they recruited the next generation of female leadership. (Stone was expelled from her Congregationalist church in 1851 and became a Unitarian shortly before she recruited the Quaker Susan B. Anthony. Both women then cut their hair short, and Stone began to wear bloomers.) In the 1850s the increasing rancor of the struggle between abolitionists and supporters of slavery began to demand more attention, but a women's movement still simmered within three important (and sometimes overlapping) energy centers of political activism: abolition, spiritualism, and temperance. Emotionally and rationally, women found themselves empowered to speak for their own rights and the rights of others; more women began to become public speakers and activists, and by 1860 ten conventions had met to discuss women's rights.

The history of the women's movement in the United States, like any social movement, is a history of alliances and divisions. Early feminists made decisions about what they wanted their organizations to be and do based on the moral center of the time, and they expelled those whose views and practices diverged significantly from their own. But the movement grew each time it divided, and what was unthinkable to one generation o"en became normal to the next, as various groups and demographics strove to define women's roles from their own perspectives. Supporters of women's rights among the abolitionists encountered the limitations of the republican rhetoric they had believed would secure the right to vote for women and African Americans, and then they had to face their own divisions regarding proper feminine behavior.

Many female abolitionists had assumed that once slavery was defeated, universal su!rage would pass into the Constitution. Instead, a more limited amendment securing su!rage for black men won support as representing some progress, and when Republican leaders refused to press for more because they feared it would prompt further delays, they caused a division among supporters of a women's su!rage amendment that lasted for decades. When it became clear in 1869 that the new Fi"eenth Amendment would pass without expansion, giving only African American men (but no women at all) the right to vote, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Anthony immediately called a convention

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in New York City attended by women's su!rage supporters of every stripe. Despite e!orts to maintain unity in the fledgling Equal Rights Association, two new groups emerged from the convention: the National Woman Su!rage Association (NWSA), led by Anthony, Stanton, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, and headquartered in New York City; and the American Woman Su!rage Association (AWSA), headquartered in Boston and led by Henry Ward Beecher, Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe, Mary Livermore, and Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Members divided according to their positions on the Fi"eenth Amendment, with NWSA declaring they had been betrayed by fellow abolitionists and would work only for women's su!rage in the future.

For a while NWSA attracted a slightly younger, less orthodox membership, whereas AWSA's membership tended to represent the more conservative Boston-centered core of the old abolitionist movement. Both groups' memberships still deferred to the Boston leaders in many ways, and the leaders of NWSA never ceased to feel defensive about the judgments of the close-knit Boston community. Within a few years NWSA found its authority tested as the "infidel" wing of the organization proved less easily governed than Stanton and Anthony had hoped. As the older women organized at the state level and petitioned Congress and the state legislatures, trying to pass a Sixteenth Amendment, a younger woman sprang to the forefront of the movement. In 1870 the outspoken trance medium turned stockbroker Victoria Woodhull announced she would run for president in the 1872 election and began issuing a series of position papers (most written by her anarchist mentor Stephen Pearl Andrews) in the New York newspapers.

That same year Woodhull began publishing her own newspaper, Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, supporting not only su!rage but also a broad array of social reform. At first Anthony approved of Woodhull and her sister, Tennie C. Claflin, for the direct way they had entered a male-dominated profession. But then Woodhull seemed to be setting herself up in rivalry to Anthony's women's su!rage newspaper, The Revolution. Soon the Boston group began to issue its own su!rage newspaper, The Woman's Journal. Stanton and Anthony were treated dismissively when they tried to speak to Congress and treated badly by the two main parties, who were content to leave the women's su!rage amendment in committee.

In January 1871 an NWSA convention was scheduled to meet in Washington, D.C., under the leadership of Isabella Beecher Hooker. Woodhull used her relationship with General Benjamin Butler, a representative from Massaschusetts, and arranged to meet with the House Judiciary Committee during the convention. A few prominent su!ragists were able to attend: Hooker, accompanied by Anthony, as well as Lillie Devereux Blake, Reverend Olympia Brown, Paulina Wright Davis, Josephine Gri!ing, and Belva Lockwood. Woodhull was invited to the White House to meet with President

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Ulysses S. Grant, who then expressed his support for women's su!rage. Regardless, the committee denied the petition from Woodhull, and the president le" the decision without comment. Despite these setbacks, for a few months the su!rage movement flamed with energy and support for Woodhull. She was a charismatic speaker, and her message that they were all leaders won a welcome from older figures, including Lucretia Mott. She seemed to unite the various factions of the movement: NWSA, the old abolitionist radicals from Boston, and the spiritualists. Anthony was thrilled by the advances Woodhull made for su!rage but was deeply suspicious of spiritualism and unconvinced that NWSA should be swept up in a broader movement for political change.

Eventually, personal scandal began to undermine Woodhull's success. The Boston group seized on the fact that Canning Woodhull, Victoria's alcoholic and drug-addicted first husband, continued to reside with Colonel James Blood, Woodhull, Andrews, and Woodhull's extended family at her New York home, and that Blood and Victoria Woodhull appeared to have lived as a married couple for a number of years before their marriage was legal. She began to be vilified in the press as a "free lover." At first, most of the NWSA leadership continued to support her. On election day 1871 she led a group of women who attempted to vote at a New York polling place but were prevented by inspectors.

Regardless of the scandals she faced, Woodhull still seemed to be ascendant in her quest for a leadership role. At the su!rage convention at Lincoln Hall, Washington, D.C., in January 1872, she persuaded Hooker and Anthony not to exclude men from the meetings. Anthony was not willing to give control of the convention to Woodhull, however, and on the second day she confronted her directly in an address, saying she did not care about her ambitions or her private life, but that the movement for women's su!rage was simply that and nothing more. The next day a group of su!rage leaders met with the Judiciary Committee again, with Lockwood bringing twenty thousand signatures petitioning Congress for a declaratory act acknowledging women's existing right of su!rage. Over Anthony's objections, a spiritualist member of the convention nominated Woodhull for president, and the convention passed the motion.

Woodhall called a convention at Apollo Hall in New York City; the su!ragists called a rival convention at the same time. Stanton and Anthony argued over Woodhull, and when Stanton refused to chair a meeting at the May 1872 NWSA convention at New York's Steinway Hall, Anthony used the opportunity to propel herself into the presidency for the next year. The convention split, with the Woodhull supporters—including spiritualists, free lovers, birth-control advocates, members of intentional communities, and labor organizers—moving to Apollo Hall, where they created a platform of twenty- three planks. They also chose Frederick Douglass to be her running mate, but he never accepted.

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Woodhull's plans for the presidency never came to fruition, however; a"er various scandals and problems (her business went bankrupt, she was sued for nonpayment of debts, and she and many of her associates were arrested for sending "obscene literature"—birth control information—through the U.S. mail), her bid for the presidency came to an end. This incident haunted the su!rage movement, which subsequently adhered to a narrow goal: to support an amendment to the Constitution giving the franchise to women. Having twice disentangled themselves from others who did not share their primary goal, they le" other parties to fight for broader rights for women or social reforms that benefited women. The socially conservative and single-minded Anthony kept control of the movement for the next two decades and purged anyone she felt might harm NWSA. Her newspaper The Revolution did not survive the Panic of 1873, and she spent years working as a lecturer to pay o! its debts. Gage ran the National Citizen and Ballot Box, NWSA's o!icial newspaper, from her home from 1878 to 1882. Disappointed temperance advocates who had been unable to have their say at Woodhull's Apollo Hall convention therea"er filled the ranks of the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), organized in 1874. The temperance movement worked so closely with su!rage groups over the years that in some states, such as Wisconsin, su!rage lost because large groups of male voters who enjoyed a drink associated the two groups. AWSA concentrated on winning su!rage at the state level, while NWSA repeatedly tried to convince Congress and the president to pass a su!rage amendment to the Constitution.

When Anthony saw a chance to reunite the two su!rage organizations in 1889 and yoke the massive membership and organizing power of AWSA member Frances Willard's WCTU to the cause of su!rage, she allowed no one to stand in the way of the merger. In 1890 the National American Woman Su!rage Association (NAWSA) was formed. The WCTU had more than two hundred thousand members in 1893, whereas the reunited su!ragists combined with the General Federation of Women's Clubs claimed only thirty-three thousand. Fellow NWSA leaders Gage and Stanton refused to keep quiet about their beliefs that Christianity had instituted patriarchy and harmed women by making them feel unworthy of freedom, and at the time of the merger separately planned to publish books summarizing those views—Gage in Woman, Church and State (1893) and Stanton in The Woman's Bible (1895)—so Anthony quietly pushed them out of NAWSA so the more conservative AWSA and WCTU women would not leave.

If the su!rage movement created the skeleton of the women's rights movement in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, more specialized interests added the flesh. Advances for women came about because in the five decades between 1870 and 1920 all kinds of people worked for them: the conservative women Anthony longed to marshal as well as the radicals she expelled, labor organizers, educators, freethinkers, social welfare workers and the philanthropists who paid their salaries, newspaper

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publishers and editors. Women's rights became a world movement, just as abolition had, and in the 1890s women began to win the vote in English-speaking countries. International congresses of women's rights supporters began to convene in the United States and Europe. Arguments about women's rights developed in all kinds of venues, and self-made women such as Martha Matilda Harper, a former servant who invented franchising, and Madame C. J. Walker, the African American millionaire (both of whom earned their wealth through selling haircare products and services), made their way into shared understanding of what was normal. Above all, since more women were educated, worked, and took part in public life, long-accepted views were changing.

Various groups described as "free lovers" more o"en considered themselves freethinkers and hoped to create a more secular society, based on reason, science, and mutual consent rather than Judeo- Christian moral codes and status-based relationships. Freethinkers o"en accomplished changes through direct action rather than through the legal system. They wanted to understand the ways in which women could become more self-determining, so they turned their attention to the areas of life that most concerned women at that time: marriage and divorce, childbirth and birth control, sexual education, food and dress reform, medical practice, and physical fitness. Developing ideas about these issues, they proposed new ways of living, ways in which morality derived from their interpretations of emerging theories of human evolution and social science.

In the 1890s Anthony's organizational purges could not stem the tide of criticism of religious-based marriage, custody, and property laws that prevented women from making changes in the basic structure of their lives. Even many of the WCTU supporters viewed their work as an important part of liberalizing divorce laws. The Knights of Labor supported various local legislation to raise the age of sexual consent for women. Ezra and Angela Heywood took on the question of marital rape and spousal abuse; Moses Harman argued that the subjugation of women harmed the development of the human race and that women needed to give more consideration to their reproductive choices rather than sacrificing their own quality of life and that of their children to the shortsighted selfishness of men; Dr. Alice Stockham advocated nonreproductive sexual practices similar to those of Tantra. E. C. Walker invented a cervical cap. Anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre both attacked the Bible as a major ideological foundation of women's oppression and developed early liberation theology. She argued that marriage harmed both partners by depriving them of their autonomous self-development. Many "obscenity" trials a"er Woodhull's centered on the use of explicit language relating to sexual education in newspapers or advertisements for the sale of birth control devices. Anthony Comstock, who fought against perceived obscenity and was behind the 1873 Comstock Law, remained a central figure in these fights until his death during World War I.

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The business world and the growing middle class, not only those who thought of themselves as activists, contributed immeasurably to the expansion of roles available to women in America from 1870 to 1920. As the leisured classes expanded in the United States, so did the ranks of those who chose to become artists. The o!icial numbers of art professionals rose dramatically, from slightly more than four thousand in 1870 to nearly twenty-five thousand in 1900. In the same period, the percentage of women in the arts increased from 10 to almost 45 percent. By the 1890s women outnumbered men in the leadership and membership of the New York Art Students' League. Artistic professions, including writing, provided a respectable way for women to earn a living and enabled them to connect with communities that were more accepting of unconventional life choices. If a woman had money from her family, in the 1880s and 1890s, she could enjoy a high level of personal freedom. If, like the sculptor Adelaide Johnson, she struggled to stay afloat financially, o"en she still had to endure family e!orts to limit her independence or various humiliations connected with patronage.

At a time when American artists in general faced a crisis of acceptance, the most independent artistic thinkers were o"en women, who were excluded from the state-sponsored European art establishments that still dominated the art world, such as the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Many female artists responded to such discrimination by touring European museums and training themselves or training with supportive teachers such as Robert Henri in the United States. Such women invariably emerged from their education much more likely to question the judgment of the academies. Some of those self-trained women—such as Mary Cassatt and Sara Hallowell—became important advisers to American buyers interested in European art, and some, like Cecilia Beaux of Philadelphia, became successful regardless of critical sniping that they had become "unsexed." Georgia O'Kee!e, who did not train in Europe and did not complete an entire course of study anywhere, typified the independence of the American woman artist of this period.

The trends that had begun in the nineteenth century as more women became educated and involved themselves in public life continued into the twentieth. The General Federation of Women's Clubs, founded in 1890, reported close to a million members by 1915. Because the conditions of women's lives had been been treated as unimportant or le" to private e!orts at improvement for so long, activists found much to do. Women entered the professions to an unprecedented degree and took part in the Progressive era's phenomenal public spirit of reform and altruism. Women's colleges, despite the e!orts of administrators to control their charges, became generators of radical thought. Law schools and medical schools began to graduate significant numbers of women, who o"en became reformers. For example, Jessie Ashley, Madeleine Doty, and Crystal Eastman graduated from New York University Law School in the same class. Ashley became a social worker and birth-control activist; Doty posed as a criminal to infiltrate and expose conditions in women's prisons; and Eastman wrote

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some of the country's first workers' compensation legislation. The way the women's movement developed over time o"en created families with several generations of feminists, which tended to strengthen the younger generation's sense of entitlement, resolve, and purpose; as the movement spread, networks of like-minded individuals developed and supported one another in areas of mutual concern, including multiple social reform movements. Lucy Stone's daughter Alice Stone Blackwell became a leading supporter of the Russian Revolution of 1905 and worked on Armenian relief e!orts in the Progressive era.

Most of the benefits of the women's movement in the early twentieth century accrued to upper- or middle-class women, mostly white ones. Those considered as "other"—which at the time included Italian, Irish, and Jewish women as well as women of African and Asian descent—continued to encounter a more complicated set of obstacles to enfranchisement, prosperity, and personal liberty. Still, incidents such as the horrific 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire and the 1912 strike at Lawrence, Massachusetts, which involved tens of thousands of women workers, and pushed questions of living conditions, workplace safety, disease prevention, birth control, and child welfare to the forefront of public consciousness and tested common ideas about the reform in ways that ultimately benefited all women.

The su!rage movement continued to develop, as Gage and the subsequent generation founded more inclusive organizations than NAWSA, and American feminists began to forge international alliances on issues of artistic change, peace, su!rage, poverty, disease prevention, and birth control. As the mainstream movement as represented by NAWSA (led by Anna Howard Shaw in the twentieth century) had e!ectively adopted AWSA's strategy of trying to win su!rage state by state, in 1913 a new group, the Congressional Union for Woman Su!rage/National Women's Party, emerged under the leadership of Alice Paul and Lucy Burns to take up NWSA's mandate of lobbying for a constitutional amendment. The new group seemed prepared to emulate the militant British su!ragists who committed sabotage and endured arrests, hunger strikes, and force-feeding. It had its own martyr, Inez Milholland, who collapsed and died of pernicious anemia while on a lecture tour. Her image as the white knight of women's su!rage, taken from photographs of her in a parade, was widely reproduced on sheet music and graphic banners, and the Women's Party picketed the White House continuously. Their pickets were tolerated until a"er the United States entered World War I.

The end of the Progressive era brought several limited victories for women in the United States. The long-divided su!rage movement united and, with e!orts of radical progressives, ultimately won the right to vote for women. Temperance also won the day, with a Prohibition amendment passing just a"er women's su!rage. The limits of what had been gained were evident almost immediately,

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however. The Great War brought its own set of unforeseen and lasting challenges to American women. First, many women activists fell afoul of the government's crackdown on radicals who opposed the war, and some of these women turned to full-time activism related to peace and civil liberties. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) emerged during the war, led by lawyers and social workers who believed dissenters' First Amendment rights had been violated by the government. Pacifist and feminist organizations condemned the terms of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, and two years later many of those women convened in Switzerland to merge their Women's Peace Party into a new group, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Another problem raised by the war, temporarily masked by the high value of the dollar compared to other world currencies, was the beginning of an economic downturn not experienced by the wealthy until ten years later but immediately felt by the poor and people living in the Southern states. Finally, women's rights and roles expanded of necessity a"er the Great War for a reason no one had considered: more than 100,000 young American men died in the war, which meant that many women would never marry and that women were able to train in professions in which they might not have been welcome had male workers been available. Just as the Civil War's end had generated a new set of discourses about women's rights and how best to protect them, the Great War redefined American women's understanding of themselves and what their role in the world should be.

Further Information

Braude, Ann. Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women's Rights in Nineteenth-Century America. Boston: Beacon, 1989. Braude goes outside the mainstream women's-rights movement to examine in detail important connections between the growth of a set of unorthodox religious practices and feminism. Spiritualists concerned themselves not just with "the other world" but with nutrition, medicine, dress reform, prostitution, homeless women, and many other causes relating to the condition of women. Both a history and a philosophical exploration of how American women came to "claim their own voices."

Buhle, Mari Jo. Women and American Socialism, 1870–1920. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981. Buhle's study was the first to attempt an overview of women socialists in the United States, and it is still the best place to begin research on the subject, especially concerning women organizers for the Socialist Party.

Crenson, Matthew. Building the Invisible Orphanage: A Prehistory of the American Welfare System. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998. Like British su!rage icon Emmeline Pankhurst, many early women's-rights supporters made their start in advocacy by involving themselves in local

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charitable organizations and boards governing orphans and the children of the poor. This detailed micro-history of local welfare initiatives before the federal government began to absorb such functions in the explosion of bureaucracy a"er 1913 sheds valuable light on the interstices of local poor laws, women's activism, religion, philanthropy, and educational policy.

Gage, Matilda Joslyn. Woman, Church and State: A Historical Account of the Status of Woman through the Christian Ages: With Reminiscences of the Matriarchate. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1893. Responding to the hunger of early su!rage supporters for women's history, the self-educated Gage produced this book, considered her masterpiece, a"er years of research. Going back to the beginning of recorded history, the volume celebrates the status of women in non-Christian cultures and highlights misogynistic acts and policies of Christian church leaders.

Gordon, Linda. Woman's Body, Woman's Right: Birth Control in America. New York: Penguin, 1990. Taking advantage of tremendous strides in women's history a"er the 1970s, Gordon's revised edition provides the most comprehensive history of the birth-control movement in the United States, addressing the subject from many angles such as folklore, prohibitions and criminal prosecutions, early reformers—including the "magnetic physicians" who first began to study reproduction in the United States—and eugenicists, as well as women's rights advocates.

Milkman, Ruth, ed. Women, Work and Protest: A Century of Women's Labor History. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985. This collection of essays provides a history of women in labor organization in the twentieth century, taking note of strikes with significant majorities of women workers, such as the Lawrence Woolen Mills Strike of 1912, and the origins of some women's unions, such as the Chicago Women's Trade Union League and International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. It also examines long-term historical trends, in particular coalition building between women's and labor organizations and organizing strategies for African American women. Finally, it includes chapters on women's auxiliary units of unions and women in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), balancing examinations of studies of unionized o!ice and civil-service workers with essays on women in the United Auto Workers (UAW).

Schwarz, Judith. Radical Feminists of Heterodoxy: Greenwich Village, 1912–1940. Norwich, Vt.: New Victoria Publishers, 1986. Through painstaking research, Schwarz reconstructs most of the membership and an overview of the history of Heterodoxy, an early consciousness-raising group with only two rules: absolute freedom of speech in meetings and absolute respect for the privacy of members outside meetings. Many famous New York women were members, including the labor organizer Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, sociologist Elsie Clews Parsons, "The Yellow Wallpaper" author

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Charlotte Perkins Gilman, organizer of married teachers Henrietta Rodman, journalist Mary Heaton Vorse, and Dr. Sara Josephine Baker (the first woman to receive a doctoral degree in public health from the New York University Bellevue Hospital Medical School).

Sears, Hal. The Sex Radicals: Free Love in High Victorian America. Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1977. Scholars of individualist anarchism consider this study the best on the subject of free love. It is an important source for women's-rights advocates such as Ezra and Angela Heywood, Moses Harman, E. C. Walker, and Lillian Harman, and others who combined anarchism and feminism and defended the right to discuss matters of sex and birth control openly in their newspapers.

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady; Anthony, Susan B.; and Gage, Matilda Joslyn, eds. History of Woman Su!rage, volumes 1–3. New York: Fowler & Wells, 1881. A flawed but monumental work preserving the primary source documents of the women's su!rage movement, painstakingly collected and edited mostly by Stanton and Gage over a decade. The resulting volumes compile newspaper articles, letters, and Congressional reports, gathered from hundreds of people, from more than forty years of su!rage activity.

Underhill, Lois Beachy. The Woman Who Ran for President: The Many Lives of Victoria Woodhull. Bridgehampton, N.Y.: Bridge Works Publishing, 1995. Underhill spent fourteen years researching this biography, the first scholarly study of Woodhull and the most serious, nonsensational publication on Woodhull since Madeleine Stern's 1974 collection of her speeches. This careful, measured biography inspired a new generation of scholars to treat Woodhull as a subject of serious study.

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Record Information

From: Women’s Roles from the Civil War to World War I

Series: Document-Based Questions in American History: The Gilded Age, Progressive Era, and World War I, 1877-1920

Published: 2022

Record Type: Book Chapter

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Table of Contents

Ch. 1: Overview: Women's Roles from the Civil War to World War I Ch. 2: Chronology: Women's Roles from the Civil War to World War I Ch. 3: Document-Based Questions: Women’s Roles from the Civil War to World War I

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American Woman Su!rage Association Elizabeth Cady Stanton Feminism First-wave feminism Lecturers

Lucy Stone Matilda Joslyn Gage National American Woman Su!rage Association Susan B. Anthony

Women in the United States Women\'s su!rage in the United States Women's rights

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