Gender

Chapter 6 Women in Egypt

Ramadan A. Ahmed and Uwe P. Gielen

Egypt: The Land and Its People

Egypt is a country occupying the northeastern corner of Africa and the Sinai Peninsula, which is usually regarded as part of Asia. It is strategically situated at the crossroads between Europe, the Orient, North Africa, and Southwest Asia. Egypt, which has Pharaonic ancestors and Arab fathers, occupies an area of 386, 100 square miles, of which only 3.6% is normally inhabited, the rest being desert. Jn late 2016, Egypt had an estimated population of 94.67 million, of whom 49% were females (CIA 2017). Egypt's population doubled at least 6 times during the twentieth century. The estimated literacy rate for those ages 15 and above is 73.7% (CIA 2017).

The official and common language in Egypt is Arabic. However, other languages (e.g., English, French, German, Italian, and Spanish) are also spoken especially in Cairo (the capital city) and Alexandria (the second largest city in Egypt). Although Egypt has natural resources, such as oil and minerals, the population is straining that wealth. It has a high ferti lity rate of 3.6 children per woman and consequently a high rate of population growth; a young population (3 1.8% of the population is less than 15 years old); large families (5-6 persons on average); rather high prenatal , maternal, and infant mortality rates; a moderately high life expectancy (which increased from 57 years in the 1980s to an estimated 71.4 years for men and

R.A. Ahmed (C8J) Kuwait University, Kuwait City, Kuwait e-mail: Rnmndnn-n-nhmcd @hotmnil.com

U.P. Gielen Department of Psychology, St. Francis College, 180 Remsen Street, Brooklyn, NY 11201, USA e-mail: ugielen @sfc.edu

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 C.M. Brown et al. (eds.), Women's Evolving Lives: Global and Psychosocial Perspectives, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-58008-1_6

91

92 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

74.2 years for women, in 2016); and a very uneven disttibution of wealth (Ahmed 1991 , 2006; CIA 20 17). 51.3% of its youths lived in or near poverty in 2012 (Daily News Egypt, August 12, 2013). The labor force in Egypt reached 28.87 million in 2015 of whom a mere 24.1 % were women. As for the unemployment rate, it reached 12.6% during the third quarter of 2016, and among those aged between 15 and 29 years it was 27.6% (Middle East Monitor, November 16, 2016). Moreover, the unemployment rate among females with lesser education, especially in rural areas, was much higher than that of their male counterparts.

In ancient Egypt, women were given rights and respect as human beings. They were not secluded but enjoyed a relatively high status and could participate actively in the social, economic, and political life of the state government. History tells us that several women became queens in ancient Egypt. For example, Queen Hatshepsut ruled from 1473 to 1458 B.C.E. , with the full panoply of decision-making power. It was a period of expansion of trade and exploration. She is referred to as the greatest queen in ancient Egyptian history (Khalifa 2008).

In the first period of Islam, Egyptian women enjoyed a relatively high status in most areas of society. In more recent times, Egyptian women have also enjoyed a fairly high status. Nevertheless, Egyptian women who tend to be very children-oriented are suffering from several impediments when attempting to improve their present situation, such as a very high illiteracy rate. Egyptian women also suffer from old traditions that are difficult to eradicate (for example, relative neglect, especially during the prenuptial years), extensive mothering, childcare and housekeeping chores, and a high divorce rate. The old traditions inte1fere with the development and improvement of their social, economic, and political situation in both the urban and rural areas. In contrast, men concentrate their efforts on politics, religious, and business affairs, and enjoy social events such as sports and parties.

In recent decades, many changes have occurred in regards to the important role played by women in agriculture and/or cattle raising. For instance, in 2008, women's participation reached 27% of the total labor force in these occupations. The marked increase of the number of women in these fields was due to the exodus of a large sector of the male labor force, particularly to the Arab oil producing states.

Egyptian women have achieved marked progress in education, work and career opportunities, family legislation, and political rights. The feminist movement in Egypt, when compared with other Arab feminist movements, began earlier and is more cohesive and more involved in social issues. Feminist institutions (such as women's associations, women's clubs, and women's projects) are numerous in Egypt. However, the Global Gender Gap Report 2016 indicates that Egypt's gender gap is very large. Indeed, it is ranked number 132 out of 144 countries and trails other Ar;:ib countries such iis QMM, Tunisiii, iind Kuw;:iit. In recent ye;:irs, m;:iny Egyptian women have reverted to dressing conservatively including wearing the Hijab and, less frequently, the Neqab.

6 Women in Egypt 93

The Women's Movement in Egypt: A Historical Review

The first Egyptian sympathizers for women's emancipation appeared in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The pioneer feminist Judge Qasim Amin (1865-1908), a well-known disciple of the religious scholar Muhammed Abduh (1849-1905), along with the pioneer economist Mohammed Talaat Harb (1866-1941), developed a manifesto for women's liberation. Two of Amin's books, Tahrir al-Mara [The Emancipation of Women 1899] and Al-Mara al-Jadida [The Modern Woman 1900], and M.T. Harb's book Tahrir el-Mara [The Emancipation of Women 1901), are the first works known in Arabic on this topic and remain an important source of inspiration for every Arab feminist until today.

Using as the touchstone of his argument the premise that women 's freedom and emancipation are essential to the development of nations, Amin initially (and Harb to a lesser extent) asserted that Islam, in its true form, recognizes complete sexual equality between spouses. He also argued, but this time in secular terms, that no society can be strong if it does not recognize women's right to freedom, together with their basic, natural human rights. In his works, he espouses that:

1. Although women have no right to higher education, they must nevertheless be so trained as to be able to cope emotionally and economically with the "tyranny of marriage."

2. The Neqab, or veil, demeans them, serves no purpose, does not prevent adultery, and in truth, acts as an obstacle to the blossoming of a healthy attitude of the sexes toward each other.

3. Although Islam permits marital polygamy to those men who can be fair and equitable to each of the spouses they take, Amin underscores the common failure to do so by detailing (sparingly) the agony of ill-treated wives.

Although condemned initially as non-Islamic and non-Egyptian, Amin 's works nevertheless goaded women of the upper class into action when they adopted his writings as their guide. Slowly, many of the rights they strove for were granted. Thus, in 1956, they achieved the rights of suffrage and running for office, and in 1979, they succeeded in getting the marriage and divorce laws so liberalized as to take the interests of women into consideration for the first time. Jn the forefront of their movement were the aristocratic and the university educated women who had entered the work force in droves and in fields that allowed them to influence the public's attitudes (Minai 1981).

But for all their efforts, those of the aristocrats who left their harems to demonstrate, march, boycott, and strike against the British by sabotage and such means as they could find, encountered headstrong, ungrateful, and selfish opposi­ tion from their own men. Their reaction to this was to form the Feminist Union in March 1923 under the leadership of one of their own, Huda Sharawi (1879-1949).

On return from an international conference in Rome, Huda flung her veil overboard as she disembarked, causing great scandal, especially as the wife of a Pasha. Other aristocratic women later followed suit, all in the feminist cause.

94 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

A great admirer of the accomplishments of the women 's movement in the United States of America, Huda plunged herself into the midst of things: she attended women's conferences, called on suffragettes, and in 1925 focused their mouthpiece, the magazine L 'Egyptienne (Editor: Ceza Nebrawi), under the editorship of European and Egyptian activist women (Khali fa 2008). L 'Egyptienne had been precededed by at least eight women 's journals and magazines that appeared (mostly in Arabic) between 1892 and 1925.

This movement gave priority to marriage and divorce laws and to improving education for girls. Its first major success was in 1923 when the marriage age was set at 16 years for girls and 18 for boys. In 1927, 3 years after women had gained the right to equality of education, the first women entered the Uni versity of Cairo, but not without a damper being put on their newly won right as society reluctantly opened up careers to them beyond those previously available to them, such as midwifery and teaching. The balance of their agenda, including the abolition of polygamy, was postponed for decades. In reaction against the overriding social prejudice to their holding down virtually any kind of paying job, women increased their consciousness-raising campaigns. They took it upon themselves to look after the social welfare of girls and women, nationally neglected till the 1960s, by setting up and running schools for girls of poor fami lies together with prostitutes' reha­ bilitation centers, clinics, orphanages, and childcare centers. Their moment came in 1947- 1948 when cholera ravaged the country and they were able to persuade villagers to submit to vaccination (Minai 1981 ).

In 1974, the Egyptian feminist movement witnessed the beginning of a new era. The Egyptian Women's Organization was abolished as a result of dissolving the Egyptian Socialist Union, thus allowing for the establishment of political parties. A governmental committee for women was formed under the auspices and super­ vision of the Ministry of Social Affairs (see also Khodair and Hassib 2015).

The Suzanne Mubarak Movement of Women for Peace was established by Mrs. Mubarak in 2003, and was meant to promote the involvement of women in peacemaking, both at the national and international levels. Since it<; establishment, the movement has been lobbying for regional and international support to include women in peace negotiations, and it acquired consultative status with the UN Non-Governmental Organizations Committee (NGO). It has lent support to women in several war zones and in peacemaking opportunities (Al-Ah ram Weekly, February 1- 7, 2007). Jn spite of these developments, however, g irls in Egypt are still counted second-best (Ahmed 1991).

Images of Women and Their Gender Role

Some Arab studies have focused on women's image as reflected in movies and TV series (e.g., Mona Al-Hadidy in the late 1970s, cited in Minai 1981). These media generally show women as weak and dependent on male fam ily members, such as fathers, brothers, husbands, or sons. The image of women in movies and TV series

6 Women in Egypt 95

remains as negative as it has been in the past: women typically appear as exces­ sively ambitious, or they are portrayed as being weak, obedient, abnormal, or as prostitutes. Similarly, school textbooks in Egypt emphasize the biological and psychological differences between boys and girls, while portraying women in very traditional ways (Farag 1999). Many textbooks ignore the creative and scientific achievements and the political participation of Egyptian women.

Hassan (1999) investigated the perception of women's gender roles and found that men tended to see women as weak creatures, less efficient when compared to men, mean, and responsible for life's problems. Many of them displayed conser­ vative attitudes toward women's education, as well as toward women going out alone and mingling with men. Jn contrast, women were more likely to entertain positive images of women's gender roles.

Socialization of Boys and Girls

Like many of their counterparts in the African and Asian countries, parents in Egypt prefer sons. It is said that a man with a son is immortal, whereas a girl is brought up to contribute to someone else's family tree. So economically and socially advan­ tageous and necessary is a son that men, even those well infonned of the latest findings of genetics, will get divorced and take on wife after wife until one bears him a son.

There are many compelling economic reasons why parents would prefer a boy. At least 70% of Egypt's population is rural. Here, sons are indispensable as muscle power on the land. Without their continued presence on family land, parents would have to look forward to a miserable old age. Unlike girls, boys do not have to be supervised very closely, because their sexual behavior cannot dishonor the family or compromise their chances for marriage. If a girl survives infancy in the poverty-stricken areas of Egypt, or in the rural areas of many other Arab countries such as the Sudan, she is saddled with work inside her home as soon as she can walk and later in the fields. Frequently, she cannot even attend a cost-free primary school.

Although not always counted in government surveys, girls are, especially in rural areas, economic assets from the start. They constitute a large labor force of usually unpaid workers and helpers to their parents. If they were counted along with their brothers, who hire themselves out as farmhands, sweatshop assistants, or peddlers, the prevalence of child labor would be staggering.

Egypt has provided education for girls since 1832 when the first school for the qu"lific::ition of midwives w(ls opened, "nd since the 1880s when the first school of general education was established. In the 1920s, some Egyptian girls and women began college education, although the education of girls and women was far from reaching equality with the education of boys and men. The picture remains quite grim. Enrollment figures for elementary school children are perhaps a better indi­ cation of how many girls help their families survive. Only about 70% of girls and

96 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

85% of boys receive primary education. Moreover, the picture is far worse in the rural areas. A report in Al-Ahram (February 16, 2009) shows that girls constitute 95% of non-enrolled children in Egyptian primary education. With premarital and extramarital sex commonplace in spite of its being forbidden by the Quran itself, a crucial burden falls on the parents to safeguard their daughter's virginity while preparing her for her future role as mother. How this is effectuated varies from family to family according to its socioeconomic status (Minai 1981). Professionals and the well-to-do do not have to depend on their sons' work in old age, and so their wives feel less threatened if their baby should turn out to be a girl rather than a boy. The daughter is likely to receive a good education. This makes her fear divorce much less than her poorer sisters who remain without education and thus without marketable skills.

Throughout Egypt, women are viewed as subordinate to men, but vital for nurturing; yet there are several ways to mold little girls to that ideal. Early parental socialization of their children's behavior emphasizes masculinity for boys and femininity for girls, and this will later on result in the sexes having negative attitudes toward one another. The primary school curriculum encourages and fosters the traditional stereotyping of boys and girls. Moreover, a gradually growing trend concerning the girls' dress can be observed since the early 1980s. As an outcome of the Islamic revival, which intensified during the 1970s, the percentage of girls and women who wear the Hijab or the Neqab has increased steadily. This phenomenon can be easily noted among university female students, where the majority of Muslim female students are nowadays wearing the Hijab (and to less extent the Neqab). More generally, many Egyptian families (especially in rural areas) instruct their little girls (at age of 10 or 11) to wear the Hijab (and to a lesser extent, the Neqab).

Female Circumcision

A major problem that is related to the sex-stereotyping and socialization process for girls in Egypt, as well as in many other Mid-Eastern and !North African countries, is female circumcision, which is inextricably linked to the position of women in Egyptian society. A recent survey on violence against women (Al-Masry al-Youm, June 2, 2016) showed that 9 of each 10 women aged between 18 and 64 years, were circumcised, 11% of women were forced to marry against their will , and finally , 25% of married women got married before they reached the age of 18.

Female circumcision is one of many traditional practices that adversely affect the he<llth of women find children fl$ well. Circumcision c<ln tflke plflce M <lny <lge from one week up to before the birth of the woman's first child. It was often part of an important puberty ceremony. Due to the increasing trend of rejecting it, it is per­ formed now with lesser or no publicity.

In different areas in Egypt and elsewhere, people in general support the practice, believing it to be part of their Muslim or Christian faith. But in fact neither the

6 Women in Egypt 97

Quran nor the Bible claim that it is necessary. However, different groups believe that it is an aid to cleanliness, that uncircumcised women are d irty, that it supports chaste behavior for women and girls otherwise consumed by sexual desire, and that there can be no good marriage without it (Salem 200 I).

In the Middle East today, female circumcision is performed in three main ways:

1. The simplest form is the Sunna circumcision, in which only the tip of the clitoris (prepuce) is sliced off.

2. The intermediate, more radical type, is clictoridectomy, calling for the excision of the entire clitoris and leaving some parts of the Eabia minora intact, or the removal of the clitoris, the whole of the labia mino ra, and parts of the labia majora, and the stitching of the two sides together, leaving an opening.

3. Even more hatTOwing is the practice of infibulation (or Pharaonic or Sudanese circumcision). It involves the removal of or the sealing of the labia majora and the labia minora together after the entire clitoris has been removed, leaving the two raw edges to adhere, which produces a lengthwise scar.

The most widespread genital mutilation in Egypt, however, is clictoridectomy. Its practice among non-Muslims as well as Muslims suggests a non-Islamic origin (Minai 198 1). Clictoridectomy already existed in the Upper Nile VaJley of Egypt during the Pharaonic period. However, the Quran does not discuss the practice. It seems that the prophet Mohammad himself could not eradicate it. The practice is attested by a tradition holding that, unable to prevent a clictoridectomy in progress, he enjoined that, at least. no destruction be wrought on the organs. Prophet Mohammed said: "reduce, but don' t destroy." Opinions as to the thrust of this injunction vary: some claim it sanctions the practice, others the contrary. Among those who consider it sanctioned are those who follow the Sunna procedure because it causes the least damage.

Women are circumcised in the name of religion, tradition, cleanliness, or morality especially in the rural areas. They find it difficult but valuable because it is the tradition (Ahmed 1991 , 2005). However, when an I I-year-old girl died when she was circumcised by a medical doctor, the tragedy shocked the Egyptian public. In response, the Egyptian Government issued a decree in June 2007, stating that any kind or form of female circumcision performed by either medical or nonmedical persons, will be completely banned (Al-Ahram, June 29. 2007). Subsequently, the Egyptian Parliament issued a law strictly prohibiting any form of circumcision. Doctors engaging in this practice will lose their license and may even face prison time. However, whether and how much these laws will reduce the practice in the rural areas remains to be seen.

The medical problems that stem from female circumcision and infibulation are n11me:ro11s, ;imong the:m: blr.e.rling, infor.tion , tissue. sr.;irring, ;ine:mi;i, te.t;in11s, retention of urine, painful menstruation, difficulty in passing the menstrual flow, infertility, obstructed labor with the danger of causing harm to both mother and baby, and many more problems. Furthermore, young girls can suffer severe psy­ chological trauma. They become scared of the adults who have subjected them to

98 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

this process, and later on wives tend to be reluctant to discuss their problems with their husbands. Some men find that they suffer from pottency problems when they are unable to break through the artificial barrier created by infibulations. Far from being a test of fertility, it can be a test of the marriage. Sexual difficulties bring with them mruital discord, and sometimes, divorce.

How is this operation carried out? The local midwife lesions the inner surface of the labia majora by scraping them down with knives or razor blades and sutures them together with thorns of the dwarf acacia plant and bits of string. Then, through the tiny apparatus left at the base, she inserts a matchstick or a piece of small bamboo twig for the passage of menses and urine. Next, the patient is put on a mat with her legs bound together right down to the ankles so to remain until she first urinates, the sign that the operation is a success. A week later, the thorns are extracted, but the bonds on her legs will stay on until the lesioned flesh of the labia has grown closed together and healed up. If the girl survives any hemorrhaging or infections and gets married, then- and this without anesthesia, cauterization, or application of nettle- she will be cut open so as to be able to copulate and even­ tually give birth. After birth, her labia are restricted only to be cut open again when necessary. A number of problems often occur, such as frigidity, urinary retention, incontinence, pelvic infections, and obstetric complications that could damage a future fetus. In some cases, the genitals are so scarred and maimed through such operations that the woman is no longer capable of normal intercourse and child­ bearing. No longer able to gratify her spouse's appetite, she is cast out for a younger and healthier wife.

Studies on attitudes toward circumcision in Egypt (summarized by El-Sheikh and Rabie 1996) suggest that circumcision is leading to psychological, sexual, and health problems in 80% of circumcised cases. Moreover, circumcised wives have reported lesser degrees of sexual satisfaction and marital adjustment, compared with their non-circumcised counterparts. Severity of circumcision tends to con-elate negatively with the wives' sexual satisfaction and marital adjustment.

Egypt has already had some success in its campaigns to eradicate female cir­ cumcision. The change in public opinion in Egypt came as part of the modern­ ization process. It was included as a part of progressive family education and general health care. Traditional healers, who had previously supported and per­ formed circumcision, became agents of change within their own communities by explaining the dangers of the practice to their own people.

In more enlightened urban areas in Egypt, the crippling versions have given way to the Sunna circumcision, but this can be no less psychologically traumatizing for the young victim, and may lead to sexual frigidity in adulthood. Circumcision is declining among enlightened people in the larger cities in Egypt. May 2015 wit­ nessed ;:i trngedy in which two young sisters ( 13 ;:ind 17 ye;:irs) were circumcised by a medical doctor and in the presence of their parents. A few hours later, the older sister died. As a result, and to absorb the public anger, the hospital in Suez was closed, and the doctor was arrested (Al-Ahram, May 29 and 31, 2016).

6 Women in Egypt 99

Marriage

Islamic societies, such as Egypt have remained strictly marriage-oriented and conspire relentlessly to round up every bachelor into the matrimonial fold. Islam prohibits premarital relationships between a man and woman and at the same time encourages man·iage. From Islam's point of view, the family is the backbone of the society. To begin, there is Prophet Mohammed's decree that marriage is the only road to virtue. Marriage is a Sunna (the Prophet's practices and teachings). Islam also prohibits celibacy. The Prophet said: "There is no celibacy in Islam." Even an irreligious bachelor usually feels compelled to marry by his need for sons as security against old age, given that most Muslim countries did not provide for pensions until recently. M~miage customs in Egypt are traditional and similar to those followed in most

of the other Arab countries. The age at which a man and a woman can get married legally is 18 although a study shows that 82% of Egyptian youths do not know the official age of marriage (Al-Masry Al-Youm, February 4, 2009).

Patterns of Mate Selection

A report (United Nations Development Program 2005) indicates 95% of all Egyptians agreed that girls/women should have the right to choose their future husband just as men do. While Egyptian patterns of mate selection tend to be traditional in nature, man1age advert.isements have gradually appeared in Egyptian newspapers in which mostly well-educated women and men want husbands and wives in good circumstances. In particular, women indicate that they want husbands with occupations that pay better than their own for practical reasons; they insist also on their future husbands being taller and older. Men invariably advertise for women who are younger, shorter, and having similar or less education (Ahmed 1991, 2005).

Well-educated men in urban areas prefer that their future wives have the fol­ lowing characteristics in this order: education, skills in housekeeping chores, and wealth. Men in rural areas have another order of the desirable characteristics: a good family background, high moral standing, a good reputation, skills in per­ forming housekeeping chores, beauty, and a reasonable level of education (Ahmed 2005).

Studies on mate selection have found that female university students prefer for their future husband to have respect for his wife, religious commitment, the ability to satisfy his wife's needs as a woman, and seriousness in his manner. Male students prefer the following characteristics in their future wives: obedience, helpfulness, religious commitment, loyalty to her husband, and a non-authoritative attitude (Ahmed 2005). Women-especially those who never married and those who were aged between 26 and 30 years- are nowadays using the Internet for

100 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

seeking a future spouse. Indeed, many female university graduates in Egypt are not married. The chief reason for this is that the male graduate students prefer that their future wives be less educated than they are themselves, coming either from higher or lower secondary schools, and even primary schools (Ahmed 2005). It is dis­ couraging for the cause of women's education when these graduates, who are supposed to set an example, either avoid their duty or cannot get married.

When to Get Married

Statistics (Ahmed 2005, 2006) show that there are 3.5 million unmarried Egyptian women aged 30 years and older, a great number of whom are university educated. This situation has created great social concern, and some researchers are calling for a return to traditional matchmakers. The typical marriage age is higher in the urban areas (25-35 years for men and 20-25 years for women) than in the rural areas (20-25 years for men and 16-18 years for women) because urban men need first to finish their education and find suitable work. Only then do most of them begin to think about forming their own family, which requires them to secure a suitable place for marriage, furniture, and to cover expenses for the Shabka and Mahr (i.e., gift and dowry) and the wedding celebration.

At present, young men- particularly in urban areas- need 5-10 years after their graduation before they can meet these responsibilities. Urban girls, in tum, prefer to finish their education and then wait until the right person comes along. He, in tum, should be able to provide his future wife with good Shabka and Mahr, a suitable apartment or house, have a solid profession, and enjoy a good income. In the rural areas, where marriage expenses are much less, the parents of both the groom and the bride usually provide their children with as many resources as possible so they can marry.

Early Marriage

In Egypt, as in other developing countries, marriage at an early age especially for poor rural girls, is common. When Egyptian girls marry before they reach age 18, sometimes against their wishes, they frequently lead a miserable life, suffering physically and psychologically. Many Egyptian men prefer early marriage because they believe that early marriage will lead to families with a greater number of children (four or more), who eventu;:illy will represent ;:in ;:isset for their (lging parents. However, most females do not wish to marry early and tend to prefer small families (with no more than two or three children). Nevertheless, the National Centre for Sociological and Criminal Research in Cairo (Al-Ahram, February 7, 2009) has indicated that during recent years, the percentage of married females

6 Women in Egypt 101

under 16 years increased from 14 to 23.6%. Sixty percent of the early-married girls stopped education, mostly at the primary school level and to a lesser extent at the intermediate school level (Al-Ahram, November 10, 2014).

Secret (Consensual) Marriage

Because official marriages and public weddings have ibecome a major fi nancial problem for many young men and women, they have declined in frequency and instead, secret (consensual) marriages have been on the increase. Secret or con­ sensual man·iages (written or oral contracts between a man and woman are wit­ nessed by two male adults, but are not registered officially) are often seen as a solution. However, a secret marriage has many negative aspects and consequences - legally, socially, and for the family itself (Ahmed 2005). These include a lack of social or official recognition for this kind of marriage, illegal children, and conflict between the couple (especially wives) and their parents. A report (Al-Ahram, December 10, 2004) has estimated that there may be 3 million cases of secret marriage, with 59% of young Egyptians mistakenly believing that a secret marriage is legal.

Marriage Among Relatives

In Egypt, marriage among relatives is common. In rural areas, and especially in Upper Egypt and the Bedouin areas, a girl should marry her cousin or somebody from the same family or tribe. However, many medical authorities warn about the negative consequences of manfage among relatives. One recent report (Al-Ahram, November 20, 2015) showed that marriage among relatives is responsible for 25% of intellectual impairment in the offspring. One study (Abdel-Gawad 1985) has focused on the intellectual and non-intellectual factors differentiating daughters of family-related parents from daughters of nonrelative parents. Results revealed several points: (1) Relative parents were characterized by neuroticism, extreme responses concerning morality and religion, introversion, different treatment for sons and daughters, and psychological illnesses. In contrast, nonrelative parents scored higher on tests of ideational fluency, flexibility , and creative thinking, compared with their relative parents' counterparts. (2) Daughters of relative parents perceived their parents as more neglecting, provided more extreme responses concerning mornlity <lnd religion , were more frequently neurotic or psychologic<llly ill, and differentiated more sharply between their sons and daughters. (3) Daughters of nonrelative parents, compared to daughters of relative parents, displayed char­ acteristics indicating a creative personality, ideational fluency, originality, and potential for creative thinking.

102 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Divorce

Under Islamic law, a marriage can be dissolved in three ways: repudiation by the husband (Talaq), divorce by mutual consent (Khula), and judicial separation (Tafriq). Divorce is a particularly painful alternative to polygamy. The Prophet Mohammed's divorce laws were kinder to women. A man could not throw out his wife on a whim. He had to pronounce his intention to divorce her on three occa­ sions. Prophet Mohammed further ordained that no one could remarry his divorced wife before she had been remarried and divorced by another man ; consequently he could not divorce her as warning or as a punishment and then remarry her when he had gotten his way (El-Ghandour 1985; Minai 198 1).

During the 1970s, it was proposed in Egypt that the promulgation of the law necessitated the services of a judge to get the permission for the divorce. Enumeration of the reasons was essential, as well as letting the wife present her point of view. Then the judge would try to reconcile the spouses or submit them to the arbitration of the Quran. If he did not succeed he would issue a court sentence of divorce; whether the wife would receive compensation would vary according to what he thought of the husband's grounds for divorce.

Egypt's divorce rate is high. A recent report (Al-Masry al-Youm, April 21, 2016) showed that the number of divorces increased sharply from 6500 in 1992 to 70,000 in 1997, to 324,000 in 2013. Thirteen percent of marriages last less than 1 year, 36% last between 1 and 2 years, 18% between 4 and 6 years, 19% between 7 and 10 years, and only 10% of marriages endure for more than 10 years. Finally, about 68% of divorce cases were according to the mutual consent divorce or Khula. Reasons for this high rate of divorce could be attributed to absence of sexual adjustment (satisfaction) among couples, especially during the first 4 years of marriage. Divorce is especially likely to occur when there exists a large age dif­ ference between husband and wife. According to a 2015 CAPMS report, 42% of all younger divorcees encountered economic hardships after their divorce.

Divorce Among Egyptian Coptic People

According to the Egyptian Orthodox Church (Coptic), the only valid reason for divorce is adultery. However, recent years have witnessed a growing debate and demands among Coptics who call upon their Church to permit divorce for other reasons, and to allow a second marriage. The Church's refusal has forced a number of individuals to seek a solution, such as joining another church, civil marriage, or even to convert to Islam. In March 2016, the Orthodox Church prepared a law in which drug addiction, impotency, and leaving one's marriage bed (house) over a period of 5 years could be considered as possible reasons for divorce (Al-Masry al­ Youm, March 4, 2016).

6 Women in Egypt 103

Family Courts

In order to help solve family conflicts and reduce divorce rates, 231 "Family Courts" had been established by 2015 (Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, CA PMS 20 15). In these courts, psychologists and social workers are assigned to help couples to resolve their conflicts before a decision is issued by a specialized judge. Reports have shown, however, that family courts have not helped much to reduce divorce rates (Tekla 2004).

Several studies have focused on the psychological effects of divorce and sepa­ ration between husbands and wives. Ali (1994) investigated the psychological impact of divorce or separation in samples of Egyptian wives who were married to Egyptian and Arab husbands. Not surprisingly, divorced and separated wives reported higher degrees of frustration, maiital dissati sfaction, and maladjustment. Moreover, wives who were married to non-Egyptian, Arab husbands expressed more negative feelings than those married to Egyptian husbands. Another Egyptian study by El-Sayed (2003) (cited in Moussa et al. 2007) studied 127 married and divorced women from rural and urban areas with an average age of 25.6 years, and found that divorced women scored higher than married ones on tests of anxiety, phobias, psychosomatic symptoms, and depression.

Polygamy

Polygamy was a common practice in many ancient societies prior to the advent of Islam. It was often based on certain social and humanitarian considerations, such as infertility, and it prevailed in regions where the female population outnumbered the male population due to war and other reasons (El-Ghandour 1985).

Polygamy is not prohibited in Egypt, but its rate is very low mainly due to economic reasons. In the early 1970s, it was only three out of a thousand for well-educated couples and eight out of a thousand for 1L1neducated couples. More recently, the number of men who have more than one wife has been decreasing still further.

An alternative to banning polygamy outright is to enact some moderate change. In 1979, amendments to Egypt's Marital or Personal Status Law required the husband to inform his current wife of his intention to marry another woman and to infonn the future wife of his current marital status. Since secrecy facilitated poly­ gamy, this measure may have discouraged men from taking additional wives. The first wife was entitled to a court divorce and possibly monetary compensation within a year, if she found out that her husband had married again without informing her first.

104 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Marital Adjustment

Studies by Abdel-Rahman and Dousseki (1988), Morsy and Al-Maghraby (2005), and Abdullah (2006) have sought to identify the variables that predict marital adjustment among Egyptian couples. Abdel-Rahman and Dousseki (I988) found that loneliness, pessimism, misery, lack or weak self-confidence, anger, and emo­ tional instability correlated positively with poor marital adjustment.

Morsy's and Al-Maghraby's (2005) study of 120 couples (aged 25-35 years) showed that wives' social status was the most important predictor of marital adjustment followed by children's age and educational level. Being the first hus­ band for the wife was correlated positively with positive marital adjustment, as was the couple's age, educational level, and years of marriage. Couples living in independent households and in urban settings were better adjusted than those couples who lived with one of the couple's families as well as those who lived in rural areas.

Some other studies have focused on relationships between marriage conditions and some other psychosocial variables. For instance, Shawket (2000) investigated relationships between academic adjustment, emotional stabi lity, and self-adequacy in 109 married and unmarried female university students. Results showed that unmarried students were academically better adjusted than their manied counterparts.

Some Egyptian studies have investigated the role of social support in marital adjustment. Othman (2001) found a significant relationship between the husbands' social support and adjustment to college study and happiness in marital life as perceived by their college student wives. Wives having no children expressed higher levels of happiness, compared with wives having children. Moreover, the husband's profession as a teacher correlated strongly and positively with social support, marital happiness, and the wife's adjustment to her college studies.

Some Egyptian studies have discussed relationships between religiosity and marital adjustment. In Al-Maghraby's (2004a, b) research, 120 couples (mean age of 40 years for men, and 32.5 years for women) responded to two scales of reli­ giosity in marital relations and marital adjustment. Results showed negative cor­ relations between religiosity and marital adjustment among husbands, but no significant correlation between religiosity and marital .adjustment among wives. A possible explanation for the negative correlations between the two vaiiables among husbands was that husbands were more affected by their sex roles and sex-typing given that some Muslims believe Islam encourages strong masculinity in husbands.

Other researchers have investigated relationships between marital adjustment and children's mental health and academic achievement. Results showed less deviant behavior and higher academic achievement among children of well-adjusted couples. Moreover, some other researchers (e.g., Hedia 1998; Mohammed 1998) have shown that children of less well-adjusted couples score

6 Women in Egypt 105

higher on scales of psychopathy, schizophrenia, and introversion, when compared to the children of well-adjusted couples. In addition, especially boys in tend to experience more aggressive and hostile feelings.

Remaining Unmarried

Remaining unmarried is a very serious problem facing Egyptian women (and to a much lesser extent, men), and this holds true especially for the educated. A report (AL-Seyassah, November 27, 2007) reveals that about half of all unmarried women are M.A. or Ph.D. holders, and they are facing problems in finding suitable hus­ bands with socioeconomic and educational backgrounds similar to theirs. A very recent report (Rosa el-Youssef, April 16-23, 2016) indicates that the number of unmarried Egyptians in 2015 reached 9.56 million (6 million men aged 40 years and older, and 3.56 million women aged 30 years and older).

Some researchers have tried to shed light on spinsterhood among Egyptian women and its reasons and psychosocial correlates. Salem (2007), for instance, explored sex and age differences among 140 primary school male and female teachers who delayed marriage, interactions between these two variables, and the relationship between "spinsterhood bachelorhood feelings" and both depression and self-concept. Results showed the following: Female teachers and especially those who were older than 30 years, were higher on experiencing spinsterhood feelings (with its four components: feeling of spinsterhood, support-loss, psychological pain, and rejection), than the younger female teachers (less than 30 years old), and their male counterparts. Related to this, the interaction between gender and age group influenced the dimensions of spinsterhood. Scores on the spinsterhood scale correlated positively with the scores on the depression scale and negatively with scores on the self-concept scale especially in the case of females.

Happiness in Married and Non-married Adults

Very few Egyptian studies have focused on feelings of happiness among married and non-married Egyptian adults. In Habeshy's (2007) study, married men and women reported higher levels of feelings of happiness, altruism, and psychological adjustment (as a one of the social efficiency dimensions), compared with their non-married counterparts. Positive relationships between feelings of happiness and both ;:iltn1istic behilvior ;:ind self-perceptions of soci;:i l efficiency were found. These latter results suggest using altruistic behavior and social efficiency as predictors of the feelings of happiness.

106 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Women's Violence and Violence Against Women

Several Egyptian studies have focused on violence and crimes committed by women. Thus, a survey conducted by Earth Center, Cairo (Al-Ahram, May 27, 2008) showed that in 2007, 386 children died due to domestic violence. It was shown that nonworking mothers practiced the severest fonns of violence against children.

As in many other countries, women in Egypt are subject to violence and abuse (EL-Saadawi 20 16). In a study of girls and women conducted by the Suzanne Mubarak Center in Alexandria (Al-Ahram, January 8, 2008), it was shown that uneducated, nonworking, smoking women, and women who lived with their own families, or their husbands' families, when compared with educated, working, nonsmoking women, and women who live in their p1ivate houses or flats, are more frequently subject to violence and abuse. The studies also showed that those girls and women subject to physical violence and abuse in the past were also more likely the victims of violence and abuse when they became adults. The most frequently reported forms of violence and abuse were women's abuse by their husbands. Moreover, 57.4% of the subjects reported that they had suffered from discrimination during their childhood and adolescent years, with parents favoring boys over girls with respect to food, treatment, and education. In a social survey (Al-Ahram, July 27, 2008), 90% of 400 wives from Upper Egypt reported that they experienced different forms of violence such as (moral) verbal and, physical violence, and unjustified divorce. Recent statistics (Akhabar el-Youm, January 16, 2016) showed that 53% of man-ied women were subjected to physical violence, 18.8% faced psychological violence, and 4.1% experienced sexual violence.

Not surprisingly, a study by El-Dousseki (2006) found that beaten wives were more likely than non-beaten wives to experience physical, psychological, and sexual abuse, disability due to abuse, feelings of hopelessness, serious psycho­ logical disturbances, and suicidal ideation. Moreover, in a cross-cultural study by AJ-Ezzy (2007), Egyptian and Yemeni women reported that they were more often the subject of moral (verbal) violence rather than physical violence, and that the experienced violence was associated with feelings of anxiety and depression. Furthermore, the Yemeni women were more often subject to violence than their Egyptian counterparts.

Although the Egyptian society is conservative in nature, recent years have witnessed an increase in sexual harassment against women. A survey by the Center of Women Rights in Cairo (Al-Qabas, August 2, 2008) showed that 63% of the men have been accused by women for their harassment. 52% of the men in the survey reported that sexual harassment occurred against women because of their indecent dress and behavior said to contradict Arabic and Islamic traditions. Another report (El-Fagr, April 2, 2007) showed that about 20,000 women are being raped every year. Only 2% of the women dared to report the rape to the authorities.

Jn May 2016, the Appropriate Communication Technique for Development Center in Cairo launched a project to enlist men to fight harassment against women

6 Women in Egypt 107

(Al-Monitor, June 3, 2016). The new campaign will emphasize that men can help stop violence against women, despite the prevailing idea that only women support such a case. Getting men involved will raise the issue's visibility and encourage male mentors to speak with other men about the importance of the topic. Integrating men in the fight will achieve success similar to that of the 2012 initiative "I spotted harassment", which relied on young volunteers and produced tangible results. The new initiative targets men in local communities, university-age, civil society organizations, schools and the media. It addresses all forms of violence against women, starting with harassment, whether in the street or the workplace, domestic violence by a husband, father or brother, rape, forced early marriage, and genital mutilation of young girls, especially in rural areas and Upper Egypt. It is hoped that the project will raise awareness about the repercussions of such violence for victims and their families. According to a study on domestic violence published November 25, 2015 by the CAPMS in Cairo:

1. More than 30% of Egyptian married women have been subjected to physical, sexual or psychological abuse at the hands of their husbands.

2. Of married women who reached high school or higher levels of education, 25% are subjected to physical, sexual or psychological abuse.

3. Among the married women who did not complete their primary education, 39.5% are abused by their husbands.

According to the CAPMS (2015), the rate of violence against women in the more rural and conservative areas of Upper Egypt is much higher than the rate in Lower Egypt. 32.4% of married women in Upper Egypt are subjected to physical, sexual or psychological violence at the hands of their husbands, as compared to 29.3% in Lower Egypt, 29% in urban provinces, and 25.5% in border provinces.

Egypt has nine shelters affiliated with the Ministry of Social Solidarity for abused women (CAPMS 2015). A report published by the New Women Foundation noted that meeting the criteria to enter such shelters can be difficult and there is no official specialized body that tracks information and statistics on the situation of Egyptian women and the forms of violence they suffer.

To address the issue of harassment, the National Council for Women formed action groups under the banner of "Let's start [working] together against harass­ ment," in cooperation with representatives from the Interior, Justice and Religious Endowments Ministries (CAPMS 2015). It devised a plan to help contro l street violence and reduce harassment of women and girls. The Council created a hotline to report harassment and violence, and a million women in Egypt signed a petition supporting the Council's efforts to prevent violence. Meanwhile in January 2016, the Council drafted a law to fight violence, thereby joining a number of other initiMives over the ye8rs to combM the dr8m8tic problem of h8rnssment in Egypt. Tt is noted, however, that the latest project is limited to Cairo and Giza due to the short period of time available. Organizers plan to run the campaign to recruit men through the end of the year, and once it is successful, to implement it in other provinces.

108 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Pregnancy and Childbirth

Egyptian women increasingly use various forms of birth control. In some urban areas such Cairo, Giza, and Alexandria, the percentage of women who make use of birth control facilities has been estimated at 63% of all married women. Other sources indicate that the rate offertility has declined from 5.3 children in 1980 to a still rather high 3.6 in 2015 (Al-Ahram, May U , 20 15). Mahlouf (2006) attributed this decline in fertility to the successful efforts in the field of birth control. However, Egyptians expect that every woman will become a mother after marriage. This expectation is deeply rooted in the Islamic cultural tradition because Islam places the mother at the highest level.

During the past periods of harem life, or because of ignorance and poverty, many women had become little more than sexual objects and childbearing machines. Related to that, as males perceive women as weak and secondary in importance, it appeared that pregnancy and childbearing became their only duties. Having chil­ dren is crucial way for a married woman to keep the relationship with her husband strong and to avoid divorce. It may explain, at least partly, the high rate of fertility in Egypt, especially in rural areas, and particularly among uneducated married women. Egypt's high ferti lity rate is a function of many factors, such as the uni­ versality of maITiage; the early age of marriage, especially for women; the cultural coITelation between femininity and fertility; lack of social security for women, especially in old age; and the rather high rate of mortality among children (14.8 per thousand in 2013 (CAPMS 2015), especially in the rural areas and during the first year of life. The high rate offertility is also due to the fact that parents prefer to have boys rather than girls for traditional , economic, and cultural reasons. Rural women in particular consider that their value depends on their ability to bear children, especially boys. Children are traditionally a source of prestige to rich families, and of income to poor families (Minai 1981). Some earlier studies (Khalifa 1975; summarized by Hamzawi 1982) showed that education appeared to be universally related to lower fertility among Egyptian employed urban women, even when other variables that affect fertility (for example, the wife's and husband's level of edu­ cation, age, family income and length of residence in an urban area) were con­ trolled. Hamzawi 's study also indicated that in urban areas, educated women working in well paid and/or highly satisfying jobs are more likely to limit child­ bearing in order to continue to work.

Employment outside the home gives women the freedom to move about in the community and interact with others; thus, we can consider this freedom as an important social factor in the use of contraceptive methods. Fertility tended to be lower for better-educated women, working women with high incomes, and women residing in larger cities. As in other countries ferti lity in Egypt tends to be higher in the rural areas because women's agricultural labor encourages large families. Women (and men also) who work in the fields may wish for children, especially sons, to lessen their burden (Hamzawi I 982). Recent stat istics have shown that the fertility rate in Egypt had decreased to 2.8 in 2012. This decline reflects the impact

6 Women in Egypt 109

of so many variables, among them: increased awareness of the dangerous conse­ quences of having large numbers of children, increased participation of women in the workforce, and of course, the economic hardships of large families.

There are more than 5300 Egyptian centers for health care that helped more than 7 million mothers and their babies in 2013. The death rate of pregnant mothers decreased in 20 13 to 5.2 per thousand and this reflected the increase of the healthcare services in Egypt during the last three decades (CAPMS 2015).

One of the most important problems in Egypt is childbirth and its relation to the health of the mother and the child. There are three ki nds of deliveries that involve, respectively, traditional birth attendants, midwives, and medical specialists in hospitals. An earlier report (Rose al-Yosef; January 12- 18, 2008) revealed that 46% of pregnant mothers in Upper Egypt gave birth under the care of traditional birth attendants and, to a lesser extent, of midwives. However, the number of trained midwives has increased dramatically since then especially in the rural areas. Almost all pregnant women nowadays give birth with the help of physicians, inside or outside the hospital, or at least with the help of a highly trained nurse. A recent report by CAPMS (Al-Ahram, May 29, 2016) showed that in 2015, 7.5% of pregnant women delivered their babies with the help of a midwife, 88.3% with the help of a medical doctor, and 3.2% with the help of a nurse. Moreover, 91% of new mothers received medical care after delivery. Finally, mothers' mortality (during delivery) decreased from 84 mothers (for each 100,000 child) in the year 2000 to 52 mothers (for each 100,000 children) in 20 15.

Breastfeeding makes heavy physical demands on women, who spend a good part of their lives giving birth to and then breastfeeding their children. Most rural mothers nurse their babies. Breastfeeding five to seven chjldren on demand for up to 2 years adds up to a very large proportion of adult li fe spent under heavy nutri tional and physical stress. At the same time, Egyptian women are working and are expected to contribute to the economic support of the household.

Adult Activities: Career Opportunities

Women in Egypt have always worked, but with the increase in industrialization, for the first time they have the right to enter the labor force on their own, to undertake jobs outside the home, which they may obtain without the help or permission of their men (Soliman I 977).

Women started working outside their homes as a means to be financially independent and to increase the family income. Women began working before socie.ty w;is ;ihle. to pre.pare. s11it;ihle. c:onclitions to he.Ip the.m org;inize. the.ir household chores, care for their children, and plan their families (Soliman I 977). Women's employment in Egypt is relatively recent, since in earlier times it was largely limited to those whose provider had Jost the ability to work for one reason or another. However, the activities in this category of women were restricted to some industries and housekeeping services.

110 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Women's contributions are concentrated mainly in the fields of education and health services. The educational services sector absorbs about 54% and the healthcare services sector an estimated 22% of the total female labor force.

In the academic world, women only occasionally occupy leadership positions. In the early 1990s, the first vice rector (of Helwan University) was appointed, and in 2008 Cairo University (established 1908) appointed its first female vice rector (Al­ Ahram, July 31, 2008). In another progressive step concerning women's status in Egypt, a female medical professor (Prof. Hind Hanfi) was appointed in June 2009 as rector of Alexandria University.

A report by Al-Ahram (December 3, 2008) indicated that in 2006-2007, women's participation in the governmental sector reached 10% of the total labor force in this sector, 32-36% of the labor force working in the sector for business and commercial companies, and between 19 and 27% in the industrial companies. The report estimates the participation of Egyptian women in all paid work sectors at between 25 and 27%.

The most important reason for the limited number of women entering the labor force was that of children. Decree no. 68 of 1961 stated! that every employer who employed in one place 100 or more female employees should provide a day nursery for the female workers' children who were between the ages of 3 months and 6 years. Additional problems included children's sickness and the lack of oppor­ tunities for the working women to get vacations based on this reason, which forced the working mother either to take her sick child to the kindergarten, with dangerous consequences, or to take off from work.

The impact of the women/mothers' work on their children's behavior were the topics of several earlier Egyptian research studies (Kandeel 1964; Youssef 197 5; Adam 1982; Al-Adel 1991 ; Khalil 1989 [cited in Ahmed 1991 , 2005]; Ayyad 1997; Baker 1997; Mahmoud and Leilah 1995; Shoukry 1998; Shend 2000). Their results showed that there were no differences between the children of working mothers and the children of nonworking mothers in terms of adjustment, emotional stability, and academic achievement. Moreover, the attitudes of girls toward the work of their mothers were more positive than those of boys.

Results also showed that the working woman dealt with the conflict between her two roles as a mother and as an employee in a positive manner only when she had a positive self-concept, a high level of education, and less responsibility for her children; for example, when she had no pressing need to take care of her children herself. Another study (Baker 1997) showed that while children (ages 12-15 years) of nonworking mothers showed better psychosocial adjustment, their counterparts of working mothers were higher in academic (school) adjustment. Ayyad (1997) studied time allocation by working and nonworking single parent mothers and its effect on psychologicfll fatigue. The working single mothers experienced more problems allocating time to household chores, leisure time, and unpaid work, compared with their nonworking counterparts. Shoukry ( 1998) found that working women with Type A behavior who were subjected to stressful job conditions were less effective in marital adjustment. Abou el-Nile (2007) compared the health outcomes of women's work, education, and lifestyles of working and nonworking

6 Women in Egypt 111

Egyptian women. She found a significant correlation between psychosomatic disorders and a stressful lifestyle. Less educated women reported lifestyles that were significantly more stressful than those of their better-educated counterparts.

Female Child Labor, Street Children, and Adolescents

Due to economic hardships, many children have to work instead of attending school. Experts estimate the number of underage working children at 2 million (Al­ Masty al-Youm, April 12, 2016), among whom an estimated 25-35% are girls. Child labor has many negative and devastating consequences. However, very few Egyptian studies have focused specifically on female child labor (Ismail 2002a, b). An example of such studies is Ismail (2002b) who compared a sample of female children working as housemaids and street sellers with a sample of female students. The author found a higher incidence of psychological problems and a higher level of external locus of control in the first group.

One relatively new phenomenon facing Egyptian adolescents and youths is the increasing number of males and females (mainly from urban areas) who are reported absent from their homes. Some studies (e.g., Farag 2003) have indicated that adolescents and youths escape from home because of broken homes and fami lies, divorce of parents, abuse or maltreatment by parents or relatives, the negative influence of peers, insufficient education, and economic hardship.

A related and serious social problem facing Egyptian society since the mid- l 990s concerns street children and adolescents, who can be found in larger cities, especially Cairo and Alexandria. Reports (Al-Watan, December 14, 2007) estimate the number of street children and adolescents in Egypt as much as one million, of whom 20-30% are females. It was also reported that some 13-14-year-old girls have been raped, became pregnant, and gave birth. Several reasons for this phenomenon include broken homes, separation of parents, the death of a parent or both, poverty and economic hardships, conflicts between parents and children, and absence of governmental care.

Women as Judges and in Politics

Until recently, Egyptian women were not allowed to work as judges. It was claimed by many that women are weak and cannot cope with the troubles associated with this kind of work. Tt W<ls also said thM women, due to pregnancy <lnd birth, could not be objective as judges. However, others believe that the real reason for not allowing women to work as judges derives from the traditions and customs emphasizing that judges should be male. However, women in many other Arab countries such as Tunisia, Sudan, Morocco, Algeria, and Syria, have entered the

112 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

field and sometimes as early as the mid-1950s, as was the case in Syria. In 2003, the first Egyptian woman was appointed by president's decree as a judge to the Supreme Constitutional Court. Currently, women only occupy 72 seats as judges, compared to more than 12,000 male judges. This amounts to about 0.05%, com­ pared with 40, 40, and 50% in Lebanon, Algeria and Tunisia, respectively (Al-Ahram, March 23 , 2016). In other legislative branches, however, the percentage of Egyptian women is increasing steadily, where they represent between 10 and 20% of all employees.

To ensure women's participation in the political process, Egypt's National Assembly passed a law in June 2009 according to which 64 of the National Assembly's seats will be reserved for women beginning with the 2011 election. In the 2016 Parliament, women secured 89 seats or 15% of the total number of the 596 parliament seats (including the ex-World Swimming Women Champion, Rania Alwani). Moreover, the present Egypt's cabinet consists of 34 ministers, among them four women. Many analysts consider this feminist achievement as the real beginning of women 's political participation in Egypt.

Aging

As a result of steady improvements in healthcare services, the working environ­ ment, and life in general, the number of elderly has jncreased. In 2016, those 65 years and older numbered about 3.5 million or about 4. 17% of Egypt's total population (CIA 2017).

The government has devoted special attention to the elderly. A number of clubs and homes have been established, especially in major cities and towns, to provide the aged with health, social, and psychological care in compensation for what they had offered to their country in their active years. Private social associations have also been helping to provide medical and social care and assistance to the elderly. According to a presidential decree issued in the 1970s, elderly people have been able to get a monthly pension (State Information Services 1985). At present, several governmental and nongovernmental clubs and shelters (homes) for the elderly have been open in most of the Egyptian cities and offer services for about 4 million aged men and women.

Women's Leisure Time

A study (Al-Ahram, September 11, 2008) conducted on 1300 Egyptian women aged between 15 and 65 years and from different sociocultural settings in Egypt showed that watching television programs is the main activity of women in their free time. Results of the survey revealed that 92% of the respondents spend their free time watching TV, 36% visiting relatives and friends, 25% are involved in reading, 18%

6 Women in Egypt 113

listen to the radio, and 9% are involved in activities such as sewing tricot. As for women's preferred TV programs, health and medical care programs came first (92%), then, food and kitchen programs (82%), followed by programs that focus on law and legislation, especially those related to women's rights and duties (38%).

Concluding Remarks

Despite many legal changes that have taken place in regards to sexual equality and women's status, there remains a wide gap in Egypt between equality under the law and equality in actuality. Women continue to encounter obstacles that prevent them from making real progress and keep them from participating actively in the developmental process of their country. Although women have advanced in many fields, such as education, work and the professions, personal and family legislation, and through the feminist movement, much work remains to be done in areas such as beliefs about female circumcision, illiteracy, higher education, health care (for mothers and babies as well), job opportunities, and the participation of women in economic, social, and political activities. Real progress in women's status will only be achieved when the attitudes of both men and women toward women and their societal roles change and become more positive.

In order to improve the status of Egyptian women and to equip them for undertaking responsibilities and enjoying their rights, it is not enough just to discuss their secondary role in society, although the factors affecting women's lives have often been taken into consideration. Rather, it is necessary to change their eco­ nomic, social, and political circumstances. For that, we have to examine more deeply the causes and historical roots that have sustained the inferior position of women. They include, for instance, the social and economic situations that evolved over time due to the differences between men and women and their relations with work and production. Only when women are deeply involved in the world of work and the wealth distribution has become more equal will we see the advent of true equality between Egypt's men and women. Until this happens the status of Egyptian women will rank below that of their sisters in many other Arab states such as Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, Comoros, and Tunisia.

References

Abdel-Gawad, N. E. (1985). A comparative study of some mental and non-mental factors in daughters of relative couples and daughters of non-relative couples. Unpublished master's thesis, Faculty of Education, Mansoura University, Mansoura, Egypt (in Arabic).

Abdel-Rahman, M. E., & Dousseki, R. M. H. (1988). Mari.tat adjustment prediction. In Proceedings of the 4th Annual Convention of the Egyptian Association for Psychological Studies (EAPS) (pp. 671-694). Cairo, Egypt, January 25-27, 1988, Center for the Human Development and Information (in Arabic).

114 R.A. Ahmed and U.P. Gielen

Abdullah, M. H. (2006). Argumentation and marital adjustment. Arab Journal of Contemporary Psychology (Egypt), 2(4), 119-155. (in Arabic).

Adam, M. S. (1982). Woman between home and work. Cairo: Dar el-Maaref. (in Arabic). Abou el-Nile, H. M. (2007). Health consequences of women's work, education, and life style.

Egyptian Jounwl of Psychological Studies (Egypt), / 7(54), 360-396 (in Arabic). Ahmed, R. A. (1991). Women in Egypt and the Sudan. In L. L. Adler (Ed.), Women in

cross-cultural perspective (pp. 107- 133). Westport, CT: Praeg·er. Ahmed, R. A. (2005). Egyptian families. In J. L. Roopnarine & U. P. Gielen (Eds.), Families in

global perspective (pp. 151 - 168). New York: Allyn & Bacon. Ahmed, R. A. (2006). Egypt. In J. J. Arnett (Ed.), International encyclopedia of adolescence:

Middle East and Africa (Vol. 1, pp. 1-28). New York: Routledge. Akhabar el-Youm. (2016). An Egyptian weekly newspaper (in Arabic), January 16, 2016. Al-Adel, A. M. (1991). Scholastic adjustment in children of working and nonworking mothers. In

Proceedings of the 7th Annual Convention of the Egyptian Association for Psychological Studies: Psychology in Egypt (pp. 221- 237). Cairo, Egypt, September 2-4, 1991 (in Arabic).

Al-Ahram. (2004). An Egyptian daily newspaper. December 10, 2004 (in Arabic). Al-Ahram. (2007). An Egyptian daily newspaper. June 29, 2007 (in Arabic). Al-Ahram. (2009). An Egyptian daily newspaper. February 7, 2009; February 16, 2009 (in

Arabic). Al-Ahram. (2014). An Egyptian daily newspaper. November 10, 2014 (in Arabic). Al-Ahram. (2015). An Egyptian daily newspaper. May 11 , 2015; November 20, 2015 (in Arabic). Al-Ahram. (2016). An Egyptian daily newspaper. March 23, 2016; May 29, 2016; May 31, 2016

(in Arabic). AI-Ahram Weekly. (2007). An Egyptian weekly newspaper. Feb1uary 1-7, 2007. Al-Ezzy, A. A. (2007). Women's perceptions of violence practiced against them and their suffering

from anxiety and depression: A comparative study based on samples of Yemeni and Egyptian women. Egyptian Journal of Psychological Studies (Egypt), 17(55), 9- 52. (in Arabic).

Ali, A. A. (1994). A psychological study of separated and divorced Egyptian wives who were married to Egyptian and Arab husbands. Jownal of P~ychology (Egypt), 8(29), 68-77. (in Arabic).

Al-Maghraby, A. M. (2004a). Religiosity in marital relations and marital adjustment. Psychological Studies (Egypt), 14(4), 575- 594. (in Arabic).

Al-Maghraby, A. M. (2004b). The relationship between religiosity and marital adjustment. Arab Studies in Psychology (Egypt) (in Arabic)

AI-Masry Al-Youm. (2009). An Egyptian daily newspaper. Wednesday, February 4, 2009 (in Arabic).

Al-Masry al-Youm. (2016). An Egyptian daily newspaper. March 4, 2016; April 21, 2016; June 2, 2016 (in Arabic).

Al-Monitor "The Plus of the Middle East". (2016). June 3, 2016. Al-Qabas. (2008). A Kuwaiti daily newspaper. August 2, 2008 (in Arabic). Al-Seyassah. (2007). A Kuwaiti daily newspaper. Nov. 27, 2007 (in Arabic). Al-Watan. (2007). A Kuwaiti daily newspaper. December 14, 2007 (in Arabic). Amin, Q. (1899). Tahrir al-Mara [The emancipation of women]. Cairo: Matbaa al-Maktabaa

al-Shru·aiya (in Arabic). Amin, Q. (1900). Al-Mara al-Jadida [The modern woman]. Cairo: Matbaa al-Maaref (in Arabic) Ayyad, S. M. (1997). The ability to allocate time for the single mother and its effect on her

psychological fatigue. Egyptian Journal of Psychological Studies (Egypt), 7(16), 185-222. (in Arabic).

Rakt~r, S. A. T. ( 1997), P.1yr·ho.torial arlj11strnn1t in. ('hilrlrn1 of working anrl non.working mothPr.1·. Unpublished doctor disse11ation, Institute of Higher Studies on Childhood, Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt (in Arabic).

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook: Egypt (2017). Retrieved from https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rp.html

Daily News Egypt. (August 12, 2013). Central Agency for Public Mobilization. and Statistics: 51.3% ofyouths live in poverty in 2012. Retrieved from http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/