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wk76215CLopezA.BurtI.2013.Counselinggroups.pdf

Journal of Creativity in Mental Health, 8:395–415, 2013 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1540-1383 print/1540-1391 online DOI: 10.1080/15401383.2013.844660

CREATING SPACE FOR CONNECTION: A COLUMN FOR CREATIVE PRACTICE

Counseling Groups: A Creative Strategy Increasing Children of Incarcerated Parents’

Sociorelational Interactions

ANGELICA LOPEZ The Village South/WestCare, Miami, Florida, USA

ISAAC BURT Florida International University, Miami, Florida, USA

Children of incarcerated parents are at a greater risk for devel- oping social and relational issues due to negative socialization. By using a creative integration of imagery, bibliotherapy, and tra- ditional group counseling, this intervention addresses children’s relational and social competencies. The purpose of this article is to provide mental health counselors with a creative, pragmatic approach to use with youth struggling with relational issues. The brief, 6-week intervention outlined in this article may benefit chil- dren both socially and behaviorally. Improvement in social and relational competencies helps youth form healthy relationships in the future.

KEYWORDS parental incarceration, children, counseling group, social and relational abilities, group intervention, creativity in counseling

During the last decade, incarceration has risen considerably due to a num- ber of risk factors such as poverty, low parental education, and absence of parental figures (Harper & McLanahan, 2004). The dramatic growth in

Address correspondence to Angelica Lopez, The Village South/WestCare, 169 East Flagler Street, Suite 1300, Miami, FL 33131, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

395

396 A. Lopez and I. Burt

the number of parents being held in state and federal prisons is of par- ticular concern. For example, Glaze and Maruschak (2008) reported a 79% increase in the number of parents being held in state and federal prisons from 1991 to 2007, while custodial populations grew by 92%. Furthermore, in midyear 2007, 52% of state and 63% of federal inmates reported hav- ing at least one child younger than the age of 18 (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). Unfortunately, children who witness their parent’s arrest and con- viction are the ones left with the complications of putting their life back together. Usually referred to as the hidden or invisible victims, these children are understudied and underserved, making them an extremely vulnerable population (Miller, 2006).

Initially confused by their parent’s absence, most children experience a wide range of emotions and behaviors (Geller, Garfinkel, Cooper, & Mincy, 2009). For example, some boys may display rebellious, angry, or undisci- plined behaviors such as acting out and getting into fights to solicit attention (Burt & Butler, 2011). Other boys may exhibit shyness, anxiety, para- noia, and reticence, particularly around adults (Davies, Brazzell, La Vigne, & Shollenberger, 2008). Additionally, two of the most common emotions that plague children of incarcerated parents are embarrassment and shame (Miller, 2006). Increased embarrassment and shame affect children’s social and relational development with peers and adults. Consequently, Miller (2006) reported that some youth go as far as shutting down to avoid talk- ing about their parent’s incarceration. It is also common for many children to lie to protect themselves from emotional pain and social isolation. Lying then becomes a secondary habit that may enter into adulthood and cause further social and relational problems (Johnston, 1995). Succinctly stated, a number of harmful issues negatively amalgamate to affect children’s social and relational abilities due to parental incarceration (Miller, 2006).

A direct consequence resulting from the preceding factors is that chil- dren of incarcerated parents are often apprehensive to create social bonds, as they fear others may become aware of their family status. The result is that these children oftentimes find themselves feeling alone with few, if any, people with whom they can relate or talk to (Nesmith & Ruhland, 2008; Phillips & Gates, 2011). Further, Phillips and Gates (2011) identified the fear children experience as a type of stigmatization. According to Phillips and Gates, stigmatization is the process of having negative characteristics applied to a person. Consequently, these negative attributes result in devaluation, stereotyping, and discriminatory treatment. Isolation begins to develop, and detachment from others inhibits children from forming social ties and bonds (Miller, 2006). For example, previous researchers found that children worry about how others view them after learning about their situation (Phillips & Gates, 2011). Worry and anxiety combine, leading to social fear and loss of social and relational competencies.

Children of Incarcerated Parents 397

LOSS OF SOCIAL AND RELATIONAL COMPETENCIES

The impact of parental separation and loss of social and relational competencies can differ, depending on whether the incarcerated parent is the mother or father. Davies et al. (2008) specifically identified a mother’s incar- ceration as more detrimental to a child’s capacity for forming relationships compared with incarceration of a father. Among many reasons, the pivotal role that mothers often play as primary caretaker in the child’s life explains this outcome (Davies et al., 2008). Additionally, a father’s absence due to incarceration oftentimes leaves the sole caretaking to the mother (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). If the mother then commits a crime that leads to incar- ceration, it causes a major disruption and parental absence in the child’s life. The loss of both parents results in a grandparent or other relative providing care for the child, or leads to placement in the child welfare or foster care system. Feelings of abandonment, anger, and anxiety may increase and might impede the child’s ability to establish and maintain relationships with others (Phillips & Gates, 2011). Furthermore, Glaze and Maruschak (2008) concluded that regardless of the sex of the parent, incar- ceration influences children’s social and relational abilities and interactions tremendously.

The Influence of Attachment

According to Bandura (2008), the level of parental attachment and role- modeling directly affects a child’s behavior. For example, if the attachment level is high and the parent models inappropriate behavior, the child is likely to mimic the actions of the adult (Bandura, 2008). Youth’s imitative behavior may serve as an undesirable “coming of age” or “badge of honor” with the parent and in the juvenile system. However, even if parental attachment is not high, but the child perceives it to be, it also directly influences social and relational abilities (Burt & Butler, 2011).

An example of the influence of the perception of attachment is an incar- cerated parent who is not present in a child’s life. However, the child may believe mimicking behaviors similar to the incarcerated parent will create a bond between them, therefore compensating for the physical absence. Thus, the rationale of the child is as follows: Imitating behaviors will build a stronger relationship and increase attachment between parent and child (Phillips & Gates, 2011). Although this dubious logic may not be accurate, it provides the child with feelings of hope (Burt & Butler, 2011). As a result, a potentially distorted perception of the attachment between parent and child begins to develop (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). Clearly, the perception of attach- ment (real or imagined) is critical for this population. Lastly, recent studies indicate the sex of the incarcerated parent greatly affects attachment as well (Phillips & Gates, 2011).

398 A. Lopez and I. Burt

NEGATIVE PARENTAL ATTACHMENT AND THE INCARCERATED MOTHER

Traditionally, society views mothers (women) as more nurturing than fathers, or men, and less likely to have a negative parental attachment (Burt, 2013). Operationally defined, negative parental attachment is when a parent develops an attachment that promotes anxiety, sadness, anger, or fear in the child (Phillips & Gates, 2011). As a result, researchers believe nega- tive parental attachment is worse when it is the mother who is incarcerated (Phillips & Gates, 2011). Although current researchers have asserted this view is not entirely accurate, the idea continues to persist in society (Cross & Campbell, 2011). Consequently, an incarcerated mother violates the soci- etal norm of the nurturing maternal figure (Johnson & Easterling, 2012). Violation of this social standard further stigmatizes youth, as society looks down on jailed individuals (Shlafer, Poehlmann, & Donelan-McCall, 2012). Further, according to societal norms, the mother should be the one lov- ing and nurturing the child (Kjellstrand, Cearley, Eddy, Foney, & Martinez, 2012). Although sex does not necessarily determine the ability to provide attachment and nurturing, having a mother (or woman) act in ways that contradict societal norms and functioning may be mentally detrimental for children (Cross & Campbell, 2011). Hence, the child receives the following implicit message from society: The person who should provide care and love for you is absent and negligent (Shlafer et al., 2012). The impact of this message is critical in that it affects children’s ability to socialize and build relationships with others (Kjellstrand et al., 2012).

To further illustrate the impact of female parental incarceration on chil- dren’s social and relational skills, Glaze and Maruschak (2008) conducted a study evaluating children of incarcerated mothers in state prisons. Glaze and Maruschak indicated grandmothers (42%) and other relatives (23%) were pri- mary caretakers. Furthermore, while in the custody of others, youth would imitate behaviors similar to the incarcerated mother. Although the mother was absent, some youth perceived a bond or link with her through their actions. Additionally, a large percentage of fathers (88%) reported that at least one of their children was residing in the care of the child’s mother or another person. Obviously, this population has distinct behavioral and relational problems that mental health and school counselors should address.

AN UNDERSERVED POPULATION

Phillips and Gates (2011) indicated counselors should address the impact of parental incarceration on a child’s social and relational ability, as it is extremely important. Although awareness of the influence of parental incar- ceration on children’s social capabilities continues to rise, information on effective services remains limited. An explanation by Miller (2006) discussed this discrepancy. He suggested that while literature provides practitioners

Children of Incarcerated Parents 399

with awareness of the multitude of problems, there is an absence of specific interventions addressing this distinct population. Lopez and Bhat (2007) addi- tionally stated, “Despite alarming statistics, research on school-based support services remains limited” (p. 140).

Moreover, Nesmith and Ruhland (2008) put forth the idea that interventions not only need to address relational behaviors, but also need to draw upon the population’s unique strengths. Researchers indicate this population has distinct characteristics such as resiliency and dedication (Phillips & Gates, 2011). As such, mental health counselors need to be creative in developing interventions when reaching out to this popula- tion. Creative, strength-based interventions are critical with populations that may not respond well to traditional therapeutic modalities (Burt, 2013). By creating interventions that focus on strengths, rather than deficits, tra- ditionally underserved populations may demonstrate increased commitment and respond more positively (Gladding, 2012). Furthermore, due to mone- tary limitations in schools and community settings, mental health and school counselors have to be creative in developing economical interventions.

In essence, counselors need to draw upon the strengths of this popula- tion, avoid social isolation of children, and at the same time, utilize resources to their economic maximum (Burt & Butler, 2011). Clearly, children of incar- cerated parents are an underserved population with distinct attributes and characteristics not seen in other populations (Miller, 2006). Thus, coupled with these distinct traits and the burden of economic limitations, a dilemma arises for mental health and school counselors: How do counselors develop creative and inexpensive interventions while simultaneously reaching out to as many individuals as possible?

Economic Limitations and the Need for Creative Interventions

As mentioned previously, economic resources are less readily available in schools and community centers (Burt & Butler, 2011). For children of incar- cerated parents, the impact of inadequate economic resources may be even more detrimental than for the average child. For example, family income and home stability are areas in which children with incarcerated parents suffer dramatically. Geller et al. (2009) explained reasons for economic disparity and loss of familial stability, including a discussion of how these factors combine to affect children negatively. First, following a parent’s incarcer- ation, there are fewer financial resources available to the family (i.e., loss of income). Furthermore, the possibility of needing legal representation exists as well, as not all families’ socioeconomic status qualifies for a public defender. Second, loss of income directly affects children through lack of resources to provide adequate nutritional diets. Thus, some children do not receive the necessary vitamins and nutrients required for developing youth. Due to loss of income, many children receive little to no health care and may experience other losses such as lack of clothing, school supplies, and

400 A. Lopez and I. Burt

availability of technology. Furthermore, if the primary caretaker is incarcer- ated and there are limited capacities for support and supervision, relationship breakdowns and negative socialization effects are likely to occur (Murray & Farrington, 2005). These negative socialization and relationship problems are exacerbated if children also attend academically ineffective schools (Burt & Butler, 2011).

POTENTIAL RESOURCES AS POSITIVE ROLE MODELS

While researchers demonstrate the challenges children face due to incar- cerated parents (Phillips & Gates, 2011), questions remain about what resolutions exist that offset these problematic issues. One identified solution to decrease the risk for economic hardship and relational instability is to develop creative family service interventions that ameliorate material hardship and ensure social stability (Geller et al., 2009). Examples of family service interventions are free workshops conducted by counselors, certified public accounts, and other professionals at local community centers. Burt and Butler (2011) supported the idea of professionals providing free services at community centers. They further stated that professionals providing services could do so voluntarily, or on a pro-bono basis. Provision of free services not only assists the family unit, but it also offers a potential additional benefit to the child.

As stated by Bandura (2008), adults provide implicit direction and learn- ing to children through modeling. The professional who is offering the free service is a potential role model for the child, and they may emulate the positive behavior observed (Burt & Butler, 2011). By offering free services, the professional’s altruistic behavior can serve as a buffer against negative parental models. Succinctly stated, children need an appropriate person with which to identify, as modeling is critical for the development of children (Bandura, 2008). For instance, Murray and Farrington (2005) asserted that an alarming rate of incarcerated parents have children who desperately lack positive role models. Consequently, an emerging need exists for men- tal health and school counselors to use effective, creative interventions to alleviate the hardship these children endure.

DEVELOPMENTAL CHALLENGES

Nesmith and Ruhland (2008) stated that without creative and novel inter- ventions, children’s responses to incarceration or other social trauma could manifest later on in negative developmental behaviors. In the past, research has indicated that behavioral techniques are best suited to deal effectively with these antisocial and delinquent behaviors and responses. However, current literature suggests otherwise. Roysircar (2009), for example, stated that due to an increased awareness of multiculturalism, many traditional talk therapies are no longer appropriate. She further asserted that instead

Children of Incarcerated Parents 401

of strict behavioral strategies, counselors should use creative culturally sen- sitive treatments. Burt and Butler (2011), as well as Gladding (2012), agree with and support Roysircar’s assertions. Burt and Butler stated that traditional talk therapies may not be as effective with the current generation of clients exhibiting potentially destructive behaviors. Examples of such behaviors are hypervigilance, sexualized behavior, and excessive verbal and physi- cal aggression. Boys, in particular, may benefit from creative interventions as they may display delinquent and antisocial behavior due to parental incarceration (Davies et al., 2008). Murray and Farrington (2005) found that 71% of men who experienced parental incarceration during childhood had more antisocial and delinquent behavioral outcomes at 32 years of age.

GROUP BENEFITS

Although risks for children of incarcerated parents are evident, key factors such as social support systems and increased self-efficacy are imperative for growth and development (Bandura, 2008). Nontraditional group counseling focusing on empowerment, self-efficacy, and creativity has shown success with underserved populations (Burt, 2013). Groups provide a social sphere that promotes exploration of commonalities in a nonjudgmental atmosphere. Furthermore, nonjudgmental groups encompass creative strategies such as rope courses, martial arts, and bibliotherapy (Burt, 2013). Groups can play a primary role in assisting children of incarcerated parents with needed resources that may break the cyclical pattern of intergenerational criminal- ity. Murray and Farrington (2005) stated that when parental incarceration occurs, there should be an extensive range of creative support services that counselors offer. Burt and Butler (2011) suggested group counseling that focuses on empowerment and self-efficacy may be a creative alternative counselors can use with this distinct, underserved population.

The conceptual group described in this article may serve as a use- ful intervention that provides mental health and school counselors with a creative method to work with children of incarcerated parents. Thus, the intent of this article is twofold: (a) to improve children’s social and rela- tional competencies, and (b) to provide counselors with a creative, pragmatic resource that reaches out to children of incarcerated parents, an underserved population.

GROUP PROCESSES

Main Objectives of the Group

The primary purpose of this conceptual counseling group is to increase chil- dren’s social and relational competencies. To accomplish this goal, members must attain several objectives during the group’s lifespan:

402 A. Lopez and I. Burt

1. Decrease the effect of social stigma and isolation by allowing members to voice freely their thoughts and feelings regarding parental incarceration.

2. Improve self-esteem by increasing children’s sense of belonging through providing a warm, caring environment where they can see others have issues similar to theirs (Bandura, 2008). An additional benefit children receive from having a warm, supportive environment is that it may help alleviate confusion and stigma that have arisen due to negative social experiences (e.g., parent’s incarceration; Bandura, 2008).

3. Increase empowerment through use of collaborative exercises, pair sharing, and bibliotherapy.

4. Use role-plays and collaborative exercises to help members begin to make appropriate choices, as well as improve academic, social, relational, and behavioral decision-making.

5. Use positive interactions, role-modeling, pair sharing, and bibliotherapy to guide members to begin forming healthy relationships in and outside group sessions.

Miller (2006) stated, “When children have access to resources that help them cope with developmental challenges, they successfully achieve developmental tasks” (p. 478). Through attaining these objectives, members benefit and learn to build established, trustful relationships. Furthermore, members begin to understand their feelings and the feelings of those around them, as they relate better to others. Ultimately, this understanding assists in developing healthy coping skills that support children’s social and relational skills into adolescence and adulthood (Burt & Butler, 2011).

Facilitator Style and Theoretical Considerations

According to Gladding (2012), facilitation style is a crucial factor contributing to the successfulness of a group. When groups provide therapeutic ser- vices for children, appropriate facilitation style may be even more critical for positive outcomes (Burt & Butler, 2011). For groups serving underserved and underage populations (e.g., children and adolescents), several specific facilitator and group characteristics must exist (Burt, 2013). For example, specific factors may include creativity, empathy, and appropriate disclosure (Corey, 2011). However, for underserved populations such as children of incarcerated parents, an additional number of factors need addressing. For example, facilitation with children of incarcerated parents must include struc- ture, appropriate social limits, and consistency to serve as a buffer against the instability in their lives (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). Democratic facilitation, a leadership style that trusts members to develop their own potential as well as that of others in the group, assists in providing clear explanations of group format, leadership roles, and group expectations, while contribut- ing to successful outcomes (Gladding, 2012; Price & Limberg, 2013). Due to

Children of Incarcerated Parents 403

the distrust that is typical among children with incarcerated parents (Bender, 2003), direction from the facilitator will occur at the start and end of each group meeting. Facilitators will primarily focus on the here-and-now and will help group members to apply gained insights into making changes in their lives (Burt & Butler, 2011).

This conceptual group’s theoretical orientation relies heavily on Carl Rogers’s person-centered therapy, which emphasizes empathy and uncon- ditional positive regard. Although there is a focus on Rogerian concepts, many features of the group are eclectic in nature. This group also uses tech- niques from other theories in an organized manner. These techniques include bibliotherapy, art therapy, and cognitive-behavioral therapy. Labeled techni- cal eclecticism, this style allows the facilitator to use a strong theoretical base and draw from other conceptual techniques systematically (Young, 2013). Springer, Lynch, and Rubin (2000) advocate the importance of highlighting children’s strengths to help youth understand that their parent’s inappropri- ate actions do not make the child a bad person, nor do their actions mean that the child is at fault. Focus on the here-and-now occurs during session activities whereby children begin to receive feedback about their behavior, are able to practice new social skills, and learn how peers perceive them (Lopez & Bhat, 2007).

Logistics and Prescreening

Groups consist of 6–10 children, approximately 6–11 years of age and in grades second through fifth. The facilitator needs to work collaboratively with administrators, teachers, and school counselors for the group to be suc- cessful (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). Teachers and counselors alike monitor the children around them for appropriate group fit and serve as a prescreening tool to identify children in need of this service. Selection of potential mem- bers is from a list that teachers provide to counselors that notes excessive behavioral problems within the 6-week academic semester. Potential mem- bers must have at least four documented instances of severe behavioral problems in the 6-week period, in addition to having confirmation of an incarcerated parent. There must be evidence of (a) fighting, (b) verbal attacks on peers and teachers, (c) four or more unexcused absences, and (d) in-school or out-of-school suspensions (Burt & Butler, 2011).

After identification of potential participants, each one will meet indi- vidually with the group facilitator (i.e., mental health or school counselor). The facilitator explains the group’s purpose and discusses the opportunity to interact with others in similar situations and to engage in activities that promote self-esteem and social skills (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). The facilitator also converses with each potential participant about any personal goals they may have at this time. Prior to any group meetings, the facilitator has each member sign a child assent form, and a parent or guardian signs an informed consent.

404 A. Lopez and I. Burt

DESCRIPTION OF SESSION PLANS

First and Second Sessions

Basic rules for the group consist of respect for people’s thoughts, beliefs, and values (Gladding, 2012). These rules are similar to school protocols where members will not physically assault others, will refrain from cursing, and will allow others to talk (Burt, 2013). The facilitator discusses confidentiality in the pregroup meeting and reinforces it as a topic of importance. At the end of each session (Table 1), the facilitator will allocate 10 minutes for reflection and summarization.

FIRST SESSION

The first session, an introduction meeting, focuses on relieving anxiety. Members break the ice, introduce themselves, and discuss basic ground rules and expectations. To ensure that members know they are there for a common purpose, the facilitator restates the purpose of the group.

Next, the facilitator uses nonthreatening collaborative exercises so mem- bers get to know each other better while reducing apprehension and anxiety (Springer et al., 2000). During this activity, members spread out from each other and throw around a soft rubber or cloth ball. When a member catches the ball, he or she tells the group something about him or herself. In this activity, all members engage in a socially interactive activity and feel less pressure in front of the group to disclose things about themselves. The facil- itator demonstrates how to do the activity by performing the activity before the rest of the group.

Burt, Patel, and Lewis (2012) discuss an activity in which members find commonalties between one another, which can increase cohesion and reduce anxiety. In this activity, members go through a process of identifying adult role models. Each member specifies and discusses a person, as well as what makes the person special. According to Burt et al. (2012), cohesion increases as members see that others choose similar people (e.g., a family member or celebrity). Anxiety also decreases as connections between mem- bers begin to develop (e.g., role models chosen based on similar likes and characteristics). Thus, the objective of the first session is to allow members to begin to form bonds and group cohesion as they develop a sense of relation to one another.

SECOND SESSION

The second session focuses on further disclosure, development of group cohesion, and establishing trust. Here, members continue to get to know each other and feel more comfortable with the relationships forming in this process. Activities in this session allow members to express how

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Children of Incarcerated Parents 407

they view themselves. Additionally, exercises in this session emphasize the identification of individual strengths and fears while helping members recognize that they are not alone (Lopez & Bhat, 2007).

One creative activity the facilitator uses to achieve this objective is to have members write a fear on a small piece of paper, fold it up, and drop it into a hat. Members then take a turn reaching into the hat and reading the fear they pick. Members test their social and relational abilities by shar- ing whether they have felt similarly to other group members. Proceeding in this manner allows members to engage in a way that reduces fear. This activity is especially helpful for children, as they sometimes feel as though they cannot relate to others, or they believe no one understands their feel- ings. Nesmith and Ruhland (2008) state that children who suffer from social stigma and isolation are often unable to connect to others or find peo- ple they can trust. As a result, these children feel socially marginalized or ostracized.

Blanton, Christensen, and Shakir (2006) suggest using collaborative activities to increase trust and cohesion in a group. An example is the col- laborative activity that Blanton et al. label Rattlesnake. In this activity, group members attempt to devise strategies to help blindfolded members locate a hidden rattle. The group forms a standing circle as the facilitator gives a rattle to a member. The facilitator blindfolds another member and tells the person to locate the rattle by touching the individual holding the rattle. Both group members enter the circle as the individual with the rattle attempts to avoid being touched. Members forming the circle collaborate and brainstorm ideas to help the blindfolded person accomplish the goal of locating the hidden rattle.

Through this collaboration activity, all members win. One person attains a goal as others take pride in assisting a member’s accomplishment. According to Blanton et al. (2006), these types of collaborative activities serve to increase cohesion as members begin to build trust through working together.

Third and Fourth Sessions

The third and fourth sessions focus on identifying additional social support, improving trust in relationships, reducing feelings of isolation, building self- esteem, and identifying personal strengths.

THIRD SESSION

As the group progresses into the third session, it is important to identify additional social support available to members once the group terminates. One way the facilitator begins this process is through a family or community genogram. Here, members identify people in their lives that they trust and

408 A. Lopez and I. Burt

with whom they may be able to disclose their feelings. As evidenced by Nesmith and Ruhland (2008), children of incarcerated parents often struggle with finding anyone to trust in their lives. However, members may begin to see improved relationships with others as group sessions transform their social and relational abilities with those around them. According to Phillips and Gates (2011), improved relationships assist in reducing the isolation that children may feel.

The facilitator also utilizes bibliotherapy by reading the book My Daddy is in Jail (Bender, 2003). Discussion after the reading explores how members were able to identify with the character (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). This activity allows members to discuss fears and identify coping strategies that help to normalize their situation. Furthermore, the facilitator engages members in a dialogue involving how coping strategies can negate harmful emotions or thoughts (e.g., sadness, thoughts of social inadequacy) experienced during the period of parental incarceration.

After leading a discussion on appropriate and inappropriate ways to express angry feelings, members participate in an activity labeled Feeling Monsters. In this activity, the facilitator provides members with a slab of molding clay that they mold into a figure of their choosing, symbolizing angry or other unresolved emotions. Members then share their “monsters” and explain the feeling they chose and their reasoning. This activity helps to facilitate discussion, and perhaps resolution, of feelings members may be otherwise unable to disclose, as well as sort out any displaced anger or unresolved emotions in a positive manner (Bender, 2003). Discussion of helpful coping techniques, such as talking to someone, drawing, writing a letter, and journaling during times of stress may prove useful during these stages (Nesmith & Ruhland, 2008). It is through these creative, alternate cop- ing strategies that members begin to identify and form relationships with peers (Miller, 2006). Through positive social bonding, youth begin to develop strong relationship skills that can possibly prevent future unproductive and destructive behavior (Bandura, 2008).

FOURTH SESSION

Johnston (1995) identified low self-esteem as one of the most common char- acteristics of children with incarcerated parents. Low self-esteem, in turn, adversely affects children’s ability to respond to future traumatic events. Therefore, the fourth session focuses on building self-esteem as well as identifying strengths. To accomplish these tasks, the facilitator has members draw a self-portrait and encourages them to name positive personal charac- teristics (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). This activity encourages members to build a positive self-image, confidence, and personal strength. Geller et al. (2009) emphasized the need for facilitators to encourage personal creativity for chil- dren of incarcerated parents. To fulfill this creative requirement, members in

Children of Incarcerated Parents 409

this group participate in an experiential activity where they create (i.e., draw) their own tree of personal strength and growth, a symbolic representation of their self-portrait (Bender, 2003).

As suggested by Bender (2003), the facilitator provides group members with materials such as construction paper, markers, crayons, or pencils. After receiving materials, each member draws a tree with roots and leaves large enough to fill the paper. Additionally, members place their name on their drawing, thus owning the work and making it theirs (Gladding, 2012). The roots symbolize personal strengths, and the facilitator instructs each member to write positive changes they have mastered or noticed in themselves. The leaves symbolize members’ current difficulties, including behaviors they are continuously working to improve.

Once members finish decorating their tree, the facilitator instructs them to pass it around the room until it makes a full circle and reaches back to the original member. Through this process, members get to see the trees of their peers. As the drawings are passed around the circle, the facilitator tells mem- bers to write on the back of the paper one positive attribute of that member to whom the tree belongs. Each member has the opportunity to share their drawing, descriptors, and what others wrote about them to the rest of the group. In an effort to process unresolved feelings resulting from this activ- ity, the facilitator needs to pay close attention to each member’s reaction and behaviors. This experiential activity not only permits each member to be introspective, but also provides for a potential increase in overall self-efficacy (Bandura, 2008). According to Adalist-Estrin (2006), improvements in self- efficacy can occur in children of incarcerated parents when they become more aware of personal perceptions and feelings. Therefore, increasing indi- vidual insight is paramount as improved awareness leads to personal growth and better interpersonal relationships (Miller, 2006).

Fifth and Sixth Sessions

Sessions 5 and 6 focus on building trusting relationships, developing social skills and self-awareness, and building outside social support to lean on after the termination of the group.

FIFTH SESSION

The focus of Session 5 is trust issues in relationships and development of appropriate social skills. In anticipation of termination, the facilitator also emphasizes the need for social and relational support in participants’ per- sonal lives. An appropriate exercise the facilitator uses is an activity labeled A Good Friend (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). In this activity, members discuss and define what makes a good friend. Moreover, members create a fictional advertisement seeking a friend that meets their described qualities. The

410 A. Lopez and I. Burt

activity ends with members role-playing and exemplifying the importance of the qualities their ideal friend has. Emphasizing positive qualities in oth- ers is imperative with this population, as many seek maladaptive groups, such as gangs, to fulfill their relational needs (Burt & Butler, 2011). It is with this increased sense of self-awareness and knowledge about what qualities individuals look for in others that social and relational skills grow.

Encouraging a positive outlook for the future and instilling confidence in group members is essential, as worry and hopelessness often plague children of incarcerated parents (Adalist-Estrin, 2006). To circumvent hopelessness, the facilitator must be sure to deal with termination in a caring and sensi- tive manner (Corey, 2011). In this group, the facilitator has members create a vision board that assists in the termination process by providing inspira- tion and hope for the future (Springer et al., 2000). Construction paper and magazines aid the vision board activity. The facilitator instructs members to look through appropriate, provided magazines. As members cut out pictures, words, people, places, or things, they begin to envision their future. Here, members have the opportunity to create their vision boards any way they choose. This could be a future with or without their parent and may include the actions needed to prepare them for either scenario. Having members systemically consider how their actions directly affect their future is simi- lar to Bandura’s (2008) notion of intentionality. Using intentionality, people predict the likelihood that their behavior will have either a positive or a nega- tive impact on accomplishing their goals in the future. When members share their vision boards with one another, cohesion increases and the process of termination may be easier for members to accept (Gladding, 2012).

SIXTH SESSION

In the sixth and final session, the group terminates. The facilitator gives a pizza and ice-cream party for all members. This celebration symbolizes a culmination of the dedication the members have put forth and marks a new beginning. As recommended by Burt et al. (2012), the final session focuses on reviewing previous material, as well as identifying strengths and skills that have developed throughout time in the group. Additionally, using cognitive forethought (i.e., predicting how behavior can influence future decisions) is a major component during the final session. Maintaining a key focus on cogni- tive processes instead of emotional content, as Gladding (2012) mentioned, is vital when working with this population during termination. Therefore, asking members to identify available support within the community, family, and school is useful, as it helps with the transition of termination.

The facilitator guides members in discussion of how they will approach people in their lives for support, including how they will phrase their request (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). Corey (2011) and Gladding (2012) both suggested that for termination to be impactful and significant, the final session should

Children of Incarcerated Parents 411

include something creative that is inexpensive and tangible. For example, the facilitator has members create a drawing that symbolizes the progression made during the group. The drawing is a concrete item the members can take with them to keep once the group ends. Similarly, Burt et al. (2012) suggested using positive mementos to assist in goal-keeping once the group ends.

Evaluations of this conceptual group entail members’ personal evalua- tions of their experience. Evaluations may determine how helpful they found the group and how well it assisted in the development of social and relational skills. Evaluations administered preintervention, midintervention, and postin- tervention are useful to determine efficacy of the group (McCarthy, 2012). Furthermore, the use of evaluations aids in determining where improvements can be made in group design and structure, as well as in group facilitation (Burt et al., 2012). With evaluation, the ability to pinpoint populations most in need of interventions can assist counselors in ensuring underserved popula- tions receive necessary services (Burt, 2013). Finally, an option for follow-up is an annual assessment of each member determining if they may benefit from additional services.

DISCUSSION

Due to a lack of literature and interventions for children of incarcerated parents, it is imperative to not underestimate the social and emotional insta- bility these children endure. Springer et al. (2000) determined that although there is “support in general for group work with children who have expe- rienced parental incarceration, there is no available outcome literature on the effectiveness of group intervention with this population” (p. 433). Thus, the purpose of this article is to bring attention to this population’s needs and concerns. It is the authors’ contention that researchers need to focus on developing and analyzing interventions for children of incarcerated par- ents. Practitioners, however, need to focus on using appropriate or effective interventions.

Children spend many hours in school, and the environment itself pro- vides a developmental context for behavioral, academic, and socioemotional functioning. Therefore, Shillingford and Edwards (2008) suggested strate- gies that include the school and home as important frameworks to enhance the functioning of children of incarcerated parents. Additionally, collabora- tive planning between school and home has an added benefit of ensuring the promotion of effective resources to address social problems. Research indicates that children of incarcerated parents are an increasingly vulner- able population that is growing dramatically (Springer et al., 2000). Thus, counselors need to position themselves for early intervention and design appropriate support strategies for this underserved population.

412 A. Lopez and I. Burt

Limitations

Working with a group of children struggling with personal and familial hard- ships is a difficult task (Phillips & Gates, 2011). There are many additional challenges when implementing a 6-week group intervention. First, the lim- ited timeframe may hinder the array of possibilities for the group itself to evolve. Due to the extensive time children need to build trust, past studies emphasized the importance of extending group sessions for longer periods (e.g., 12 weeks). However, Lopez and Bhat (2007) believed this might be challenging because obtaining support for a long-term group from admin- istrators and teachers is difficult. An additional limitation is the selection of potential members coming from a list provided by school staff. First, having a list provided by school staff may not produce enough applicants to fill the group. Second, the criteria to be included on a list provided by school staff could potentially miss students who may be internalizing, as opposed to externalizing, their problems. Nevertheless, there are few interventions designed specifically for this population (Lopez & Bhat, 2007). As such, even with limitations, counseling groups may provide a creative interven- tion similar to what Roysircar (2009) indicated underserved populations need.

FUTURE IMPLICATIONS

Children share the devastation of a parent’s incarceration. Their reactions, however, may differ in various ways. Miller (2006) explained, due to research primarily emphasizing male participants, that there is still an unclear picture of gender differences. Males generally misbehave to acquire attention, while females can be withdrawn, shy, or have problems with communication if the father is the incarcerated parent (Davies et al., 2008). However, if the mother is the incarcerated parent, girls may display excessive anger and aggression. Since recent studies do not distinguish between male and female partici- pants, further research may be warranted in addressing each sex’s specific reactions to incarceration. Specific attention to the implications of negative social bonds, such as gangs, can address what Miller (2006) identified as a desire for a sense of belonging.

With such variation within children of incarcerated parents, it is imperative that more researchers explore this population’s needs and con- cerns (Murray & Farrington, 2005). Therefore, future studies may examine if impact is dependent on sex of parent, type of crime committed, and length of parental sentence. While the focus of this article was aimed at underserved populations (i.e., low socioeconomic status), parental incarcer- ation affects all economic backgrounds. Understanding the effect of parental incarceration on a variety of economic backgrounds is an area that future researchers need to address. Another concern for future researchers is the

Children of Incarcerated Parents 413

selection process. As mentioned previously, some children internalize rather than externalize their issues. Developing a recruitment, screening, and selec- tion model that identifies the most appropriate population is imperative for groups (Gladding, 2012). Additionally, further studies may wish to exam- ine the impact of parental incarceration based upon the child’s age, amount of contact maintained between child and parent, and expectations children receive from others regarding their parent’s absence. Lastly, longitudinal studies in the lives of children with incarcerated parents may help to clarify both short-term and long-term impacts on children. Through future interven- tions, counselors can develop and structure activities that positively influence children’s lives.

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Children of Incarcerated Parents 415

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Angelica Lopez is an In-Home On-Site Therapist at The Village South/WestCare, Miami, Florida.

Isaac Burt is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Counselor Education, Leadership, and Professional Studies at Florida International University, Miami, Florida.

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