Racial Problem & Solution Analysis

experience. Third, we expect that the psychological racialization of physical space plays a role in reproducing,

strengthening, and recreating the structural racialization of physical space. Specifically, we contend that individuals'

racial biases (e.g., stereotypes and behaviors) extend to physical space, to shape how people think about, feel about,

and treat physical space. We therefore argue that physical space is a target of racial stereotyping and discrimination.

Testing these insights will address a gap in the psychological study of race, enabling our field to discuss a broader

range of ways in which psychological processes contribute to and can hopefully help ameliorate racial inequality.

3 | SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

An emerging literature in social psychology, and closely related areas, has begun providing empirical evidence for these

insights regarding racialized physical space as a cultural product. Aligning with a mutually constitutive account of cul-

ture and psyche, we review ongoing work and recent findings suggesting that culture and psyche shape each other,

when considering race and physical space. The aspect of culture that we examine is the built and natural

environment—the material world surrounding us. The aspect of psyche that we examine is the psychological experi-

ence of race, broadly defined (i.e., anything from engaging in racial stereotyping to experiencing social identity threat).

We first explain how this aspect of culture shapes this aspect of psyche, in two parts. First, to lay the groundwork for

framing physical space as a cultural product that shapes psyche, we detail evidence that lay people imbue physical

space with racial meaning. Second, we detail evidence that these racialized mental images of physical space yield down-

stream consequences shaping other aspects of race as psychological process. Part 3 reviews evidence that psyche in

turn shapes culture in the domain of race–space intersections. Specifically, we detail evidence that racial stereotyping

reproduces the structural racialization of physical space. We also discuss fruitful directions for future work in each area.

3.1 | Part 1 (culture → psyche): Mental images of racialized physical space

Consistent with an account of racialized physical space as cultural product, a series of initial studies suggest that peo-

ple do assign racial labels to a wide range of physical spaces (Bonam, 2010; Bonam, Taylor, & Bergsieker, 2017). Spe-

cifically, when asked to list physical locales associated with Black Americans, lay people can easily generate examples,

such as inner city, basketball court, and vocational school. When asked to list spaces associated with White Americans,

people list examples such as suburb, hockey rink, and Ivy League school. These preliminary findings suggest that lay peo-

ple imbue physical space with racial meaning in almost every life domain and that there are specific racialized space

exemplars that individuals represent as prototypical Black space (inner city) and White space (suburb).

Other work shows that people hold mental images of Black and White areas in general, by having them generate

characteristics of areas with predominantly Black or White populations. Instead of capturing specific exemplar spaces,

these studies directly assess group‐level stereotype content focusing on physical space characteristics. Responses

indicate that such space‐focused racial stereotypes regarding Black space include impoverished, crime‐ridden, ghetto, run-

down, urban, dangerous, dirty, overpopulated, low‐income housing, and failing schools (Bonam, Bergsieker, & Eberhardt,

2016). Preliminary research also examines the class‐laden nature of Black space‐focused stereotypes. When asked

to list any social‐class categories that could possibly describe Black space, Whites rarely mentioned “middle‐class,”

and their descriptions of prototypical “Black” and “lower‐class” space overlapped extensively (Bonam, Yantis, & Taylor,

2017; Yantis & Bonam, 2017). The prevailing mental image of Black space is poor and degraded.

An opposing mental image depicts White space. Specifically, participants' open‐ended responses show that White

space‐focused racial stereotypes include wealthy, clean, green space, suburban, well‐maintained, and safe Bonam,

Yantis, & Taylor, (2017). As with Black space, additional preliminary findings support the class‐laden nature of White

space‐focused stereotypes. When asked to list any social‐class categories that could possibly describe White space,

Whites rarely listed lower‐class categories and their prototypical descriptions of “White” and “middle‐class” areas

overlapped extensively (Bonam, Yantis, & Taylor, 2017; Yantis & Bonam, 2017). The prevailing mental image of White

space is wealthy and well‐maintained.

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Emerging research suggests that this racially polarized space‐focused stereotype content generalizes to specific

domains. In one study, people generated characteristics of predominantly Black or White schools. Participants

stereotyped Black schools as unsafe, rundown, and resource‐lacking; White schools were clean, well‐ordered, and abun-

dantly resourced (Bonam, Taylor, Yantis, & Akom, 2017). Additionally, people stereotype historically Black colleges and

universities as less prestigious and lower quality than their White counterparts (Boykin, Martin, Arroyo, & Mendoza‐

Denton, 2017). Future work could investigate additional domains, particularly those relevant for pressing racial

disparities (e.g., healthcare and criminal justice). Finally, future work could map space‐focused stereotype content

for other racial minority groups and examine how space‐focused stereotypes vary by perceiver race (all findings

described here are from White American samples).

This work provides initial evidence that racialized physical space is a cultural product that does indeed shape how

people imagine physical space. But how have people developed these mental images of racialized physical space?

Even if distorted, have these images developed through direct observation of one's physical surroundings? Another

possibility is that people, for example, infer Black space characteristics based on Black person‐focused racial stereo-

types. Future work could examine whether or not individuals' awareness of broader past and/or present structural

patterns predicts the space‐focused stereotype content detailed here. Likewise, additional work could test whether

or not this awareness interacts with other experiences—such as media exposure—to shape these mental images.

These investigations could help clarify currently unanswered questions regarding the extent to which space‐focused

stereotypes align with or are overgeneralizations of structural reality. More broadly, future work could also examine

how space‐focused stereotypes and exemplars change over time, potentially tracking gentrification and shifting racial

demographics.

3.2 | Part 2 (culture → psyche): Racialized physical space shapes race as psychological process

Whereas Part 1 characterizes racially imbued mental images of physical space, Part 2 reviews evidence suggesting

that these images shape further downstream psychological experiences as they relate to race.

3.2.1 | Person‐focused racial stereotype content

Recent work provides evidence that person‐focused racial stereotypes may derive from race–space associations. In

the absence of information about a target's home environment, people tend to assume that White Americans come

from resource‐sufficient, stable ecologies and that Black Americans come from resource‐lacking, unpredictable

ecologies (Neuberg & Sng, 2013; Williams, Sng, & Neuberg, 2016). The authors argue that perceivers develop

person‐focused racial stereotypes in part by thinking of the behaviors that are optimal for these stereotypic home

environments. Accordingly, they suggest that Blacks are stereotyped to be more impulsive and opportunistic than

Whites, at least in part because these divergent behaviors are adaptive in the ecology that each group is thought

to inhabit (Williams et al., 2016). Supporting Williams' and colleagues' claim, differences in how people perceived

Black and White targets' behaviors went away when participants were told that these targets came from the same

home ecology.

The relevant ecological stereotypes here do not completely overlap with the space‐focused stereotype content

mapped thus far. Future work could examine whether a broader range of person‐focused stereotypes also derive from

other stereotypic physical space characteristics, perhaps via implicit associations between physical space and person

traits. Alternatively, perhaps person‐focused stereotype content derives in part from people attributing stereotypic

physical space characteristics to personal characteristics of relevant group members (e.g., properties in Black neigh-

borhoods are not well‐maintained because Black people are lazy). If this process does occur, future work could also

examine whether educating people about the history of systemic racism involving physical space diminishes these

potential attributions. We believe this result is probable, given emerging work suggesting that educating people about

BONAM ET AL. 5 of 12

such place‐based critical history boosts acknowledgement of present‐day examples of isolated and systemic racism

(Bonam, Nair Das, Coleman, & Salter, 2017).

3.2.2 | Person perception

Social psychological findings also suggest that racialized physical space can shift person perception (e.g., stereotype

application and racial categorization). For example, viewing Black people in positive (vs. negative) physical contexts

that are likely stereotypically Black (e.g., a family barbeque and church) reduces implicit anti‐Black bias (Wittenbrink,

Judd, & Park, 2001; c.f. Allen, Sherman, & Klauer, 2010). Context can also reduce the tendency to shoot unarmed

Black targets more frequently than unarmed White targets in a computerized first‐person shooter task (Correll, Park,

Judd, & Wittenbrink, 2002). Specifically, when using this task, researchers found that presenting Black and White tar-

gets in a threatening context (e.g., inner‐city streets, dilapidated buildings and subway with graffiti) increased

participants' tendency to “shoot” unarmed White targets (Correll, Wittenbrink, Park, Judd, & Goyle, 2011). Although

these researchers characterize the threatening contexts as being non‐racial (p. 188), additional work suggests another

interpretation. This work directly measures the strength of one's stereotypic image of Black areas (e.g., dangerous,

degraded, and poor). Preliminary findings suggest that the stronger one's Black space‐focused stereotype is, the more

likely they are to see both Black and White targets in an inner city (vs. suburban) context as being more prototypically

Black. Moderated mediation analyses suggest that this target‐Black association in turn predicts the likelihood of

assuming that these targets are engaging in criminal behavior (James, Bonam, & Taylor, 2017).

Race‐relevant physical context also likely influences racial categorization. For example, in one study, when people

knew that a racially ambiguous target was from a racially mixed social environment, people were more likely to cate-

gorize this target as Black than when they were provided with no information about the context (Peery &

Bodenhausen, 2008). It is plausible that the “racially‐mixed social environment” made people more likely to assume

that the target's physical context was Black, indicating that shifting the race associated with the target's physical space

in turn shifts how people racially categorize the target. Although this study did not directly manipulate the race of the

targets' physical context, doing so could similarly shift racial categorization patterns. For example, people may be more

likely to categorize a racially ambiguous target from a Black (vs. White) neighborhood as Black. In another study, peo-

ple were more likely to categorize a White face as White when presented in an American scene (e.g., traditionally

American restaurant) versus Chinese scene (e.g., traditionally Chinese home), but more likely to categorize an Asian

face as Asian when presented in a Chinese versus American scene (Freeman et al., 2015). These patterns slowed,

but remained consistent, when face was incongruent with physical context (i.e., Asian face in American context and

White face in Chinese context). Race–place associations may impact racial categorization, though future work should

measure and manipulate the race with which the same physical space is associated, to test this claim directly.

3.2.3 | Experiencing social identity threat

Some work also suggests that racialized physical space may impact how people experience social identity threat—that

is, the concern or worry that one may be treated, evaluated, or judged negatively based on social group membership

(Murphy & Taylor, 2012). This work suggests that space‐relevant, contextual cues can raise concerns that one will be

marginalized and devalued in a given physical context, which could in turn impact one's sense of comfort, belonging,

and trust in the setting. Specifically, one series of experiments created a situation where one White American study

confederate asked one Asian American person, “where are you from?” This experience of identity denial (i.e., denying

one's American identity) led Asian American participants to report a depressed sense of belonging in America and

engage in identity assertion by displaying more knowledge of American culture (Cheryan & Monin, 2005). This work

addresses national identity, which is relevant here because nation is bound to racialized physical space: Prior work

demonstrates that people more strongly associate the United States, both nation and physical space, with Whites ver-

sus Asians and Blacks (Devos & Banaji, 2005). Future work could more directly examine whether Asian Americans'

responses to national identity denial are strengthened when the White‐American race–space association is salient.

6 of 12 BONAM ET AL.

Additional studies could also examine whether these race–space dynamics impact other forms of social identity

threat. For example, if people associate Ivy League universities with Whites, do the campus buildings themselves (like

checking one's race on a test form) cue negative group stereotypes, ultimately spurring stereotype threat?

3.2.4 | Interracial interactions

Future work could also investigate the role of racialized physical space in shaping other aspects of race as relational,

psychological process. For example, how might race–space associations impact interracial interactions in a given

locale? One study with police officers (Terrill & Reisig, 2003) suggests that police–community interactions may be

more strained in spaces that police think of as being dangerous. In this study, police officers were more likely to

use force with people (whether Black or White) in dangerous neighborhoods. Could officers' stereotypes of Black

areas as dangerous have strengthened their perception of these areas as dangerous, ultimately exacerbating their neg-

ative interactions with people in these areas? Do the residents think about these stereotypes as they are interacting

with officers, and how does this potential awareness shape the way they respond to officers? Other preliminary work

also suggests racialized physical space may strain interracial interactions. Specifically, priming people with racial demo-

graphics indicating residential racial segregation (i.e., structurally racialized space) shifts people into thinking of race as

a fixed, biological concept (Hetey & Eberhardt, 2013). Other work shows that biological race conceptions can hinder

willingness to engage in interracial interaction (Williams & Eberhardt, 2008). Future work could examine how this

potentially space‐driven mindset might impact interracial interactions in a range of domains (e.g., friendship potential

and teacher–student or co‐worker interactions).

3.3 | Part 3 (psyche → culture): Reproducing racialized physical space

The work reviewed so far outlines the potential for racialized physical space—framed as a cultural product—to shape a

host of psychological experiences related to race. Additional work provides evidence that psyche in turn has the

potential to shape physical space. This work examines the potential for people's racially imbued mental images of

physical space to shape built and natural environments, in ways that reproduce and strengthen the structural

racialization of physical space. Going beyond identifying space‐focused racial stereotype content, these studies exam-

ine how activating space‐focused racial stereotypes shifts perception of and engagement with physical space (Krysan,

Couper, Farley, & Forman, 2009; Krysan, Farley, & Couper, 2008; Maddox, Rapp, Brion, & Taylor, 2008; Sampson &

Raudenbush, 2004).

For example, a field study shows that as Black and Latino populations increase in actual neighborhoods, so do per-

ceptions of social and physical disorder in those neighborhoods (Sampson & Raudenbush, 2004). This relationship

holds when controlling for objectively measured social and physical neighborhood disorder. Further, in a video‐exper-

iment, the manipulated presence of Black (vs. White) people in a neighborhood depressed perceived neighborhood

quality (Krysan et al., 2008; 2009). The presence of people from particular racial groups can also impact how people

remember objective spatial information (Maddox et al., 2008; Wang, Taylor, Brunye, & Maddox, 2013).

Recently published and emerging research extends these findings, demonstrating that neither negative racial atti-

tudes nor stereotypes about the people in these spaces are necessary for these shifts in space perception to occur

(Bonam et al., 2016; Bonam, Yantis, & Taylor, 2017). Specifically, preliminary data, from one study using the go‐no‐

go association test, suggest that the mere presence of people from a particular racial group can automatically activate

relevant space‐focused racial stereotypes (Bonam, Eberhardt, & Glaser, 2013). In another series of studies, perceivers

then apply these stereotypes to their perceptions of singular physical space targets, with potential to reinforce racial

disparities in pollution exposure and wealth accumulation. Specifically, serial mediation analyses provide evidence

that, even when accounting for negative racial attitudes toward Black people, Whites assume that a neighborhood

is lower quality and more industrial when it is Black (vs. White), which dampens one's sense of psychological connec-

tion to the neighborhood, ultimately making people (a) less willing to protect the area from an environmental harm (i.

e., a potentially polluting chemical plant) and (b) more likely to devalue a house for sale in the neighborhood (Bonam

BONAM ET AL. 7 of 12

et al., 2016). Emerging findings further solidify the role of space‐focused stereotyping in shaping these outcomes. Spe-

cifically, the stronger one's stereotypic image of Black space, the more likely one is to evaluate a house in a Black

neighborhood as being lower quality than the same house in a White neighborhood, even when controlling person‐

focused racial stereotype strength Bonam, Yantis, & Taylor, (2017).

Preliminary data suggest that these processes likely persist in the face of boundary conditions. For example, peo-

ple continue to express less opposition to building a chemical plant in a Black (vs. White) neighborhood that they

stereotype as lower quality, even though they are aware that a school with young children—a vulnerable popula-

tion—is nearby Bonam, Yantis, Taylor & Akom (2017). Additionally, by manipulating both neighborhood racial demo-

graphics and class indicators (e.g., property values and house condition), a series of experiments demonstrate that

Whites perceive a house in a Black (vs. White) neighborhood to be lower quality and are consequently less willing to live

there, whether the house is lower‐class or middle‐class (Bonam et al., 2016; Bonam, Yantis, & Taylor, 2017; Krysan et al.,

2008). These race effects also hold when controlling for a neighborhood's perceived class‐status (Bonam et al., 2016).

In sum, the racial group associated with a space is a critical piece of information shaping space‐focused percep-

tion, connection, and evaluative judgment. Moreover, race extends beyond human bodies and social identities to men-

tal images of physical structures. The phenomenon of racialized physical space can make physical space a target of

racial stereotyping and discrimination, with implications for residential segregation and racial disparities in wealth

and pollution exposure. Thus, this work exemplifies how racialized physical spaces continue to be dynamic cultural

products, created and reinforced in part by space‐focused stereotypes and their downstream consequences. As our

field has tested with other forms of racial bias (Hoffman, Trawalter, Axt, & Oliver, 2016), future work in this

vein should examine the reproduction of racialized physical space among relevant experts and key decision makers

(e.g., urban planners, city councils). We expect similar patterns among experts, at least in part because space‐focused

racial bias, though involving deliberative judgment, is a hidden form of bias in that it is not directed toward people but

physical space. The hidden nature of this bias may make it more difficult to acknowledge and may make people less

motivated to control it.

4 | THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RACIALIZED PHYSICAL SPACE

Given the recent and emerging findings reviewed here, we believe that the intersecting fields of social and cultural

psychology are well‐positioned to continue uncovering the ways in which particular psychologies, practices, and insti-

tutions continue to inscribe race into physical spaces, making them representations of racial divides and racial hierar-

chy. Through the lens of cultural psychology and mutual constitution, these spaces can be characterized as material

artifacts of intentional worlds, and we argue that racialized physical space as cultural product in turn shapes how peo-

ple think about and perform race. Race and space are inextricably intertwined.

We have reviewed an emerging race–space literature in psychology, but this area must remain in conversation

with other related disciplines (e.g., sociology, cultural geography, public health, law, African American studies, and eth-

nic studies). These fields have already provided extensive insight into the structural nature of race–space links, and

these insights form the basis of our definitive claim that racialized physical space is a cultural product (c.f. Delaney,

2002; Lipsitz, 2011; Powell, 2009; Pulido, 1996). Psychology is poised to continue contributing to this dialogue, to

further uncover the ways in which present‐day individual‐level and structural‐level processes work together to

continue reproducing racialized physical space, along with race itself.

This focus is consistent with a Critical Race Psychology approach (Adams & Salter, 2010; Salter & Adams, 2013),

which emphasizes the importance of a structural analysis of race, as well as a full acknowledgment of the history and

legacy of how race was, and continues to be, socially constructed. Here, we acknowledge that space is racialized,

which fosters an understanding of both race and the psychology of racism as inherently structural, even when exam-

ining individual‐level thought processes and social interactions. Additionally, as does Critical Race Psychology, the evi-

dence we review interrogates and problematizes seemingly normal, neutral, and logical thought patterns. Specifically,

8 of 12 BONAM ET AL.

our analysis clarifies how, even in the absence of racial animus, racially imbued perceptions and judgments targeting

physical spaces can perpetuate racial inequality. This analysis calls for more in‐depth education about systemic racism,

including the historical, structural, and psychological racialization of physical space (Adams, Edkins, Lacka, Pickett, &

Cheryan, 2008; Bonam, Nair Das, et al., 2017). Understanding this history and the psychological racialization of phys-

ical space is imperative for bolstering our understanding of how people and structures create and reproduce race.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks to Jennifer Eberhardt for setting us on the path of investigating race and space; Hazel Markus for inspiring us

to analyze these ideas through the lens of cultural psychology and mutual constitution; Waren Bonam and his work at

the Michigan Civil Rights Department for inspiring us to always consider broader social implications; and Aneeta Rat-

tan and Rachelle Gould for their helpful insights into this topic.

ORCID

Courtney M. Bonam http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3698-6460

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Courtney M. Bonam's research focuses on racial stereotyping as it shapes social perceptions and judgments rel-

evant to racial inequalities in health, wealth, and wellbeing. Her work focuses on two understudied targets—phys-

ical spaces and multiracial people, to highlight the social construction of race and expand dominant psychological

approaches to studying race. She has published in Journal of Social Issues, Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psy-

chology, and Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. Bonam has been awarded grants and fellowships from the

Ford Foundation, the University of California Chancellor's Postdoctoral Fellowship Program, the Society for the

Psychological Study of Social Issues, and the American Psychological Association. She is an Assistant Professor

of African American Studies and Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Bonam earned a BA in Psy-

chology from the University of Michigan and a PhD in Psychology from Stanford University.

Valerie Jones Taylor's research examines how stereotyping and prejudice affect the academic performance and

interracial interactions of underrepresented groups (i.e., racial/ethnic minorities and women in STEM) and how

stereotyping processes affect perceivers' perceptions and treatment of racial minorities and racialized physical

spaces. Integrating key theoretical perspectives, such as stereotype and social identity threat, intergroup relations,

and sociocultural selves, Taylor's work seeks to understand how and when stereotyping processes are

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advantageous or detrimental to people's cognitive and behavioral outcomes. Taylor has been awarded grants and

fellowships from the National Science Foundation and the Ford Foundation. Prior to her current position as Assis-

tant Professor in the Department of Psychology at Spelman College, Taylor earned a BA both in Psychology and

Ethnic Studies from the University of Texas at Austin and a PhD in Psychology from Stanford University.

Caitlyn Yantis studies race as it relates to (a) perceiving people and the physical spaces they occupy, (b) White

racial identification, and (c) social interactions. Through this research, her goal is clarify how individual‐level racial

stereotyping affects space‐relevant racial inequality (e.g., racial disparities in environmental pollution exposure)

and how Whites' management of a privileged racial identity influences their policy preferences and interactions

with non‐Whites. Yantis earned a BS in psychology from the University of Mary Washington, an MS in psychology

from DePaul University, and an MA in psychology from the University of Illinois at Chicago. She is currently a PhD

candidate in the Psychology Department of the University of Illinois at Chicago.

How to cite this article: Bonam CM, Taylor VJ, Yantis C. Racialized physical space as cultural product. Soc

Personal Psychol Compass. 2017;e12340. https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12340

12 of 12 BONAM ET AL.