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Behavioral Sciences and the Law

Behav. Sci. Law 22: 375–393 (2004)

Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/bsl.583

Serial Murder and the Case of Aileen Wuornos: Attachment Theory, Psychopathy, and Predatory Aggression

Bruce A. Arrigo, Ph.D.,* and Ayanna Griffin, B.A.

The extant research on female homicide has yet to offer

any systematic assessment of why women murder serially.

Part of the explanation is attributed to existing literature

focusing on justifiable and excusable homicide, or women

who kill their abusive partners because they have been

battered, fear that their lives are in danger, or are other-

wise victimized. Thus, predatory homicide perpetrated by

women has not received extensive attention in the relevant

literature. This article aims to address this deficiency by

providing a detailed case study analysis of AileenWuornos,

a convicted serial murderer executed at Broward Correc-

tional Institution in Pembroke Pines, FL, on October 9,

2002. By linking the literature on attachment theory with

the research on psychopathy and predatory aggression,

this article argues that Aileen Wuornos was a cold blooded

and calculated killer: a serial offender responsible for her

delinquent and criminal behavior. Generalizing from the

case of Aileen Wuornos, several tentative recommenda-

tions are proposed as linked to clinical and forensic pre-

vention, diagnosis, and treatment, as well as future

research on women, psychopathy, and predatory serial

homicide. Copyright # 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Research on women and crime is a relatively recent phenomenon (see, e.g., Alder &

Worrall, 2004; Chesney-Lind, 1998; Dermody-Leonard, 2002; Pollock, 1999), and

efforts to investigate why women kill is an even more limited domain of academic

inquiry (Mann, 1996; Schurman-Kauflin, 2000; Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). Interest-

ingly, much of what we know about why women kill emphasizes the victimization

they confront at the hands of a spouse or partner (Egger, 2002; Hickey, 1997;

Kelleher & Kelleher, 1998). This position stands in stark contrast to researchers

who contend that female perpetrated homicide extends beyond or outside the realm

of the Battered Women’s Syndrome defense (Bell & Fox, 1996; Brownstein, Spunt,

*Correspondence to: Bruce A. Arrigo, Ph.D., Department of Criminal Justice, University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 9201 University City Blvd., Charlotte, NC 28223-0001, U.S.A. Tel: (704) 687- 2686. E-mail: [email protected]

Crimmins, Goldstein, & Langley, 1994; Mann, 1996). Indeed, as Thilbault and

Rossier (1992, p. 12) argue, ‘‘[while] some women may kill in the home in self

defense, female killers in the home also plan to kill and kill because they want to.’’

This article aims to shed light on the phenomenon of predatory and serial homicide

perpetrated by women where the crimes are motivated by reasons other than

justifiable homicide or repeated victimization.

In order to address this matter, both the literature on attachment theory and the

research on psychopathy are reviewed. As a general proposition, attachment theory

asserts that the affective bonds formed in close interpersonal relationships between

infants/adolescents and their primary caregivers are pivotal to understanding

personality development (see, e.g., Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978;

Bowlby, 1969; Levy & Blatt, 1999; Rothbard & Shaver, 1994). Moreover, as

researchers historically have documented (Arrigo & Shipley, 2001; Millon, Simon-

sen, & Birket-Smith, 1998), there is a strong correlation between violent crime and

psychopathy (Gacono, 2000; Meloy, 1992). Despite this correlation, little is known

about the impact of the crime–psychopathy relationship for women who predatorily

and serially kill (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). As we argue, the case of Aileen Wuornos, a

woman convicted of seven homicides and sentenced to death for her crimes, amply

demonstrates the utility of turning to both attachment theory and psychopathy as a

worthwhile basis to more fully understand female perpetrated serial murder.

We also note that our method of inquiry relies on the case study approach

(Creswell, 1998; Stake, 1995). This is deliberate and some explanation therefore is

warranted. There is a dearth of empirical scholarship on the phenomenon of

predatory homicide committed by women (Kelleher & Kelleher, 1998; Mann,

1996), resulting in the underestimation of the importance of these crimes for society

(Schurman-Kauflin, 2000; Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). Arguably, the absence of

research is attributable to the paucity of documented cases regarding female serial

killers. As such, this cohort of women has not been systematically investigated.

However, as Mann (1990, p. 176) noted, statistical data on murder do ‘‘not provide

sufficiently nuanced profiles of offenders and their victims, excluding many im-

portant details specific to each situation.’’ Moreover, responding to concerns that

research on female homicide offenders had emphasized the Battered Women

Syndrome and other victimization models to the near exclusion of women who

kill for material reasons, Brownstein et al. (1994, p. 99) observed that ‘‘detailed

personal accounts of homicides by women need to be studied in order to better

understand this phenomenon.’’ Consequently, a case study research design can

potentially come much closer to describing serial homicide committed by women

where issues of attachment and psychopathy figure prominently into the analysis.

Given our unique orientation to this topic, five principal goals are identified.

First, the relevant literature on attachment theory, mindful of how poor or severed

relations with primary caregivers can adversely impact personality development

throughout the lifecourse, is outlined. Second, the research on psychopathy and

predatory aggression, especially in relation to female homicide offenders, is exam-

ined. Third, the case of Aileen Wuornos, including her social, psychological, and

family history from infancy to adulthood, is chronicled. Fourth, the pertinent

literature on attachment theory, psychopathy, and predatory aggression is applied

to the life story of Aileen Wuornos. Fifth, several recommendations regarding

psychopathic women and predatory serial murder are tentatively proposed. These

376 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

include suggestions for clinical/forensic prevention, diagnosis, and treatment, as

well as future research on women, psychopathy, and predatory serial homicide.

ATTACHMENT THEORY

Attachment theory is traceable to the work of Bowlby (e.g. 1969, 1973, 1980). The

core of Bowlby’s (1969) theory was the concept of ‘‘internal working models’’ and

the emotional bond formed between infants/children and their primary caregivers

through close interpersonal contact. Commenting on the continuity of attachment

across the lifespan, Rothbard and Shaver (1994, p. 31) explained the phenomenon

of internal working models in the following way: ‘‘As a result of early attachment

experiences, a child accumulates knowledge and develops a set of expectations

(known as ‘internal working models’) about self, significant others, and the larger

social world.’’ Bowlby’s research emphasized the attachment patterns of infants

formed, attenuated, or severed through interaction with the mother, arguing that

this relationship was pivotal to the social, emotional, and personality development of

an individual (Levy & Blatt, 1999). As he observed, ‘‘the young child’s hunger for

his mother’s love is as great as his hunger for food’’, and without her the child

succumbs to ‘‘a powerful sense of loss and anger’’ (Bowlby, 1969, p. xiii).

Elaborating upon the emotional reactions the infant/child experiences when sepa-

rated from its primary caregiver, Bowlby (1969) identified three distinct and

predictable responses. These included the following: (i) protest, including crying,

active searching, and resistance to the comforting of others; (ii) despair, described as

a state of passivity and blatant sadness; and (iii) detachment, ‘‘which involves an

active, seemingly defensive disregard for and avoidance of the mother if she returns’’

(Levy & Blatt, 1999, p. 545).

Based upon the extensive research conducted by Bowlby, subsequent investiga-

tors have further refined the psychological phenomenon of attachment. For exam-

ple, Rothbard and Shaver (1994) noted that the central component of attachment

theory is that humans maintain an evolutionary, adaptive behavioral system with the

primary goal of keeping vulnerable infants in close proximity to their primary

caregivers. In this context, the child’s healthy personality development depends

on his or her trust in the caregiver’s accessibility. Thus, for example, if the infant

perceives that its basic needs routinely go unmet, the child may develop an internal

working model of others as unreliable and insensitive and the self as unlovable

(Shipley & Arrigo, 2004).

Research conducted by Ainsworth et al. (1978) examined the specific attachment

patterns that emerged from infants in relation to their primary caregivers. Their

study was coined the ‘‘strange situation.’’ Initially, infants were presented with

several toys while interacting with the mother. Eventually, a stranger was introduced

who spoke with the mother and interacted with the child. Next, the mother left the

setting and then returned, during which time the child interacted only with the

stranger. The baby was then left alone with the toys. After some time, the stranger

reappeared and interacted with the infant. Finally, the mother returned for a final

reunion with her child.

Based upon their research, Ainsworth et al. (1978) identified three patterns

of attachment. These included secure attachment patterns, insecure avoidant

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 377

attachment patterns, and insecure anxious/ambivalent attachment patterns. Those

infants classified as ‘‘secure’’ were ‘‘distressed by separation, s[ought] comfort upon

reunion, and explore[d] freely in their caregiver’s presence’’ (Rothbard & Shaver,

1994, p. 34). Those infants classified as insecure avoidant exhibited ‘‘little overt

distress upon separation and d[id] not seek contact upon reunion . . . they kept their

attention directed toward toys or other objects apparently to shift attention away

from the wish to establish contact with their attachment figures’’ (Rothbard &

Shaver, 1994, p. 34). Those infants classified as insecure anxious/ambivalent

‘‘cri[ed] more often than others, [we]re distressed prior to separation, seem[ed]

unable to be reassured or comforted, and [we]re so preoccupied with their

caregiver’s availability as to reduce or preclude exploration’’ (Rothbard & Shaver,

1994, p. 34). We note that empirical investigations replicating the results of the

Ainsworth et al. (1978) study abound (e.g. Erickson, Sroufe, & Egeland, 1985;

Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978; Renken, Egeland, Marvinney, Margelsdorf, &

Sroufe, 1989). Moreover, cross-cultural research findings lend further credence to

the explanatory and predictive capabilities of Ainsworth et al. (1978) model of

attachment (e.g. Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985; Sroufe & Fleeson, 1996; Waters,

Wippman, & Sroufe, 1979).

Research on the continuity of attachment patterns throughout the lifecourse is

also supported in the relevant scientific literature. For example, Elicker, Englund,

and Sroufe (1992) and Grossman and Grossman (1991) engaged in longitudinal

investigations, evaluating children over a ten-year period following their involve-

ment in the Ainsworth et al. (1978) ‘‘strange situation’’ scenario. In both studies,

the researchers found that core personality factors and social interactions were

predictable over time. However, other findings confirm the instability of attachment

patterns, especially when controlling for such things as shifts in caregiver sensitivity

(Erickson et al., 1985), personality and emotional make-up of the mother (Egeland

& Farber, 1984), and environmental factors and the vulnerability of the child (Lewis

& Feiring, 1991).

Studies on adult attachment represent an expansion on or elaboration of child-

hood attachment (Main et al., 1985; Sperling, Berman, & Fagen, 1992; Zelnick &

Buchholz, 1990). According to Weiss (1982), attachment in adults is distinguished

from its childhood counterpart in three important ways:

(a) instead of appearing only in relationships with caretakers, attachment in adulthood also occurs with peers; (b) attachment in adulthood is less pervasive in its potential deleterious effect on other behavioral systems than in infancy; and (c) attachment in adulthood is often directed toward a person with whom a sexual relationship exists (cited by Sperling et al., 1992, p. 240).

Based on the seminal work of Ainsworth et al. (1978), Main et al. (1985) deve-

loped an interview schedule evaluating the internal working models of adults. These

investigators assessed the degree and type of attachment adults have with their

parents, mindful of the quality of their relationships as children and the impact these

associations had for forming participants’’ adult personalities (Levy & Blatt, 1999).

The results of the Main et al. study (1985) produced a new classification of adult

attachment styles, and included the following four patterns: (i) secure/autonomous;

(ii) insecure (avoidant/dismissing); (iii) insecure (dependent/preoccupied); and (iv)

378 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

insecure (disorganized/controlling). Subsequent researchers have examined various

aspects of these attachment patterns (e.g. Collins & Read, 1990; Fonagy, 1999;

Goldberg, 1991; Rothbard & Shaver, 1994; Sperling et al., 1992), providing greater

clarity on their meaning and relevance in specific psychological contexts.

Research on attachment and psychopathology is also worth noting. As Bowlby

(1980, p. 37) indicated, ‘‘the loss of a parent gives rise not only to separation anxiety

and grief but to processes of mourning in which aggression, the function of which is

to achieve reunion, plays a major part.’’ Although Bowlby (1980) did not principally

rely on aggression or sexuality in his conceptualization of psychiatric disorder per se,

other investigators have examined this connection. For example, Main (1995)

asserted that direct physical or sexual abuse adversely impacted the control and

development of the adolescent/adult’s aggression and sexuality. Moreover, accord-

ing to Cicchetti and Toth (1995), persons with abusive caretaking histories are more

likely to develop insecure attachments in adulthood. Additional investigators have

found that insecure attachment is linked to such phenomena as avoiding memories

of abuse and personality disorders (Alexander, 1993), female abusiveness and

victimization (Wekerle & Wolfe, 1998), borderline, dependent, and passive-aggres-

sive personality disorders (Levy, 1993), and narcissistic and antisocial personality

disorders (Rosenstein & Horowitz, 1996).

Attachment patterns and psychopathy also have been correlated and this associa-

tion is traceable, somewhat, to the early work of Bowlby (1969). As previously

indicated, Bowlby identified three psychological states related to maladaptive

attachment patterns during a child’s first three years: protest, despair, and detach-

ment. Detachment signifies an adaptive strategy, allowing the child to recover from

the deep feelings of protest and despair. However, as Fonagy, Target, Steele, and

Steele (1997) explain, once the child is reunited with the primary caregiver, normal

attachment behavior does not follow. Indeed, the infant may be indifferent and fail

to bond. Moreover, interest in physical objects and self-absorption intensify, and

cursory sociability is also noted.

Bowlby’s (1969) research on attachment patterns in infants led him to conclude

that affectionless psychopathy in adults was linked to the absence of a maternal

object and to a biological predisposition. More recently, Fonagy et al. (1997) have

argued that the attachment system is implicated in both affective and predatory

violence such that proximity seeking represents an intense defensive reaction of a

violent nature. Indeed, as they observed, ‘‘violence and crime are . . .disorders of the

attachment system. They are permitted by lack of concern for others (consequent on

the inhibition of bonding) and motivated by distorted desires to engage the other in

emotionally significant interchange’’ (Fonagy et al., 1997, 163–181).

Fonagy et al. (1997) indicated that the lack of meaningful attachment relation-

ships leaves some individuals without the necessary mental capacities to organize

their internal working models such that they can establish and maintain healthy

relationships. This lack of reflection on their own and others’ internal states could

lead to criminal actions. In particular, these researchers argued that violence against

another person would not occur if it were not for the lack of mental representation of

the other by the offender. Psychological conflicts cannot be resolved given inade-

quate mental representations and, thus, violence is seen as a solution. As such, the

lack of internal representations of one’s self and of others translates into the

experience of ideas and feelings that are acted upon physically (Fonagy et al., 1997).

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 379

Elaborating upon their insights, Fonagy et al. (1997, p. 166) identified four ways

that a failure of ‘‘mentalization’’ could lead to ‘‘moral disengagement.’’ First, those

unable to contemplate the mental states of others would also have reduced self-

awareness. Thus, these individuals would have a diminished sense of personal

responsibility for their actions. Second, these limitations on mentalizing might

enable the person to disregard the psychological impact of an act upon another

person. Third, devaluing or dehumanizing a victim would allow the victim to be

treated as an object to be possessed or destroyed. Fourth, the inability to appreciate

the ‘‘other’’ in their internal working models would permit ideas and actions to

be reconstructed and reinterpreted. In this way, ‘‘unacceptable conduct m[ight] be

reconstrued as acceptable in a selective and self-serving manner’’ (Fonagy et al.,

1997, p. 166). Given their assessment of moral disengagement in the face of

mentalization, these investigators concluded that the impact of early maladaptive

patterns of attachment on the development of individuals capable of predatory

violence was quite pronounced. Summarily characterizing such individuals, they

noted the following:

Thus they [are] deprived of a relationship in which they [feel] sufficiently safe to explore the mind of the other, to find within it an image of themselves as thinking and feeling beings. Their limited and hostile internal working models are therefore overwhelmingly powerful, unchecked by the attenuating influence of a metacognitive capacity. Physical experience has a motivational immediacy because there is no insight into the merely representational basis of human interaction (Fonagy et al., 1997, p. 166).

WOMEN, PSYCHOPATHY, AND HOMICIDE

Research on psychopathy and crime is now fairly abundant, leaving little doubt that

there is a correlation. This has been borne out repeatedly in studies examining both

juvenile delinquent (e.g. Brandt, Kennedy, Patrick, & Curtin, 1997; Forth &

Mailloux, 2000; Frick, Barry, & Bodin, 2000; O’Neill, Lidz, & Heilbrun, 2003)

and adult offender (e.g. Heilbrun et al., 1998; Poythress, Edens, & Lilienfeld, 1998;

Skeem, Monahan, & Mulvey, 2002) populations. This relationship has also been

assessed with respect to the offense of homicide perpetrated by male offenders. For

example, researchers have investigated the prevalence of the psychopathy diagnosis

in rapists/murderers (Yarvis, 1995), homicidal sex offenders (Firestone, Bradford,

Greenberg, Larose, & Curry, 1998), serial murderers (Geberth, Vernon, & Turco,

1997), and malingering insanity acquittees (Gacono, Meloy, Sheppard, & Speth,

1995). The results from these and similar inquiries support the conviction that

‘‘ . . .psychopaths have enjoyed more attention and research than any other char-

acter disorder [and that] they are involved in many of today’s most serious problems:

war, drugs, murder, and political corruption’’ (Gacono, 2000, p. xix).

However, what is not so clear is the association between psychopathy and

female perpetrated homicide (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). Indeed, as Eronen (1995,

p. 216) indicated, when commenting on the state of research in this area, ‘‘female

homicidal behavior has remained poorly studied.’’ This notwithstanding, what

we do know about this phenomenon suggests that, although women account for a

small fraction of all homicides, certain subgroups among women (especially those

380 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

with psychopathy) appear to have a considerably higher risk for murderous

conduct (Egger, 2002; Eronen, 1995; Hickey, 1997; Kelleher & Kelleher, 1998;

Schurman-Kauflin, 2000).

As a general proposition, psychopathy includes such traits and behaviors as

glibness/superficial charm, grandiose sense of self-worth, pathological lying, con-

ning/manipulative, lack of remorse or guilt, shallow affect, callous/lack of empathy,

parasitic lifestyle, poor behavioral controls, promiscuous sexual behavior, early

behavioral problems, lack of realistic long-term goals, impulsivity, irresponsibility,

failure to accept responsibility for one’s own actions, many short-term marital

relationships, juvenile delinquency, and criminal versatility (see, e.g., Hare, 1980;

Hare et al., 1990). These traits and behavioral criteria are measured by Psychopathy

Checklists (Forth, Kosson, & Hare, 1997; Hare, 1991), anchored by two stable,

though oblique, factors: aggressive narcissism and antisocial lifestyle (Meloy, 1992).

Summarizing the psychological and diagnostic meaning of these factors, Gacono

(2000, pp. xvii–xviii) noted the following:

The first factor, aggressive narcissism . . . is characterized by egocentricity, callousness, and remorselessness; it correlates with narcissistic and histrionic personality disorders, low anxiety, low empathy, and self-report measures of Machiavellianism and narcis- sism . . . .The second factor, antisocial lifestyle . . . , represents an irresponsible, impulsive, thrill-seeking, unconventional, and antisocial lifestyle; it correlates most strongly with criminal behaviors, lower socioeconomic background, lower IQ and less education, self report measures of antisocial behavior, and the diagnosis of CD [conduct disorder] and ASPD [antisocial personality disorder]. Although most criminal psychopaths meet criteria for ASPD, the majority of ASPD patients are not psychopaths

Meloy (1992) argued that one way to interpret psychopathy is in the context of

predatory violence. As he observed, ‘‘it is my hypothesis that the psychopathic

process predisposes, precipitates, and perpetuates predatory violence by virtue of its

structural and dynamic characteristics’’ (Meloy, 1992, p. 236). Thus, it follows that

delineating the features of Meloy’s model furthers this article’s expressed purpose.

Indeed, as we subsequently demonstrate, the assimilation of predatory violence,

psychopathy, and attachment theory represents a salient context in which to explain

and predict serial homicide perpetrated by women.

According to Meloy (1992), predatory aggression includes a number of distinct

characteristics. In brief these include the following: (i) minimal or absent automatic

arousal; (ii) no conscious experience of emotion; (iii) planned and purposeful

violence; (iv) no or minimal perceived threat; (v) multi-determined and variable

goals; (vi) minimal or absent displacement of the target of aggression; (vii) a time-

unlimited behavioral sequence; (viii) private rituals preceding or following the

predatory aggression; (ix) a primary cognitive dimension to the behavior; (x)

heightened and focused sensory awareness; (xi) self and object concept dediffer-

entiation; (xii) unimpaired reality testing; and (xiii) heightened self-esteem.

Meloy (1992) concluded that the preceding elements regarding predatory

violence make it painfully clear that psychopathy is well suited to predation. In

addition, he noted that the hypo-reactivity of autonomic arousal experienced by

psychopathic individuals could sustain the stalking of the victim. Indeed, fear and

anxiety would not interfere with the predation. Moreover, while the psychopathic

characteristics of splitting or warding off emotion might be adaptive functions in an

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 381

abusive or neglectful childhood, in adulthood they might represent extremely

maladaptive responses. Meloy suggested that these abilities allow the psychopath

to be devoid of emotion during predatory violence and to experience exhilaration

during the stalking phase of the hostility.

The psychopath’s perceived malice toward others sustains the planned, goal-

directed, and instrumental quality of the assailant’s predatory violence (Gacono,

2000; Meloy, 1992). Moreover, as Meloy (1992) explained, the sense of the other’s

evil and vile intentions directed toward the offender fuels, rather than extinguishes,

the killer’s plan to commit a violent act. Predatory violence is not a product of an

‘‘alarm state’’ and the aggressor faces many factors that could moderate the desire to

act out violently towards others (Meloy, 1992, p. 237).

Hyper-vigilant suspicion is also attributed to the psychopath, who is uncon-

sciously fearful of being the victim of the predation. Meloy (1992) suggested that

this is the result of the person’s own continual processing of aggressive and sadistic

thoughts and fantasies. For example, if the motivation for the violence is revenge or

monetary gain, then the psychopath desires to render another powerless, thereby

feeling omnipotent.

Arguably, one of the most significant factors predisposing the psychopathic

individual to predatory violence is the lack of attachment or affective bonding

with another person (Meloy, 1992; Stone, 1998). This relationship is the result of

several factors. First, the inability to empathize with the victim allows the individual

harmed to be devalued. In addition, the lack of empathy makes sadistic gratification

possible by way of the violent acts.

Second, the aggressive interactions of the psychopathic individual combined

with the individual’s profound detachment from the experience of others are likely

predictors of recurrently cruel exchanges. Frequently, these interactions include

little affection and a large potential for predation (Meloy, 1992). Third,

the psychopath’s ability to detach from other people increases the chances that he

or she will treat the victim of predatory violence much like an object in a

private ritual. Finally, the predatory violence, especially if it benefits from media

attention, receives public fascination, and results in societal fear, will only serve to

strengthen the psychopathic offender’s conceptualization that he or she is ‘‘larger

than life’ (Meloy, 1992, p. 240). In some instances, psychopathic individuals may

believe that being mythologized in the media is their only opportunity to achieve

notoriety.

THE CASE OF AILEEN WUORNOS

The preceding observations on attachment theory, psychopathy, and predatory

violence represent the essential backdrop within which the story of Aileen Wuornos

can be presented and interpreted. At the outset, we reiterate that our approach relies

on the case study method (Stake, 1995, 1998). Our position on case study analysis is

consistent with that of Creswell (1998, p. 62) who defined this approach as ‘‘an

exploration of a ‘bounded system’ or a case (or multiple cases) over time through

detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information rich in

context.’’ More specifically, our inquiry represents an instrumental case study investi-

gation, wherein we focus on an issue (i.e. the attachment theory, psychopathy, and

382 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

predatory homicide relationship), utilizing the case instrumentally to illustrate the

issue (Stake, 1995). Data for this investigation include various books, taped inter-

views, television programs, and newspaper articles, chronicling the life events of

Aileen Wuornos (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004).

Our selection of the particular case in question also warrants some explanation.

While many women have been convicted of murder and multiple homicides, some

have called Aileen Wuornos the first predatory female serial killer (Ahern, 2001;

Kennedy, 1992; Russell, 1992). She hitchhiked and prostituted herself along the

highways of Central Florida. She was convicted of killing seven men using a 0.22

caliber handgun. She was executed by lethal injection at Broward Correctional

Institution outside of Fort Lauderdale, Florida. We argue that these facts alone

make her story quite compelling, warranting a more systematic assessment of her

behavior. Accordingly, in what follows, we briefly outline the social, psychological,

and family history of Ms. Wuornos. This information is helpful as it explains the

manifestation and maintenance of attachment disorder and psychopathy through-

out much of her life. We also document the events surrounding the murder of her

first victim, Richard Mallory. This information is useful as it explains the nature of

her predatory (and serial) violence.

Aileen Wuornos was born on February 29, 1956. Until the age of 11, Aileen and

her brother Keith believed that Lauri and Britta Wuornos (the maternal grand-

parents) were their parents. There were five Wuornos children in total, or so Aileen

believed. Diane (the daughter of Lauri and Britta) had already left the home as

Aileen was growing up. She was rarely spoken of and was estranged from her

parents. Barry the son of Lauri and Britta was 12 years older than Aileen and was

undoubtedly his father’s favorite. He moved out of the house when Aileen was only a

toddler. Lori (a second daughter of Lauri and Britta Wuornos) was only two and a

half years older than Aileen and was raised with Aileen and Keith. Lori was spared

much of the abuse that Aileen and Keith suffered. Aileen and Keith were often

mistaken for twins and were a mere 11 months apart. Both Aileen and Keith

experienced severe bouts of victimization at the hands of Lauri Wuornos, their

grandfather (Ahern, 2001; Kennedy, 1992).

Aileen described sadistic abuse committed by her grandfather. She recounted

numerous beatings with a leather strap on her bare buttocks. On several occasions,

she was required to lay face down, naked, and spread eagle on the bed for her

whippings (Ahern, 2001). Aileen spoke of being beaten on consecutive days while

her skin was still raw from prior assaults. Her grandfather often told her she was

‘‘evil, wicked, worthless [and that she] should have never been born. She wasn’t

worthy of the air she breathed’’ (Russell, 1992, p. 11).

Britta, Aileen’s grandmother, was complacent and did little to stop Lauri from

abusing Aileen and Keith. Britta was an alcoholic, and it would claim her life when

Aileen was 15 years old. She was described as quiet and introverted but with a kind

demeanor. Britta was characterized as emotionally frail and nervous, despite her

sturdy, physical appearance. Lori maintained that she and her mother (grand-

mother) did not have mother–daughter conversations (e.g., she started her period

without knowing what it was). Aileen would later say that she idealized her mother

(grandmother). Britta and Lauri had a distant, affectionless relationship. Except for

their once-a-year family vacation, they did little with one another. They exhibited no

physical affection toward one another or toward their (grand)children.

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 383

At the age of 11, Aileen was told that Barry and Lori were her uncle and aunt, not

her siblings. She was also told that the eldest child, Diane, was actually her mother.

She had abandoned Aileen and Keith as babies, and Lauri and Britta had adopted

them. This news served to further alienate Aileen and her brother from their

grandparents, and they were informed that their mother had remarried and had

two other children (Russell, 1992).

Lauri forbade Diane to date so he was particularly incensed when she began a

relationship with Leo Pittman, the local ‘‘hood.’’ Leo Pittman was the biological

father of Aileen and Keith. He was raised by his grandparents and was known to be

abusive to his grandmother. He was frequently truant from school, had poor grades,

and engaged in petty criminal behavior (Kennedy, 1992). He was moody and had a

violent, explosive temper. Leo and Diane divorced before Aileen was born.

Eventually, Leo Pitman was convicted of kidnapping and brutally raping a seven-

year-old girl. He committed suicide while serving a life sentence for this crime.

Diane attempted to be a single mother for about one year. She was 15 at the time.

Friends described her during this time as a good mother. However, a man Diane

briefly dated recalled going to see her around lunchtime on one occasion and heard

loudly crying babies as he climbed the stairs (Ahern, 2001). Entering her home, he

saw Diane asleep on the couch. While she was in the same room as her children, she

was unresponsive to the wailing of her babies. He woke Diane up, and she claimed to

have been drunk and unable to hear them. Diane’s downstairs neighbor later

complained that she let her children cry all morning. Much to her friends’ dismay,

Diane left one day to go out for dinner and never returned. There was no phone call

or explanation. The two children were left with Diane’s room-mate, Marge. Aileen

was approximately six months old at the time. Marge kept the kids for almost a week

and finally called Lauri and Britta to come and take the children with them. They

took their grandchildren in and raised them as their own for a number of years.

Diane went to Texas, never clarifying why she left. When Diane was 18, she made a

second attempt to reunite with her family; however, fractious relations with her

parents rendered this attempt unsuccessful. When Aileen was two and Keith three,

Diane left the children with a babysittter and did not return. Once again, her parents

picked up the children and Diane was gone for good.

During her (pre)adolescent years, Aileen was described as incorrigible, posses-

sing a fighting temper. Her angry outbursts were often unpredictable and frequently

unprovoked. As might be expected, Aileen did not socialize well with peers.

Typically, Aileen performed sexual acts with boys for cigarettes and loose change.

Indeed, as Russell (1992, p. 13) observed, ‘‘this little girl learned how to disassociate

herself from her body; to blank off emotions.’’ People in her community labeled

Aileen a ‘‘whore’’ and a ‘‘slut,’’ and she resigned herself to the role of social outcast.

Until high school, almost all agreed that Aileen was without friends (Ahern, 2001).

She and her brother Keith had a strange bond in which they were quite protective of

each other, but would constantly fight while at home. Friends of Keith claim to have

witnessed incest between the brother and the sister. In addition, Aileen claimed that

her grandfather had sex with her. However, these reports were never substantiated.

During her teenage years, Aileen shoplifted and had frequent run-ins with the

police. Typically, she was thrown out of parties for being vulgar, drunk, and

instigating fights. Just after her fifteenth birthday, Aileen gave birth to a baby.

Several rumors circulated that the baby’s father was Keith (her brother), Lauri (her

384 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

grandfather), a neighbor boy, or an older man in the community. The baby was

immediately given up for adoption at the request of her grandfather. Shortly

thereafter, Aileen dropped out of school and was displaced from her grandparents’

home (Ahern, 2001).

During this tumultuous time, Aileen experienced the loss of her grandmother,

Britta, to liver failure. Lauri blamed Aileen for the death of his wife. Soon thereafter,

she began a cross-country journey that took her to Florida. Aileen was 16 years old at

the time (Court TV, 1999). Within five years of Britta’s death, Aileen suffered the

loss of her brother, Keith, to throat cancer. She blamed herself for his death.

As a young adult, Aileen continued to frequent bars, carouse, and philander. At

the age of 20, she married a man 50 years her senior. During this time, she drank

heavily, stayed out all night, and spent a lot of money (Kennedy, 1992). The

marriage lasted a month, as Aileen’s husband filed for a divorce and a restraining

order against her for beating him with his own cane (Russell, 1992). Subsequent

heterosexual and homosexual relationships also ended acrimoniously. Following her

divorce, Aileen was repeatedly arrested. Her offenses included such things as

Assault and Battery, Disorderly Conduct, Driving Under the Influence, and two

arrests for weapons offenses. Aileen had a variety of additional criminal charges

under a number of pseudonyms (Ahern, 2001).

Aileen moved around routinely and sometimes lived with her sister Lori and her

husband. She did not have any regular employment and never helped with house-

hold chores. She continued to be argumentative and threatening, particularly to

men (e.g. Lori’s husband.) She bragged openly about how she survived on the road.

For example, she convinced a minister and his family who resided in a different town

to take her in and help her. She stayed for a few days and then left after burglarizing

their residence. She also would boast about all of the truck drivers that would pick

her up for sex.

On May 20, 1981, Aileen held up a convenience store for $35 and two packs of

cigarettes. She was charged with Robbery with a Deadly Weapon. Aileen was

sentenced to three years imprisonment in Florida. Following her release in 1984,

Aileen experienced her first homosexual relationship, although it was short lived.

When Aileen spoke to Lori she would talk of men, always focusing on violence or on

being used. Around this time, her criminal behavior was also escalating. She was

arrested for forging two bad checks, totaling $5,595. She never showed up for her

court hearing. In 1985, she was stopped in a stolen vehicle. According to Aileen, she

was prostituting herself sometimes 25–30 times a day.

At around this time, Aileen met Tyria (Ty) Moore. Their romantic relationship

lasted four and a half years, spanning the time during which Aileen committed

murder almost until she was arrested. Throughout their association, prostitution,

deceit, transience (they lived from hotel to hotel), excessive drinking, violence,

jealousy, and grandiosity were a part of Aileen’s daily life (Ahern, 2001). For

example, Aileen continued to have a fascination with fame and often said that

someday there would be a book written about her. She told Cammie Greene (one of

Ty’s closest friends) that she and Ty were going to be like Bonnie and Clyde and that

they would be doing society a favor (Russell, 1992).

Now in her thirties, Aileen Wuornos was extremely overweight, and looked very

haggard (Ahern, 2001). She was not able to attract the same type of man that she

had in the past, and this was very demoralizing to her (Court TV, 1999). During this

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 385

period, Aileen met Richard Mallory, a 51-year-old man from Clearwater, FL, who

owned his own electronics repair shop. Mallory had been divorced for many years

and, admittedly, loved spending time in gentlemen’s clubs procuring the services of

prostitutes in his free time. He had no history of attacking the many women he

encountered during the near 20 year period prior to his murder. Despite this, Aileen

alleged that he raped her. This allegation was inconsistent with all the forensic

evidence from the crime scene and his body. Aileen made the exact same claim for

each of the other six victims she killed.

In each of these instances, Aileen would linger on the Florida highway until

someone stopped and offered to drive her to a particular destination. While in the

car, Aileen would openly admit that she was a prostitute and that she needed help

making money. Alcohol, marijuana, and other stimulants were frequently used

during these exchanges. While the victim parked the car in a secluded area, Aileen

would peel off her clothes and discuss prices. Some hugging and kissing occurred

until Aileen encouraged her companions to undress. Then, while these men took off

their clothes, Aileen exited the car’s passenger side, taking her belongings with her.

When the victims sensed danger, Aileen would shoot and kill them. Typically, she

would scream at her companions, alleging that ‘‘I knew you were going to rape me!’’

(Russell, 1992, p. 149). When one bullet did not suffice she would fire again and

again, watching her victims die. Aileen would then put her clothes back on, take the

money and/or personal effects from her dead companions, drive their automobiles to

a desolate location, and drink her last beer before returning to her lover, Tyria

Moore.

After being taken into police custody, Aileen Wournos gave various renditions of

her crimes. For example, in one instance she indicated that the murders were the

result of anger when her companions refused to have sex with her (Court TV, 1999).

In another instance, Aileen reported that she would fight with her victims about sex

and that when they became abusive, demanding that she have intercourse with

them, she endeavored to protect herself from being raped (Ahern, 2001). Despite

the assorted versions, Aileen was convicted of predatory and serial homicide.

INTEGRATING ATTACHMENT THEORY,

PSYCHOPATHY, AND PREDATORY AGGRESSION:

SERIAL MURDER AND THE CASE OF

AILEEN WUORNOS

During Aileen’s childhood, she experienced inconsistent care, as well as emotional,

physical, and possible sexual abuse at the hands of one of her primary attach-

ment figures. She demonstrated an avoidant/dismissing style, characterized by

detachment, hostility, social withdrawal, impulsive behavior, and poor sensitivity

and awareness. Although Aileen’s story is filled with abandonment, abuse, and

neglect, Bowlby (1969) asserted that the inability to bond or form attachments and,

therefore, to develop empathy for others is often a result of inconsistent or lack of

caring, especially during the person’s childhood.

According to attachment theory, it is critical for the child to develop trust and

security from the primary caregivers. Without this development, the child begins to

386 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

form an internal working model of others as unreliable, untrustworthy, and

unresponsive to the infant’s needs. Throughout Aileen’s childhood, she developed

secondary conditional strategies, such as hyper-vigilance and detachment, to cope

with her exposure to abuse and the failure to have her needs met. As noted earlier,

Aileen did not have any contact with her biological father, Leo Pittman. Given Leo’s

violent behavior, one can conclude that while the primary focus is on the environ-

mental component as shaping one’s personality (e.g. attachment patterns), the

biological component of psychopathy cannot be overlooked. Indeed, Aileen’s fits of

rage, along with her lack of concern for others, reflect those of her biological father.

Perhaps the most damaging relationship Aileen had was with her grandfather,

Lauri Wuornos. From a young age, she experienced brutal physical and emotional

abuse from the man she thought was her father. From the perspective of attachment

theory, Aileen learned the following: (i) I am wicked, worthless, and hated by those

who are supposed to love me; (ii) those who are supposed to love me hurt me; (iii)

life is filled with terror, rejection, and pain; and (iv) others cannot be trusted and I

must be hyper-vigilant, in order to protect myself from others. Her internal working

models consisted of a view of self as unlovable and wicked, and a view of others as

hostile and rejecting (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). In order to cope with the debilitating

abuse, she shut down emotionally, and became detached form her own feelings and

those of friends and intimates.

Bowlby (1969) notes that there are three reaction states to separation from a

primary attachment figure: protest, despair, and detachment. Aileen’s abandon-

ment from her mother was a real separation. However, her extreme abuse from her

grandfather, the passiveness from her grandmother, and their lack of verbal and

physical attention toward Aileen, resulted in separation and loss. According to

Bowlby (1969), this loss results in powerful and intense anger. While detachment is

an adaptive strategy in the face of abuse and neglect, most children (including

Aileen) cannot recover, and their ability to bond with others in a healthy way is

inhibited.

Although Aileen did have some positive interactions with her grandmother, she

could not turn to her for emotional support. Britta Wuornos did not have significant

conversations with her grandchildren. Avoidant caregivers of infants/children tend

to reject and ignore attempts to create closeness or intimacy. Britta and Lauri

exhibited this behavior in their own unique ways. Lauri was violent and emotionally

abusive; Britta was oblivious to everything and was emotionally unavailable.

Research indicates that adults with avoidant attachment patterns have low levels

of parental communication and emotional support, and poor relationships with their

fathers during childhood (Rothbard & Shaver, 1994). Additionally, research

suggests that mothers of avoidant/dismissing or anxious individuals are nervous,

depressed, frightened, worried, or confused (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Collins & Read,

1990). Clearly, these descriptions fit Britta Wuornos, and informed the interactions

she had with her granddaughter. Finally, avoidant attachment patterns correlate

with the individual’s increased anger toward his or her parents, and with the paternal

figure being hurtful, mean, and hateful during the person’s childhood (Rothbard &

Shaver, 1994). Aileen openly expressed her disdain for her grandfather. Similar

sentiments were conveyed by Lauri Wuornos toward his granddaughter.

Aileen felt like an outsider in her own family. Neither her primary attachment

figures nor her peers wanted her. Intense feelings of abandonment and isolation

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 387

traumatize an individual and create a negative anticipatory effect (Schurman-

Kauflin, 2000). The child learns that there is no one there when the ‘‘bad things’’

happen. Children with insecure attachments come to believe that there will be no

one there to help them when stressful situations arise (Fonagy et al., 1997).

According to Meloy (1992), psychopathic individuals typically turn their feelings

of social isolation to feelings of withdrawal, aggression, and hostility. This appears to

be the case with Aileen. As investigators report, attachment with parents has a

stronger impact on an individual’s ability to interact with others than any other

relationship (see, e.g., Ainsworth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1969).

Aileen’s attachment to her siblings was awkward and fragmented. She was

extremely close to Keith; however, she was emotionally distant with her other

siblings. Keith and Aileen gave each other a sense of protection, no matter how

fragile. According to Schurman-Kauflin (2000), the bond of siblings can be derived

from the comfort they provide each other during abusive periods. While the bond

shared between Aileen and Keith was unhealthy in some ways (e.g. alleged incest),

Aileen was extremely despondent over her brother’s death.

By puberty, Aileen was already demonstrating hatred for herself and others. She

did not see people, especially males, as a source of comfort, companionship, or

warmth. The only emotion she readily expressed was anger, which functioned to

further alienate her from others. Her internal working model was so firm that she did

not trust or express her own feelings, choosing instead to view others with hostile

intent and without compassion. She learned not to value human interaction because

it would only cause her pain (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). Her coping mechanisms

included prostitution, alcohol abuse, violence, and crime, resulting in material gain.

In Aileen’s teenage years, her feelings of being alone were heightened when she

learned that Lauri and Britta were not her biological parents. By this time, Aileen

was openly defiant towards her grandfather and clear about her hatred for him.

Without being socialized to care about the opinion of her grandparents or others in

authority, Aileen regularly acted out in school and engaged in delinquent and

criminal conduct. She learned not to care about what others thought of her or how

her actions made them feel. Aileen was not connected to anyone or to anything, and

she was not bound by relationships or expectations. She reacted moment to moment

with the only feelings that were safe to experience—rage, fear, and hatred.

Adults and children experience abuse but do not necessarily murder or otherwise

victimize others. Indeed, in some healthy way, many bond to society, to its

institutions, and to groups or individuals. Aileen knew right from wrong. However,

she just did not care. But why would she? No one gave a second thought to harming

her. For some who experience debilitating abuse, their distrust turns into resent-

ment and then to intense levels of anger (Schurman-Kauflin, 2000). Aileen failed to

experience any reasonable opportunity for healthy attachments. Therefore, she did

not have an internal working model that included empathy. She was not connected

to family, friends, teachers, or employers. Aileen had not been properly prepared by

her family to interact with the world in a pro-social, adaptive way. She hurt others

before they hurt her. She used aggression to defend against what she perceived to be

threats to her sense of well-being.

Aileen frequently was a victim as a young child and typically was the abuser as an

adult. Her profound sense of distrust toward others and her hyper-vigilance

constantly made her fearful of abandonment, betrayal, or abuse. At a young age,

388 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

Aileen learned that the physical aggressor held the power. With each instance of

victimization, Aileen defiantly came to realize that one day no one would be able to

touch or harm her: she would be in control; she would never be helpless again. This

is how her hate grew.

In adulthood, Aileen continued to demonstrate an avoidant/dismissing style of

attachment. Her relationship with her parents remained severed. Indeed, as an

adult, Aileen was virtually without family: Her mother did not want anything to do

with her, her father had abandoned her, her grandfather despised her, and her

grandmother had been indifferent to her. The continued sexual abuse Aileen

experienced prepared her to always expect the worst. Those who were kind to her

had ulterior motives and could not be trusted. Although she formed an attachment

to Tyria Moore, her homosexual lover, the nature of this relationship was patho-

logical. For example, Aileen routinely demanded to be the center of attention and

was painfully resentful of Ty’s connections to family and friends. Drug abuse,

prostitution, violence, transience, and crime were the coping mechanisms employed

by Aileen when confronted with Ty’s sociability toward and interest in others.

Aileen had no mental representations of how to love someone and to be loved in a

healthy, unconditional way. Moreover, Aileen was unaccustomed to reflecting on

her emotional state and certainly those of others.

The murder of Richard Mallory was the psychological turning point for Aileen,

catapulting her criminal versatility into the realm of predatory aggression. Aileen

believed she lacked power and control. Thus, she engaged in preemptive predatory

aggression, eventually killing seven men in a purposeful way, to restore her sense of

well-being, to experience control, and to ensure financial gain (Schurman-Kauflin,

2000; Shipley & Arrigo, 2004). In addition, rather than waiting to be abused, Aileen

took the offensive against the object she hated. There was no conscious experience

of emotion in these acts; rather, the behavior was rational, planned, and goal

directed. Aileen viewed Mallory as an evil and vile rapist, and as something to be

destroyed. He had material possessions that she wanted (i.e. money), and Aileen’s

perception of him allowed her to conclude that he deserved to be killed. In this way,

Aileen rendered Mallory, and all her victims, ‘‘ragefully devalued’’ objects (Meloy,

1992, p. 232).

In her interview with Court TV (1999), Aileen admitted feeling powerless in the

face of the many sexual overtures and aggressive impulses from the men around her

throughout her life; however, her attitude shifted once she began to kill. Indeed,

after assailing Richard Mallory, her thoughts did not include remorse or guilt.

Instead, her unimpaired reality testing, inflated sense of self-worth, psychopathic

personality structure, fantasized violence, and goal attainment fueled her desire to

avoid detection from the police and to procure financial profit from her targets.

Mallory and the other victims of Aileen’s predatory violence were not to be

mourned; they were bodies to be ritualistically discarded (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004).

It is likely that Aileen began with a biological predisposition for psychopathy.

However, her inability to reflect on her own emotional states led to violence and,

finally, to murder. In addition, Aileen’s inability to experience attachment or

bonding toward others enabled her to devalue her victims, killing and annihilating

them in a cold, calculated, and remorseless fashion (Shipley & Arrigo, 2004).

Finally, Aileen’s aggressive narcissism and antisocial lifestyle predisposed, precipi-

tated, and perpetuated her predatory and serial homicides.

Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos 389

PROVISIONAL IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Generalizing from the case of Aileen Wuornos is at best a provisional exercise.

However, there are some very speculative (and intriguing) suggestions proposed

below, essentially calling for future investigations by social and behavioral scientists,

as well as forensic evaluators and psycho-diagnosticians. Overall, the observations

that follow are a tentative basis for continued criminological and psychological

inquiry regarding women who kill serially and predatorily, where issues of attach-

ment disorder and psychopathy figure prominently into the research and practice

equation.

A critical issue implicit in this article is the importance given to quality parenting.

This is parenting that is responsive to the physical and emotional needs of children.

No other relationships influence a child’s life as significantly as those with the

primary caregivers, particularly during infancy. Better parenting is one the strongest

factors in preventing or curtailing the development of psychopathy. The child’s

initial internal working models are formed at a young age through close and intimate

associations with parents or parental surrogates. Screening children who exhibit

symptoms of attachment disorder or insecure attachment patterns could help with

identifying those youth in need of mental health services before a controllable

problem escalates into violence or some other form of delinquent conduct or

criminal behavior.

A related consideration is clinical research that offers practical guidance with

respect to the warning signs of attachment disorder. It is important for psychologists

to look at the various critical junctures in a person’s life where the professional can

intervene, endeavoring to break the cycle that leads to psychopathy and predatory

homicide. Early diagnosis or identification of behaviors consistent with insecure

attachment is essential for successful intervention. Along these lines, mental health

professionals who make placement decisions for youth need to be educated about

the connection between attachment patterns and psychopathy. In addition, clinical

and forensic psychologists who evaluate and diagnose juveniles for pre-sentence,

treatment, and placement recommendations need to be familiar with the impact of

severe pathogenic care on children.

Another more targeted recommendation involves the development of an evalua-

tion instrument that validly and reliably assesses for lethality among female

psychopathic offenders. As the motives, feelings, and thoughts of women diagnosed

with psychopathy who commit predatory homicide increasingly become understood

by psychologists and criminologists, there is a strong likelihood that other similar

women will be identified before they engage in violence, including murder. As

such, more attention to screening women for psychopathy in outpatient settings

(including better screening methods) could help detect some of these women who

are susceptible to or at risk for committing murder, prior to the offense occurring.

Additional research on women, psychopathy, and predatory serial homicide is

also needed. The recent trend in female-perpetrated murder emphasizes the

experience of women who kill their batterers. However, studies investigating the

life histories, attachment patterns, emotional states, social conditions, personality

features, and behavioral aspects of predatory female killers also are quite useful. As

psychological and related research of this sort materializes, we can begin to examine

390 B. A. Arrigo and A. Griffin

much more systematically the differences and similarities between victim-precipi-

tated female murder and serial homicide. This instrumental case study analysis of

Aileen Wuornos moves the academic community one step closer to initiating these

types of qualitative inquiry.

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