Summary

P r i m a r y S o u r c e D o c u m e n t w i t h Q u e s t i o n s ( D B Q s )

T H E P O T S D A M D E C L A R A T I O N ( J U L Y 2 6 , 1 9 4 5 )

I n t r o d u c t i o n The dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki remains among the most controversial events in modern history. Historians have actively debated whether the bombings were necessary, what effect they had on bringing the war in the Pacific to an expeditious end, and what other options were available to the United States. These very same questions were also contentious at the time, as American policymakers struggled with how to use a phenomenally powerful new technology and what the long-term impact of atomic weaponry might be, not just on the Japanese, but on domestic politics, America’s international relations, and the budding Cold War with the Soviet Union. In retrospect, it is clear that the reasons for dropping the atomic bombs on Japan, just like the later impact of nuclear technology on world politics, were complex and intertwined with a variety of issues that went far beyond the simple goal of bringing World War II to a rapid close.

The Potsdam Declaration was issued on July 26, 1945 by U.S. President Harry Truman, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China, who were meeting in Potsdam, Germany to consider war strategy and post-war policy. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin also attended the Potsdam Conference but did not sign the Declaration, since the Soviet Union did not enter the war against Japan until August 8, 1945. D o c u m e n t E x c e r p t s w i t h Q u e s t i o n s From Japan’s Decision to Surrender, by Robert J.C. Butow (Stanford University Press, 1954). © 1954 Stanford University Press.


 


The
Potsdam
Declaration
(July
26,
1945)
 


Proclamation
Defining
the
Terms
for
the
Japanese
Surrender,
July
26,
1945


(1)

 WE
—
THE
PRESIDENT
of
the
United
States,
the
President
of
the
National
Government
 of
 the
 Republic
 of
 China,
 and
 the
 Prime
 Minister
 of
 Great
 Britain,
 representing
 the
 hundreds
of
millions
of
our
countrymen,
have
conferred
and
agree
that
Japan
shall
be
 given
an
opportunity
to
end
this
war.


(2)
 
The
prodigious
land,
sea
and
air
forces
of
the
United
States,
the
British
Empire
and
of
 China,
many
times
reinforced
by
their
armies
and
air
fleets
from
the
west,
are
poised
to
 strike
the
final
blows
upon
Japan.
This
military
power
is
sustained
and
inspired
by
the
 determination
 of
 all
 the
 Allied
 Nations
 to
 prosecute
 the
 war
 against
 Japan
 until
 she
 ceases
to
resist.


(3)

 The
result
of
the
futile
and
senseless
German
resistance
to
the
might
of
the
aroused
free
 peoples
of
the
world
stands
forth
in
awful
clarity
as
an
example
to
the
people
of
Japan.
 The
might
that
now
converges
on
Japan
is
immeasurably
greater
than
that
which,
when
 applied
to
the
resisting
Nazis,
necessarily
laid
waste
to
the
lands,
the
industry,
and
the


P r i m a r y S o u r c e D o c u m e n t w i t h Q u e s t i o n s ( D B Q s ) o n T H E P O T S D A M D E C L A R A T I O N ( J U L Y 2 6 , 1 9 4 5 )

A s i a f o r E d u c a t o r s l C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y l h t t p : / / a f e . e a s i a . c o l u m b i a . e d u P a g e 2 o f 2

method
of
life
of
the
whole
German
people.
The
full
application
of
our
military
power
 backed
 by
 our
 resolve,
 will
 mean
 the
 inevitable
 and
 complete
 destruction
 of
 the
 Japanese
 armed
 forces
 and
 just
 as
 inevitably
 the
 utter
 devastation
 of
 the
 Japanese
 homeland.


(5)

 Following
are
our
terms.
We
will
not
deviate
from
them.
There
are
no
alternatives.
We
 shall
brook
no
delay.


(6)

 There
 must
 be
 eliminated
 for
 all
 time
 the
 authority
 and
 influence
 of
 those
 who
 have
 deceived
 and
 misled
 the
 people
 of
 Japan
 into
 embarking
 on
 world
 conquest,
 for
 we
 insist
 that
 a
 new
 order
 of
 peace,
 security
 and
 justice
 will
 be
 impossible
 until
 irresponsible
militarism
is
driven
from
the
world.


(7)

 Until
such
a
new
order
is
established
and
until
there
is
convincing
proof
that
Japan’s
 war‑making
 power
 is
 destroyed,
 points
 in
 Japanese
 territory
 to
 be
 designated
 by
 the
 Allies
shall
be
occupied
to
secure
the
achievement
of
the
basic
objectives
we
are
here
 setting
forth.


(10)

 We
do
not
intend
that
the
Japanese
shall
be
enslaved
as
a
race
or
destroyed
as
a
nation,
 but
 stern
 justice
 shall
 be
 meted
 out
 to
 all
 war
 criminals,
 including
 those
 who
 have
 visited
 cruelties
 upon
 our
 prisoners.
 The
 Japanese
 Government
 shall
 remove
 all
 obstacles
to
the
revival
and
strengthening
of
democratic
tendencies
among
the
Japanese
 people.
 Freedom
 of
 speech,
 of
 religion,
 and
 of
 thought,
 as
 well
 as
 respect
 for
 the
 fundamental
human
rights
shall
be
established.


(12)

 The
 occupying
 forces
 of
 the
 Allies
 shall
 be
 withdrawn
 from
 Japan
 as
 soon
 as
 these
 objectives
have
been
accomplished
and
there
has
been
established
in
accordance
with
 the
freely
expressed
will
of
the
Japanese
people
a
peacefully
inclined
and
responsible
 government.


(13)

 We
call
upon
the
government
of
Japan
to
proclaim
now
the
unconditional
surrender
of
 all
Japanese
armed
forces,
and
to
provide
proper
and
adequate
assurances
of
their
good
 faith
in
such
action.
The
alternative
for
Japan
is
prompt
and
utter
destruction.





Q u e s t i o n s : 1. Why did the United States and its allies issue this declaration? Do you think

they expected Japan to comply? 2. Why do you think the declaration called for “unconditional surrender”? Do

you think the war might have ended sooner, and without the use of the atomic bombs, if the United States had been willing to negotiate a peace with Japan? Why did America not pursue that course?

3. Does this declaration suggest that the occupation of Japan will be punitive or constructive? According to the declaration, who bears responsibility for leading Japan down the path to war?

4. How would you have responded to this document as a leader in the Japanese government? As an “average” Japanese person at the time?