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Neo-Nazi Music Subculture

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11

Neo-Nazi Music Subculture

Steven Windisch and Pete Simi

Introduction

The U.S. white supremacist movement is comprised of multiple overlapping groups such as the

Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, Christian Identity, racist skinheads, Posse Comitatus, and segments of

the antigovernment militia, patriot, and sovereign citizen movements (Blee, 2002; Simi, 2010).

White supremacists are not defined by a formal cohesive structure but, rather, are characterized

by numerous groups and individuals scattered throughout the U.S. and abroad. Although there

are differences among the various branches in the white supremacist movement, they typically

agree on several core tenets (Burris, Smith and Strahm, 2000). One of the most pervasive is the

belief that the Aryan race is being polluted by race mixing and multiculturalism. In this way,

white supremacists see themselves as victims of a world that is on the threshold of racial conflict

(Blee, 2002).

Many white supremacists believe a racial conflict will develop into a war between whites

and nonwhites. The idea of a future racial holy war (“RAHOWA”) unites Aryans around

genocidal fantasies against Jews, African Americans, Hispanics, homosexuals, and anyone who

stands in opposition to their advancement (Michael, 2006). In addition, white supremacists also

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endorse conservative beliefs and traditional male-dominant heterosexual families and oppose

homosexuality (Simi and Futrell, 2015).

A review of the history of white supremacist movements reveals their leaders have relied

extensively on media technologies to spread the movement’s unifying ideologies, including

numerous print mediums, films, radio broadcasts, audio recorded speeches, and music as well as

the internet (McVeigh, 2009). These forms of propaganda include emotion-laden information

targeted at a particular audience, which is designed to utilize significant influence in terms of

both beliefs and practices (see McCauley and Moskalenko, 2011; Victoroff, 2005; Hoffman,

2006). Propaganda creates a narrative intended to resonate with target audiences to achieve

various goals including persuading individuals to initiate and sustain organizational commitment

(Payne, 2009; Ellul, 1969).

Over time, the white supremacist movement has experienced success in film and print.

For instance, D. W. Griffith filmed the silent movie Birth of a Nation, which portrays the Ku

Klux Klan as a heroic force against Reconstruction following the Civil War. During its initial

showing in 1915, Birth of a Nation grossed an estimated $10 million in revenue (McVeigh,

2009; Ridgeway, 1990). In terms of print, white supremacists have historically relied on fliers

and leaflets to inform the public about their beliefs and to help recruit new members (Aho,

1990), although white supremacists also rely on full-length novels to distribute propaganda. For

example, The Turner Diaries is one of the most well-known and popular of these novels within

white supremacist social networks. The Turner Diaries depicts a future race war between whites

and nonwhites, which concludes with a violent revolution against the federal government. The

Turner Diaries remains a major piece of literature among members of white supremacist groups

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and has been a source of influence among various violent plots committed on behalf of the larger

movement (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2004).

While different types of media have been essential in the formation and growth of the

white supremacist movement, the focus of the current chapter is on the white power music scene.

Music has contributed to the circulation of extremist beliefs in recent years (Futrell, Simi, and

Gottschalk, 2006). Dyck (2016) defines “white power music” as any music produced and

distributed by individuals who are actively trying to advance what they view as a white power or

pro-white racist agenda (p. 3). Throughout this chapter, we examine several dimensions of white

power music including its use in the recruitment process as well as its international popularity

and financial contribution to the broader white supremacist movement. We highlight how white

power music functions as a unifying experience for white supremacists across the globe. For

these individuals, music creates a real-world physical “scene” where activists can gather to

express hostility toward the powerful and share in their collective Aryan identity.

Recently, there has been a renewed focus regarding the “scene” concept, especially as it

relates to music (Peterson, 1997). Research in this area is beginning to map more precisely the

music scene’s conceptual meaning and empirical aspects (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006;

Dyck, 2016). By music scene, we mean the elements of a social movement’s culture that are

explicitly organized around music that participants regard as important for supporting movement

ideals and activist identities (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006). A music scene is an interactive

experience that draws participants into a collective understanding of identity, politics, and a way

of life (Dyck, 2016).

In general, scenes support a highly symbolic belief system centered on linguistic and

behavioral codes. While these spaces provide an atmosphere for attendees to participate in a

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symbolic experience, they are also available in a variety of ways for less committed activists to

express a collective identity (Gaines, 1994; Irwin, 1977). In terms of the current chapter, a

movement music scene includes those instances in which activists rely on music to promote a

collective identity and express collective grievances. Music scenes are developed through the

formation of alliances and partnerships that are centered on musical styles and a shared “sense of

purpose” (Straw, 1991, p. 273). In addition, a music scene depends on shared beliefs about the

nature, value, and authenticity of music-oriented movement occasions (Grazian, 2004).

The crowds that gather in the white power music scene participate in collective rituals

that help bond them to the Aryan race. White power music shows are typically exclusive events

that establish boundaries between who is “in” and “out” and, thus, define the social group. The

activities and ceremonies organized around music can “produce a sense of community” (Straw,

1991, p. 373) that is expressive, stimulating, thrilling, and affirming (Futrell, Simi and

Gottschalk, 2006). Music is a unifying pillar across the white supremacist movement. White

supremacists use music to express religious grievances, publicize movement activities, and

strengthen commitments across the globe, and music is one of the most persistent means of racist

expression among Aryans (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006). Performers and listeners of white

power music view it as a form of political activism (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006) that

helps them stay firmly committed to their cause by reminding them why they fight for Aryan

supremacy. The white power music scene attracts a range of participants from the highly

committed to the simply curious (Fox, 1987). For those who are highly committed, the music

scene provides experiences that reinforce their activism and provides a sense of pleasure that

these individuals may not find elsewhere. In the next section, we start this discussion by

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introducing the genesis of white power music in Europe’s punk rock scene throughout the 1960s

and 1970s.

Punk Music and the Birth of the Global White Power

Music Scene

The most popular style of music among white supremacists is referred to as “Oi! punk rock,”

which is comprised of heavy guitar riffs, hard drumming, and vocals that mimic fast-paced

chants. Punk rock is viewed as a “do-it-yourself” (DIY) style of rock and roll. At their core, punk

rockers were known for their music that rejected mainstream values and expressed hostility

toward upper- and middle-class standards. Often, punk lyrics were embedded with themes of

nihilism, narcissism, anarchy, and violence (Dyck, 2016; Hebdige, 1979). Instead of

emphasizing working-class heritage, punk music emphasized anger with the upper-class society

and hostile treatment from the government and media. These themes fit well with the white

supremacists’ concern for the decline of the working class and distrust toward governmental

officials (Blee, 2002). Despite the punks’ tendency to emphasize hostility and violence, the

majority of bands associated with early punk rock music were not white supremacists, and very

few of the bands’ members were skinheads who had affiliations with national socialist

organizations (Dyck, 2016).

Although skinheads existed during the 1960s, these groups remained relatively small and

locally focused on neighborhood issues. One of the most notable characteristics of these early

skinheads was their lack of mobility and growth (Hamm, 1994). In fact, many of these skinhead

groups had all but dissolved by the time punks emerged in the mid-1970s. This second wave of

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skinheads developed as an alternative of the anti–middle-class discourse. Rather than circulating

themes of anarchism and nihilism, many punk rockers drifted toward racist politics and

antigovernment rhetoric. Largely due to the floundering British economy, working-class

skinheads experienced financial difficulties, which stimulated their involvement with ultra-right-

wing and neo-Nazi political groups (Dyck, 2016). Although punks’ rejection of all conventional

behavior and norms would eventually create rifts with skinheads, some aspects of the punk style

contributed to the regeneration of the skinhead “style” (Hebdige, 1979).

In fact, punks were among the first to establish a connection with Nazi imagery and

clothing attire. In an effort to adopt styles that maximize shock value, some punks developed an

interest in 1930s Nazi Germany and displayed swastikas on T-shirts and armbands in public

(Hebdige, 1979). There is some debate among academics as to whether the affiliation with

Nazism primarily reflected a desire for shock appeal or the surfacing of racist elements within

the scene (Dyck, 2016). Regardless, the punk scene developed an underground network of

printed news sources, called “fanzines,” which the skinheads would eventually adopt in order to

keep members informed of changes throughout the scene and propagate their ideological belief

system (Cotter, 1999, p. 116).

In terms of music, the punk rock sound morphed from the Oi! styles of the 1960s and

1970s English working-class culture to a much more racially charged orientation. Its roots can be

traced to the late-1970s British group called Skrewdriver, whose hard rock sound became a

staple for white power music (Simi and Futrell, 2015; Goodrick-Clarke, 2002; Ware and Back,

2002). Their new, punk-derived form of skinhead music revolutionized the white power music

scene in the late 1970s with a punk subgenre called street punk or Oi! (Dyck, 2016). Skrewdriver

appealed to a growing number of American and European skinheads who were attracted to

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extreme right-wing politics and white supremacist ideology during the 1980s. Today,

Skrewdriver is sometimes referred to as the “godfather” of white power music (Futrell, Simi and

Gottschalk, 2006, p. 282). While Skrewdriver has since disbanded following the death of lead

singer Ian Stuart Donaldson in 1993, the band continues to represent a focal point of Aryan

kinship among white supremacists.

Quickly after emerging as a popular scene among British youth, the white power music

scene expanded to neighboring countries. Over the last four decades, the white power music

scene has developed into an international web of musicians and fans. Both local and international

bands scattered throughout the world record music, release albums, and tour the world playing

music. This growth began in the late 1970s and developed throughout the mid-1990s. For

instance, between 1975 and 1980, Eastern European countries like the Ukraine, Belarus, and

Greece experienced the arrival of white power music (Dyck, 2016). In a short period, these

countries became homes to an energetic white power music scene characterized by bands that

promote both national heritage and white supremacist beliefs. Both Russia and Poland emerged

as international hosts for white power and neo-Nazi music scenes in the mid-1990s. Many of

these scenes are still vibrant today (Dyck, 2016).

Similar developments occurred simultaneously in Western European countries. For

instance, countries like France, Germany, Spain, and Italy are known for a white power music

scene that mixes ideological elements of the white supremacist movement with aspects of

nationalism and European fascism (Dyck, 2016). For a brief period, Sweden emerged as a major

international white power music scene, but its size and popularity have rapidly diminished since

the early 2000s (Dyck, 2016).

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While the U.S. and Canada host the biggest white power music scenes in North and

South America, countries such as Argentina and Brazil also cater to local white power bands.

These scenes initially developed at the same time as white power music emerged in European

countries throughout the 1980s. Unlike the European white power music scene that gradually

laced neo-Nazi themes into their music, Latin American white power bands expressed clear neo-

Nazi rhetoric from their inception. For instance, first appearing in Argentina in 1983, Comando

Suicida (Spanish for “suicide command”) appeared on stage with overt neo-Nazi lyrics and racist

imagery (Dyck, 2016). By the late 1980s and early 1990s, other white power skinhead bands had

begun to appear in Argentina. Few of these groups, however, experienced the permanence of

Comando Suicida. Nonetheless, these bands did contribute to a persistent white power music

scene in Argentina that continues to exist today.

As this discussion illustrates, one of the strengths of the white power music scene is its

ability to transcend national and international boundaries. In doing so, the white power music

scene connects locales that otherwise would remain fragmented. In the next section, we examine

the specific elements that characterize the white power music scene in the United States.

Overview of U.S. White Power Music Scene

Over the last two decades, one of the most consistent research findings regarding white

supremacist extremism is the ease with which white power music acts as a vessel for the spread

of the groups’ ideological belief system (Cotter, 1999; Dyck, 2016; Simi and Futrell, 2015).

According to Dyck (2016), the term “white power music” refers to an overarching social system

that includes both local and international scenes that span the world. Although many local white

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power music scenes have little interaction with one another and often disagree about the future

direction of the white supremacist movement, these music scenes provide the unifying dimension

needed to sustain growth and longevity.

One strength of the white power music scene is its ability to cater to a variety of musical

preferences. For instance, there are several different genres of white power music, ranging from

standard rock and roll to Oi! punk rock (Eyerman, 2002). Other styles include national socialist

death metal (NSDM), country and western as well as techno and Aryan folk. While there are

many styles of white power music, white power rock is the most popular.

Music provides listeners with a narrative for making sense of their social environment

(Bennett and Peterson, 2004). White power music provides an image of a world in which the

movement’s values are broadly accepted among the individuals who participate within these

symbolically meaningful events (Cotter, 1999; Simi and Futrell, 2015). In this since, the white

power music scene is an influential part of a wider movement culture in which activists routinely

enact and express movement ideals in settings organized around music. These are not discrete

one-time events but rather an interconnected web of situations that members experience as a

relatively coherent lifestyle related to the broader movement.

In terms of the historical genesis of white power music, several of the first musicians

emerged in the U.S. as a reaction to the American civil rights movement and the efforts to

dismantle Jim Crow segregation (Dyck, 2016). The most notable artist, Clifford “Johnny Rebel”

Trahan, wrote and recorded songs such as “Kajun Klu Klux Klan,” “Nigger Hatin’ Me,” and

“Move Them Niggers North.” The Ku Klux Klan supported racist musicians like Trahan and

helped to distribute records across U.S. Southern states in the early 1970s (Dyck, 2016). While

the Southern-based hate country music scene dissolved in the late-1970s, the influence of racist

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Oi! punk rock surfaced in North America during the early 1980s, where it circulated among

racially and politically charged white power skinheads.

Lead by bands such as Bound for Glory, Aggravated Assault, Bully Boys, Max Resist,

and The Hooligans, white power music grew as a persistent form of racist expression. Other

bands continued to emerge during the 1980s, but the most rapid growth occurred in the late

1990s (Simi and Futrell, 2015; Dyck, 2016), though Skrewdriver has remained the most

notorious white power rock band (Goodrick-Clarke, 2002).

The lyrical content within white power music places a strong emphasis on maintaining

Aryan values through nationalistic pride, political activism, racial loyalty, and kinship. White

power music consistently expresses themes found in contemporary right-wing extremist rhetoric

such as hypermasculinity, nationalistic pride, and racial superiority (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk,

2006). For instance, white power lyrics convey ideas related to a coming race war between

whites and minorities in which the Aryan race will reclaim world dominance. Various songs also

address an alleged global Jewish conspiracy that seeks to eradicate the white race (Cotter, 1999).

In terms of violent lyrical content, themes of racist hatred aimed at African Americans,

homosexuals, immigrants, and Jewish people are conveyed in song titles, album artwork, and

band names. For example, “You Better Start Running,” “Murder Squad,” “Hate Filled Mind,”

and “Asian Invasion” are some of the song titles created by bands such as Extreme Hatred,

Angry Aryans, and Blue Eyed Devils (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2014). While scholars have

warned of the potential dangers of prolonged exposure to this form of racist propaganda and its

connection to racial violence (Hamm, 1994), there is currently no clear evidence that links white

power music and violence. Instead, what is clear is the central role music plays in promoting

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white power ideals which, in some cases, helps galvanize a range of political action including

extremist violence (Simi and Futrell, 2015).

In addition to promoting ideological themes, white power music is used to create social

occasions in which white supremacists feel unified. In the next section, we examine how the

white power music scene functions as a series of free spaces for white supremacists.

Free Spaces, Festivals, and Bar Shows

In general, free spaces allow adherents to enact their values in situations that minimize opposing

opinions, create miniature versions of their ideal societies, and help facilitate white power

identity formation (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Free spaces are environments in which activists can

propagate beliefs that run counter to those of the mainstream without fear of opposition and

ridicule. This aspect of music in social movements is particularly important to individuals like

white power activists, for whom group membership bears a heavy social stigma in most Western

countries (Simi and Futrell, 2009). Free spaces can also help current members teach prospective

recruits about white power ideology without subjecting them to tedious lectures or speeches.

White supremacists unite in a variety of locations to listen to white power music. These

settings include face-to-face environments such as concerts and festivals as well as virtual spaces

such as chatrooms on internet websites (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Concerts and music festivals are

the scene’s primary face-to-face opportunities for participants to experience a level of

camaraderie and fellowship that virtual participation is unable to provide. Multiday festivals,

such as Aryan Fest and Hammerfest, however, are the largest and most elaborate dimension of

the scene. At their height, these musical festivals attracted between 400 and 600 white

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supremacists from local, national, and even international white power social networks (Futrell,

Simi and Gottschalk, 2006).

Bar shows are also core events for the white power music scene and among the main

occasions movement organizers use to unite white power activists. Bar shows are typically local

events that draw different branches of white supremacists from the surrounding cities and local

regions (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Small bar shows are the most frequently organized music

events and typically draw anywhere from 50 to 100 white power members from a particular

geographic locale. These events usually feature three or four bands and tend to draw a crowd of

regulars. The smallest of these events attract between 20 and 30 people, whereas 150 to 200

activists might attend the larger bar shows from both the local scene and scenes outside the area

(Simi and Futrell, 2015). Many white supremacists come from their own vibrant local scene and

share information about their favorite bands, styles, and movement experiences. These events are

often organized around popular white power bands that arrange music tours connecting several

different cities. In some cases, a European or Australian band will travel to the U.S. (or a U.S.

band will travel abroad) and perform at various shows, creating a modified version of a music

tour.

In this sense, the local bar shows help establish network links between local and

international dimensions of the white power scene. The benefit of linking various local scenes is

that white supremacist organizers create opportunities for members in one local scene to

experience live performances by bands celebrated in other geographical regions (Futrell, Simi

and Gottschalk, 2006). Since these performers are often among the most popular across the entire

white power music scene, many attendees will have listened to their recordings and discussed the

meaning of lyrics with one another prior to attending the show.

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During bar shows and concerts, organizers who promote white power music encourage a

sense of purpose and camaraderie among activists (Simi and Futrell, 2015). The organizers often

distribute movement propaganda while talking with potential recruits about their beliefs. In

addition, these individuals stock the bar with white power CDs, stickers, band T-shirts, and white

power literature (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Bands work alongside white power recruiters by

selling merchandise to potential recruits and encouraging them to befriend current members in

the movement (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Organizers often have difficulty finding venues that are

willing to host white power music shows, as club owners are often sensitive to the stigma

associated with white power music (Simi and Futrell, 2015). The bars that do not immediately

reject the idea of hosting a white power concerts are likely to experience negative publicity and

protests from civil rights organizations.

Whether it is a multiday music festival or a small bar concert, each setting brings a range

of people together around white power music in order to foster a sense of purpose and belonging

to a community whose members adhere to racial supremacy (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006).

The white power music scene is the epicenter for white supremacist ritual and collective unity,

connecting groups across the county and globe. In the following section, we discuss the

ritualistic dimensions of the white power music scene.

White Power Music Rituals

The use of ritualistic events organized around music is a common practice among social

movements. Since Durkheim (1915), researchers have viewed rituals as deeply emotional events

that express meaning about social relationships in relatively intense ways (Taylor and Whittier,

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1995; Collins, 2004). Rituals have been examined as symbolic performances that express conflict

(Goffman, 1959), symbolize resistance and rebellion (Schechner, 1993), frame grievances and

communicate power (Benford and Hunt, 1992), and create the “emotion culture” (Gordon, 1989)

and boundaries of groups (Taylor and Whittier, 1992). According to Sardiello (1994), when

music is pitted in the backdrop of ritualistic contexts, social actors are able to interpret and define

their social worlds.

White supremacists talk about feelings of unity and companionship as part of the typical

experience at white power music shows. These feelings are amplified through movement rituals

performed by band members and attendees (Simi and Futrell, 2015). In addition, music rituals

allow participants to process the lyrics and musical sounds in a meaningful way. White

supremacists attribute pride, pleasure, and solidarity to the music itself and the collective

activities around music. In particular, live white power music shows reinforce activists’ racial

pride and collective identity through various rituals. For example, white power skinheads

commonly perform a semi-choreographed, boot-stomping dance that evokes power, violence,

and militarism (Simi and Futrell, 2015). The dance usually involves 10 to 20 people stomping

and rotating in a circular formation. Sometimes, one person moves to the center, crouching and

stomping, circling in the opposite direction and growling or shouting at the other skinheads. The

skinhead at the center will then run into the circled white supremacists in a feigned but very

physical attempt to escape the circle. After several minutes, a new skinhead moves to the center,

and the ritual continues in a repetitive fashion (Simi and Futrell, 2015). These dance rituals

reflect an overall hypermasculine and communitarian spirit present at white power music shows.

Another common music ritual is referred to as “slam dancing.” This performance is less

choreographed but no less ritualistic. The slam dance involves aggressive pushing and crashing

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and acting out moves of a mock fight as part of a violent stylistic performance. Slam dancing

sometimes escalates into actual brawls between two or more white supremacists, which the other

dancers usually break up after a minute or two (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Less frequently, the

brawls spread to the larger group and can escalate out of control. To an outsider, the fights can

seem like a sign of conflict among white supremacists. In most instances, however, the fighting

is another part of the ritualistic experience that white supremacists use to distinguish themselves

as racial warriors (Simi and Futrell, 2015).

In addition to aggressive dances, white supremacists perform ritual chants in which

attendees in unison shout “Sieg Heil!” and “White power!” These chants are typically

accompanied by Nazi salutes, which involve the straight extension of one’s arm at an upward

angle towards the sky. Often, white supremacists combine their chants and dances with displays

of white power symbols. While some activists wear tank tops, others go bare-chested to display

racist tattoos and “battle scars.” Others wear jackets and T-shirts with white power patches that

indicate their membership in local or national groups (Simi and Futrell, 2015). Attendees report

the collective experience of shouting racist expressions is exhilarating and enhances their sense

of racial unity (Simi and Futrell, 2015). According to Collins (2004), a shared focus of attention

during performances can heighten participants’ “emotional energy,” thereby strengthening

feelings of collective unity. Among its many functions, white power music also lends itself to

recruitment efforts by introducing potential recruits to an antiestablishment subculture of

violence. We now turn to the utility of the white power music scene for recruitment purposes.

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White Power Music as a Recruitment Tool

The white power music scene is more than a source of entertainment for white supremacists.

Music is a propaganda tool used to spread an alternative lifestyle and various ideological

messages to a much wider audience (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006). In fact, one of the

greatest strengths of white power music is its ability to transcend national borders. White power

music has an international presence that connects Aryans from a wide range of social, economic

and political conditions (Cotter, 1999).

White power music is a transmission device, capable of spreading racist and anti-Semitic

beliefs to potential white supremacist recruits (Schafer, Mullins and Box, 2014; Simi, Windisch

and Sporer, 2016). In this way, white power music is an effective recruitment tool because it

allows recruiters to infuse musical lyrics with radical beliefs. In some scenarios, potential

recruits may hang around without pressure to participate in extremist activities, but prolonged

exposure to white power music has the potential to lead to an increase in an individual’s level of

ideological indoctrination (Simi, Windisch and Sporer, 2016). The white power music scene is

also an attractive atmosphere in which more generic peer influence such as camaraderie occurs

within a particular ideological context (Schafer, Mullins and Box, 2014; Cotter, 1999).

White supremacists will often organize their recruitment efforts around the music scene.

In a recent study, Simi and colleagues (2016) analyzed recruitment patterns among 45 former

far-right extremists. This project focused on several dimensions including risk factors related to

involvement, initial exposure to right-wing extremism, and the entry process. Findings from their

study underscore the significance of white power music as an important part of what generates

and sustains recruits. For instance,

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Music was the most powerful tool to recruit anybody. You could teach through

music, you could make things make sense with lyrics. You could inspire,

motivate, insight.

(Chester, Volksfront, 10/22/13)

Skrewdriver music is what made it acceptable. It was about our country, it was

nationalism. Everybody started taking to Skrewdriver. That was a big thing, to

understand the lyrical content of the music.

(Jim, WAR Skin, 5/22/14)

As these participants suggest, white power music provides an avenue for current members to

establish contact with potential recruits. In addition, music provides recruiters with an alternative

way to educate new members about the group’s ideological belief system by using music; a

common form of culture prevalent across most, if not all, social systems (Bennett and Peterson,

2004).

How effective white power music actually is as a recruiting tool for white supremacist groups is

still under investigation (Dyck, 2016). It is clear that white supremacist leaders anticipated that

their involvement with the white power music industry would increase recruitment of new

members into their organizations. In many cases, white supremacist members believe that white

power music has contributed to their growth and longevity by establishing networks around the

globe and creating revenue for the movement (Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk, 2006). In the next

section, we discuss the white power music scene’s ability to generate revenue for the larger white

supremacist movement through record companies and merchandise sales available on internet

websites.

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Record Companies and the Internet

The goal of white power music is to create alternatives to mainstream music genres by producing

music that articulates white supremacist beliefs (Simi and Futrell, 2015). These belief systems

are linked to occasions and experiences in which white supremacist ideologies are promoted on

both a national and international level. Many white supremacist gatherings include white power

music produced by more than 100 U.S. and 200 international white power bands spread across

more than 22 countries (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2014). Although the white power music

scene spans the globe, the music scene is relatively underground, although this varies

considerably by country (Dyck, 2016). Historically, the availability of white power music was

limited to bootleg cassette tapes; however, as the virtual dimension of the white power music

scene grew, access became readily available (Simi and Futrell, 2015).

While figures vary over time, recent estimates indicate there are around 40 multimedia

white power music companies based in North America (Simi and Futrell, 2015). The majority of

these small, independent businesses are operated by two or three people selling and distributing

white power music. There are, however, larger labels formally affiliated with various national

organizations. These labels also sell merchandise, organize live concerts, and promote multiday

festivals (Simi and Futrell, 2015). White supremacist recording companies organize and support

music festivals by promoting the shows through their extensive internet presence.

Historically, the white supremacist movement relied on two relatively large music

production companies: Resistance Records and Free Your Mind Productions (formally

Panzerfaust). After being formed by several white power activists, Resistance Records was

eventually purchased by the National Alliance. After Panzerfaust was founded, the record

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company quickly began operating under the umbrella of the Hammerskin Nation (Dyck, 2016).

Due to constitutional protections in the U.S., Resistance Records and Free Your Mind

Productions were able to gain a level of permanence that European white power music

companies were unable to achieve. At their height, Resistance Records and Free Your Mind

Production served as a “retail clearinghouse” for white supremacists (Simi and Futrell, 2015, p.

82). In the first 18 months of operation, Resistance Records reported that it sold 50,000 CDs and

turned a US$300,000 profit (Dyck, 2016). These profits were largely the result of internet

distribution networks designed to sell CDs, MP3s, and white power merchandise including

books, videos, jewelry, posters, and clothing. In addition to selling merchandize, these websites

also provided access to streaming radio, music reviews, and internet forums in which white

power music fans and activists could exchange information and discuss new developments in the

movement. The popularity of white power music provided white supremacist organizations with

an important financial resource (Dyck, 2016).

While Resistance Records experienced a period of financial success, the company began

deteriorating after William Pierce’s death in 2002. In the months following Pierce’s death,

Resistance Records was turned over to Erich Gliebe. Despite early success, Gliebe lost control of

Resistance Records and finally closed its doors in 2012. Panzerfaust Records experienced a

similar fate. After initially developing strong ties with Hammerskin Nation, Volksfront, and

White Revolution, Panzerfaust Records eventually folded due to legal difficulties and financial

issues. The most harmful blow, however, emerged when Panzerfaust Records’ founder Anthony

Pierpont was identified as “nonwhite” and a copy of his Mexican birth certificate was posted

online (Simi and Futrell, 2015; Dyck, 2016). Although new management took control of

Panzerfaust Records’ website and renamed it Free Your Mind Productions, the label closed in

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2005. Although these two labels are now defunct, white power music is still accessible on

various movement websites and has since moved into more mainstream multimedia platforms

such as iTunes, Spotify, Google Play, YouTube, and iHeartRadio (Southern Poverty Law Center,

2014).

Concluding Remarks

The current chapter focused on several issues. First, we sought to introduce the national and

international dimensions of the white power music scene. In doing so, we discussed the global

reach of the white power music scene across Europe as well as North and South America. In

addition, we also illustrated the virtual dimension that characterize the international network of

white power music. As part of this international network, white power record companies serve as

revenue streams for the broader white supremacist movement.

Second, we stressed the social function of white power music. The white power music

scene extends across both physical settings (e.g., bar shows, concerts, and multiday festivals) and

virtual settings (e.g., websites, streaming radio, and chatrooms; Futrell, Simi and Gottschalk,

2006). Face-to-face and virtual experiences nurture a collective identity among Aryans and

reinforce their commitment to white supremacy. Recently, some efforts have been made to limit

the trade of white power music, but these attempts have been largely unsuccessful. In most

Western countries, with the exception of the U.S., white power music has been banned (Dyck,

2016). The largest producers in Europe have been raided several times, but customers can easily

obtain this music on the internet.

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Caution should be taken when considering strategies to counter the appeal of white power

music. Various strategies may have unintentional consequences. White power scenes generally

and music-related occasions in particular may provide a release valve for violent tendencies.

These spaces may cultivate social relationships that discourage some of the most violent action.

Dismantling these spaces would likely lead to the splintering of white supremacist networks and

the development of small, leaderless terror cells and/or violent lone actors.

11 Neo-Nazi Music Subculture

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Citations

To cite this chapter, please use this format:

Steven Windisch and Pete Simi (2017). “Neo-Nazi Music Subculture” in Stephen E. Brown and

Ophir Sefiha (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Deviance (pp. 111-121).

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