essay

Journalism Studies, Volume 5, Number 2, 2004, pp. 139–152

What is Multimedia Journalism1?

MARK DEUZE University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands

ABSTRACT Convergence, media cross-ownership and multimedia newsrooms are becoming increasingly part of the vocabulary of contemporary journalism—in practice, education, as well as research. The literature exploring multimedia is expanding rapidly but it is clear that it means many different things to different people. Research into what multimedia in news work means for journalism and journalists is proliferating. In this paper the social and cultural context of multimedia in journalism, its meaning for contemporary newsrooms and media organizations, and its current (emerging) practices in Europe and the United States are analyzed. The goal: to answer the question in what ways “multimedia” impacts upon the practice and self-perception of journalists, and how this process in turn shapes and influences the emergence of a professional identity of multimedia journalism. This paper offers an analysis of the professional and academic literature in Europe and the United States, using the concept of media logic as a theoretical framework.

KEY WORDS: Journalism, Internet, Online Journalism, Multimedia

Introduction consider a “logic” of multimedia journalism as the institutional, organizational, technological,

The discourse of convergence, media cross- and cultural factors influencing how news

ownership and multimedia newswork is in- work gets done in a convergent setting (see

creasingly becoming part of the vocabulary of Dahlgren, 1996). These elements should be seen

contemporary journalism—in practice, edu- as recombinant, as journalists shape and are cation, as well as research. The literature on being shaped by the various contexts involved

multimedia is expanding rapidly, and it is clear in multimedia news work (Lievrouw and

that it means many different things to different Livingstone, 2002). Every aspect of the pro-

people. Research into what convergence and fessional identity of multimedia journalism will

multimedia mean for journalism and the work therefore entail a critical discussion on the vari-

of journalists is proliferating. In this paper I ous meanings it can have for the journalists

contextualize multimedia in journalism, explore involved, indicating the bandwidth of issues

its meaning for contemporary newsrooms and involved in the convergence process which fa-

media organizations, and its current (emerging) cilitate the journalists’ agency (van Zoonen,

practices in Europe and the United States. As 1998). My aim is to provide a synthesis of the

the basis for these considerations I have used ongoing debates and experiences of media

the professional and scholarly literature on con- scholars and professionals using a theoretical

vergence and multimedia in journalism in framework to structure the manifold meanings

Europe and the United States in particular.2 The and applications of intertwined processes such

goal: to answer the question in what ways the as computerization, digitalization, convergence,

process of ongoing convergence impacts upon and multimedia in news organizations.

the practice and self-perception of journalists,

and how this process in turn shapes and Multimedia: a definition

influences the emergence of a professional

identity of multimedia journalism. As constitut- In order to adequately understand what

ing elements of such a professional identity I “multimedia” means for the field of pro-

ISSN 1461-670X print/ISSN 1469-9699 online/04/020139-14  2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/1461670042000211131

140 MARK DEUZE

fessional journalism internationally, one has to neous) presentation of a news story package

look beyond the existence or examples of multi- through different media, such as (but not lim-

media journalism to their social organization. ited to) a website, a Usenet newsgroup, e-mail,

Dahlgren (1996) proposes a framework for con- SMS, MMS, radio, television, teletext, print

ceptualizing the reconfiguration of journalism newspapers and magazines (a.k.a. horizontal

and its publics in a new media environment in integration of media). Both definitions are

terms of a media logic, defined as the particular ideal-typical and should be understood as poss-

institutionally structured features of a medium, ible “end-points” on a continuum from no con-

the ensemble of technical and organizational vergence to full convergence. Two studies have

attributes, and the cultural competences of recently identified the various stops on this

users—all of which impact on what gets repre- road. Researchers of the European Mudia1- sented in the medium and how this gets done project identified three steps towards the as-

(Dahlgren builds on the work of Altheide and sumed end-point of a completely integrated

Snow, most recently published in 1991). The multimedia newsroom as various “degrees” of

concept of media logic can, for example, be convergence (Aquino et al., 2002), whereas a

used to analyze the characteristics of online group of US scholars more or less similarly

media professionals in terms of how they de- coined five phases towards full convergence

scribe and self-evaluate their competences, at- (Daily et al., 2003). The thus defined

tributes and features (Deuze and Dimoudi, “convergence continuum” assumes that sooner

2002). I would like to extend these consider- or later all media organizations move towards a

ations to assess the characteristics of a multi- stage where integration of different parts of the media logic in journalism. This means I will look news-making process (including audio, video, at multimedia through the perspectives of the text, images, graphics; but also marketing,

institutional, the technological, the organiza- cross-promotion, sales, redistribution and inter-

tional, and the cultural (in terms of producer/ activity with publics) is achieved. Such models

user competences). The advantage of applying tend to ignore that convergence does not have

media logic to the study of multimedia in news to be a linear process, that it may fail, or that it

organizations over, for example, other relevant leaves some parts of the organization un-

approaches used in new media studies such as touched. The “continuum” metaphor also rests

diffusion of innovations (Rogers, 1995), gate- uneasy with its assumption of inevitability, and

keeper studies (Singer, 1997a, 1997b), sociology with its presumed concensus among stake-

of newswork (Schudson, 2003), or social sys- holders and media practitioners involved on

tems theory (Quandt, 2003a) is that it at once what convergence means to them and their

allows the researcher to have a broad perspec- work or involvement in the company.

tive on the dynamics of change and resistance In this paper a rather pragmatic definition of

in adapting to new environments, while at the convergence in news media companies is used.

same time locating the study within the Convergence is generally seen in terms of (in-

boundaries of a particular media type. creasing) cooperation and collaboration be-

Before moving to the elements of a logic of tween formerly distinct media newsrooms and

multimedia journalism let me offer a pragmatic other parts of the modern media company.

contemporary definition of multimedia journal- Examples thereof are emerging all over the

ism. There are two ways of defining multime- Web, even though issues like profitability (or

dia in journalism: first, as the presentation of a lack thereof), bandwidth, media access, usabil-

news story package on a website using two or ity, and (international) copyrights are still prob-

more media formats, such as (but not limited lematic for an effective and innovative pursuit

to) spoken and written word, music, moving of this kind of multimedia journalism. Multime-

and still images, graphic animations, including dia news operations often start out with joint

interactive and hypertextual elements (online websites, at some point branching out to other

journalism; see Deuze, 2003a); secondly, as the types of exchange (cross-promotion of projects,

integrated (although not necessarily simulta- cross-media advertisement sales, news sharing,

WHAT IS MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM? 141

partial integration of newsrooms; see, e.g., world, and the development of multinational

Boczkowski, 2003; Gentry, 2003; Singer, 2003, media corporations, most authors expect the

2004; Stone and Bierhoff, 2002). Integrated emergence of full-on convergent multimedia

multimedia projects are currently common journalism at some point in the near future (see,

practice for the entertainment industry in par- e.g., Stone and Bierhoff, 2002 for Europe; La-

ticular, where television shows like Big Brother sica, 2002 and Criado and Kraeplin, 2003 for the or movies like Star Wars are meticulously de- United States). It must be clear, however, that veloped, prepared for release, and cross- in the context of this paper I refer to a prag-

promoted through a wide variety of media matic definition when talking about multime-

platforms, channels, and markets. The follow- dia journalism, as in a definition that takes its

ing are some current examples of multimedia cue from current practices in newsrooms across

journalism from its earliest to more advanced Europe and the United States in particular. The

stages: key to this approach is to understand conver-

gence as more or less reluctant collaboration • so-called “standups” print journalists do to

and piecemeal integration of formerly distinct present some aspect of the news on camera

media operations, particularly observable in for their company’s television counterpart;

print or broadcast efforts with an online • galleries or slideshows of pictures photo-

counterpart. This definition may seem more or journalists make for the website of their com-

less similar to online journalism: journalism (as pany’s newspaper (to include photographs

in production of digital content, including au- for which there was no room in print);

dio, video and text) as it is produced more or • news briefs or summaries written by print,

less exclusively for presentation and distri- broadcast, or online reporters to be used for

bution on the World Wide Web as the graphic e-mail, I-mode, or SMS news alerts;

interface of the Internet (Deuze, 1999). The dif- • joint projects among distinct media opera-

ference lies in the intentions or goals of journal- tions to gather, edit, and present news stories

ism: online journalism is not driven by the across formats;

purpose of multimedia—in fact, digital story- • fully integrated multimedia newsroom where

telling using multiple media can be seen as a teams of news workers from print, broadcast,

potential but not a necessary element of added and online jointly gather information, mine

value to an online journalistic presentation databases, and plan story packages intended

(Deuze, 2003a; Paul and Fiebich, 2002). In other for distribution across all media.

words: online journalism is not synonymous

Research in a number of countries shows that with multimedia journalism, and for a thor-

the contemporary use of multimedia projects ough discussion of online journalism—also

and processes in news organizations tends to called cyberjournalism, e-journalism, or internet

reproduce existing (or “old school”) journalistic journalism—I would refer to theoretical and

practices and culture (Boczkowski, 2003; Quinn practical overviews of online journalism—such

and Trench, 2002), as most websites or story as more or less similarly offered by Heinonen

packages hardly use interactive options (1999) in Finland; Altmeppen et al. (2000) and

(Jankowski and Van Selm, 2000; Massey and Meier (2002) in Germany, Hall (2001) and Ward

Levy, 1999; Quandt, 2003b; Schultz, 1999, 2000), (2002) in the UK; and Pavlik (2001) in the USA.

multimedia options remain underused (Sundar,

2000; Zerba, 2003), and most examples of

innovative uses of hypertext, multimedia, and Multimedia Logic

interactivity are generally found outside main-

stream news media online (Deuze, 2003a). As explained above, I assume in this paper that

With the internationalization and global ex- a broader understanding of the impact a chang-

pansion of media industries and markets, me- ing media environment has for the social orga-

dia cross-ownerships enabled by increased nization (including culture and praxis) in

deregulation in most countries around the journalism involves a critical appreciation of its

142 MARK DEUZE

logic. For the issues at hand this requires us to an integrated newsroom, this situation still has

look at the mutually constituent (or recombi- not been achieved nor accepted widely by the

nant) elements of multimedia logic: the institu- industry (arguments in favor of print and on-

tionally structured features of a medium, the line newsroom integration: Fulton, 1996, 2000;

ensemble of technical and organizational at- Lapham, 1995; somewhat “disappointed” con-

tributes, and the cultural competences of users clusions for example for the United States: Pav-

and producers of news. lik, 2001; for Germany see: Neuberger, 2001).

The way convergent multimedia initiatives

are structured varies from medium to medium, Institutional Perspective

and organization to organization. These differ-

A structure of convergent multimedia news ent approaches can be explained by several

organizations has been emerging since the mid- factors. In an overview of new media inno-

1990s, with companies all over the world opt- vation efforts in five European countries (Swe-

ing for at least some form of cross-media den, Denmark, The Netherlands, Switzerland,

cooperation or synergy between formerly sepa- Austria) scholars noted a general lack of con-

rated staffers, newsrooms, and departments. sensus or even vision regarding the nature of

According to a survey among 200 news execu- changes brought about by convergence (Bier-

tives worldwide in 2001, in almost three- hoff et al., 2000). Another overview of Euro-

quarters of these companies integration strate- pean multimedia initiatives cited issues like

gies were planned or implemented at that time legislation, regulation and the role of unions,

(Innovation, 2001). Some examples of media and the various histories and cultures the dif-

companies physically integrating broadcast, ferent elements in an synergistic company rep-

print and online journalists include FT.com and resent (see Stone and Bierhoff, 2002). Observers Financial Times in the UK, Recoletos with Marca like Pablo Boczkowski (2003) and Jane Singer and Expansion in Spain, Chicago Tribune, WGN- (2004) in the United States as well as in The TV/Radio, with CLTV (cable partner) in the Netherlands (Mark Deuze), Germany (Thorsten United States (Boczkowski, 2003; Gentry, 2003; Quandt), Spain (David Domingo), and Ar-

Stone and Bierhoff, 2002, p. 4). Perhaps the pio- gentina (Edgardo Garcia) also note differences

neering example is Tampa Bay Online, Channel in organizational structures and work practices 8-TV and Tampa Tribune in the United States, in and correlate these with perceptions of former which country arguably most of the examples competitors—now colleagues (print versus

of structural convergence at the institutional broadcast in particular, offline versus online in

level can be found (Carr, 2002; Singer, 2004; general), and cultural clashes between different

Stevens, 2002). Beyond these “ultimate” forms newsrooms. The point remains that on an insti-

of convergence, it is safe to say that growing tutional perspective convergence comes in dif-

majorities of news media in different parts of ferent shapes and sizes, strongly influenced by

the world offer their core journalistic product both internal (practices, rituals, routines, cul-

through more than one channel. Studies in sev- tures) as well as external (regulation, compe-

eral countries show that journalists are slowly tition, stakeholders, publics) factors.

but surely getting accustomed to the fact that As noted earlier, researchers in Europe as

their “mother-medium” has an online presence well as the United States have suggested a way

too—which findings go hand in hand with an to model this wide variety of approaches by

increased awareness of a distinctive character subdividing the field in “stages” of conver-

of online journalists (Deuze and Paulussen, gence, evolving from no convergence through

2002; Singer, 2003). Although several experts, various degrees towards full convergence,

academics and research firms suggested in the which at the moment only exists in an exper-

mid-1990s that the optimal model for a conver- imental setting at the so-called Newsplex labora- gent (that is, the combination of an offline tory in South Carolina, built in 2002 (Aquino et

mother-medium with an online or Net-native al., 2002, pp. 19–21).3 Following their work and

counterpart) news media operation would be the descriptions of participant observers like

WHAT IS MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM? 143

Jane Singer and Pablo Boczkowski in the ing the same audience. As most governments

United States, and Jan Bierhoff and Martha are moving towards deregulation of the media,

Stone in Europe, institutional characteristics of media cross-ownership and a following decline

these various degrees of convergence can be of competition can be expected to diminish

summarized as: opportunities of access to local markets, and

may pose threats to a certain level of between- • partnerships with other (journalistic and non-

media diversity of voices within such a conver- journalistic) media organizations to provide,

gent industry (Weare et al., 2001). promote, repurpose, or exchange news;

Distinct ethical and editorial autonomy con- • cross-media (integrated) marketing and man-

cerns arise when mergers and acquisitions in- agement projects;

clude media co-branding, joint ventures, and • establishment of a research and development

strategic alliances with non-news companies strategy;

(Davis and Craft, 2000). The increasing corpo- • contextual factors regarding local or indus-

rate colonization of the media industry is in- trial legislation and union rules.

deed reproduced on the Web, and poses

It must be clear that the institutionally struc- questions regarding the (desirability of) part-

tured features of multimedia convergence in nerships, cross-ownerships, and collaborations

journalism mean different things in different between former relatively distinct processes,

situations. It is important to note that the multi- products, and markets of news, entertainment,

media adoption process is not uniquely marketing, and so on (Garnham, 1996; Lessig,

“caused” by internet, or more specifically the 2001). Such considerations put increasing pres-

World Wide Web. All these developments sures on the level of individual responsibility

should be seen as accelerators and amplifiers of and ethical decision-making of reporters and

convergence, as journalists in for example pub- editors, as these stress the importance of up-

lic broadcasting organizations such as the BBC holding safeguards towards the sustenance of

in the UK have always worked in a multiple independent voices and diverse opinions

media capacity, and there are plenty of exam- among them. Regarding labor it is important to

ples of “combo-journalism” in the mid-20th note that some—including most of the journal-

century when newspaper journalists were also ists involved in converging media companies

expected to wield a photo camera (for contex- according to research by Singer (2004)—feel the

tual work see, e.g., Winseck, 1998, showing industry’s primary motive for merging or co-

how convergence existed in the UK and operating across media is saving money. As

Canada in “pre-Web” times; Wise, 2000 who Devyatkin (2001) for example notes: executives

historicizes multimedia as a distinct technol- in the media industry tend to see new media as

ogy; and Packer and Jordan, 2001 who include a way to make staff downsizing easier—doing

art, games, and cinema to their overview). more with less people—and generally not as a

Criticality within an institutional perspective way to explore new genres, styles, angles, or

on convergent multimedia deals with questions voices for the news. This is a valid perspective,

of access, diversity, and labor (McChesney, even though it must also be noted that conver-

1999). The 20th century has seen a constant gence for companies in fact involves spending

dwindling of the number of independent media impressive sums on new equipment, hardware

(broadcast organizations and publishers), with and software (requiring constant updating), in-

a parallel development in a steady growth of house and external training and reschooling of

the size of remaining “umbrella” companies. staff, hiring new people (particularly those with

This has led in many if not all countries to a IT skills or sensibilities), and so on. Case studies

predominance of one-paper-towns, and other like the ones offered by the aforementioned

forms of local media market (near-) monop- Mudia-project do suggest, however, that many olies. This is why many countries or regions if not most journalists tend to complain that

uphold laws and regulations stipulating a min- convergence means more work for them, even

imum competition level between media target- while they get the same salary as before.

144 MARK DEUZE

Technological and Organizational Perspective wide adapt to the new media environment, most of them stick to techniques of production

The ensemble of technological and organiza- instead of conceptual skills of process in the

tional attributes is a bit clearer to observe and curricula (Bierhoff et al., 2000; Bromley and

define than the institutional structures of con- Purdey, 1998, 2001; Deuze, 2001, 2003b).

vergent news media. For one, media companies From industry-driven studies like an Ameri- are increasingly relying on multiple media can Press Institute online report (Gentry, 2003) Content Management Systems (CMS)—either and the Mudia Report (Aquino et al., 2002), one developed in-house, acquired through open can deduct that key elements of organizational

source exchange, or bought on the commercial convergence are:

software market—and the application of soft- • convergence commitment level of manage-

ware languages such as XML that automate the ment;

parallel use of databases containing audio, • appointed budget, strategy, and timetable;

video, and text. As the different media formats • guaranteed opportunities for (re-) training

become increasingly standardized regarding and hiring (or firing);

their translation to the digital, the exchange and • physical integration/embedding of different

repurposing or “windowing” of multimedia newsrooms/news peoples;

content becomes less problematic. Furthermore, • synergy between different departments (in-

the software used for multimedia presentation cluding marketing, sales, beats, hierarchical

of content is becoming increasingly sophisti- levels of management, technical and adminis-

cated and easier to use because of WYSIWYG trative staff).

(“What You See Is What You Get”) applica-

tions. Yet this lowering of the threshold for Most research related to organizational issues

technological convergence is at the same time in multimedia convergence has looked at the

sometimes considered a problem for journal- ways in which reporters and editors have dealt

ism, as its practitioners like to see themselves as with, responded to, and accommodated desk-

creative workers, not as “slaves” to the rela- top computers, the Internet and particularly the

tively limited range of options offered by pre- World Wide Web into their work. Interestingly,

programmed templates, shells, and formats the quantitative studies—generally consisting

offered by CMS and WYSIWYG-enabled sys- of statistical analyses of survey data—are gen-

tems. Technological convergence can therefore erally upbeat and sometimes even utopian in

be problematized by questions of ethics and their conclusions: almost all journalists use the

aesthetics (regarding “cut-and-paste journal- Internet in their work, and using e-mail or a

ism”, lack of creative uses, dependency on ex- search engine is an accepted part of newsroom

ternal partners in hardware and software, and life in different parts of the world (Australia

so on), if only to counter the sometimes overtly and New Zealand: Quinn, 1998; United States:

utopian assumptions in the modernist dis- Garrison, 2000 and Middleberg and Ross, 2002;

course of computerization and digitalization of The Netherlands: Pleijter et al., 2002; France in

society—where authors tend to implicitly as- an international comparison: Hopscotch, 2002).

sume that technologies make things “easier”, On the other hand, qualitative scholars find

“faster”, and “better” (Kling, 1996). One could that opinions regarding all of this are mixed at

add to this discussion of a journalists’ agency best, that technologies and organizational

from a technological perspective the fact that changes following the introduction of the Inter-

studies among executives, publishers, and on- net in news work cause stress and frustration,

line journalists suggest technological skills are and that cooperation across formerly distinct

not considered to be a prerequisite in decisions media operations is far from smooth—often

to hire or retain new colleagues—it’s the ability best characterized by “turf wars”, all kinds of

to understand and think across media that clashes and misunderstandings between jour-

seems to be asked for (Paul, 2001). As journal- nalists (from different beats, genres, or depart-

ism education and training programs world- ments), mutual prejudices, a perception of

WHAT IS MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM? 145

multimedia journalism as being less prestigious the changes it brings positively than when it is

than working exclusively for one’s own me- foced upon them by some outside agent (like

dium, and resistance of reporters and editors management or another group of journalists).

whose social roles are thoroughly embedded in The cliché that journalists don’t like change

well-established newsroom cultures (Singer, therefore is not applicable to this logic of multi-

1997a, 1997b addresses newspapers and the In- media; journalists want to have a feeling that

ternet; Martin and Hansen, 1998 discuss the changes are somehow beneficial to them—in

same issue in the larger context of newspaper other words: they appreciate a sense of agency

innovations; Cottle and Ashton, 1999 profile the in the adoption and innovation process.

innovations at the BBC in the UK; while Neu-

berger, 2001 gives an assessment of the German Producer/User Perspective

new media landscape). The management of a

converged company finds itself facing not only The aforementioned Innovation (2001) survey

a combination of pre-existing patterns of behav- among news executives worldwide cites as the

ior and expectations, but also with the often biggest obstacle to media convergence “the in-

subtle but pervasive extension of the dividualistic nature of journalists” (mentioned

boundaries that traditionally have determined by 31 percent of all news executives in the

the way things got done in the formerly distinct study). The importance of acknowledging the

organizations (Gristock, 2002; Killebrew, 2001). existence of firmly entrenched and well-estab-

Studies among online and print staffers, for lished social roles or rituals within newsrooms

example, show how relationships are filtered and media organizations has been signaled ear-

through feelings of anxiety, distrust, disrespect, lier when considering the organizational per-

and negative evaluations of each other or the spectives on multimedia journalism. The

commercial goals of their converged organiza- “nature” of journalists, however, also has a

tion (Fee, 2002; Filak, 2003; Silcock and Keith, competence dimension—as shown when dis-

2002; Singer et al., 1999). The critical issue here cussing the relevance of acquiring technological

seems to be whether the organization of a mul- and conceptual skills for working in a new

timedia operation assumes its different media media environment. Kennedy (2002) writes in

operations and cultures to remain distinct or to an overview of European education programs

accomplish some kind of synergy. Nerone and in multimedia that convergence particularly

Barnhurst (2001), for example, suggest that the poses a challenge to departmentalized edu-

printed newspaper and the Internet can coexist cation systems. One could argue this conclusion

when one surrenders some tasks to the other— equally holds true for the functionally differen-

and vice versa. This seems to be healthy advice, tiated newsrooms in today’s media organiza-

but largely ignores the entrenched ways of do- tions. As shown above regarding the

ing things that precede cooperation or partner- organizational attributes of multimedia logic,

ship in a multimedia enterprise. Some one of the main issues in convergence of news

enthusiastic case study examples of multimedia media companies is the way in which distinctly

operations in the United States—LJWorld.com, different parts—print/online/broadcast news- Topeka Capital-Journal, and Florida Today—sug- rooms, specialized sections or “beats”, market- gest that crucial factors are: between-media ing and editorial, offline and online

communication, finding the “right” partner to professionals—perceive each other, establish a

team up with, and the routinization of newly mode of communication with each other, and

converged operations facilitating a faster “buy- develop cross-disciplinary skills to work with

in” among the professionals involved (Gentry, each other (Aquino et al., 2002; Huang et al.,

2003). Filak (2003) additionally shows that 2003a, 2003b). From an overview of contempor-

when a group of reporters and editors per- ary journalism education innovations in differ-

ceives the innovation or convergence process to ent parts of the world it indeed followed that

be initiated or at least supported by themselves most schools, departments, and training insti-

orq their peers, they are much more likely to rate tutes signal an increasing need to develop jour-

146 MARK DEUZE

nalists” social and communication skills, as media journalism to team-based, collaborative

well as flexibility and team-working across me- multimedia journalism creates particular ten-

dia to effectively answer demands of the indus- sions in the industry and among journalists,

try (Deuze, 2003b). and challenges the “nature” of journalistic cul-

Professional experience and the literature ture in general, and individual journalists in

clearly suggest that new media technologies particular. Challenge or no challenge, it is par-

challenge one of the most fundamental “truths” ticularly interesting to note the conclusion al-

in journalism, namely the professional journal- most all scholars (such as the ones cited in this

ists is the one who determines what we—the paper) make who have interviewed journalists

public—see, hear, and read about the world involved in innovating news media companies:

around us (Fulton, 1996; Singer, 1998). In a case the majority of reporters and editors who how-

study of the converged news operations of the ever cautiously embrace a “new media way” of

Lawrence-Journal World in Kansas, Gentry doing things say they feel it has increased the

(2003, p. 2) for example writes: “Editors and quality of their work, improved their career

reporters must learn to put readers/viewers opportunities, and enhanced their sense of do-

ahead of their own egos.” The combination of ing a good job as a journalist. On the other

mastering newsgathering and storytelling tech- hand, almost all studies involving interviews

niques in all media formats (so-called “multi- with newsworkers who are embracing new me-

skilling”), the integration of digital network dia technologies in their work—such as online

technologies coupled with a rethinking and re- journalists or reporters in newly converged

configuration of the news producer–consumer newsrooms—also show that because of the

relationship certainly tends to be seen as one of high learning curve, most of them report

the biggest challenges facing journalism in the spending less time “out on the streets” than

21st century (Bardoel and Deuze, 2001). Several inside at the computer (see, e.g., Heinonen,

authors note that a fully converged reporter can 1999 in Finland; Pleijter et al., 2002 in The

be expected to make decisions on what kinds of Netherlands; Neuberger, 2001 in Germany;

platform to utilize when practicing his or her Singer, 2004 in the United States).

craft, and in the case of multimedia productions On a final note on multimedia logic we have

ideal-typically has to be able to oversee story to take a closer look at the cultural competences

“packages” rather than repurposing single sto- of users—and not of audiences. Today’s news

ries in multiple formats. Applied research sug- consumer is multitasking, and particularly

gests the necessity for multimedia operations to when going online must be characterized by

organize people in teams, to manage these definition as an “active� user: surfing the Web, working groups on a project basis, and to ar- searching databases, responding to e-mail, visiting range these working units in collaborative and chat rooms (BIGresearch, 2002; Lievrouw and

cross-departmentalized ways (Abraham, 2001; Livingstone, 2002, p. 10). Lev Manovich (2001,

Bulla, 2002; Gentry, 2003; Huang et al., 2003a). pp. 13–4) places the changing ways people in-

Indeed, the optimistic discourse of multimedia teract with media in the context of what he calls

journalists’ competences centers around con- an emergent information culture, assuming that

cepts like flexibility, collaborative skills, the the shift of all culture to computer-mediated

value of communication, and understanding of forms of production, distribution, and com-

the goals, needs and demands of “other” media munication has profound consequences for the

(Paul, 2001). As Stevens (2002) writes: “…the way in which we understand and visualize

twin forces of convergence and multimedia will each other and the world around us (see also

force journalists to provide more context and Bucy and Newhagen, 2003). Important for news

continuity, which requires more planning, organizations are a couple of related trends in

teamwork, and providing the type of depth the news habits of people:

impossible in television and print.” On the ba-

sis of these studies and considerations one may • reading: people read less print, but appar- argue that the shift from individualistic single- ently do read online—especially when they

WHAT IS MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM? 147

are interested in the topic on offer (Stanford a few authors suggest: people increasingly seem

Poynter Project, 2000); earlier studies certainly to want to have some agency too, in terms of

suggest writing for computer screens and the taking part in the construction of meaning,

Web requires a specific understanding of peo- information, and experience. Journalism has

ple’s changing habits and expectations when only just begun to acknowledge this shift to-

reading online (Nielsen and Morkes, 1997);4 wards “voluntary engagement” among their

• watching: media historian Mitchell Stephens publics, as some organizations and scholars ar- (1998) has suggested what we are witnessing gue for or experiment with various forms of

in the contemporary media sphere is a “rise of public/civic/communitarian (Black, 1997), con-

the image, and fall of the word”; this does not versational (Anderson et al., 1994; Kunelius,

necessarily mean that people only watch tele- 2001), people’s (Merrill et al., 2001), open source

vision and do not read books anymore—it (Moon, 1999; Preecs, 2000), user-directed (Pryor

means that our understanding of events and et al., 2003), participatory (Bowman and Willis,

the way we perceive the world around us are 2002), and dialogical (Martikainen, 2000) jour-

increasingly contextualized by the manipu- nalisms. The key to understanding today’s cul-

lation and high-speed editing of images and tural competences of media users is the

video; recombinant realization of: (1) their ritualized

• listening: people still listen to radio, but in- preference to be perfectly happy to lean back creasingly do so online through Internet radio and consume anything that is offered to them by

stations while performing other tasks, which mass media through existing channels—in a

coincides with trends in watching television: multitasking way; and (2) their willingness and

a 2002 survey of over 7800 US adults found ability to at times actively engage in the news,

that more than half of all people use multiple demand context and multiple perspectives on

media at the same time (BIGresearch, 2002), topics of interest, and participate in all kinds of

which finding leads to the most important collaborative storytelling (ranging from partici-

trend in the changing rituals of media usage: pation in polls, mailing lists, discussion forums,

• multitasking: what typifies contemporary me- and chat sessions to publishing their own web- dia users best seems to be the title of site, contributing their news or views on the

“multitasker”, as people increasingly engage news on individual or group weblogs, disinter-

in the consumption and production of infor- mediating journalists by going directly to

mation in different media simultaneously: we sources of the news, and so on). Schudson (1999)

watch TV (with the sound muted in order to notes in his treatise on the different stages of

be able to have a phone conversation), browse American citizenship that the mass media have

though a newspaper or magazine, and type in as yet to prove that they are capable of meeting

queries in search engines on topics we feel are the demands of this new kind of citizen—what

relevant to us—all at the same time. he calls the “monitorial” citizen. In other words,

the professional identity of a multimedia

This listing of trends in the ways in which journalist must negotiate a user who is at once

people access information has two main prob- switched and switched off, engaged and com-

lems. Firstly, people in general experience quite placent, informed and ignorant, increasingly re-

a few difficulties when accessing, using, and liant on journalism and inclined to bypass

interacting with multimedia information online journalism altogether. No small task, indeed.

(Zerba, 2003). Sure, most users like interactive

and multimedia news sites, but they also get Discussion: multimedia journalism and

confused or sometimes even do not click on education

interactive, video, or audio fragments at all

(Bucy and Newhagen, 2003; Sundar, 2000). In In this paper I have aimed to synthesize the

other words, using and understanding digitized literature and experiences of multimedia jour-

visual information is difficult. Secondly, a listing nalism and journalists in terms of how a pro-

of media usage habits ignores something quite fessional identity is emerging. Using the

148 MARK DEUZE

concept of a distinct multimedia logic, I have merly different media or parts of the modern addressed this issue by analyzing the field from media company. The literature suggests that

an institutional, technological, organizational, management and editors of a converging new

and a producer/user perspective. Within each media company face an ongoing dilemma of

perspective I looked for a certain criticality, as how to balance between an expectation of a

the professional identity of multimedia journal- newly converged newsroom culture to emerge

ists can be considered to be the ongoing nego- like a phoenix from the ashes of distinctly dif-

tiation and evaluation of recombinant factors of ferent media, or to somehow amalgamate exist-

influence on the daily decision-making and ing cultures, rituals, routines, and practices into

technology adoption processes of reporters and some kind of hybrid where “old” and “new”

editors. ways of doing things evolve more or less side

An institutional perspective allows us to look by side. Early studies suggest that while man-

at multimedia journalism as an ongoing contest agement tends to promote the first, the latter

between the seemingly inevitable road towards prevails. This discussion also ignores studies

some kind of convergence between formerly that show how journalists respond to the omni-

distinct (parts of) companies, including news- presence of disruptive technologies like the In-

rooms, marketing, and technical departments— ternet in their daily work: they stress out, not in

and legal or ethical questions of access, the least because many of them do not see any

diversity, and labor. This situation can be prestige or professional accomplishment in pro-

typified as a highly dynamic and complex one ducing a story for multiple media formats. On

as each company is converging differently, of- the other hand, journalists that are actively

ten pushing forward without establishing some involved in a convergence process do report to

kind of research and development strategy or interviewers they think this kind of innovation

detailing a coherent mission or vision regarding ultimately benefits both them and their com-

this process, nor fully taking into account per- pany. The key here is journalists’ sense of hav-

ceptions of competition, culture, and legitimacy ing agency: the newsworkers involved do not

that journalists within different elements of oppose change, unless they perceive change as

news media organizations have of themselves being forced unto them.

and their (new) colleagues—what Filak (2003) Finally, looking at the perspective of the cul-

describes as intergroup bias. tural competences of users and producers of

The technological perspective turns out to be news, one may observe the polarization of me-

a discussion between the pros and cons of dia usage rituals, on the one hand (engaged

increasingly standardized yet custom-made and disconnected simultaneously, multitasking

software applications to be used to digitally and paying no attention at the same time), and

produce, edit, translate, and integrate distinct a reconfiguration of the news producer–con-

media products: easy-to-use but limited in in- sumer relationship within journalism, on the

dependent creative options. Even though multi- other hand. This leads some media to adopt

media is commonly understood by scholars, classical mass media top-down approaches,

educators, and professionals alike as predomi- while others opt for increasingly participatory

nantly a technological issue, pundits like Paul forms of doing news work (see also my argu-

(2001), Stone and Bierhoff (2002), and Gentry ment in Deuze, 2003a). An important facet of

(2003) suggest otherwise as they observe a con- the competences of multimedia journalists is

verged breed of journalists to be able to think the noted shift from individualistic to collective across media first—and be savvy with the hard- and cross-departmental team-based newswork.

ware or software later. Although journalists have worked in teams in

From an organizational point of view, a syn- the past—one could think of certain special

ergy between different companies, newsrooms, projects, specialized news beats, short-term

or departments particularly impacts upon how groups producing broadcast documentaries or

to deal with the embedded roles and rituals of subsections of newspapers—the multimedia en-

doing things within the distinct cultures of for- vironment suggests structural collaboration

WHAT IS MULTIMEDIA JOURNALISM? 149

with others, and in particular notes the social consume their news. The convergence process

convergence of journalists with tech staff, news- is felt throughout the field of journalism edu-

workers with marketers and other non-news cation worldwide. Following the observations

stakeholders, reporters with publics. in this paper it seems that schools, colleges,

The issues relating to the changing compe- programs, and courses in multimedia journal-

tences of makers and followers of news particu- ism are best off to:

larly challenges an essential myth in

journalism: people read, watch, and listen to 1. think twice about technologies and tech-

what journalists produce, which always con- niques as the foundational principles for

sists of some kind of storytelling. Participation, their converged curricula;

collaboration, sharing of knowledge and re- 2. focus explicitly on understanding the logic

sources, collective production of stories includ- of multimedia (recombining insights from all

ing elements of multiple media formats and levels of the media organization, including

interactivity—these are not only institutional, its publics);

organizational, and technological challenges. I 3. allow for convergence to be contested by

would like to suggest that these are all issues students, educators, industry partners, and

fundamentally impacting upon a professional other stakeholders within their school, pro-

journalists’ sense of self (-worth). The multime- gram, or course—because it will be in prac-

dia journalist thus can be seen as a professional tice, and this will give people a sense of

at once competent and confident working as an agency in the process;

individual within the context of a converging 4. instill a criticality into all aspects of teach-

news industry—demanding flexibility in think- ing/thinking multimedia; and

ing about and having agency in the process of 5. perhaps focus more on the quality of interac-

change and adaptation—and at the same time tion between journalists, educators, and

as part of a collective where several if not most journalism students from (formerly) distinct

colleagues feel stressed, distrustful and maybe sequences (radio, television, newspaper,

even threatened by the ongoing processes of magazine, newswire, online, but also public

computerization and convergence. If we only relations, marketing, and strategic communi-

look at technology, or newsroom culture, or cation), as somewhere down the line in their

management, or users, we will not be able to careers they might be expected not to view

acknowledge this legitimate and seemingly un- each other as competitors anymore, but as

avoidable tension in today’s or tomorrow’s colleagues.

work floor in the news media industry.

I want to end this essay with some personal At the moment departments and schools of

observations regarding the practice of multime- journalism train students and study journalists

dia journalism education. It must be clear from in a challenging, and changing context. Most of

this admittedly incomplete and rather what is happening in this context is not necess-

“immediate” study of the theories and practices arily “new”—but it is also not exactly old: it is

of multimedia journalism that it carries many many things at the same time. For me, that is

different meanings for different people and or- the most valuable lesson of this essay exercise

ganizations. Any “new” converged news oper- into multimedia journalism: it really shows ef-

ation also takes on the well-established roles, fectively how a “one way” approach of doing

rituals, and cultures of doing things, as well as things can never work in today’s converging

the entrenched ways in which many publics media world.

Notes 1 A note regarding the history of this paper: the text developed over time as a series of invited talks, lectures, and

presentations in the United States during spring semester 2003. My thanks and appreciation to faculty and students at the following institutions: University of Florida, Gainesville, February 11; University of California at Berkeley, March 27; University of Southern California, Los Angeles, April 10 and 22; Indiana University School for Journalism, Bloomington, April 25; E. W. Scripps School for Journalism at Ohio University, Athens, May 1; California State University at Long Beach,

150 MARK DEUZE

Los Angeles, May 6; Editor & Publisher Interactive Conference at San Diego, May 8. Thanks specifically to the following colleagues for comments and thoughts on earlier drafts: Jane Singer, Larry Pryor, Jan Bierhoff, and Martha Stone.

2 This essay is also based on my stay (from January 6 to June 13, 2003) as a visiting Fulbright scholar at USC Annenberg School for Journalism, Los Angeles, which fully converged its curriculum in 2002. During this stay, I attended several meetings and conferences regarding multimedia news and journalism in California; this process has shaped my thinking about the topic and has spurred me to write this conceptual paper. The data gathered during my stay in the United States are intended for another project on global journalism education (see Deuze, 2003b), therefore I will not formally refer to it at this time.

3 More information on the Newsplex multimedia newsroom is available at http://www.newsplex.org. 4 For an exemplary graph visualizing the projected decline in everyday readership among 20–29-year-olds in the United

States (from roughly 50 percent in 1972 to 10 percent in 2004), see http://www.naa.org/Presstime/PTArtPage. cfm?AID � 2527. It is important to note that this decline goes for younger people in wired societies in particular; for older segments of the market and for Asian countries like China, Japan, Taiwan, and Indonesia, according to figures released by the World Assocation of Newspapers (see http://www.wan-press.org/ce/previous/2000/congress.forum.2000/news/ wpt.html) readership figures and the number of newspapers are in fact rising.

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