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TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Building Our Sociotechnical Future

edited by Deborah G. Johnson and Jameson M. Wetmore

The MIT Press

Cambridge, Massachusetts

London, England

( 2009 Massachusetts Institute of Technology

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic

or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and re-

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Technology and society : building our sociotechnical future / [compiled and edited by]

Deborah G. Johnson and Jameson M. Wetmore.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-262-10124-0 (hardcover : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-262-60073-6 (pbk. : alk.

paper)

1. Technology—Social aspects. 2. Technological innovations. 3. Technology and

civilization. I. Johnson, Deborah G., 1945–. II. Wetmore, Jameson M.

T14.5.T44169 2008

303.48 03—dc22 2008002813

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

18 ‘‘Amish Technology: Reinforcing Values and BuildingCommunity’’ Jameson M. Wetmore

Even when we recognize that technologies are value-laden, it is difficult to intentionally

choose technologies that promote specific values. Typically, a single technology represents

a number of different values, making it impossible to choose a technology without making

compromises. But one group that has done an impressive job of taking on this task is the

Old Order Amish. In this piece, Jameson Wetmore explains how the Amish evaluate tech-

nologies. As a group they reflect on whether integrating a certain technology into their so-

ciety will help to promote, preserve, or dissipate the values they hold most dear. They try to

choose those technologies that they believe will ultimately benefit their society and avoid

those they fear will undermine it. As they develop new needs, they do not simply take exist-

ing technologies off the shelf. They actively design their own artifacts, regulations, and sys-

tems of use in an effort to ensure that their values are not disturbed by the values inscribed

into technology by others. The process may not be a perfect democratic way of directing

technology, but it is an example of a conscious effort to reflect on the relationship between

technology and values in order to build a more desirable society. This article complements

Daniel Sarewitz’s chapter since the Amish do not share the mainstream western belief in

technological or economic progress. The Amish recognize the importance of technology

in building a society and attempt to promote and solidify their religion and community by

reflecting on technological change.

On late-night TV and in popular jokes, the Amish are usually portrayed as rural farmers

who live in a bygone era.1 They are supposed to be a people who would never set foot

in automobiles, never study the workings of a diesel engine, and never admit change

into their society. And yet, when a non-Amish person—or ‘‘English’’ person as the

Amish call their English-speaking neighbors2—travels through an Amish community,

he or she discovers something very different. An observer may see an Amish woman

talking on a pay phone, an Amish carpenter using a drill press, or even an Amish teen-

ager driving a car. This revelation is often startling, but scenes like these are in fact the

norm. They are not examples of Amish straying from their faith, but evidence that stereo-

types obscure the intricacies of Amish life.

The relationships the Amish have with the outside world and technology may at

first seem arbitrary, but they are the result of careful consideration. The Amish are not

fundamentally anti-technology; rather, they believe that change does not necessarily

result in desirable ends. They have not banned all machines and methods invented

in the past 150 years, but they do exercise extreme caution when dealing with new

From IEEE’s Technology & Society Magazine 26, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 10–21. Reprinted with

permission.

technologies. The Amish are cautious because they fear the changes that can accom-

pany new technology. What a modern observer might see as potentially undesirable

effects—like pollution and injuries caused by heavy equipment—however, are not

major concerns for the Amish. The foremost reason the Amish carefully regulate tech-

nology is to preserve their culture [2].

Like many scholars of technology, the Amish have rejected the idea that technolo-

gies are value-free tools. Instead, they recognize that technology and social order are

constructed simultaneously and influence each other a great deal. Implicitly they agree

with the argument that technology and the social world are co-produced, that technol-

ogy, in Sheila Jasanoff’s words, ‘‘both embeds and is embedded in social practices, iden-

tities, norms, conventions, discourses, instruments and institutions—in short, in all

the building blocks of what we term the social’’ [3, p. 3]. The Amish believe that tech-

nologies can reinforce social norms, enable or constrain the ways that people interact

with one another, and shape a culture’s identity. But despite the fact the Amish believe

technology is so powerful, they are not technological determinists [4]. They do not

view technology as an autonomous force, but rather as a tool that can be actively

used to construct and maintain social order. The Amish recognize both the power of

technology to shape their world and their power to shape technology.

The Amish have not, however, developed these ideas out of some sort of theoretical

or academic interest. (In fact, they do not believe in education past the eighth grade.3)

Figure 18.1

Even though power lines tower over an Amish farm, they choose not to connect to the grid.

298 Jameson M. Wetmore

Rather, they reflect on the relationship between technology and society because they

believe it is crucial if they are to understand and strengthen their culture, religion,

and community. Their belief that technology and society simultaneously influence

each other has both inspired and informed Amish attempts to maintain their way of

life. The Amish regulate which technologies are to be used, when they are to be used,

how they are to be used, and why they are to be used because they believe that one of

the most important ways they can promote and reinforce their values is by actively

embedding these values in their relationships with technology.

This chapter explores the way the Amish actively try to shape their society through

technological decision-making. It can be tempting to simply point to various technol-

ogies the Amish use and ask—why? But because the Amish do not view technology as

Figure 18.2

A bulk tank and mechanized agitator used to meet grade ‘‘A’’ milk regulations.

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 299

entirely separate from their society, any faithful explanation of their technology can-

not either. Thus in order to convey the full picture this chapter will examine numerous

facets of Amish life including their codes of conduct, the process of becoming an adult

member of the church, economic pressures, business needs, and family life.

One Amish person succinctly explained the Amish approach to technology in the

following way: ‘‘Machinery is not wrong in itself, but if it doesn’t help fellowship you

shouldn’t have it’’ [6].4 This article argues that the Amish pursue this goal of fostering

community through technological choice in at least two interrelated ways. They first

seek to prohibit those technologies they believe are antithetical to their values and

choose those they believe will reinforce and strengthen their values. This straight-

forward approach is very important to the Amish, but it cannot explain all of their

decisions. The Amish also recognize that the technologies they use have become a cru-

cial part of their identity and they use this link between technology and identity to

strengthen their community. Thus when making decisions about technology, the

Amish rely on a second criterion—they deliberately choose technologies that are differ-

ent from those used by other Americans in order to maintain their unique culture. The

Amish believe that their way of life depends as much on the technologies they choose

as any of the other social institutions that govern their work, religion, and community.

The Amish practice of reflecting on their own their relationship with machines and

techniques makes Amish culture a window into the ways in which technologies, soci-

eties, and values are interwoven.

Figure 18.3

Amish buggies stand in stark contrast to the trucks and minivans driven by their Indiana

neighbors.

300 Jameson M. Wetmore

Amish Community and Values

To begin to understand why the Amish make the decisions about technology that they

do, one must first understand Amish values. This can be difficult for those raised with

very different social norms, but there are a few basic ideas that can help one begin to

appreciate why the Amish make the choices they do. The Amish are a sect of Christian-

ity and, as such, share the same Bible and many basic theological beliefs with other

Protestant churches.5 There are a few important points on which they differ in both

emphasis and approach, however. One of the church’s fathers, Menno Simons, advised

his people to ‘‘rent a farm, milk cows, learn a trade if possible, do manual labor as did

Paul, and all that which you then fall short of will doubtlessly be given and provided

you by pious brethren, by the grace of God’’ [9, p. 451].6 The idea of honest work, liv-

ing a simple life, relying on their fellow believers, and trusting in God has shaped the

Amish way of life to this day. They place great importance on values like humility,

equality, simplicity and community.

Community is especially important to the Amish. They have gone to great lengths

to carry out the scripture passage that implores them to ‘‘be not conformed to the

world’’ [11]. The Amish believe that the world is full of distractions that must be

avoided if they are to live piously. To steer clear of these distractions and ensure that

they rely on their ‘‘pious brethren,’’ they have separated themselves from those that

do not share their faith.7 Today the Amish live in groups of between 30 and 50 families

called districts. They go to school together, worship together, play together, work to-

gether, and make decisions about technology together. The Amish believe that these

separate communities provide the fertile soil in which they can best understand their

place in the world, pass on their values to the next generation, and live the humble

lives they believe are so important.

Rules that Bind and Nurture

Community is so essential to their way of life that the Amish have very carefully

shaped the way it is organized. The primary method by which they do this is known

as the ‘‘Ordnung’’—a code of conduct that varies slightly from district to district.8 The

Ordnung is comprised of the district’s long established traditions, as well as more

recently agreed upon norms, and governs every aspect of Amish life—including the

format of church services, the color of clothing to be worn, and which technologies

are acceptable and which are unacceptable. The Ordnung is not written down, but it

is understood and adhered to by the adult members of the community because it is

continually being conveyed by example and occasionally by instruction when some-

one breaks a rule or inquires about a rule.

The Ordnung structures the life of the Amish in two interconnected ways. First, it

provides the members of an Amish district with a template for living that they believe

will nurture their community, their religious beliefs, and their values. For example, the

Ordnung emphasizes the Amish dedication to nonviolence by forbidding Amish

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 301

people from becoming soldiers and it requires that church services be held at a differ-

ent family’s house each week so that members of the community are continually sup-

porting and relying on each other.

A number of Amish rules are designed to aid them in their quest to remain humble.

For instance, to ensure that no individual becomes prideful about the way they look,

each district specifies the color and design of clothing its members are to wear. Many

districts go as far as to even reject buttons as ‘‘unnecessary’’ or potentially ‘‘prideful’’

adornment and require Amish to use straight pins to fasten their clothing. The Ord-

nung is also designed to promote humility by encouraging Amish adults to avoid being

photographed in such a way that a viewer can distinguish who particular individuals

are. This helps to reinforce the idea that an Amish person should not stand out as an

individual, but rather is part of a community.

Through measures like these, the Amish use the Ordnung to promote their values,

instill responsibility, pass down traditions, and build strong ties with one another. One

Amish minister described the effective use of an Ordnung when he stated: ‘‘a respected

Ordnung generates peace, love, contentment, equality, and unity’’ [10, p. 115]. Be-

cause it lays out how their life should be lived, in a very real sense the Ordnung is

what makes an Amish person Amish.

The second way the Ordnung structures Amish life is by defining what is not Amish.

In a sense, the Ordnung is the line that separates the Amish from the non-Amish; it is

what gives the Amish their distinctly separate identity. For instance, each of the rules

that detail what an Amish person should wear not only ensures that they will look

Figure 18.4

A sophisticated sawdust collection system, powered by a diesel engine, services an Amish

carpentry shop.

302 Jameson M. Wetmore

Amish, but also that they will be easily distinguished from outsiders. In an interview,

one Amish man used a parable to describe how this aspect of the Ordnung can pro-

mote community [12]. He said that if you own a cow and your property is surrounded

by green pastures, you need a good fence to keep it in. For the Amish, who are as

human as anyone and are tempted by the outside world to abandon their faith and

way of life, there need to be good fences as well. The Ordnung defines what the Amish

cannot do and makes those who are not adhering to the faith readily visible. Because

they believe the outside world is a distraction that must be mediated, the Ordnung pro-

vides the barriers that keep community members focused on their fellow Amish and

their faith.

Ordnung and Amish Change

Although a district’s Ordnung is meant to convey the traditions of the community,

it can be—and occasionally is—changed. When individual members begin explor-

ing new abilities and possibilities that raise some concerns, the district must decide

whether or not such activities should be allowed. To facilitate this process, twice a

year each Amish district holds a counsel meeting. The counsels are led by the district’s

bishop (its religious and secular leader) but all of the adult members of the church

—men and women—vote on the practices in question. To ensure that the implications

of new practices are carefully considered, the voting system is designed such that

change is very difficult. If two or more people (out of a possible 60–100) reject the

change, the Ordnung remains unaltered. Thus the Amish allow for change, but the em-

phasis on tradition is built into the mechanisms that allow this change.

At least one other factor also helps to ensure that these deliberations are conserva-

tive. When considering a modification to their Ordnung, the members of a district

must consider the other districts around them. If they make a change that neighboring

districts believe is too radical they may be shunned, i.e., the offended districts could

break off all communications with them and no longer recognize them as fellow

Amish. This threat is of particular concern not only for community reasons but also

because there are often close family ties between districts. An Amish woman might,

for instance, decide that voting for allowing electrical appliances in the home is not

worth risking the very real possibility that she may never again get to talk to her

daughters who married into other districts. There are often small differences in the

Ordnung of neighboring districts. For instance one may allow rubber carriage tires or

bicycles while others do not. But because of the threat of being shunned, change to

a district’s Ordnung is usually incremental and often done in concert with other

districts.

While Amish counsel meetings address all aspects of Amish life, beginning in the

late 19th and early 20th centuries, the conversations increasingly began to focus on

modern technologies. Only a few years earlier, it might have been difficult to distin-

guish the Amish from many other rural American communities. Their dress may have

been a bit different, and their buggies less flashy, but they farmed in largely the same

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 303

way and used many of the same technologies. The development of powerful new

technologies like electricity, the automobile, and the airplane, however, generated a

significant amount of concern in Amish communities. There was a suspicion that tech-

nologies like these would cause a significant disruption in the Amish world. To limit

the ways in which machines and techniques negatively impact their society, the

Amish have developed rules to govern their use.

Regulating Technological Change

The precise reasons why specific technologies were—and continue to be—regulated

is difficult to pin down. The Amish have left very few, if any written explanations;

non-Amish are not allowed to attend the Amish counsels and most Amish are very hes-

itant to discuss the details of counsel meetings with outsiders [13], [14]. Despite these

obstacles, conversations with and further study of the Amish can begin to shed some

light on the decision making process. As with any democratic process, there were likely

many factors taken into account and different people involved may have had very dif-

ferent ideas about why things happened the way they did. But there are a few general

themes that can help begin to explain the rationale behind Amish decision-making.

An Amish minister described the decision making process in the following way:

‘‘We try to find out how new ideas, inventions, or trends will affect us as a people, as

a community, as a church. If they affect us adversely, we are wary. Many things are not

what they appear to be at first glance. It is not individual technologies that concern us,

but the total chain’’ [15, p. 16]. The Amish believe that social change is often closely

tied with technological change and therefore tend to be suspicious of new technolo-

gies. They are strikingly different from most English in that they do not see an inherent

value in technological progress. They must be fully convinced that a given technology

will benefit the things they do value—their ethics, their community, and their spiritual

life—before they will accept it.

As with the Ordnung in general, the Amish formulate rules about technology with

two interconnected goals in mind. First, when deciding whether or not to allow a cer-

tain practice or technology, the Amish first ask whether it is compatible with their

values. If they fear that a particular technology might disrupt their religion, tradition,

community, or families, they are likely to prohibit it. The Amish not only believe that

the English world is distracting, but also that many English machines and methods are

distracting. For instance, the Amish believe that the pride, sense of power, and conve-

nience that can come from owning an automobile may cause a person to focus on him

or herself as an individual and thereby neglect the group. The Amish believe that tech-

nologies in general must be mediated in order to avoid situations like this and help to

ensure that their way of life is not compromised.

The second purpose of the Ordnung—to create a fence between the Amish and

non-Amish—has also played an important role in the Amish decisions about technol-

ogy. Today, the most visible differences between the Amish and English worlds are the

technologies they use. Most Americans do not see the Amish as different because they

304 Jameson M. Wetmore

believe in adult baptism, but rather because they drive buggies, use horse drawn plows,

etc. These differences were not accidental. The major technologies being developed in

the non-Amish world at the beginning of the 20th century—like electricity, the auto-

mobile, and the airplane—very quickly became symbols of the modern world. The

Amish rejected many of these technologies in part to retain their identity as separate

from the modern world.

When asked today why they have rejected a specific technology, many members of

the church will simply reply: ‘‘Because it’s not Amish.’’9 This argument is circular, but

it emphasizes the way in which the Amish link their identity to the technologies they

Figure 18.5

A pneumatically powered belt sander lies on a workbench in an Amish carpentry shop.

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 305

use. By banning these highly visible technologies, the Amish developed a new way of

distinguishing themselves and strengthening the fence between themselves and the

English world.

Regulating Electricity

The way in which the Amish make decisions about technology to promote both their

values and their identity can be seen in an example where there is some historical

record. The strict Amish regulation of electricity began in 1910 when Isaac Glick, an

Amish farmer in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, hooked an electric light up to a generator

[10, pp. 198–201]. His use of the new technology led to a counsel debate and the deci-

sion was made not to allow it.

Donald Kraybill, who recounts this story, argues that the reason was twofold. First

of all, the Peachey Church, a group that broke off from the Mennonites as the Amish

had, had just decided to allow electricity and the Amish were looking to prove that

they were distinct from this new congregation. Secondly, they believed that physically

hooking one’s house up to the grid, a public utility owned by large corporations, did

not help in the drive to be separate from the modern world. As one Amish farmer

feared: ‘‘It seems to me that after people get everything hooked up to electricity, then

it will all go on fire and the end of the world’s going to come’’ [10, p. 200]. Instead

of linking to the grid, the Amish continued to use the power sources they had been

using—kerosene and natural gas—to cook their food and illuminate and heat their

homes.

To this day, power lines bypass Amish houses. But the justification for this rule may

have changed over the years. Many Amish today argue that the desire to avoid a phys-

ical connection to the English world is not the reason they reject getting power from

electric companies [6], [14]. They point out that they have tapped into natural gas lines

(or would if a utility provided them) rather than have to pick up canisters in town. The

precise reasons why the Amish initially deemed connection to the grid as a threat to

their community no longer matter, if they ever did matter. What is more important is

that the Amish have defined electricity as the domain of the outside world, and thus

any use of the technology must be very carefully considered. Even if the Amish link

themselves to the outside world by piping gas into their homes from a public utility,

they are still reaffirming their identity by forging a different relationship to power

than their English neighbors.

Amish Transportation

Another area of technology that the Amish have carefully considered in order to ensure

that it reflects their values and reinforces their identity is transportation. Traditionally

the Amish have relied on horse drawn carriages to transport themselves, but in the

early part of the 20th century they were faced with a new option. In 1907, an auto-

306 Jameson M. Wetmore

mobile manufacturing company was formed in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the heart of

Amish country. This company advertised its product as ‘‘the king of sports and the

queen of amusements,’’ and immediately turned off the Amish, who saw it as an un-

necessary luxury and dangerous source of pride [10, p. 214]. By the second decade of

the 20th century, after a few Amish had purchased motorcars, every Amish district in

the United States independently decided to prohibit the use of the automobile [16, pp.

37, 73]. Because most of the people an Amish family knows live relatively close to their

home; because the Amish are not relegated to a strict schedule that demands speedy

transportation; because horses have become practically family members; and because

buggies are relatively inexpensive (costing today between two and three thousand dol-

lars new), require little maintenance, and last for up to twenty years, the Amish saw no

reason for changing their traditional way of life [17, p. 8].

But economics are not the only reason why the Amish have chosen to keep their

buggies. Some argue that buggies are a social equalizer because they are uniform, free

from excess bodywork and color, and because one buggy cannot be made significantly

faster or slower than another. Automobiles, on the other hand are criticized for provid-

ing an abnormal sensation of power that can be used to not only show up one’s neigh-

bors, but to abandon them altogether. As one Amish man noted, ‘‘Young people can

just jump in the car and go to town and have a good time in it. . . . It destroys the fam-

ily life at home’’ [18]. Buggies are deemed better because they slow the pace of life to

Figure 18.6

The interior of an Amish kitchen is nearly identical to a modern kitchen except that it has

no electrical appliances and is lit with sunlight and gaslight.

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 307

ten or twelve miles-per-hour, giving people a chance to interact with their environ-

ment rather than fly by it. The Amish believe the automobile is not very compatible

with the values they hold dear.

Despite these criticisms, however, there are several situations today in which an

Amish person would be allowed to make use of a motor vehicle. For instance, it is not

uncommon for an Amish woman to be driven to the grocery store by an English

friend; for an Amish family to travel from Indiana to Florida via bus; for an Amish busi-

ness to lease a car indirectly through a non-Amish employee; or even for an Amish

teenager to actually drive and own an automobile. While these at first may seem to

contradict Amish principles, each case signifies an arrangement that the Amish believe

can help strengthen their community, and is therefore allowed under the Ordnung.

In the first scenario, it is probably not a necessity that the Amish woman be driven

to the store—it is likely that she could take her own horse and buggy—but because she

is not the one driving the car, it is acceptable behavior. She does not have the freedom

to roam as she pleases, but rather must depend on another person. Some English peo-

ple have gotten so involved in transporting the Amish that they have started their own

thriving taxicab companies. These services are welcomed by the Amish because they

satisfy a need and still make it inconvenient for a person to tour about on a whim.

The second scenario is a response to the fact that the Amish are spread across the

United States. Many young Amish move miles away from their families to find land

and work. It would be extremely difficult to travel by buggy to visit family members

that lived a thousand miles away. Thus the Amish allow the use of public transporta-

tion (other than airplanes) to visit family and even to take vacations. The Amish com-

munity is a highly structured environment, but it is not a prison. Such trips allow them

to reinforce their family ties and their ties with other Amish communities.

The third scenario reflects a fairly recent change that will be explored later. To sum

up quickly, this scenario is the result of the belief that many Amish businesses cannot

survive without an automobile. For instance, Amish businesses that specialize in build-

ing fences would likely run out of work rather quickly if they did not accept jobs out-

side of the area easily traversed in a buggy. To make this possible, some districts grant

businesses special permission to lease a car, but only if they agree to certain restric-

tions. Under no condition would an Amish person be able to drive it; he or she must

instead hire and be dependent upon an English employee. A district may even prohibit

parking the car near an Amish home to decrease the temptation to use the car for triv-

ial things. Some districts allow Amish businesses to use motor vehicles, but take a num-

ber of precautions to limit the potential negative impacts they perceive.

‘‘Running About’’

The fourth scenario is the result of a deeply rooted Amish tradition that will require

further explanation of how the Amish structure their society. The Amish understand

that it is difficult to be Amish. It requires a significant amount of humility, patience,

and dedication. They also understand that because their lives are so intertwined, mem-

308 Jameson M. Wetmore

bers who do not accept these responsibilities can threaten the active and united nature

of their community. Therefore, the Amish go out of their way to ensure that their

members truly want to be Amish.

The primary technique they use is the church admission process itself. To curtail im-

mature and uninformed decisions no one is allowed to enter into the church until they

are in a position where they can readily think for themselves. The Amish contend that

it takes not just age but also experience to develop such wisdom. Therefore they give

their children the opportunity to explore alternatives to Amish life by turning a blind

eye to those who violate the Ordnung and choose to adopt some English ways. The

Amish term for this phase of life is ‘‘rumspringa,’’ or ‘‘running about.’’10

Many Amish youths take the opportunity to experience what another life would be

like. Amish adolescents may begin with relatively small violations such as curling the

brim of their hat or driving the family carriage faster than their parents would. (It is

often said that one can tell that a teenager is driving a buggy whenever it is going fif-

teen miles-per-hour, rather than the average of ten to twelve.) But the ‘‘running about’’

period also gives Amish youth the chance to experiment with modern technologies.

Many of them are drawn to the outside world because they are fascinated by the

devices they see English people using. Thus Amish teenagers may find ways to watch

television, listen to music on the radio, operate their own ham radio, or even drive

automobiles.

By their early 20s, most Amish children decide that they are not satisfied by English

customs and technologies. Many of them begin to see more clearly the benefits of

Amish culture and sincerely regret their actions [12]. Over eighty percent of children

(and as many as ninety-five percent in some places) decide to become adult members

of the Amish church [19]. The period of rumspringa helps to ensure that this is an in-

formed commitment to community and church. Offering children the option to leave

the rigorous and humble life of an Amish person and explore what the outside world

has to offer—including its technologies—ensures that the people that make up the

community truly want to be there and will henceforth work for the good of the Amish

people.

Modern Pressures

While the questions of whether to adopt electricity and automobiles were important

for the Amish to resolve, these were only the beginning of the difficulties their society

encountered in the 20th century. Although they work hard to remain separate, many

changes in American government, economics, society, and technology have had a sig-

nificant effect on the Amish. In recent years the stability of the Amish has been put to

rigorous tests. In their efforts to meet these challenges and stay focused on their values

as much as possible, the Amish have chosen to alter some of their traditions and, in

particular, the technologies they employ.

An example of this can be seen in the Amish response to new milk regulations im-

posed by a number of states in the 1950s and 1960s. These regulations required farmers

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 309

to install electric powered bulk tanks with cooling systems if they wanted their milk

to continue to be rated Grade ‘‘A’’ quality. The regulation clashed head on with the

Ordnung of Amish communities.

This put the Amish in a bit of a dilemma. Much of their tradition is built upon an

intimate relationship with the land. Many Amish view farming as the ideal way to earn

a living. They have kept themselves separate and free from the outside world by work-

ing the land upon which they settle. The Amish did not want to significantly compro-

mise one of the cornerstones of their culture.

Therefore, in 1968, a group of five Lancaster bishops and four milk inspectors from

Pennsylvania met to iron out an agreement that would satisfy both parties [10, pp.

202–205]. The inspectors’ primary concern was that the milk be kept refrigerated.

They suggested simply installing normal electric refrigeration units. But the Amish

refused to run electric lines into their barns. Instead they developed an ‘‘Amish solu-

tion.’’ They agreed to install coolers, but chose to power them using diesel engines sal-

vaged from old trucks.

The inspectors also required that the milk be automatically stirred five minutes

every hour. This was a difficult request for the Amish to grant because the very word

‘‘automatic’’ bothered them, but they eventually consented to a newly devised system

that used a 12-V battery, rather than 110-V electricity, to run an automatic starter. The

fact that the Amish had traditionally used batteries to power a few devices like flash-

lights made this a bit more palatable.

Figure 18.7

An ‘‘Amish power strip’’ draws power from a generator to supply energy to various batteries

for a carpentry business.

310 Jameson M. Wetmore

Finally, the inspectors wanted the milk picked up every day to decrease spoilage. At

this point, the Amish drew a line they would not cross for any reason. They would not

allow anyone to interfere with Sunday, their day of rest and church services. Because

the Amish were a major producer of milk in the area, the bulk milk industry agreed

to readjust its practices slightly by picking up milk a second time on Saturday instead

of Sunday morning. With this specially devised arrangement, the Amish won a minor

battle in keeping their community economically sound and their culture relatively

unchanged.

The resolution of the milk controversy is an instance in which the Amish accepted

new technology, but they did it in a uniquely Amish way and for Amish reasons. The

compromise was important because it protected the ability for the Amish to continue

to earn a living doing the work they find most rewarding—farming. Yet while they

introduced new technologies into their society, they made sure that the machines

were different from those used by their English neighbors and that the electricity they

generated could not be easily put to other uses. With this new—seemingly modern—

technology, the Amish were able to meet an economic need while still retaining their

identity and practice of being different from the outside world.

Amish Entrepreneurs

Despite compromises like these, the Amish have not been able to rely completely on

farming to support themselves economically. For at least the last forty years, they

have been in the middle of a land squeeze. Because married couples desire to have

many children and the Ordnung prohibits contraceptives, an Amish family has an av-

erage of seven children [20]. Even though not every Amish child enters the church,

this has resulted in a constant rise in Amish population. As of 2001, the Amish num-

bered over 180,000 children and adults [10, p. 336]. They have sought new farmland

by gradually spreading into 25 American States and the province of Ontario. But the

English population is also increasing and land prices are rising. There simply is not

enough farmland to go around.

Young Amish adults increasingly have to look for employment other than farm-

ing. In the first half of the 20th century nearly all the Amish in the area surround-

ing Arthur, Illinois, were farmers. By 1989, that number was less than half [17,

p. 9]. In Indiana the changes have been even more marked. While over fifty percent

of Amish men under the age of 35 were farming in some Indiana areas in 1993,

less than twenty-five percent of young Amish men were farming in 2001 [1, pp. 119–

120].

Many young Amish who are not able to farm have found work in English factories,

supermarkets, or stores in their area. Generally, they are treated well and receive a good

wage. But being employed by the English can disrupt an Amish community. The hours

and location of the business can restrict an Amish person’s ability to participate in his

or her culture and the exposure to the culture of the modern world can exert an influ-

ence as well. As one Amish woman noted, ‘‘The shops coming in were a good thing.

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 311

They gave our young people jobs among our own people. But now they’ve got money

and they go to town’’ [21].

Because of their concern that working for outsiders will dilute their culture and tra-

ditions, Amish communities have begun developing their own entrepreneurial talents

and have increased the number and variety of businesses they own and operate [22].

Amish people have explored business ventures as diverse as machinery assembly, log

house construction, upholstering, engine repair, grocery stores, bookstores, and cab-

inetry building. Economic forces have made the Amish ideal of communities com-

prised primarily of farmers impossible. But by developing their own businesses, the

Amish ensure that they can work relatively close to home, work with their fellow

church members, be free to attend community events like weekday weddings, and

help reinforce their separation from the outside world.

As the Amish have entered these new fields—many of which are dominated by large

American corporations—they have chosen to make some compromises when it comes

to technology. They believe that in order to produce and sell an affordable product in

the modern age, some increase in technology is necessary. As an Amish bishop put it,

‘‘To make a living, we need to have some things we didn’t have fifty years ago’’ [6].

An example of this can be seen in the issues faced by Amish carpenters. Because the

Amish have traditionally been good at building and feel that it is admirable to work

with one’s hands, carpentry has become one of their key industries. However, it would

have been very difficult to survive on the output one could create using hand powered

tools. Therefore, the Amish struck another bargain. They still strongly disagreed with

running electric lines into their shops, so they motorized hand tools in a different

way. A number of carpentry shops purchased regular electric saws, routers, and sanders

and retrofitted them with motors that could be powered with air pressure. They then

installed large diesel engines just outside their shops and strung pneumatic lines to

the various work stations.11

Why go to all the trouble and expense to create such an intricate power system

when electricity does the same job? In part because it distinguishes the Amish as differ-

ent from their neighbors. But also because, as an Amish minister explained, ‘‘so far no

Amish person has ever figured out how to run a television with an air compressor’’ [17,

p. 3]. Television is seen as a technology that is contradictory to Amish ideals because

it brings the outside world into the home and can distract one from one’s family and

neighbors. It is often used as a barometer by the Amish to determine whether or not

something is acceptable. The Amish allow certain forms of electricity, but choose

those forms that make it difficult to power devices like kitchen appliances, radios, and

televisions.

The Amish have also developed ways of gaining the business benefits of certain

technologies while maintaining their distance from them.12 One way they do this is

by hiring English companies to take care of certain aspects of an industry that they do

not want to do themselves. As was already mentioned, the Amish will often hire En-

glish drivers to transport them to work sites, etc. But the Amish may also rely on non-

Amish businesses to help them attract and interact with customers in ways they

312 Jameson M. Wetmore

cannot or prefer not to do themselves. For instance, the Amish have been able to tap

into the market for remodeling kitchens in far away cities by contracting with compa-

nies who do the on-site work. It is also now possible to buy Amish-made furniture

online through websites developed and maintained by English companies. These

arrangements help the Amish economically and yet minimize the distraction and com-

promises that come with using particular technologies themselves.

Line Dividing Home and Work

Despite all of the detailed explanations given above, the fact that the Amish use such a

wide array of modern technologies may still seem fairly surprising. It does not mesh

with many English people’s visions of what Amish life should be. Many Amish feel a

similar unease. They believe that they must adopt some new practices to remain eco-

nomically viable, but that does not mean that they are enthusiastic about such

changes. To compensate for these distractions, the Amish have tried to protect the sim-

plicity of the home. While they have adjusted the Ordnung to promote Amish busi-

nesses, they are much less likely to change rules that govern the life in the home.13 A

stark example of this demarcation is the fact that diesel generators and pneumatic

equipment are not allowed in the Amish home; kitchens are empty of electric appli-

ances and interiors are still lit by candles, gas lamps, and windows.

The desire to protect the home has also shaped the Amish rules concerning tele-

phones [27], [28]. Traditionally the Amish have been opposed to owning telephones

because they believe that phones disrupt the natural interactions between people. An

Amish buggy maker contended that ‘‘if everyone had telephones, they wouldn’t trou-

ble to walk down the road or get in the buggy to go visiting anymore’’ [17, p. 3]. Tele-

phones are seen as distracting; they give the outside world an easy entrance into Amish

households and make them needlessly noisy.

But the English companies and customers that the Amish rely on have abandoned

many of the forms of communication that the Amish prefer. Without a phone it is dif-

ficult for furniture shops to communicate with distant customers, for stores to order

merchandise, or even for farmers to coordinate milk and produce pick-ups with dairy

and grocery companies. To remedy this problem, these businesses began to use the

phones of their non-Amish neighbors. But as businesses got bigger and were some-

times far away from English phones, this became increasingly difficult. Gradually

many Amish districts have begun to allow telephones, but with certain qualifications

that ensure they do not compromise their lives at home.

Most districts maintain the rule that telephones are not allowed inside buildings

owned by Amish people. Instead they are usually placed in small structures, or ‘‘Amish

phone booths,’’ that are kept ‘‘a safe distance away’’ from Amish dwellings. Typically

the telephones are purchased by either the community in general or by specific Amish

businesses, but they are kept accessible to the entire community. They are outfitted

with a log so that calls can be recorded and payments can easily be made by individual

people.14 This arrangement encourages cooperation, reduces the impact on traditional

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 313

forms of communication, and allows Amish businesses to develop. But most of all it

keeps telephones outside of the home. It helps keep the home free from the distrac-

tions of the modern world.

Where the Amish Stand Today

The Amish are continually debating whether or not to introduce new technologies into

their society—a process which can be contentious at times. A young Amish farmer

noted that he (and every other Amish dairy farmer) would love to install glass piping

that would quickly transport the milk from the cows to the refrigerators and relieve

him of a lot of work, if only it were allowed [29]. Yet despite his desire, this farmer is

still firmly committed to his community. Like many other Amish, he struggles with the

Ordnung, but has agreed to and recognizes the benefits of a society that does not ac-

cept rapid change.

These struggles will continue as changes in American government, business, farm-

ing, and technology exert increased pressure on the Amish way of life. In response to

some of these stresses, the Amish have chosen to accept some somewhat marked

changes in technology. Some Amish communities now allow battery-operated type-

writers, electric cash registers, and fax machines [25]. These new machines have led to

a vigorous debate because many of them require 110 volt electricity (easily done by

coupling invertors to their existing diesel engines), which could also be used to power

a television. But some districts have decided that their businesses cannot survive with-

out them.

The Amish are not, however, about to relax their control over technology. Because

they believe that technology call shape those things they value above all others—their

culture, their community, and their values—they continue to closely monitor and reg-

ulate its use. One Amish man admitted, ‘‘We realize . . . that the more modern equip-

ment we have and the more mechanized we become, the more we are drawn into the

swirl of the world, and away from the simplicity of Christ and our life in Him’’ [30, p.

95]. The Amish see technology as a potential disruption to their simplicity, humility,

and separation and work to make sure that it disrupts their lives as little as possible. A

bishop explained his difficult position in the following way: ‘‘Time will bring some

changes; that’s why our responsibility is so great. . . . We can prolong out’ time. I’ll do

what I can’’ [6]. Why this dedication when the world around them is changing so

quickly? One Amish farmer argued that ‘‘If it hasn’t worked for the good of [English]

families, why will it work for our society? It’s not good community’’ [31]. The Amish

exert control over technology in an effort to protect themselves from the values and

distractions of the English world.

The Amish believe that their society and their technology are inextricably inter-

twined. In an effort to maintain and protect their community of believers, therefore,

the Amish require that every technology they use not only conforms to, but reinforces

their tradition, culture, and religion. They achieve these goals through two primary

techniques. First they choose technologies that they believe will best promote the

314 Jameson M. Wetmore

values they hold most dear—values like humility, equality, and simplicity. Thus they

have rejected the speed, glamour and personal expression of automobiles in favor of

modest, slow, and community-building horse-drawn buggies. Second, they deliberately

choose tools that are different from those used by the outside world. This differentia-

tion helps them maintain their unique identity, bonds their community, and ensures

that they will continue to be able to accept technology on their own terms. The Amish

view technologies as value-laden tools and use these tools to reinforce their values and

build their community. While many scholars of technology have argued that this is

the case, the Amish employ the idea in order to build the world they want to live in.

Acknowledgment

I would like to thank Louis B. Wetmore and Gordon Hoke both for helping me to get

in touch with Amish communities and for enlightening conversations; Michael Crowe,

Deborah Johnson, Shobita Parthasarathy and two anonymous reviewers for comments

on various drafts; and the Menno-Hof Museum in Shipshewana, Indiana, and the

Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College for their assistance in locating re-

sources. Most importantly, I would like to thank the Amish people who took the time

to share their culture and their experiences with me.

Notes

1. This article primarily refers to the Old Order Amish. Because this is the largest and most

recognizable group of Amish people, they are typically referred to as simply ‘‘Amish.’’ For an

explanation of the different types of Amish see [1, pp. 21–22].

2. When talking to one another, most Amish speak a derivative of German usually referred

to as ‘‘Pennsylvania Dutch.’’

3. The Amish rejection of advanced education is based on their belief that ‘‘the wisdom of

this world is foolishness with God’’ [5, p. 91].

4. This chapter is partly based on a handful of interviews conducted by the author in Amish

communities in Indiana, Illinois, and New York. Because the Amish value their privacy their

names will not be cited. For an interesting discussion on the difficulties of interviewing the

Amish see [7].

5. For a detailed account of Amish history see [8].

6. Menno Simons was the founder of the Mennonites. Tile Amish church broke from the

Mennonites in the late 17th century in part because they believed the Mennonites were

straying from Menno Simons’ teachings [10].

7. Although the Amish separate themselves for the good of their own people, they have not

forgotten the outside world. Their desire to help others is often directed towards those out-

side their community. Should a non-Amish neighbor’s barn burn down, the Amish will

band together and help with the erection of a new one, just as they would for a fellow

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 315

Amish person. Above and beyond this, some Amish communities are known to participate

actively in hunger and disaster relief projects across the world.

8. While each district has its own distinct Ordnung, they are similar on many points. As

such this article will often refer to ‘‘the Ordnung’’ of the Amish in general for those issues

on which there is almost universal agreement.

9. Nearly every Amish person interviewed for this article gave this answer at one point or

another.

10. ‘‘Rumspringa’’ has recently been subject to a fair amount of media coverage in the

United States because of the 2004 UPN television show ‘‘Amish in the City’’ and the 2002

feature-length documentary Devil’s Playground. These programs can be a bit misleading as

they focus on the most extreme examples of Amish rebelliousness. Most Amish teenagers do

not live in Los Angeles, parade up and down the red carpet at movie premieres, or deal

drugs.

11. These new systems proved to be so efficient that a few English companies now produce

them for non-Amish shops [23]. The Amish are surprisingly inventive in other fields as well

and have even been awarded patents in a few cases. For instance, they have developed a

cook-stove that employs an airtight combustion compartment that some claim is the ‘‘only

significant advance in wood-fire stoves in 300 years’’ [24, p. 30]. The Amish also have de-

signed a horse-drawn plow fitted with a hydraulic lift so that rocks do not present as much

of a problem to farming [25].

12. The Amish relationship with medicine follows a similar rule. While they rely on homeo-

pathic remedies for many things, if they find an English doctor that they trust, the Ordnung

does not prohibit them from receiving medical care that uses advanced technologies.

13. A number of scholars have criticized this stance as just one more method the male

dominated society uses to repress women [26].

14. Whether and how the Amish can receive phone calls varies from district to district [27].

For instance, some do not allow incoming calls to be answered; some allow calls to be pre-

arranged; and some use voice mail services provided by phone companies.

References

[1] T. J. Meyers and S. M. Nolt, An Amish Patchwork: Indiana’s Old Orders in the Modern

World. Bloomington, IN: Quarry, 2005.

[2] R. E. Sclove, ‘‘Spanish waters, Amish farming: Two parables of modernity?’’ in Democracy

and Technology. New York, NY: Guilford, 1995, pp. 3–9.

[3] S. Jasanoff, Ed., States of Knowledge: The Co-production of Science and Social Order. New

York, NY: Routledge, 2004.

[4] M. R. Smith and L. Marx, Does Technology Drive History? The Dilemma of Technological De-

terminism. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994.

316 Jameson M. Wetmore

[5] T. J. Meyers, ‘‘Education and schooling,’’ in The Amish and the State, D. B. Kraybill, Ed.

Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1993, pp. 86–106.

[6] Interview with an Amish bishop, Shipshewana, IN, Feb. 3, 1996.

[7] D. Z. Umble, ‘‘Who are you? The identity of the outsider within,’’ in Strangers at Home:

Amish and Mennonite Women in History, K. D. Schmidt, D. Z. Umble, and S. D. Reschly Eds.

Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2002, pp. 39–52.

[8] J. A. Hostetler, Amish Society, 4th ed. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1993.

[9] M. Simons, ‘‘Brief and clear confession,’’ (1544) in The Complete Writings of Menno

Simons, J. C. Wenger Ed. Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1956, pp. 422–454.

[10] D. B. Kraybill, The Riddle of Amish Culture, rev. ed. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ.

Press, 2001.

[11] Bible, Romans 12:2.

[12] Interview with an Amish carpenter, Shipshewana, IN, Jan. 27, 1996.

[13] Interview with a bishop, Seneca Falls, NY, Nov. 21, 1997.

[14] Interview with a businessman, Finger Lakes Region, NY.

[15] E. Stoll and M. Stoll, The Pioneer Catalogue of Country Living, Toronto, Canada: Personal

Library, 1980.

[16] D. O. Pratt, Shipshewana: An Indiana Amish Community, Bloomington, IN: Quarry,

2004.

[17] R. Mabry, Be Ye Separate, A Look at the Illinois Amish, Champaign, IL: Champaign

News-Gazette, 1989.

[18] V. Larimore, director, The Amish: Not to Be Modern, 1986.

[19] T. J. Meyers, ‘‘The Old Order Amish: To remain in the faith or to leave,’’ Mennonite

Quart. Rev., vol. 68, pp. 378–395, July 1994.

[20] K. Pringle, ‘‘The Amish dilemma: The attraction of the outside world,’’ Champaign-

Urbana News-Gazette, p. E1, Aug. 30, 1987.

[21] Interview with an Amish housewife, Arthur, IL, Mar. 30, 1996.

[22] D. B. Kraybill and S. M. Nolt, Amish Enterprise: From Plows to Profits, 2nd ed. Baltimore,

MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2004.

[23] Interview with an Amish carpenter, Arthur, IL, Mar. 30, 1996.

[24] E. Brende, ‘‘Technology Amish style,’’ Technology Rev., vol. 99, no. 2, pp. 26–33, Feb./

Mar. 1996.

[25] E. Tenner, ‘‘Plain technology: The Amish have something to teach us,’’ Technology Rev.,

vol. 108, no. 7, p. 75, July 2005.

‘‘Amish Technology’’ 317

[26] S. D. Reschly, ‘‘‘The parents shall not go unpunished’: Preservationist patriarchy and

community,’’ in Strangers at Home: Amish and Mennonite Women in History, K. D. Schmidt,

D. Z. Umble, and S. D. Reschly, Eds. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, pp. 160–

181, 2002.

[27] D. Z. Umble, Holding the Line: The Telephone in Old Order Mennonite and Amish Life. Bal-

timore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1996.

[28] H. Rheingold, ‘‘Look who’s talking,’’ Wired, vol. 7, no. 1, Jan. 1999.

[29] Interview with a young Amish farmer, Arthur, IL, Mar. 30, 1996.

[30] M. Good, Who Are the Amish? Intercourse, PA: Good Books, 1985, p. 95.

[31] Interview with an Amish corn and dairy farmer, Arthur, IL.

318 Jameson M. Wetmore