Reflective journal 2

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viewpoint Western science and traditional knowledge Despite their variations, different forms of knowledge can learn from each other

Fulvio Mazzocchi

Cultures from all over the world have developed different views of nature throughout human history. Many of

them are rooted in traditional systems of beliefs, which indigenous people use to understand and interpret their biophysical environment (Iaccarino, 2003). These sys- tems of managing the environment consti- tute an integral part of the cultural identity and social integrity of many indigenous populations. At the same time, their knowl- edge embodies a wealth of wisdom and experience of nature gained over millennia from direct observations, and transmit- ted—most often orally—over generations.

The importance of this traditional knowledge for the protection of biodiver- sity and the achievement of sustainable development is slowly being recognized internationally (Gadgil et al, 1993). For example, Article 8 of the Convention on Biological Diversity urges us to “…respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innova- tions and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity….” (United Nations, 1992). In addition, tradi- tional or indigenous knowledge has been rediscovered as a model for a healthy inter- action with, and use of, the environment, and as a rich source to be tapped into in order to gain new perspectives about the relationship between humans and nature.

However, our difficulty in approaching the knowledge from indigenous cultures is already reflected in the way in which we describe and name it. No universal definition is available, and many terms

are used to establish what indigenous people know (Berkes, 1993), including traditional knowledge or traditional eco- logical knowledge, local knowledge, indigenous knowledge or science, folk knowledge, farmers’ knowledge, fishers’ knowledge and tacit knowledge. Each of these terms carries different implications, and there is an ensuing discussion about which one is the most appropriate. The word ‘traditional’, for example, places the emphasis on the transmission of knowl- edge along a cultural continuity, but might ignore the ability of traditional soci- eties to adapt to changing circumstances. Another widely used word, ‘indigenous’, is meant to highlight the autochthonous nature of this knowledge, but it might overlook knowledge from populations who are not officially recognized as indigenous. The word ‘local’ can be applied to different geographic contexts, but it lacks specificity. At present, tradi- tional ecological knowledge is interpreted as a cumulative body of knowledge, prac- tices and representations that describes the relationships of living beings with one another and with their physical environ- ment, which evolved by adaptive processes and has been handed down through gen- erations by cultural transmission (Berkes et al, 2000).

Many indigenous populations have relied for centuries or even mil- lennia on their direct environ-

ment for subsistence and autonomy. Over time, they have developed a way in which to manage and use their resources that

ensures their conservation into the future. Such traditional societies are interested more in preserving their own social, cul- tural and environmental stability and integrity than in maximizing production. Consequently, there is no ‘exploitation’ of nature—which they do not consider as a collection of commodities—in the interac- tion between humans and natural milieu. On the contrary, their way of life is based on a strong sense of interconnection and interdependence. This also applies to their social life. Ethics is explicitly part of the traditional approach. Relationships are based on reciprocity and obligations towards community members. Natural resource management is based on shared meanings and knowledge (Berkes, 1993). Activities in traditional societies often include a strong symbolic dimension in which every action is highly ritualized, and allow humans to participate in the preservation of the natural order. Of course, these rituals differ between cultures, as each society has its own belief systems, which determine its cultural identity and type of technology.

Traditional knowledge has developed a concept of the environment that empha- sizes the symbiotic character of humans and nature. It offers an approach to local development that is based on co-evolution

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…our difficulty in approaching the knowledge from indigenous cultures is already reflected in the way in which we describe and name it

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with the environment, and on respecting the carrying capacity of ecosystems. This knowledge—based on long-term empiri- cal observations adapted to local condi- tions—ensures a sound use and control of the environment, and enables indigenous people to adapt to environmental changes. Moreover, it supplies much of the world’s population with the principal means to fulfil their basic needs, and forms the basis for decisions and strategies in many practi- cal aspects, including interpretation of meteorological phenomena, medical treatment, water management, production of clothing, navigation, agriculture and husbandry, hunting and fishing, and bio- logical classification systems (Nakashima & Roué, 2002). Beyond its obvious benefit for the people who rely on this knowledge, it might provide humanity as a whole with new biological and ecological insights; it has potential value for the management of natural resources, and might be useful in conservation education as well as in development planning and environmental assessment (The World Conservation Union, 1986).

Of course, I am not trying to assert the ideal of the ‘noble savage’. Not all indige- nous people have lived or are living in peace and harmony with nature; history has seen many cultures disappear after they had exhausted the environment’s abil- ity to sustain their population, such as the Maya or the Anasazi in the Americas. However, many existing traditional prac- tices are ecologically healthy, and we can- not simply dismiss them as primitive and unscientific belief systems.

In all cultures, humans have gained knowledge by conceptualizing empiri- cal observations to better understand

nature, and thus interpret and predict it (Iaccarino, 2003). The problem is how to study and analyse indigenous knowledge and belief systems. Of course, we cannot depend only on their empirical aspects, but must embrace their specific world- views. It is not possible to simply reduce them to practical knowledge that is exclu- sively based on experience as opposed to theoretical knowledge, which is developed through deductive or inductive reasoning. In any case, discovering the fundamental principles of dealing with nature in many far-off cultures is not an easy task. Western science—which is deeply rooted both in the philosophy of Ancient Greece and the

Renaissance—and traditional knowledge systems have developed radically different strategies to create and transmit knowl- edge, and it is exceedingly difficult to analyse one form of knowledge using the criteria of another tradition.

Still, there is a vast body of literature on such comparisons between Western sci- ence and traditional knowledge systems, which has identified various characteristics and opposing views. Western science favours analytical and reductionist meth- ods as opposed to the more intuitive and holistic view often found in traditional knowledge. Western science is positivist and materialist in contrast to traditional knowledge, which is spiritual and does not make distinctions between empirical and sacred (Nakashima & Roué, 2002). Western science is objective and quantita- tive as opposed to traditional knowledge, which is mainly subjective and qualitative. Western science is based on an academic and literate transmission, while traditional knowledge is often passed on orally from one generation to the next by the elders. Western science isolates its objects of study from their vital context by putting them in simplified and controllable experi- mental environments—which also means that scientists separate themselves from nature, the object of their studies; by contrast, traditional knowledge always depends on its context and particular local conditions (Nakashima & Roué, 2002).

In general, traditional knowledge sys- tems adopt a more holistic approach, and do not separate observations into different disciplines as does Western science (Iaccarino, 2003). Moreover, traditional knowledge systems do not interpret reality on the basis of a linear conception of cause and effect, but rather as a world made up of constantly forming multidimensional cycles in which all elements are part of an entangled and complex web of interac- tions (Freeman, 1992). Of course, there is always the risk of oversimplifying by reduc- ing the things of interest to essentials and/or dichotomies. However, from this brief overview of the dissimilarities, we can gain an understanding of how hard it is

to compare two systems of knowledge that are so profoundly different. Trying to analyse and validate traditional knowledge systems by using external (scientific) crite- ria carries the risk of distorting such sys- tems in the process. At the same time, we cannot extract just those parts of traditional knowledge that seem to measure up to scientific criteria and ignore the rest. This process of cognitive mining would atomize the overall system and threaten traditional knowledge with dispossession (Nakashima & Roué, 2002).

However, Western contemporary culture and philosophy does offer some interesting ideas as to how to

deal with these problems. The Austrian- born philosopher Paul Feyerabend, for example, questioned the widespread assumption that only Western science holds the criteria to determine the truth. As Feyerabend pointed out, any form of knowledge makes sense only within its own cultural context (Feyerabend, 1987). Similarly, the British anthropologist Gregory Bateson has compared knowl- edge about the material world to a map and the terrain it describes: the map itself is not the terrain, but only one representa- tion of it (Bateson, 1979). Just as different maps can give accounts of the same terri- tory, so too can different forms of knowl- edge about the material world. Its actual representation ultimately depends on the observer’s view.

Contemporary hermeneutics—a branch of philosophy concerned with the theory of existential understanding and interpreta- tion of texts—and, to a certain extent, com- plex thinking can offer useful approaches to compare different forms of knowledge and rationality. Complex thinking has pro- vided new insights, and has contributed to a renewed interpretation of the concept of nature, and a new paradigm of science and epistemology. This new approach has brought a greater awareness of the short- comings of simple explanations in compre- hending reality. It aims to overcome the limits of both reductionism and holism by integrating them into a wider perspective, which investigates the complex structure of interconnections and retroactive relationships in the real world.

According to the classic epistemologi- cal approach, the creation of knowledge is a process of qualitative refinement and quantitative accumulation. Its goal is to

Traditional knowledge has developed a concept of the environment that emphasizes the symbiotic character of humans and nature

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disclose the ultimate foundation—the ‘meta’ point of view from where we can see the ontological order and the objective truth—and to provide a neutral and universal language to explain natural phenomena (Ceruti, 1986).

Complex thinking has strongly ques- tioned this notion of a meta point of view along with its heuristic value as a principle for the creation of knowledge. Instead, it seeks and analyses the web of relation- ships among different perspectives. This is continually redefined in a dynamic process involving multiple points of observation and explanation. These places are funda- mentally incommensurable, yet they can complement each other and be part of a constructive network. What matters, in fact, is the possibility of including multiple viewpoints that are vicarious in building a cognitive universe and can disclose a more complete picture of reality.

In this context, the hermeneutical notion of a ‘horizon’ as expressed by the German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer seems to be highly relevant: “Horizon is the range of vision that includes everything that can be seen from a particular vantage point” (Gadamer, 1960). Rationality intrinsically works from this point, which starts the process of comprehension through which we can interact with other and different horizons, and ultimately expand our own knowledge horizon.

The encounter between different cultures and knowledge systems can then be regarded as an encounter between different macrohorizons; such systems come from different traditions, and each has its own way of understanding phenomena and its own ‘logic’ that allows the observed phe- nomena to be placed within an overall vision. Nevertheless, all representations of reality are expressions of the same cognitive features that are inherent in human nature.

Traditional environmental knowledge is an important part of humankind’s cultural heritage—the result of

countless civilizations and traditions that have emerged over human history. This cultural diversity is as important for our future as is biodiversity. It is a potential

source of creativity and enrichment embodied in several social and cultural identities, each of which expresses its uniqueness (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2002). However, European colonization has eroded and destroyed much of this tra- ditional knowledge by replacing it with Western educational and cultural systems. The trend towards a global culture might even worsen this situation and enhance a process of cultural homogenization.

Scientific knowledge has long held a central role and attained a dominant posi- tion in our developed societies, but we cannot ignore the fact that other valid knowledge systems exist. The imposition of Western scientific ideas and methods not only causes disruption to existing social and economic relationships, but also might spoil the local knowledge. Allowing sci- ence to be the final arbiter of the validity of knowledge, and to establish the threshold beyond which knowledge is not worthy of its name, would create the conditions whereby an astonishing cultural heritage is transformed into a monolithic structure. Instead, we would be better advised to rec- ognize the value of this heritage, and to devise strategies for its preservation for the benefit of present and future generations.

First, a renewed approach to dialogue among cultures is required. Such a dia- logue can only take place if there is a com- mon principle shared by all participants. All humans from all cultural backgrounds have the same biological nature. At the same time, however, a dialogue is only possible because there is diversity at vari- ous levels. Eliminating these differences or staying in rigid isolation eliminates the conditions needed for a potentially mutually beneficial converse.

By acknowledging the uniqueness of each knowledge system, we can go well beyond a mere pluralist approach to knowledge. Dialogue can become a tool for social cohabitation, as well as for dis- covering and enhancing knowledge. It should be based on a sense of profound hospitality because it arises from different

identities and traditions, which are inter- ested in exchanging their perspectives and experiences. This should not be anathema to Western science—in fact, it is through dialogue that new insights have emerged from the ancient Greek academies to today’s laboratory meetings and scientific conferences. In this sense, a dialogue can catalyse the development of shared mean- ings, which are key factors in binding peo- ple and societies together as vehicles of social cohabitation (Bohm, 1996).

The real world is too complex to be compressed into static conceptual- izations. Dealing with this complex-

ity requires approaches and strategies that maintain a continuous openness and will- ingness to discover and learn (Morin, 1990). This dialogue should take place with the unknown and the otherness. By shifting our perspective, and looking at other paths to knowledge that humans have developed and lived, we might cre- ate the necessary conditions for hitherto unknown knowledge to be revealed. All of these perspectives describe the human experience of reality. We need to open ourselves to participating in the experi- ence of others, and yet we should also be aware that this opening can only start from where we already are—from our point of view or the tradition to which we belong. Our historical and culturally embedded perspective has been described by Gadamer as the “initial directedness of our whole ability to experience” (Gadamer, 1967). Nevertheless, from our delimited horizon we can still accept the invitation of other paths to knowledge and might well learn from them.

For example, some authors (Freeman, 1992; Iaccarino, 2003) have suggested that traditional knowledge systems can be helpful in dealing with complex systems: “The understanding of complex systems remains a major challenge for the future, and no scientist today can claim that we have at hand the appropriate methods with which to achieve this. Thus, we can- not discuss the future of science without taking into account the philosophical problems generated by the study of com- plexity. Modern, or Western, science may not be best suited to fulfil this task, as its view of the world is too constrained by its characteristic empirical and analytical approach that, in the past, made it so suc- cessful. We should therefore remember

…any form of knowledge makes sense only within its own cultural context

…all representations of reality are expressions of the same cognitive features that are inherent in human nature

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the contributions of other civilizations to the understanding of nature. […] Such tra- ditional or indigenous knowledge is now increasingly being used not only with the aim of finding new drugs, but also to derive new concepts that may help us to reconcile empiricism and science” (Iaccarino, 2003).

There is little doubt that modern sci- ence can gain a lot from such a dialogue. It has been extremely efficient in studying specific aspects of the natural world— those that are achievable through observa- tion and experimentation—but operates in an environment that is either strictly con- trolled, such as a laboratory, or highly sim- plified. This approach is crucial in order to make generalized claims about the validity of scientific propositions, because it allows hypotheses under the same or highly controlled conditions to be tested and ver- ified. However, an increasing number of critical voices argue that an approach based on reductionism—as helpful as it has been in the past—might no longer be sufficient to analyse and understand higher levels of complexity (Kellenberger, 2004; van Regenmortel, 2004). Moreover, scientists work only at specific levels of analysis. The theories formulated at each level are based on key observations, and, therefore, can explain only a specific set of facts (Iaccarino, 2003). Hence, the inte- gration of methods and results from differ- ent approaches and levels of analysis can become essential.

These considerations seem to be partic- ularly relevant for studying biological, eco- logical and social phenomena that include different levels of complexity. As already mentioned, the Western tradition of think- ing is developing a different approach to gaining knowledge from complex systems, but it would be equally useful to learn how traditional approaches explain such com- plexity. Not only are they more holistic, but also they seem to be better suited to coping with the uncertainty and unpredictability that are viewed as intrinsic characteristics of natural systems. Western science and traditional knowledge constitute different paths to knowledge, but they are rooted in the same reality. We can only gain from paying attention to our cultural history and richness.

REFERENCES Bateson G (1979) Mind and Nature:A Necessary

Unity. New York, NY, USA: Dutton Berkes F (1993) Traditional ecological knowledge in

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Berkes F, Colding J, Folke C (2000) Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecol Appl 10: 1251–1262

Bohm D (1996) On Dialogue. London, UK: Routledge

Ceruti M (1986) Il Vincolo e la Possibilità. Milan, Italy: Feltrinelli

Feyerabend P (1987) Farewell to Reason. London, UK: Verso

Freeman MMR (1992) The nature and utility of traditional ecological knowledge. Northern Perspect 20: 7–12. www.carc.org/northern_perspectives.php

Gadamer HG (1960) Wahrheit und Methode. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr

Gadamer HG (1967) Kleine Schriften I (Philosophie, Hermeneutik).Tübingen, Germany: Mohr

Gadgil M, Berkes F, Folke C (1993) Indigenous knowledge for biodiversity conservation. Ambio 22: 151–156

Iaccarino M (2003) Science and culture. EMBO Rep 4: 220–223

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Nakashima DJ, Roué M (2002) Indigenous knowledge, peoples and sustainable practice. In Timmerman P (ed) Encyclopedia of Global Environmental Change. 5: Social and Economic Dimensions of Global Environmental Change, pp 314–324. Chichester, UK: Wiley

The World Conservation Union (1986) Tradition, Conservation and Development. Occasional Newsletter of the Commission on Ecology’s Working Group on Traditional Ecological Knowledge No. 4. Gland, Switzerland: The World Conservation Union

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Dialogue can become a tool for social cohabitation, as well as for discovering and enhancing knowledge

Fulvio Mazzocchi is at the Institute for Atmospheric Pollution of CNR, Monterotondo, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]

doi:10.1038/sj.embor.7400693

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