paper
Week 7 - Contemporary/Discussion for contemporary.docx
Anthropology P363/P663 Professor Laura L. Scheiber
North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2018
In-Class Discussion
April 26: Discussion of Fiction in Contemporary Archaeology
Be prepared to present your group’s discussion to the class in a cohesive summary.
For All Groups:
Read Case Number 1 for the Ethics Bowl and prepare both pro or con positions in response. All groups will present first and then discuss the case.
Question Group 1
According to Anderson, how is archaeology like detective work? Why do mystery authors use archaeological projects as backdrops for their stories? What does the public learn from these mysteries? Use the novel as a case study.
Question Group 2
According to Anderson, why is science fiction similar to archaeology? What does the public learn about other cultures from reading science fiction? Have you read any science fiction that reminds you of the novels we read in class?
Question Group 3
What is RKLOG? According to Nelson, why are novels that are written by real archaeologists more authentic no matter how good the research team of the non-archaeologist? Which novels did we read that were written by archaeologists? Could you tell a difference? Should archaeologists be fiction writers?
Question Group 4
According to Young, how do you get the public to care about what you do as an archaeologist? What is the “glaze over effect”? And why should we care? What happens to the public perception of the past if we do not engage with them? What are the benefits to the profession in the long run? Give an example of different ways to describe a site that uses technical jargon versus storytelling narratives?
Question Group 5
According to Colwell (2016), how is archaeology collaborative and how should we be engaging with the public? Are there critiques about public archaeology? What role should fictional representation about the past (i.e. Last Matriarch etc.) and about archaeologists (i.e. Rumor) play in these efforts?
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Week 7 - Contemporary/Summary document.docx
NORTH AMERICAN PREHISTORY THROUGH FICTION
SPRING 2018
SUMMARY, April 26, 2018
LAST MATRIARCH
Spirituality – 11
Mammoths – 1111
Paleoindian – 1
Peaceful – 1
Nomadic – 1
Natural – 111
Womanhood – 1
Change – 1
Life – 1
Legacy – 11
Dynamic – 1
CRICKET SINGS
Civilization – 111
Insightful – 1
Life with story – 1
Structural – 1
Escape – 1
Adventure – 1
Dilemma – 1
Sacrifice – 1111
Hierarchy – 11
Detailed – 1
Intense -1
Cahokia – 1
PEOPLE OF THE SILENCE
Overwhelming – 1
Conflict – 111
Secrets – 11
Detailed – 1
Long – 11
Anasazi – 1
Ancient soap opera – 1
Politics – 1
Spirituality – 1
Epic – 1
Tyranny – 1
Truth – 1
Prophesy – 1
COOSA
Tradition – 111
Culture – 1
Preservation – 1
Belief – 1
Translation – 1
Ideology – 1
Religion – 1
Cerebral – 1
Colonization/culture contact – 11
Stories – 111
Ritual – 1
Mythical – 1
Knowledge – 1
WATERLILY
Biography – 1
Kinship – 111111
Family – 111111
Engaging – 1
Obligation – 111
Relationships – 1
Intimate – 1
RUMOR OF BONES
Mystery – 11111
Puzzles – 1
Bones – 1
Personality – 1
Reality – 1
Drama – 111
Love – 1
Modern – 1
Detective – 1
Investigation – 1
Culture – 1
Murder – 1
MAJOR ISSUES
Stories and narratives – 1111
Kinship – 1
Social hierarchies – 1
Making archaeology accessible – 111
Humanizing the past – 11
Death – 1
European influence on Native culture – 1
Gender roles – 111111
Ancient people’s live styles – 1
Oral traditions – 1
Human emotions/competition/love – 11
Cultural preservation – 1
Native culture/indigenous – 1
Survival – 1
Settlement strategies – nomadic, sedentary – 1
Spiritual life – 1111
Social structure – 11
Week 7 - Contemporary/Nelson 2003 - RKLOG Archaeologists as Fiction Writers.pdf
Week 7 - Contemporary/Young 2003 - archaeologist as storyteller.pdf
7January 2003 • The SAA Archaeological Record
ARTICLE
THE ARCHAEOLOGIST AS STORYTELLER
HOW TO GET THE PUBLIC TO CARE ABOUT WHAT YOU DO
Peter A. Young
Peter A. Young, a former Life magazine foreign correspondent and managing editor of the Saturday Review, has been
editor-in-chief of Archaeology magazine since 1987. In 1996, he was a recipient of the Special Achievement
Award of the Society of Professional Archaeologists.
At a museum reception some years ago, I was asked by an investment banker, whom I did not knowand who was trying to be friendly, if Archaeology had published anything recently that might bedeemed, in his words, “truly amazing.” Flattered by the attention, I regaled him with new evidence concerning the evolution of the Neanderthals. By the time I got to Ice Age weather conditions on the Euro- pean continent, however, his eyes had become glassy, his attention distracted by a bond market discus- sion to his left. I had lost him. Just like that.
The incident reminded me of Randall McGuire’s experience at the State University of New York at Binghamton, as described in a back-page column (“The Dreaded Question,” Archaeology, November/December, 1995). In it, McGuire recalled a cocktail conversation with a university vice presi- dent who, upon learning that he had just returned from excavating in Arizona, wanted to know what, if anything, he had found. As McGuire explained his work with competing theories of social complexity in the Hohokam Sedentary period, the vice president’s eyes glazed over, causing McGuire to break out into a full-scale sweat knowing that in all probability he was blowing his chance to impress the man who would rule on his bid for a tenured position.
If a journalist like myself, whose job it is to make archaeology accessible to the general public, has to contend with the “glaze-over effect,” then scholars like McGuire, with less experience in the art of pub- lic presentation, are doubly or triply vulnerable. If I had a hard time getting through, how was McGuire going to do it? Was it worth his even trying? The answer of course is “yes,” lest, in the words of one of our academic contributors, “we be left talking only to a steadily shrinking group of peers, while our fel- low citizens embrace a vision of antiquity that consists of little more than noble fragments and colorful caricatures.”
But how do you get through?
Consider the lead paragraphs of the following two stories commissioned by Archaeology, the first in 1983 written by scholars Graeme Henderson, David Lyon, and Ian MacLeod; the second in 1998 written by Denis Gray, the Associated Press bureau chief in Bangkok. Both describe the discovery of the HMS Pandora, the ship the British sent into the South Pacific to arrest and capture Captain Bligh and the mutineers of the HMS Bounty.
Backing into their story, Henderson, Lyon, and MacLeod begin:
The British government sponsored some extraordinary voyages to the South Seas during the sec- ond half of the eighteenth century. Perhaps the best known and most successful was Captain James Cook’s expedition, which set out in the bark Endeavour to observe the transit of Venus at Tahiti on the 3rd of June in 1769. Having carried out his principal objective, Cook then went on to discover and explore the east coast of the Australian continent, setting the stage for the British
8 The SAA Archaeological Record • January 2003
ARTICLE
occupation of 1788. Almost as well known, but entirely unsuccessful, was Captain William Bligh’s plant-gathering expedition, which resulted in one of the most infamous of all mutinies and the loss of two of the British Navy’s ships, HMS Bounty and HMS Pandora.
Gray’s lead is considerably more visceral and to the point.
The SCUBA tanks were swaying in their racks like drunken sailors as our boat rolled in a frothy sea, fighting strong currents and keeping a respectful distance from the barely submerged, razor- sharp reefs that surrounded us. Lurking straight ahead, a greenish patch of tropical water marked the spot where more than two centuries earlier the hapless HMS Pandora—exactly the size of our own charter craft—slid to the bottom. Thirty-five men had been lost, including four prisoners who had taken part in history’s most famous mutiny at sea.
This I like. Gray is passionate about nautical archaeology, and he has hooked me immediately with graphic details. Having explored the wreck with marine archaeologists, he also has a compelling story to tell and will use all the tricks of his trade to keep me riveted to my chair. Evocative writing is what Gray gets paid to produce.
Getting archaeologists to be evocative about what they do would appear to be in violation of their profes- sional codes of conduct. “I’m an archaeologist, not a storyteller,” one scholar told me by way of justify- ing his disinterest in sharing his work with the general public. “I’m not supposed to be emotional about things like this,” another confessed when I asked him what was going through his mind when he stum- bled onto a cache of rare Maya flutes and ocarinas at a Maya burial site in Belize. When pressed, he admitted being thrilled to have found something so rare. “They hadn’t been played in a thousand years!” he gushed. But he hadn’t put it in writing.
Contrast such academic reticence with the passion and excitement experienced by Vancouver Maritime Museum director James Delgado in his account of diving on the remains of a thirteenth-century wreck from an invasion fleet sent by Kublai Khan to conquer the Japanese (“Relics of the Kamikaze,” Archae- ology, January/February 2003):
Clusters of timbers and artifacts suggested that a ship, or ships, had crashed into the shore and been ripped apart. There were bright red leather armor fragments, a pottery bowl decorated with calligraphy, and wood with what seemed like fresh burn marks. My heart started to pound when I swam up to one object and realized it was an intact Mongol helmet. Nearby was a cluster of iron arrow tips and a round ceramic object, a tetsuhau, or bomb. The realization that I was holding the earliest evidence of bombs at sea was one of those magic moments in archaeology when you just smile through the regulator clenched in your teeth and think about the fun you’re going to have with historians who doubted that they even existed then.
The extraordinary Mayanist Linda Schele was passionate about what she did and could tell you tales that would make your head spin. In a 1991 interview with Archaeology, she noted that “the job I seem to have now is to provide the public voice—you know, to give people access to the things scholars learn from the archaeology, combine it with the interpretations of the glyphs and imagery, the work of people who study the modern Maya, and the approaches of many disciplines, and say to the public, ‘Listen folks, let me tell you a story about a great king.’” When Schele died of pancreatic cancer in the spring of 1998, colleagues mourned the loss of her erudition and scholarship. I would miss her stories.
Much of what archaeologists do is technical, tedious, time-consuming, and, many of them believe, of lit- tle interest to the general public. They prefer to communicate with each other, sometimes in jargon mys- terious to all but themselves. Consider these titles of papers delivered at an annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology: Rock Art as an Indicator of Early Upland Aggregation Sites in the Northern Great Basin; Obsidian Hydration Chronology in Eastern Oregon; Anti-Passive Constructions in Glyphic Texts, and Technotypologic Patterns in the Levantine Mousterian. One useful way to find out what these papers are all about is to button-hole their authors at a convenient watering hole at the end of the day, where, if pressed, they may well reveal the flesh-and-blood stories hidden within their lifeless prose.
9January 2003 • The SAA Archaeological Record
ARTICLE
Such mellow beginnings can beget long and productive relationships resulting in story after story from the same author. Jerry Milanich of the Florida Museum of Natural History is a case in point. We met at an annual conference of the Society for Historical Archaeology where Jerry was reporting on his discov- ery of Spanish mission sites in the Southeast. Eager to convey the excitement of his work, Jerry went out of his way to make himself available to Archaeology. In the months that followed, I frequently called or emailed him to see what he was up to. “Just in from the field,” he would typical reply. “You won’t believe what we’ve found!” Then he’d tell me about yet another recovered mission site or De Soto encampment.
Other archaeologists have been less forthcoming. I tried without success to persuade an American archaeologist to write about his work in western Tanzania where he had replicated an iron smelting fur- nace—a lost technology only two 90-year-old men from a local village could recall. With their help, the archaeologist succeeded in building such a furnace, proving important points about the metallurgical history of Africa. What made this pioneering ethnographic story most compelling to me, however, were the reactions of the local people, who rediscovered in the iron-making process the meaning of the images in their poetry and folklore. Initially fearful of an American archaeologist in their midst, they ended up embracing him for giving back to them a lost heritage. A story about his work did appear in a scholarly journal, but without this compelling human angle.
A more rewarding experience involved the author of an article about ancient birth control, first pub- lished by Harvard University Press, in whose hands it languished for lack of promotional savvy. The idea that women in antiquity had developed sophisticated ways of averting conception was, I felt, an extraordinary piece of news hidden within a book few people were going to know about. A popular ver- sion in Archaeology (March/April 1994) resulted in an avalanche of mail and invitations to its author, John M. Riddle, to lecture on the subject coast to coast. Riddle was amazed at all the attention he was suddenly getting, a sure indication that he had seriously misjudged how good the story he had chosen to tell actually was.
“Is Atlantis a real legend?” The mega-resort of Atlantis spent an enormous amount of
money creating extensive underwater ruins
that appeal to the public’s desire for stories
rather than lessons about human history.
The trick is to achieve both.
10 The SAA Archaeological Record • January 2003
ARTICLE
So how do you get the attention you deserve? Answer: By telling a story—your story—about what you do, why you do it, what you have learned, and why people should care to know about it.
Here, from our editorial guidelines, are a few things to keep in mind:
ARCHAEOLOGY IS NOT AN ACADEMIC PUBLICATION. It is critically important to remember that less than one-half of one percent of our readers are professional archaeologists. Your proposed article must clear- ly spell out why the other 99.5 % of our readers—bank tellers, doctors, librarians, corporate raiders— would be interested in your story.
PUT YOURSELF IN THE PIECE. Many scholars are surprised to learn that the general public is not just interested in what they do, but who they are. This is especially true for archaeologists: chances are you’ve traveled to a lot more interesting places, met a lot more interesting people, and had many more interesting adventures than most people. Nobody becomes an archaeologists to get rich, they do it for the experience; let the guy who grew up wanting to be an archaeologist but ended up a lawyer live vicar- iously through you!
ENABLE YOUR READERS TO SEE THROUGH YOUR EYES, BUT DON’T LOSE THEM IN TECHNICAL DETAILS. If you’re writing about a fabulous discovery you made in the depths of the rain forest, bring the complete experience to your readers: what does the jungle look like, smell like? What sort of animals are prowl- ing about? What’s camp like? If you only have a limited number of sentences to evoke a site for lay readers, you’re better off describing the looming mountains or sun-baked bricks than the fact that the 4.5-x-10-foot structure is 3.3 feet south of the 15-foot-square platform. And explain or avoid technical terms.
KEEP IN MIND OUR WILLINGNESS TO HELP YOU BUILD UP YOUR STORY. We are eager to work with you to smoke out the good stuff. That’s what editors are for. Here’s an extreme example. Some years ago, I learned of the work of a Belgian archaeologist teaching in Canada. She had helped harvest scores of mint-condition icons from the wreck of a 17th-century Russian warship on the floor of the Mediter- ranean Sea. We wanted her text and photographs for a cover story that would appear during the Christ- mas season. A draft in English arrived two days before the last possible deadline. The piece was poorly written and unpublishable. Getting it rewritten quickly became a matter of the greatest urgency. I arranged to have an editor interview her by phone. Culling critical detail not present in the draft ver- sion, he was able to rewrite the piece, fax it to Canada for the author’s approval, have it vetted by a scholar familiar with her work, and get it back to me in time to make the print run. I should add that the author was delighted with the results.
LASTLY, REMEMBER THAT YOUR STORIES, ANCHORED IN SOUND SCHOLARSHIP, WILL COMMAND THE ATTENTION OF READERS EVERYWHERE TO THE EXTENT THAT THEY BOTH INFORM AND ENTERTAIN. Writ- ing for public consumption can be demanding and time-consuming and won’t count for much in your pursuit of a tenured position. But those of you who do find the time provide an incalculable service to the profession: you humanize it. With due respect to the demands of graduate school and the academic life thereafter, I believe the storyteller in you deserves more of your time. You are witnesses, in one way or another, to the history of humanity. The public is more than a little curious to know what you have learned.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: Portions of the above appeared in the November 1999 edition of Anthropology News, published by the American Anthropological Association; and in Public Benefits of Archaeology, University of Florida Press, 2002, edited by Barbara J. Little.
Week 7 - Contemporary/Colwell 2016 - Collaborative Archaeologies.pdf
AN45CH08-Colwell ARI 13 September 2016 12:24
Collaborative Archaeologies and Descendant Communities Chip Colwell Department of Anthropology, Denver Museum of Nature and Science, Denver, Colorado 80205; email: [email protected]
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2016. 45:113–27
First published online as a Review in Advance on June 17, 2016
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org
This article’s doi: 10.1146/annurev-anthro-102215-095937
Copyright c© 2016 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Keywords
publics, collaboration, consultation, multivocality, museums
Abstract
In the 1970s, public archaeology, a major theme in anthropology, sought to articulate the field’s new orientation toward engaging the nonprofessional, general public, particularly in the realm of cultural resource management (CRM). Over the decades that followed, this approach evolved to focus in- creasingly on ways to connect archaeological heritage to different kinds of publics. Through this work, among the most important publics that emerged were groups who claimed descent from the ancient peoples archaeologists studied. By the end of the 1990s, a significant branch of archaeological prac- tice had shifted toward new theories and methods for directly and meaning- fully engaging descendant communities. This article focuses on how in the United States, and beyond, research with Native peoples in particular has created a rich dialogue about such wide-ranging themes as ethics, collab- oration, indigeneity, and multivocality. Although critiques have emerged, the increasingly active role of descendant communities has fundamentally shifted the way museums present culture and contributed to community development, tribal heritage management programs, social justice, and the advancement of the CRM industry. Descendant communities have helped to fundamentally transform archaeology into a science that is driven by an ethical engagement with key publics invested in the interpretation and man- agement of the material past.
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ANNUAL REVIEWS Further
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INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL ORIENTATIONS
In the past half-century, archaeology’s relationship with the public has dramatically shifted, from a scientific enterprise with modest concerns about its relationship with the public, to a view of public education as an obligation but one-directional, to a form of fully engaged community-based action (McDavid 2004a, Murray 2011). Although from the discipline’s beginnings archaeologists were never entirely disinterested in sharing their work with the public—in the form of museum exhibits, national parks, and popular publications—only in the 1970s did a fully articulated argument for “public archaeology” emerge. In the United States, these first formulations were centered largely on the rise of the cultural resource management (CRM) industry (McGimsey 1972). CRM entailed the creation of archaeological companies to comply with new federal laws—mainly the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 (NHPA) and the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA)—that provided for research to be conducted on historical properties that could be impacted by projects such as highways, dams, and transmission lines (Green 1998; King 2002, 2008; McManamon & Hatton 2000).
As archaeologists began to work with different publics, new questions emerged for the disci- pline, particularly around what archaeology’s newfound involvement with clients and profits meant (Raab et al. 1980), what its broader ethical responsibilities (King 1983) and values (Green 1984) were, and how to define an archaeologist as a professional in this new economically driven setting ( Jelks 1995, Woodall 1990). Also at this time in the United States, Native Americans became in- creasingly involved in archaeology, both as participants and as critics (Ferguson 1996, Rubertone 2000, Watkins 2005). In the 1970s, a handful of tribes, particularly in the US Southwest, began to develop their own CRM programs (Anyon et al. 2000). These programs served to affirm tribal sovereignty so that archaeology could be conducted on the tribe’s own terms on its own land and could also be a source of jobs and economic development (Begay 1997, Ferguson 1984, Klesert & Downer 1990). During the 1970s and 1980s, many Native communities also became highly critical of archaeological research that was conducted without their consent or input—particularly when ancestral human remains were excavated, studied, and removed to museum repositories— and compelled archaeologists to confront their relationship with Native peoples (Anderson 1985, Buikstra 1983, Echo-Hawk 1986, Granger 1980, Tymchuk 1984, Vizenor 1986, Zimmerman 1986). However, even as early as the 1960s, some archaeologists had begun to seek out less con- frontational, more collaborative relationships with Native peoples (Anderson et al. 1978, Johnson 1973, Sprague 1974, Winter 1980, Zimmerman & Alex 1981).
The role of Native Americans in US-based archaeology was further codified in 1990 when the US Congress passed the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), which gave lineal descendants and tribes rights to claim certain kinds of cultural items and human remains (Fine-Dare 2002, McKeown 2013, Mihesuah 2000). Through consultation, archaeologists and museum professionals were compelled to talk and exchange ideas, which often led to new forms of collaboration (Dongoske 1996, Peters 2006). Then, in 1992, Congress amended the NHPA to allow tribes to form their own Tribal Historic Preservation Offices, with many of the same powers as those of State Historic Preservation Offices, which further strengthened tribal sovereignty and empowered tribes to have a strong role in managing their own cultural heritage (Stapp & Burney 2002). These laws affected US archaeology (Killion 2008) and also joined a broader worldwide movement in settler societies—such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand— which were increasingly redressing the negative consequences of their colonial histories ( Jenkins 2011, Krmpotich 2014, Sully 2007, Turnbull & Pickering 2010). With these shifts, scholars in the United States became part of a broader global movement (Stone 2005).
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In the 1980s, these political and legal battles were joined by a theoretical shift in archaeology. For a generation, the New Archaeology, or processualism, predominated as a form of inquiry that moved the field from descriptions of objects and culture groups to a material science that sought to formulate scientific laws, explain sociological processes, and devise probabilistic predications (Martin 1971). In response came the postprocessual movement (Earle & Preucel 1987, Leone et al. 1987, Shanks & Tilley 1987), which among other features opened up a theoretical space to consider archaeology’s political implications (Meskell 2002, Trigger 1984, Ucko 1986) and how the field engages with and represents its subjects (Gero & Root 1990, McGuire 1992). In response to a growing concern about how to meaningfully involve the public with archaeology, several projects experimented with public outreach and education (Potter 1990, Potter & Leone 1987, Pryor 1989). Notably, in some parts of the world, such as in Latin America, the processional/postprocessual dichotomy was less clear, for example in Latin America where archaeologists could use processual methods for research but also work toward more effective community engagement and public outreach (e.g., DeLugan 2012, pp. 44–62).
As a result of these converging trends, archaeologists began to conceive of their engagement not with one public but with many publics, each deserving its own careful theoretical, methodological, and ethical considerations (McManamon 1991). When the Society for American Archaeology revamped its principles on ethics in the early 1990s, some of the key responsibilities they outlined were those to the public and other living stakeholders (Lynott & Wylie 1995).
By the 1990s, public archaeology no longer referred only to the CRM industry. It increasingly did not refer to a one-way didactic interpretation of the past for the public. Rather, the field was considering more sophisticated and nuanced relationships with different publics ( Jameson 1997), which would move away from presentation toward participation (Derry & Malloy 2003, Frink 1997, Hoffman 1997). Archaeologists became concerned about public opinion (Pokotylo & Guppy 1999) and about spelling out how the public benefits from the archaeological work (Little 2002). The democratic ideals of the Internet were seen as a particularly ripe venue for public engagement (McDavid 2002b, 2004b; Walker 2015). Particularly with Native Americans, dialogue and concrete case studies of collaboration began to be presented, collated, and carefully considered; this work included one early, important book that truly was a “stepping stone to common ground” for a range of Native and non-Native scholars and activists (Swidler et al. 1997), as well as a special section of the Society for American Archaeology newsletter to address collaboration, which eventually led to a widely embraced edited volume (Dongoske et al. 2000). Public archaeology now meant active, meaningful engagement to serve a community’s goals (Merriman 2004)—it became a form of applied archaeology focused on the living meanings and values of the past (Brighton 2011, Komara & Barton 2014, Shackel & Chambers 2004). By the beginning of the new millennium, this concept of an outward-looking archaeology became a global movement in the field (Brady 2009, Funari 2001, Geurds 2007, Green et al. 2003, Kenoyer 2008, Okamura & Matsuda 2011).
THEORIES AND PRACTICES
Working together, archaeologists and descendant communities have deeply reshaped archaeol- ogy’s relationship with its subjects (Nicholas et al. 2011, Rossen & Hansen 2007). As Kerber’s (2006) seminal edited volume demonstrated through a series of case studies, collaboration neces- sitates a form of cross-cultural communication and negotiation, which archaeologists and Native peoples had undertaken because of regulatory compliance (in museums and to manage sites) and also often voluntarily because they saw the mutual advantages of working together on research and
www.annualreviews.org • Collaborative Archaeologies 115
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public education. Collaboration has infiltrated how students are trained (Chilton & Hart 2009, Murray et al. 2009, Silliman 2008), how ethics are framed (Colwell-Chanthaphonh & Ferguson 2004, McGill 2010, Singleton & Orser 2003, Zimmerman 2005), and how knowledge of the past is constructed and shared (Van Broekhoven et al. 2010, Welch et al. 2011). Archaeology’s novel concern for its relationship with different communities has encouraged new methods that bridge to ethnography (Castañeda & Matthews 2008, Edgeworth 2006, Hamilakis & Anagnostopoulos 2009, Mortensen & Hollowell 2009, Stroulia & Sutton 2010). These ethnographies have helped demonstrate how archaeology is a social practice, how it is shaped by politics, and how heritage is not a given inheritance but actively constructed by a range of stakeholders who often have different goals, values, and worldviews.
Collaboration is dynamic and fluid; it is not one set of practices. Rather, collaboration lies on a continuum, which was originally conceived as a spectrum of three modes of practice: resistance, participation, and collaboration (Colwell-Chanthaphonh & Ferguson 2008, pp. 10–14). However, given nearly a decade of conversation, a revised version is needed that expands the continuum to include colonial control on one end of the spectrum and community control on the other (Figure 1). This framework helps us understand how some archaeological projects and practices are colonial (Dommelen 1997, Nicholas & Hollowell 2007), form in resistance to the needs and values of communities (Burke et al. 2008), involve one-directional participation (Rowley 2002), are collaborative by providing equal benefits to and involvement of all parties (Dowdall & Parrish 2003, Duin et al. 2015, Gumerman et al. 2012), and fully empower communities to speak for themselves and control heritage on their own terms (Brugge & Missaghian 2006, Welch et al. 2006). A key theoretical emphasis on collaboration is a kind of “critical multivocality” in which “numerous perspectives and values are brought together to enlarge our shared understandings of the past” (Atalay et al. 2014, pp. 11–12). This theme has provided a rich array of case studies and conversations (Atalay 2008, Ferguson & Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2006, Hodder 2008, Silberman 2008, Wylie 2008, Zimmerman 2008).
Another key framework has been provided by Atalay (2012), who has advocated for archaeolo- gists to use a method called community-based participatory research (see also Atalay 2007, 2010). This approach is descended from earlier, innovative community-based efforts (Marshall 2002, Moser et al. 2002, Sen 2002, Stanish & Jusimba 2000) but extends these practices by inviting archaeologists to directly confront the problems of the discipline’s relevance to diverse publics, to identify and work with its myriad audiences, and to expand its benefits more widely. Community- based participatory research is a theoretical framework but most basically “provides a method for a community and an archaeologist to work together to pursue a research design that benefits them both as equal partners” (Atalay 2012, p. 5). The method involves a continual loop of engagement, in which archaeologists and community members collaboratively define the questions, methods, and outcomes of a given project. Significantly, in this mode “collaboration is not motivated pri- marily by the benefits it bestows on archaeology. Rather it advocates a partnership approach that is motivated by the rights communities have to be active participants in the creation of knowledge” (Atalay 2012, p. 45). Atalay argues that the advantages of this approach are many, including build- ing capacity for local communities, addressing real-world problems, bringing together diverse knowledge systems, fostering reciprocal benefits, and empowering communities that have often been historically disempowered. This approach, although differing in its details, fully aligns with those arguing for an advocacy research agenda (Rossen 2006, 2008) and cocreation (Bollwerk et al. 2015, Ferguson et al. 2015). This approach offers a specific path for those who want to create an archaeology that matters (Little 2007, Sabloff 2008, Stottman 2010).
Yet another way of framing these approaches is through indigenous archaeology. Nicholas & Andrews (1997) first conceptualized the possibilities of an indigenous archaeology, but other
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P O W E R A N D C O N T R O L
ARCHAEOLOGISTS TRIBES
Colonial control Resistance Participation Collaboration Indigenous control
Goals set solely by archaeologists
Goals develop in opposition
Goals develop independently
Goals develop jointly
Goals are set by tribe
Information is extracted and removed
from community
Information is proprietary and
controlled by tribe
Information is secreted
Information is disclosed
Information flows freely
Descendants involved as laborers
No stakeholder involvement
Limited stakeholder involvement
Full stakeholder involvement
Archaeologists are employees or
consultants of tribe
No voice for descendants
Little voice for descendants
Some voice for descendants
Full voice for descendants
Full voice of descendants is
privileged
Acquiescence is enforced by state
No support is given/obtained
Support is solicited
Support is tacit
Support is authorized by tribe
Needs of science are optimized
Needs of others are not considered
Needs of most parties are mostly met
Needs of all parties are realized
Needs of tribe are privileged
Figure 1 Five historical modes of interaction with tribes in the United States.
scholars also began to consider what archaeology would look like if it more fully incorporated the perspectives of indigenous peoples (Bray 2003, Conkey 2005, Watkins 2000). Smith & Wobst’s (2005) edited volume was among the first to emphasize that including indigenous values and view- points in the field would provide a key means of decolonization—redressing the problems created by archaeology’s underlying colonialist logic and political economy. This theme was embraced in a special volume of American Indian Quarterly, edited by Atalay (2006), and today remains a hallmark of indigenous archaeology (Bruchac et al. 2010, Wilcox 2009). Although indigenous archaeology highlights the participation of indigenous peoples themselves in the field (Colwell- Chanthaphonh 2009a; Gonzalez et al. 2006; Lippert 2006, 2008b; Martinez 2006; Nicholas 2010a; Two Bears 2006; Watkins 2003), the approach generally seeks to move beyond simple dichotomies of Native/non-Native (Paradies 2010) or even restrictions to “indigenous” contexts (Atalay 2007). Indeed, most of these scholars would agree that the ultimate goal is not to segregate indigenous scholars and worldviews from the field’s mainstream but to end indigenous archaeology by fully integrating these scholars and their views into everyday practices (Nicholas 2010b).
These conversations concerning how to include indigenous and community voices in interpre- tations of the past and in heritage management have also expanded outward to include museum practices. Although there is a longer history of community engagement in museums than is typi- cally acknowledged (Archambault 2011, Bernstein 1992), in the past three decades, scholars have increasingly focused on creating avenues for community participation in museum exhibits, cura- tion, and research (Peers & Brown 2003). One key driver for this shift in museums was NAGPRA and repatriation claims, which forced museum professionals to consult and often find common
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ground with their Native counterparts (Bell et al. 2008, Bernstein 1991, Gonzalez & Marek- Martinez 2015, Lippert 2008a, Peers 2013). A second key driver was the opening of the National Museum of the American Indian in 2004, which explicitly—although often uneasily—sought to privilege Native voices (Lonetree & Cobb 2008).
One area that has received much attention is how museums manage their collections. The Reciprocal Research Network is one experimental database project that sought to empower local communities to help define and organize collections from their cultural vantage points (Rowley 2013). Other projects have similarly experimented with using digital database management pro- grams to empower descendant communities to shape the knowledge systems that organize museum collections in Canada (Hennessy et al. 2013), the United States (Leopold 2013, Srinivasan et al. 2010), and Australia (Christen 2007). A new emphasis has been placed on the agency of objects and the empowerment of communities in museum contexts (Harrison et al. 2013). Museum collections are now seen as complex entities that require collaborative methods to more fully interpret (Baird 2011, Hays-Gilpin 2011, McChesney & Charley 2011, Sekaquaptewa & Washburn 2006).
Despite the growing census of collaborative archaeologies, numerous critiques and criticisms of these collaborative methods have emerged (Ray 2009). Some suggest that the concept of “com- munity” is often too simply employed, when communities are rarely uniform or cohesive (La Salle 2010). Certainly, perhaps too often archaeologists say that they are working with a community when in fact they are working with a small subset of individuals who share their interests and see the potential benefits of collaboration. Additionally, projects that, on the surface, seem successful may be found to have a number of problems when analyzed. Advocates of collaborative research need to analyze and evaluate their work more systematically (Guilfoyle & Hogg 2015). Arguably, collaboration’s limitations are often the result of our academic systems, which continue to un- dervalue collective indigenous knowledge, and of scholars’ inability to deeply question their own assumptions, beliefs, and practices (Dewbury & Broadrose 2011). Others may point to how col- laborative archaeology can cause harm when it selectively promotes one group’s voice over that of another (Supernant & Warrick 2014). Others see the way collaboration is typically approached in museums as a form of neocolonialism rather than as decolonization (Boast 2011). Collaboration is too often seen as a simple solution to the problems of the discipline’s past rather than as a method that requires a complicated process of negotiation (Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2010). Furthermore, equality is never simply enacted. As McMullen (2008) points out, for example, who decides how money is used in a collaborative project can easily skew the balance of power.
Perhaps the most robust critique of the movement to establish an indigenous archaeology has come from McGhee (2008), who argued that the concept is highly problematic because it depends on an essentialized view of indigenous peoples (see also Echo-Hawk 2010, McGhee 2010). He argues that some archaeologists have elected to work with indigenous peoples because they are viewed as having an inherent, timeless connection to their ancestors merely because of their racial identities. McGhee seemed to support a generalized working relationship with communities but insisted that the rights of indigenous peoples not be based on their racial identities. The replies were varied but came from practitioners who insisted that indigenous archaeology and collab- orative methods are not based on an essentialized view of the indigenous. Rather, indigenous archaeology is grounded in the specific and historical relationship that modern people have to their past (Colwell-Chanthaphonh et al. 2010). Silliman (2010b) also pointed out that including indigenous viewpoints—with their unique values and knowledge systems—enriches archaeology precisely because these viewpoints are different from the Western and often colonial frameworks that continue to dominate the field. McGhee’s recommendation to keep indigenous and scien- tific knowledge systems separate but equal should be rejected because it misunderstands these as homogenous spheres of knowledge, unnecessarily creates intellectual divisions, and reintroduces
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the specter of racial segregation (Colwell-Chanthaphonh & Ferguson 2010, Wilcox 2010b). Part- nerships with local communities invested in archaeology arguably produce more nuanced and expansive interpretations of the past and equitable management practices in the present (Croes 2010).
CONCLUSIONS: FUTURE ORIENTATIONS
Work with descendant communities has improved the quality of archaeology (Ferguson 2009). Collaborative engagements have helped rethink archaeological language (Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2009b), interpretations of places and cultural histories (Bernardini 2005, Duff et al. 2008, Fowles 2010, Hedquist et al. 2014), ancestral connections and affiliations (Adler & Bruning 2008, Dongoske et al. 1997, Liebmann 2008), and core concepts such as colonialism, change, and con- tinuity (Silliman 2005, 2009, 2010a; Wilcox 2010a). The benefits and positive results of archaeo- logical study, as a result of community-driven work, have also been widely observed outside the United States (Kellett 2006, Pwiti & Chirikure 2008, Watkins 2014).
Collaboration has also benefited descendant communities. It has contributed to the creation of local museums (Fuller 1992, Hoobler 2006, Kasper & Handsman 2015), development projects (Bria & Cruzado Carranza 2015, Shackel 2004, Woodfill 2013), and CRM programs ( Jackson & Stevens 1997, Kluth & Munnell 1997, Kuwanwisiwma 2002, Welch 2000). By responding to community needs, collaborative methods can help communities recover after traumatic events, such as an earthquake (Praetzellis et al. 2007) or an epidemic (Schmidt 2010), and respond to vitally important social issues, such as race relations (Brown 2015, Jennings 2015) or climate change (Newland 2015). Community-based work is often focused on social justice and redressing history (McDavid 2002a, Mullins 2007); it embraces activism (McGuire 2008); it, in all seriousness, strives for peace, justice, healthy communities, and environmental harmony (Little 2009).
The evolution and rise of collaborative archaeologies constitute a paradigm shift (McAnany & Rowe 2015). The basic concepts and practices of archaeology’s prevailing framework have been altered by the field’s engagement with descendant communities and the collaborative work that has emerged from it. The values and techniques of the archaeological community have shifted to be more inclusive of myriad publics, to provide a voice for interpretations of the past from descendant communities, and to share in the stewardship of heritage resources. Collaboration is a fundamental change in mindset for archaeologists (Wiltshire 2011). Over the past half-century, archaeologists have come to see the question of how to interact with different publics as a key methodological and theoretical problem that demands investigation. As we move into the twenty- first century, investigators understand that collaboration with descendant communities is not a simple solution to the complex problems of direct engagement, shared benefits, and equal voice. Rather, it is a vital means to work through the ethical, political, and social quandaries raised by the admirable goal of transforming archaeology into a science that is driven by an ethical engagement with key publics who are invested in the interpretation and management of the material past.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
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AN45-FrontMatter ARI 28 September 2016 9:1
Annual Review of Anthropology
Volume 45, 2016 Contents
Perspective
A Life in Evolutionary Anthropology Clifford J. Jolly � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1
Archaeology
Archaeological Evidence of Epidemics Can Inform Future Epidemics Sharon N. DeWitte � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �63
Collaborative Archaeologies and Descendant Communities Chip Colwell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 113
Reaching the Point of No Return: The Computational Revolution in Archaeology Leore Grosman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 129
Archaeologies of Ontology Benjamin Alberti � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 163
Archaeology and Contemporary Warfare Susan Pollock � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 215
The Archaeology of Pastoral Nomadism William Honeychurch and Cheryl A. Makarewicz � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 341
Urbanism and Anthropogenic Landscapes Arlen F. Chase and Diane Z. Chase � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 361
Decolonizing Archaeological Thought in South America Alejandro Haber � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 469
Biological Anthropology
Out of Asia: Anthropoid Origins and the Colonization of Africa K. Christopher Beard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 199
Early Environments, Stress, and the Epigenetics of Human Health Connie J. Mulligan � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 233
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Native American Genomics and Population Histories Deborah A. Bolnick, Jennifer A. Raff, Lauren C. Springs, Austin W. Reynolds,
and Aida T. Miró-Herrans � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 319
Disease and Human/Animal Interactions Michael P. Muehlenbein � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 395
Anthropology of Language and Communicative Practices
Intellectual Property, Piracy, and Counterfeiting Alexander S. Dent � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �17
Science Talk and Scientific Reference Matthew Wolfgram � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �33
Language, Translation, Trauma Alex Pillen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �95
(Dis)fluency Jürgen Jaspers � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 147
Some Recent Trends in the Linguistic Anthropology of Native North America Paul V. Kroskrity � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 267
Sociocultural Anthropology
Urban Space and Exclusion in Asia Erik Harms � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �45
Historicity and Anthropology Charles Stewart � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �79
Anthropological STS in Asia Michael M. J. Fischer � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 181
Cancer Juliet McMullin � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 251
Affect Theory and the Empirical Danilyn Rutherford � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285
Where Have All the Peasants Gone? Susana Narotzky � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 301
Scripting the Folk: History, Folklore, and the Imagination of Place in Bengal Roma Chatterji � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 377
Reproductive Tourism: Through the Anthropological “Reproscope” Michal Rachel Nahman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 417
Contents vii
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Design and Anthropology Keith M. Murphy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 433
Unfree Labor Filipe Calvão � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 451
Time as Technique Laura Bear � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 487
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 36–45 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 503
Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 36–45 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 507
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at http://www.annualreviews.org/errata/anthro
viii Contents
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- Annual Reviews Online
- Search Annual Reviews
- Annual Review of Anthropology Online
- Most Downloaded Anthropology Reviews
- Most Cited Anthropology Reviews
- Annual Review of Anthropology Errata
- View Current Editorial Committee
- All Articles in the Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 45
- Perspective
- A Life in Evolutionary Anthropology
- Archaeology
- Archaeological Evidence of Epidemics Can Inform Future Epidemics
- Collaborative Archaeologies and Descendant Communities
- Reaching the Point of No Return: The Computational Revolutionin Archaeology
- Archaeologies of Ontology
- Archaeology and Contemporary Warfare
- The Archaeology of Pastoral Nomadism
- Urbanism and Anthropogenic Landscapes
- Decolonizing Archaeological Thought in South America
- Biological Anthropology
- Out of Asia: Anthropoid Origins and the Colonization of Africa
- Early Environments, Stress, and the Epigenetics of Human Health
- Native American Genomics and Population Histories
- Disease and Human/Animal Interactions
- Anthropology of Language and Communicative Practices
- Intellectual Property, Piracy, and Counterfeiting
- Science Talk and Scientific Reference
- Language, Translation, Trauma
- (Dis)fluency
- Some Recent Trends in the Linguistic Anthropology of NativeNorth America
- Sociocultural Anthropology
- Urban Space and Exclusion in Asia
- Historicity and Anthropology
- Anthropological STS in Asia
- Cancer
- Affect Theory and the Empirical
- Where Have All the Peasants Gone?
- Scripting the Folk: History, Folklore, and the Imagination of Placein Bengal
- Reproductive Tourism: Through the Anthropological “Reproscope”
- Design and Anthropology
- Unfree Labor
- Time as Technique
Week 7 - Contemporary/Readings week 7 - contemporary.doc
Anthropology P363/P663 Professor Laura L. Scheiber
North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2018
Reading Assignments
Week of April 24: Contemporary Archaeology and Archaeologists
For Tuesday:
Connor, Beverly
1996 A Rumor of Bones. Cumberland House, Nashville, Tennessee.
For Thursday:
Anderson, David G.
2003 Archaeology in Science Fiction and Mysteries. In Ancient Muses: Archaeology and the Arts, edited by Jr. John H. Jameston, John Ehrenhard, and Christine A. Finn, pp. 152-161. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Nelson, Sarah M.
2003 RKLOG: Archaeologists as Fiction Writers. In Ancient Muses: Archaeology and the Arts, edited by Jr. John H. Jameston, John Ehrenhard, and Christine A. Finn, pp. 162-168. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Young, Peter A.
2003 The Archaeologist as Storyteller: How to Get the Public to Care About What You Do. The SAA Archaeological Record 3(1):7-10. (repeat from first week)
For Graduate Students:
Colwell, Chip
2016 Collaborative Archaeologies and Descendant Communities. Annual Review of Anthropology 45(1):113-127.
Week 7 - Contemporary/Writing exercise 7 - summary.docx
Anthropology P363/P663 Professor Laura L. Scheiber
North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2018
In-Class Writing Exercise
April 26: Summary Questions
You will have 15 minutes to write about the following questions. Use the blue book provided for your answers. You can write your assessments with either pen or pencil. You can use your laptop to type your answers, as long as you are only working on this assignment, no browsing of any kind! In this assignment, you DO need to address both of the questions and spend the entire time writing. This assignment will be graded as part of your participation for the day.
The Last Matriarch
Cricket Sings
People of the Silence
Waterlily
Conversations with the High Priest of Coosa
A Rumor of Bones
1) If you had to write a one-word description to characterize each book, what would it be?
2) What are the common issues or topics in the works of archaeological/historical fiction that we have read in this class?
1
Week 7 - Contemporary/Anderson 2003 - Archaeology in Science Fiction and Mysteries.pdf