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Week 6 - Plains/Kehoe 2002 - Late Woodland.pdf

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Week 6 - Plains/Sundstrom 2006 - winter counts.pdf

History in Pictures: Father Buechel and the Lakota Winter Counts

Linea Sundstrom, Ph.D.

Day Star Research 1320 E. Lake Bluff Blvd.

Shorewood WI 53211-1536 (414) 963-0288

[email protected]

Copyright © 2006 Linea Sundstrom.

October 2006

Among Eugene Buechel’s many ethnographic accomplishments was compiling a collection of Lakota winter counts. Whether Buechel’s reason for making the collection was to better understand Lakota culture or to acquire Lakota texts for his own study of the language, the collection was undoubtedly important to both endeavors. Winter counts are lists of the names given to individual years by Lakota historians. The year was conceived as extending from the first snow of a winter to the first snow of the next winter; hence, “winter” is the general term used for year, and “winter count” is the term for lists of year names. Each family group, band, or tribe chose the name for the preceding year after careful consideration. The year name might refer to the most important event of the preceding year or simply to a unique event that would be easy to recall (Mallery 1877, 1886, 1893; Howard 1960; Bad Heart Bull and Blish 1967; McCoy 1983; Wildhage 1993). Usually each band or family group had one or more historians in charge of remembering the year names. By memorizing the year names in order, one could easily calculate the number of years that had passed since one’s birth or other event. Whether winter counts in pictographic form preceded European contact is not known. Before paper became widely available, Lakota historians painted pictographs on a tanned hide to represent the year names. Hides generally do not survive more than a century or two, which necessitated periodic recopying of records. The lack of old winter counts on animal hides thus does not mean that the tradition itself was not old. When paper became widely available and a written version of Lakota was developed, many winter counts were transformed from pictographs on hide to pictographs on paper and eventually to lists of year names in Lakota or English. Individual winter counts vary in the number of years included. Some have 300 or more individual year names or year name pictographs, while others include only a few decades. Some families maintained their winter counts well into the 20th century, but many were abandoned during the early reservation period as band or family historians died before they were able to train someone to take over the task and, as they recorded, “nothing happened” anymore. With the children at residential schools and the young men and women struggling for their very survival, it was difficult to find young persons willing and able to undergo the memorization not only of the long lists of year names, but the details of history each name was intended to invoke.

It is important to remember that even after they were written out in Lakota or English, winter counts were essentially a form of oral history. Although modern Western culture places a high value on written history, oral history has been the preferred form in most times and places. Effective oral history, however, requires a high degree of education. Unlike written history, which requires only knowledge of reading for its continuance, oral history requires exacting and detailed memorization of narratives. Historians carefully selected those children and young persons with an aptitude for this type of learning and an understanding of the need for accuracy in their recitations. The

year names listed in the winter counts are analogous to the headlines in a newspaper— they evoke a narrative, but the narrative itself is a separate and much lengthier text. A winter count keeper was responsible for adding each year’s name to the existing record. He (all recorded keepers are men) could pass his winter count to another historian when he was ready to give up this responsibility. He could also allow another person to copy his winter count and add year names as time passed. Thus, many winter counts passed through more than one keeper. Winter counts are not rare. More than 100 examples are known and probably many more are in the hands of Lakota families as heirlooms. Despite this, few studies have been devoted to the pictographic system used for recording the year names. Garrick Mallery produced three publications on the subject before the end of the nineteenth century (Mallery 1877, 1886, 1893), but few researchers have followed up on his work. As in other forms of Plains Indian pictography, one key to “reading” the winter count pictographs is knowing that every element of a picture carries meaning. Plains Indian pictographic writing omits extraneous detail such as background scenery, details of a person’s appearance, and objects that are not part of the narrative the picture is intended to convey. Another key is understanding conventions such as posture, hairstyle, weaponry, and name signs. A person’s name often was represented as a small picture above his or her head. Winter counts have been important in developing an understanding of Plains Indian pictographic writing, because many of the years names appear on numerous winter counts and many pictographic winter counts are accompanied by written lists of year- names in Lakota or English. This has allowed researchers such as Mallery to observe how particular ideas, including abstract notions such as holiness, fear, starvation, conflict, and peace, are represented in pictures. This information has contributed to studies of other forms of pictographic communication in the Great Plains, such as hide paintings, “ledger book” drawings, and even petroglyphs and rock paintings (Mallery 1877, 1886, 1893; Bad Heart Bull and Blish 1967; Sundstrom 1990, 2004; Keyser 1996, Keyser and Klassen 2001) . Buechel collected two pictographic winter counts: one made by Big Missouri and copied by Kills Two and one of unknown authorship that is the subject of this paper. Buechel collected seven winter count texts in Lakota, including those of Ring Bull1, Big Missouri and Kills Two’s copy of Big Missouri, Walking on Sky (White Thunder), and Silas Fills the Pipe. Two partial winter count texts found in the papers of the St. Alphonsus Chapel have been attributed to Yellow Hair. Buechel apparently took some of these down by dictation from the winter count keepers, and some were written down by Lakota catechists of St. Francis Mission. Buechel scholars will be familiar with the challenges of working with his handwritten documents. Those taken down by the catechists in their boarding school script are much more legible; however, both employ orthographies no longer in use in writing Lakota or Dakota. For example, when Buechel began recording Lakota texts, he

had not yet settled on the  symbol for the second consonant in the word kaġa. He first used an r-like symbol for the sound and later the dotted h. Sounds later represented as p were recorded at first as b. There are two versions of each of the winter count texts presented here, Ring Bull and Walking on Sky. Buechel’s notes do not explain why he collected two versions. Because the orthographies are slightly different, it may be that one copy represents Buechel’s attempt to correct his earlier dictation or transcription. No currently known winter count text exactly matches the pictures on the unidentified winter count presented here. The span of years and the individual year names of the Ring Bull and Walking on Sky winter counts are similar, but not identical, to those depicted on the unidentified winter count. This similarity may be simply because all three winter counts were based on a fourth winter count, perhaps that of the Minneconjou leader-historian Iron Shell, or it may be because the Ring Bull and Walking on Sky winter counts that Buechel collected were attempts to interpret the pictures. The following interpretation of the unidentified St. Francis Mission winter count first shows a series of pictographs from the two versions of the winter count. One, drawn on brown paper, apparently is a draft version of the virtually identical pictures drawn on canvas cloth. This is followed by the year-names from the Ring Bull and Walking on Sky winter counts, giving both versions of each. Each year name is translated into English. No attempt was made here to correct the Lakota orthography or spelling to modern standards. This is followed by comments based on comparisons with other winter counts. The Walking on Sky winter count is that of Wakinyan Ska or White Thunder, who apparently took an English name that approximated the pronunciation of his Lakota name. His son Clarence Walking on Sky provided the winter count to Buechel. The unidentified St. Francis Mission winter count is abbreviated here as SFM, Ring Bull as RB, and Walking on Sky as WS.

No picture for 1808 in St. Francis Mission winter count. Beginning of Ring Bull winter count: RB 1808 Ceġa cica wan cán kante. (Ceġa cinca wan cán kate.) Kettle’s child was killed by a tree The first picture on the St. Francis Mission winter count shows a beaver. RB 1809 Capa cika ti ile. (Cápa cika ti ile.) Little Beaver’s house burned. Beginning of Walking on Sky winter count: WS 1810 Caba ciga ti ile. (Caba ciga ko ileyapi.) Little Beaver’s house burned. Little Beaver was the Lakotas’ nickname for a white trader, possibly Registre Loisel, who built a post on the Platte River. According to the winter counts, he built the post in 1808 and it burned sometime between 1808 and 1812 (Beckwith 1930:357; Curtis 1908:171; Cohen 1939, 1942:20; Finster 1968:21; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:306; Howard 1960:358; Mallery 1893:275; McCreight 1947:165; Powers 1963:29; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Walker 1982:132, 315; Young Bear 1987:781). Many of the winter counts record that he died in the fire. This fate was not uncommon at the early posts where gunpowder kegs presented a constant danger. The Eaton winter count notes that many people were killed together in a building, but it is not clear whether this refers to the same accident (Sundstrom and Halfred 1988). SFM Picture of a horse, but no obvious decoration on tail. RB 1810-11 Sinte wa ki’ju aglipi. (Sinte aki’ju aglipi.) They brought back a horse with a decorated tail. WS 1811 Sonk ku wa akli. (Sonk kuwapelo.) They brought horses back. The Oglala and Sicanju winter counts note that they brought in an enemy horse that had eagle feathers in its mane and tail (Beckwith 1930:357; Cohen 1942:20; Curtis 1908:171; Finster 1968:21; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:306; Mallery 1893:315; McCreight 1947:165; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:132; Young Bear 1987:781). According to the winter counts, this animal became a famous racehorse (Cohen 1939:17; Higgenbotham 1981:10). SFM Picture of a tipi with an oversized flap.

RB 1811-12 Waniyetu wica akiran. (Waniyetu wica akik’an.) The people were starving in winter. WS 1812 Wica kiran wicotiye. (Wicakiran wicotiye.) They were starving in camp. Although the picture is not an obvious reference to starvation in winter, it is possible that its odd shape is intended to indicate deep snow. Heavy snow winters often led to famine in the winter camps. Northern and southern Lakota and Yanktonai winter counts all record a winter of famine this year. SFM Picture of a white man holding up a yellow roll of paper. RB1812 Wizi ik’icazopi. (Wizi ikicazopi.) Old tent or yellow buckskin gave them credit WS 1813 Wizikica zopi. (Wizi ikica zopelo.) Yellow buckskin gave credit. Apparently, a trader recorded the Lakotas’ debts and credits on a roll of buckskin or perhaps on foolscap paper that reminded the Indians of buckskin. Indians kept pictographic records on rolls of hide; thus, they may simply have drawn an analogy between their own buckskin records and those kept by the trader. There is no indication of which trader started credit-based trading. Competition was fierce among the various trading companies, and the local tribes soon learned to use that situation to their advantage by demanding credit or higher prices for the hides and furs they brought to trade, threatening to move their trade to the competition if their demands were not met. The Wind-Roan Bear winter count says that they fought over the “yellow buckskin,” suggesting that the Indians and the trader did not see eye to eye on the transactions (Higginbotham 1981:11); however, the Big Missouri winter counts refers to this trader as a good man (Cohen 1939:17). Iron Shell mentions only that the trader extended credit with accounts tallied on a “striped yellow buckskin” (Hassrick 1964:306). The reference to stripes suggests lined paper. SFM Picture of a wounded man with a rifle. RB 1813 Iwoŕaŕa yuha iwaktekli pi. (Iwoħaħa yuha iwákteglipi.) They brought back the scalp of an enemy who had a rifle WS 1814 Iwoga ga yuha wan ktepi. (Manza wakan yu ha wan ktepi.) A rifle owner was killed. The first report of guns appears in the winter counts for the year 1707. The trade in such weapons was interrupted by the War of 1812, during which the Indians were unable to obtain firearms. This year name thus may record the reintroduction of guns on the northern plains or may merely record the Lakotas’ satisfaction in attaining a hard-to-get weapon. This event is recorded in the Iron Shell, Wind-Roan Bear, Wind, and Big Missouri winter counts (Cohen 1939:17; Hassrick 1964:306; Higginbotham 1981:11).

SFM Outline of person with a hatchet embedded in his head. RB 1814 Wita paha to karuŕa pi. (Witapahátu kaħuġapi.) They smashed the Kiowa’s skull. WS 1815 Wita pa hato o wan karuga. (Wita pahata on wan karuga.) They smashed a Kiowa’s skull. The most plausible accounts place this event was at Scotts Bluff, Nebraska. Apparently, it was the Oglalas’ way of refusing an offer of peace from the Kiowas. Witapahato is an old name for the Black Hills (the blue island hill) and for those who lived there before the Lakotas. It is applied most often to the Kiowas (DeMallie 1984:314; LaPointe 1976:61). Already at this time, the southern Lakotas intended to secure the Black Hills for themselves. This event is recorded in many of the winter counts: Wounded Bear, Red Horse Owner, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Swift Dog, Iron Crow, Iron Shell, Fills the Pipe, Flying Hawk, End of Cloud, Elk Head, Wind, Kindle, Big Missouri, Eaton, Lawrence’s Hunkpapa, Whiteman Stands in Sight, Spider, Swift Bear, No Ears, Good, Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, American Horse, High Hawk, High Dog, , Makula, Steamboat, Swift Dog, Vestal’s White Bull, and an incomplete and unidentified Hunkpapa or Yanktonai winter count on file in the archives of Oglala Lakota College (Beckwith 1930:357; Cohen 1939, 1942:21; Curtis 1908:172; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:23; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:306; Howard 1960:360; Karol 1969:27; Lawrence 1905, 1909; Mallery 1893:276, 316; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:29; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Vestal 1934b:264; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:133; Young Bear 1987:781).

SFM Picture of a square house with two people inside. RB 1815 Wicaŕcala otunwaheta ipi na. [another word hard to decipher] Wicaħcala otunwaheta [waslinyle??] ipi na tapi. The old man or the old men died in Washington, DC. WS 1816 Canpon pon on ticagapi. (Can pon pon on ticagapelo.) They built a house of rotten wood. This picture could record any of three events. Consonant with Ring Bull, the Red Horse Owner, Iron Crow and Iron Shell winter counts record that a contingent of Lakotas went to “the city” (i.e., Washington, D.C.) and were not heard from again: “They died in the city” (Hassrick 1964:306; Karol 1969:27; Walker 1982:133). The Walking on Sky text refers to a trader who had the Lakotas built a wooden trading post for him. The winter counts consistently specify that the house was made of punky or rotten wood (Curtis 1908:172; Mallery 1893:316; Powers 1963:29); however, some give this as a separate event a few years later (Beckwith 1930:358; Finster 1968:23; Grange 1963:76; Mallery 1893:277; McCreight 1947:166; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:133). Some of the winter counts refer to the man as Joze (Joseph), probably Joseph Primaeux, although Mallery (1886:110) identifies the trader as Louis La Conte. Both men had trading posts at Ft. Pierre. The Elk Head winter count gives the man’s name as Coze (Joseph) and notes that he was a mixed-blood Oneida. The Eaton winter count states that two people were taken to a winter camp, as well as mentioning building a large house (Sundstrom and Halfred 1988). The Good, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Elk Head, End of Cloud, Kindle, Lone Dog, Makula, No Ears, Steamboat, Flying Hawk, and Vestal’s White Bull winter counts say that the Sans Arc (Itazipco) Lakota lived in log cabins or earth lodges in 1816 and 1817 (Beckwith 1930:357; Curtis 1908:172; Finster 1968:23-24; Grange 1963:76; Mallery 1893:276, 316; McCreight 1947:166; Vestal 1934b:263; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:133). SFM Picture of a man wounded in the heel. RB 1816 Rkluta atkuku ta. (Ħluta atkuku te.) Long Neck’s father died. WS 1817 Śake ya rugapi atku wan ktepi. (Śake ya gu gapi atku ku ktepelo.) Bites Nails’s father was killed. The Swift Bear, Iron Shell, Wind-Roan Bear, Wind, Swift Bear, Cloud Shield, and Big Missouri winter counts all record the wounding of a man during battle, after which he was called “Wounded Heel” (Cohen 1942:21; Hassrick 1964:306). It is possible that Wounded Heel is the same person as Long Neck’s and/or Bites Nails’s father. SFM Picture of a man. RB 1817 Hohu napoktan un ta. (Hohú napóktan uŋ ta.) Bone Bracelet died. WS 1818 Hohu nunpo ktan te. (Ho hu nanpo ktan telo.) Bone Bracelet died. The drawing on paper shows a rather featureless person; however, that on canvas has a line across one wrist that may refer to the name Bone Bracelet. The death of Bone Bracelet (“Bone Wearer”) is recorded in the Wind-Roan Bear, Wind, and Iron Shell winter counts (Hassrick 1964:307; Higginbotham 1981:12). The death of Crooked Wrist

is recorded in the Swift Bear winter count; this may be an alternate translation of the words for curved bone [bracelet] (Cohen 1942:21). SFM Drawing of a Lakota man with pox. RB 1818 I’ozi ti tanka kicaġa pi. (Iozi ti tanka kicaġapi.) Yellow Eyes had a house built. WS 1819 Nawica sli ye. (Nan wilca śliyelo.) Smallpox. A smallpox epidemic is recorded in many of the winter counts for this year. It would appear that the epidemic struck all of the Lakota tribes and bands (cf. Cohen 1942:21; Curtis 1908:172; Higginbotham 1981:12; Howard 1960:362; Mallery 1893:277, 317; Walker 1982:133).

SFM Picture of a buffalo head with an elk head above it. RB 1819 Hekaka najin tatanka ktepi. (Hekaka nájin tatanka ktepi.) A buffalo bull killed Standing Elk. WS 1820 Heraka nanjin tataka ktepi. (Heraka Nanjin tatanka ktepelo.) A buffalo bull killed Standing Elk.

The picture confirms that Standing Elk was killed by a bison, not by a person named Buffalo. The Iron Shell winter count also records this event (Hassrick 1964:307). SFM Drawing of a Crow wounded at head and chest inside a tipi painted black at the top. RB 1820 “Joze” titanka kicaŕa pi. (“Józe” titanka kicaġapi.) Joseph had a house built. WS 1821 Psaloka wan tiyo katiye yapi. (Psaloka wan tiyo ka tiyeya pelo.) They surprised a Crow in his winter camp. The Iron Crow winter count records that a Crow Indian was killed inside a tipi (Hassrick 1964:307). Lawrence’s Hunkpapa says that they surrounded a Crow on their way home (Lawrence 1905, 1909). SFM A star with a long zigzag tail. RB 1821 Wicarpi wan hoton hiyaye. (Wicaħpi wan hoton hiyaye.) A star went by crying out. WS 1822 Wicarpi wan hoton hiyeya. (Wicarpi wan ho ton hiya yelo.) A star went by crying out. This was a meteor that made a whistling sound as it passed through the atmosphere. This phenomenon was recorded in the High Plains Heritage Center, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Flying Hawk, Elk Head, End of Cloud, Eaton, Iron Shell, Iron Crow, Iron Hawk, Short Man, No Ears, Kindle, Blue Thunder, Makula, No Two Horns, Good, Swan, Lone Dog, Flame, Mato Sapa, Bush, White Cow Killer, Steamboat, Good, High Dog, Lawrence’s Hunkpapa, White Bull, Swift Bear, Swift Dog, Cloud Shield, and Whiteman Stand in Sight winter counts (Beckwith 1930:358; Cohen 1942:21; Curtis 1908:172; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:26; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:307; Howard 1960:364; Lawrence 1905, 1909; Mallery 1893:278, 317; McCreight 1947:166; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:135). SFM Picture of a man with a wounded leg. RB 1822 “Waskula” húśpan. (“Waskúla” húśpan.) Peeler broke his leg. WS 1823 Waskula hu span. (Waksku la hu śpan yelo.) Peeler broke his leg. This is interesting because the man in the drawing appears to be a Lakota; other accounts say he was a white trader, nicknamed “Peeler” because he had a habit of whittling; most of the winter counts say that he froze his leg (Beckwith 1930:358; Curtis 1908:172; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:27; Grange 1963:76; Higginbotham 1981:14; Mallery 1893:317; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:29; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:135). The leg is described as broken because it was so badly frozen that it had to be amputated (Cohen 1939:17). The object next to this man is difficult to identify. Perhaps it represents the sticks the man habitually whittled.

SFM Picture of two wounded men with the Skidi Pawnee hairstyle next to a corn plant. RB 1823 Wasicun ob watakpe ai; wagmeza śica oti. (Wasicun ob watákpe ai; wagmeza śeca oti.) Together with the whites, they attached the Arikaras; much dried corn. WS 1824 Wakmis sica ota. (Wakmis śeca otayelo.) Much dry corn or much bad corn. This refers to Lakotas joining Col. Leavenworth in a punitive raid on an Arikara village. The Arikaras were a northern branch of the Skidi Pawnee. The Lakotas nicknamed them “corn-biters” because they grew and traded much surplus maize. After destroying the Arikara village, the Lakota warriors raided the corn fields and corn caches; hence the reference to much bad or much dried corn (Mallery 1886:111-12). These events are recorded in the Chandler-Pohrt, Hardin, High Hawk, Thin Elk, Holy Bull, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Flying Hawk, Kindle, Iron Crow, Iron Hawk, Lawrence’s Hunkpapa, Wounded Bear, Iron Shell, End of Cloud, Elk Head, Eaton, Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, High Dog, Swift Dog, Jaw, Good, American Horse, White Cow Killer, Lone Dog, Big Missouri, Makula, Swift Bear, Swift Dog, Steamboat, Red Horse Owner, No Ears, Short Man, Wind, and Whiteman Stands in Sight winter counts (Beckwith 1930:358; Cohen 1942:30; Curtis 1908:173; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:27; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:307; Howard 1960:365; Karol 1969:29; Lawrence 1905, 1909; Mallery 1893:278, 319; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:135), albeit some with spurious interpretations. SFM There is no picture for this entry. RB 1824“Maga wakśa” únyan ktepi. (“Maġa waksa” unyan glipi.) Goose Feather was lost coming back. The Eaton winter count gives “Goose was killed [but] returned” (Sundstrom and Halfred 1988). The End of Cloud winter count states that he returned in 1827, apparently having been given up for dead three years earlier. Lawrence’s Hunkpapa and Swift Bear winter counts also state that Goose returned after being declared dead (Lawrence 1905, 1909).

SFM There is no picture corresponding to this entry. RB 1825-26 Mni ta pi. ([Saŋóni] Mni tapi.) The Saones (northern Lakotas) were killed in a flash flood. An entire community of northern Lakotas drowned when an ice dam broke on the Missouri River and flooded their village at Horsehead Point. This disaster is listed in the Chandler-Pohrt, Red Horse Owner, High Hawk, Hardin, Thin Elk, Garnier, Kindle, Fills the Pipe, Holy Bull, Iron Hawk, Flying Hawk, End of Cloud, Elk Head, Eaton, Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, Swift Dog, Iron Crow, High Dog, Jaw, Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, American Horse, Wounded Bear; Lawrence’s Hunkpapa, Makula, Steamboat, Wind, White Cow Killer, Cloud Shield, High Hawk, Big Missouri, No Ears, Swift Dog, Short Man, Swift Bear, and Whiteman Stands in Sight winter counts (Beckwith 1930:358; Cohen 1942:30; Curtis 1908:173; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:28; Grange 1963:76; Howard 1960:366-7; Karol 1969:29; Lawrence 1905, 1909; Mallery 1893:278, 318; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:135). SFM There is no picture matching this entry from Walking on Sky. WS 1825 Waspi hi nomb wica ktepi. (Wośpi hi nonb wica ktepelo.) Cut Tooth killed two. SFM Drawing of a man striding forward with a large circular object, like a shield, tied to his back with a cord. Evidently this is meant to show a man dragging a load of meat home on an improvised sled. RB 1826 Caġ ayuślohan watokiupi. (Caħ ayuslohan watokśupi.) They used sleds for transportation across the ice. WS 1826 Miwatani 2 wica ktepi. (Car ayu slohan wa tokśu pelo.) They killed two Mandans. The used sleds for transportation across the ice. “They dragged meat across the ice,” is recorded in many of the Lakota winter counts. The Lakotas similarly recorded a winter of snow and ice when they went about on snowshoes (Beckwith 1930:359; Cohen 1939:17, 1942:30; Curtis 1908:173; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:29; Grange 1963:76; Higginbotham 1981:16; Howard 1960:367-8; Karol 1969:30; Mallery 1893:318; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:136). The Blue Thunder winter count and its variants record a severe winter and famine among the Santee Dakota (Howard 1960:367). SFM Picture of wounded man inside a tipi with a gun pointing through the tipi at him. RB 1827 Huśte’wan takośku katiye kiye. (Huśte’waŋ takóśku katiyekiye.) Lame shot his son-in-law. WS Ka Kin yeya tonkanku katiye keye. He shot him and would not let go? Murder or manslaughter within the tribe was always a traumatic event for the Lakotas. In a society where everyone was considered a relative, any murder disrupted the group. Murder within a family was even more an affront to basic Lakota morals. Although no details are given here, fathers were known in later times to have killed sons-in-law who

mistreated their young wives. The Big Missouri winter count specifies that a man killed his son-in-law after he became abusive to him and his daughter. The Oglala winter counts give the father-in-law’s name as Spotted Face and the son-in-law’s name as Walking Crow (Beckwith 1930:359; Cohen 1939:17; Curtis 1908:174; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:30; Grange 1963:77; Higginbotham 1981:17; Karol 1969:30; Mallery 1893:319; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Waggoner 1988:13). The Iron Shell winter count notes that the younger man was a member of the Broken Arrow band (Hassrick 1964:307). I am not sure of the translation of Walking on Sky, but it seems to refer to a detail given in several other winter counts: that old Spotted Face clung to the corpse of his son-in-law after he shot him. SFM Picture of three wounded men with yellow branchlike things on their heads. RB 1828 Miwata ni ota wicaktepi. (Miwátani ota wicaktepi.) They killed many Mandans. WS 1830 Miwatani 3 wicatktepi. (Miwa tani yamni wicaktepi.) They killed three Mandans. An attack on the Mandans is recorded in the Kindle, Iron Shell, No Ears, Holy Bull, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Steamboat, Whiteman Stands in Sight and Flying Hawk winter counts for 1828 (Beckwith 1930:359; Grange 1963:76; Hassrick 1964:307; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Walker 1982:136) and in the Elk Head and Makula winter counts for 1829 (Waggoner 1988:12). Most of the winter counts place this event ahead of Spotted Face killing his son-in-law. The Swift Bear winter count states that three Crows were killed (Cohen 1942:30).

SFM Drawing of a man carrying a red flag or banner RB 1829 Wahin hun śicangu wakicaġa. (Wahiŋyun śicangu wakicaġa.) A Sicanju named Arrowhead conducted a ceremony. WS 1831 Scili wan wowapi yuha ktepi. (Scili wan wowapi yuha ktepi.) A Pawnee banner bearer was killed. For 1829, the Holy Bull winter count states that they killed a Crow man (or men) in winter. Lone Dog records that many Crows were killed in battle this year (Mallery 1893:279). The most likely interpretation of the picture is the attack on the Pawnee banner bearer. The subject of the drawing seems to sport the shaved head and long scalplock of the Pawnee warriors, although this is not shown as clearly as in other pictographs. SFM Picture of a white buffalo with a gunshot wound in its side. RB 1830 Tatankaptesán ota wica opi. (Tatanka ptesán ota wicáopi.) They shot many white buffalo bulls. WS 1832 Pte san tatanka ota wila opi. (Pte san tatanka ota wica opelo.) They shot many white buffalo bulls. The Big Missouri winter count for 1829 says that a man named Pompadour secured a white buffalo hide this year and consecrated it to the memory of his deceased son (Cohen 1939:17; Higginbotham 1981:18). For 1828, the Terasaki winter count depicts a Spirit Keeping ceremony. The Swift Bear winter count also records the Spirit Keeping, noting that the sponsor of the ceremony was Swift Bear’s father (Cohen 1942:30). Iron Shell gives the man’s name as Painted Arrowhead (Hassrick 1964:307). A white buffalo hide was used in the Spirit Keeping ceremony if one could be procured. For the following year Iron Shell, Big Missouri and Swift Bear, as well as many of the Oglala winter counts, record the killing of many white buffalo (Beckwith 1930:359; Cohen 1939:18, 1940:30; Curtis 1908:174; Finster 1968:31; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:307; Mallery 1893:319; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Waggoner 1988:12; Walker 1982:137). The pictographic Terasaki winter count specifies that nine white bison were killed that year.

In Lakota tradition, white buffalo were killed when sighted. The hide was tanned by a specially chosen virgin girl and then left on a hilltop as a religious offering. Such animals were usually not true albinos, but were light brown or tan in color. SFM Picture of two tipis side by side. RB 1831 “Komela” [Gomula] ob wanitipi. “Komela” ob wanitipi. Komela (Kootenai) camped with them. WS 1833 Komela ob wanitipi. (Komela ob wanin tipipelo.) Kootenais camped with them. The Wind-Roan Bear winter count says that they camped together with the Assiniboins, and the Big Missouri winter count says only that they camped with an enemy tribe (Cohen 1939:18; Higginbotham 1981:18). Wind gives the enemy tribe’s name as Kobena. Iron Shell records that “they camped with the Gomelas,” but does not give any clues to this tribe’s identity (Hassrick 1964:307-8). The Makula winter count states that they camped with the Kootenai in the Rocky Mountains (Waggoner 1988:13). The Terasaki winter count shows two tipis, Lakota and enemy, pitched side by side. SFM Picture of a man with a bifurcated penis. RB 1832 Mato bloka Omaha wa kte. “Mato bloka” Omaha waŋ kte. Male Bear killed an Omaha. WS 1832 Ceklara tilo. (Kla ra tilo.) Curly Penis died. The Iron Shell winter count names this year “Tie-His-Penis-in-a-Knot died” (Hassrick 1964:308). This and Walking on Sky are the best interpretation of the picture.

SFM Drawing of a circle filled with stars. RB 1833 Wicaŕpi okicamna. (Wicaħpi okicamna.) The storm of stars.

WS 1834 Wicarpi okica mnanyhelo. (Wicarpi okica mnanyelo.) Storm of stars. This refers to the spectacular Leonid meteor shower of November 1833, which has been described as a blizzard of falling stars. This event caused great anxiety among the Lakota people, who viewed the heavens as an orderly world that mirrored their own. This event occurs in nearly all winter counts and thus serves as a starting point for determining the years covered by a particular winter count (Howard 1960:371; Mallery 1893:320). SFM Drawing of a yellow-beaked bird with a wound at the chest. RB 1834 (Sahiyelu) wanbli kuwa wan ktepi. (Waŋbli kuwa [Śiyela] wan ktepi.) The Cheyenne eagle hunter was killed. WS 1835 Wanbli kuwa wan ktepi. (Wanbli kuwa wan ktepelo.) Chasing Eagle was killed. The Iron Shell winter count says that an eagle hunter was killed (Hassrick 1964:308); this phrase and “Chasing Eagle was killed” are the same in Lakota. The pictgraph may be intended for an eagle, although it is not a convincing one. SFM Picture of two men with Pawnee hairstyle and Pawnee moccasins wounded in the chest and carrying banners. RB 1835-36 [Scili] wowapi yuha nunp wicaktepi. Wowapi yuha nunp [Scili] wicaktepi. Two Pawnee banner bearers were killed. WS 1836 Wowopi yuha 2 wicaktepi. They killed two flag bearers. The Hardin and Good winter counts depict two Pawnee war-party leaders impaled by arrows (Finster 1968:33; Mallery 1893:320). The High Hawk winter count names the year “two Scili leaders killed” (Curtis 1908:174). The Iron Shell winter count records the killing of two Pawnees who carried flags (Hassrick 1964:308). An incomplete and unidentified Hunkapa or Yanktonai winter count on file in the archives of Oglala Lakota College states for 1836 that a contingent of peace-makers was eliminated, but it does not give their tribal identity. The Chandler-Pohrt winter count states that the slain peace- makers were Yanktonais killed by a combined force of Mandans and Arikaras. This picture probably refers to the killing of the two Skidi Pawnee banner bearers, although their identify as Pawnees is not clearly shown. “Scili” and Skiri” are alternative pronunciations for the Lakota/Dakota term for the northern Pawnee. SFM A ladderlike feature with a blue center band and dark parallel lines extending from both sides of it. This represents a river with arrow-fire coming from each side. RB 1836 Caŕ akici inpi [on Platte River]. (Caħ akiciiŋpi [Platte River].) They fought each other across the ice. WS 1837 Car akicin nipi. (Car akici in pelo.) They fought across the ice. This refers to a battle in which Skidi Pawnees and southern Lakotas found each other across the frozen Platte River. This is recorded in the Brown Wolf, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Red Horse Owner, Thin Elk, Holy Bull, Flying Hawk, End of

Cloud, Elk Head, Iron Hawk, Iron Shell, Big Missouri, Good, American Horse, Cloud Shield, White Cow Killer, Iron Crow, High Hawk, Swift Bear, No Ears, Short Man, Steamboat, White Bull, Whiteman Stands in Sight, Terasaki, Makula, Wounded Bear; Vestal’s White Bull, and Vestal’s Hunkpapa winter counts (Cohen 1939:18, 1942:31; Curtis 1908:174; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:34; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:308, Howard 1960:373; Ironhawk 1936; Karol 1969:32; Mallery 1893:320; McCreight 1947:166; Powers 1963:30; Vestal 1934b:264; Waggoner 1988:13; Walker 1982:138). It was unusual to have a battle in winter, but during this period the Lakotas were fighting fiercely for control of the rich hunting grounds along the North Platte (Hyde 1937:43-55, 1961:32; Mallery 1893:320). SFM Drawing of a man with a wound and possibly something impaling his chest. He wears the long straight hair of the Lakota men. RB 1837 Wan naweġa wicaktepi. (Waŋ naweġa wicaktepi.) The Broken Arrow band was killed. WS 1838 Wan nan wega eya wicaktepi. (Wan nanwega nonb wicaktepelo.) Two Broken Arrows were killed. The Big Missouri winter count records that the entire Broken Arrow band was killed in a raid this year (Cohen 1939:18). The Hardin winter count depicts a Lakota man with his hands held apart and an arrow impaling him in the torso. This was interpreted as “Spread Out” was killed, the man’s posture indicating his name (Finster 1968:34). The death of Spread Out is also recorded in the Good winter count (Mallery 1893:320.) The High Hawk winter count records a fight among members of the Broken Arrow band (Curtis 1908:175). Iron Shell says only “Killed many Broken Arrows” (Hassrick 1964:308). Makula states that a member of the Keze (fishhook) band was killed in 1839 (Waggoner 1988:13). The Thin Elk winter count records that many Broken Arrow men were killed. It is not clear which of these events is recorded by the pictograph.

SFM Drawing of three rather amorphous heads and torsos. RB 1838 Śunknáśkinyan cincá ahiktepi. (Śungnáśkinyan cincá ahiktepi.) Mad Wolf’s son was killed in battle. WS 1839 Gata wicaktepi. (Gata wica ktepelo.) They killed the “Gatas”--perhaps the Plains Apaches. Vestal’s White Bull winter count records that the Lakotas killed three Assinboins this year (Vestal 1934b:265). Gattaka was a term for the group known as the Kiowa-Apache, Plains Apache, or Naishan Dene. SFM This picture shows a Lakota man holding the head of a horse or mule in his outstretched hand. RB 1840 Watákpe wica akikan. (Watakpe wica akiħan.) They attacked while starving. WS 1840 Sonsonla yutapi wica kiran on. (Śon Śonla yutapeolo.) Has a Mule Head died of smallpox. This event is not recorded in the other winter counts. SFM Picture of upper body of five wounded men. RB 1840 Hokśila zaptan ahiwicaktepi. (Hokśila zaptan ahiwicaktepi.) Five young men were killed together. WS 1841 Wakinyan cigala sinka ku 5 wicaktepi. (Wakinyan Cigala Sonka ku 5 wicaktepi.) Little Thunder’s five sons were murdered. The Kindle, No Ears, Whiteman Stands in Sight, Garnier, and Flying Hawk winter counts record the death of two brothers of Little Thunder is a battle against the Crows (Beckwith 1930:360; Grange 1963:77; Powers 1963:30; Walker 1982:139). The Hardin winter count shows a wounded man and five hash marks, showing agreement in number with the picture shown here (Finster 1968:36). The High Hawk winter count also gives five, but says they were members of Little Thunder’s band, not that they were brothers (Curtis 1908:175). Iron Shell, Good, and Swift Bear agree with the St. Francis winter count in stating that five brothers were killed (Cohen 1942:31; Mallery 1893:321). According to Iron Shell, they were killed and scalped while they slept (Hassrick 1964:308). Makula says that the five brothers were guided home; however, this translation seems incorrect (Waggoner 1988:13). The pictographic Terasaki winter count shows five men, including two leaders, killed by enemies.

SFM Drawing of a Lakota and a Pawnee surrounded by horse tracks. RB 1841 Kipázo wayaka wan akli. (Kipázo [Lakota] wayaka waŋ agli.) Pointer held a Spirit Keeping ceremony. WS 1842 Kipazo sonk ma non nan wayaka ko okciye. (Kipazo Śonk ma non wayaka ko akliye.) Pointer held a Spirit Keeping ceremony. Thin Elk, No Ears, Holy Bull and Whiteman Stands in Sight recorded that Feather Earring brought back spotted horses in 1840 and killed a Crow horse thief in 1842 (Powers 1963:30; Walker 1982:140). For 1840, Iron Crow states that the Lakotas brought back a hundred horses. Iron Hawk says that the Sans Arcs (Itazipco) brought back many horses (Ironhawk 1936). The Brown Wolf winter count shows a warrior counting coup on three horses. Iron Shell says that the Lakota stole many horses from the Shoshonis this year (Hassrick 1964:308). The Good winter count states that Pointer held a Spirit Keeping and that snow was deep that winter (Mallery 1893:321). The Thin Elk winter count records a ceremony conducted by One Feather. None of these year names matches the picture which clearly shows a battle between Lakota and Pawnee horse raiders. The Pawnee can be identified by his high-topped moccasins and the Lakota by his long straight hair. SFM Drawing of two human profiles. RB 1842 Hoksila nump iwakte wicaketpi. (Hokśila nump iwákte wicaglipi.) Two young men were killed on their way back home. WS 1843 Sena waya ka aklipi. (Śenan aklipelo.) They brought back “Sena” captives. According to the Whiteman Stands in Sight winter count, a group of warriors were playing an arrow game when they found a woman. She was a Lakota who had been returned to her people by her captors (Powers 1963:31-31). She had been captured in 1837 by the Skidi Pawnee who intended to sacrifice her during their Morning Star ceremony. The Flying Hawk and Garnier winter counts name this year “when they brought in captives” (Grange 1963:77; McCreight 1947:167). The Iron Shell winter counts says that the Lakotas brought home a Pawnee boy called “Shena” (Hassrick 1964:308). Sena or Shena appears to be a variation of the Lakota word for Cheyenne. This year name may also refer to the Cheyenne sacred arrows, which the Lakotas retrieved from the Pawnees in 1843 (cf. Walker 1982:140). The Kindle winter count says that they brought home captives (Beckwith 1930:360).

SFM Drawing of two arrows. RB 1843 Wawakan akli pi [of Wh. Ck.]. (Wawákan aglipi [of Wh. Ck.].) They returned a sacred arrow. WS 1844 Wan wakan kagapi. (Wan wakan kagapelo.) They returned a sacred arrow. The return of the Cheyenne’s sacred arrow, which the Lakotas ransomed from the Pawnee, is recorded in the Good, Red Horse Owner, Wounded Bear, Swift Bear, Iron Shell, Swift Bear and High Plains Heritage Center winter counts (Cohen 1939:18, 1942:29; Feraca 1971; Hassrick 1964:308; Karol 1969:33; Mallery 1893:322). The Cheyennes had taken their two sacred “man” or war arrows into battle against the Skidi Pawnees. These, together with two “buffalo” or hunting arrows, were the sacred palladium of the Tsistsistsas division of the Cheyenne nation. The Pawnees managed to capture the sacred war arrows to the great consternation of the Cheyennes. Later the Brule Lakotas were able to recover one of the two arrows from the Pawnees and return it to their Cheyenne allies (Powell 1969:32-61). SFM Drawing of a mule head. RB 1844 Śónśon atku kata. (Śuŋśuŋ atkuku ta.) Mule’s father died. WS 1845 Son son atka ku ta. (Śónśon atku ku telo.) Mule’s father died. The death of Mule’s father is also recorded in the Swift Bear winter count (Cohen 1942:29). SFM Picture of a person with long, Lakota-style hair and no arms. A careful look at the picture on canvas reveals a couple of pox marks. RB 1845-46 Nawiċa śli. (Nawicaśli.) Measles. WS 1846 Nan wicasliye. (Nan wica śliyelo.) Measles. Most of the Lakota winter counts record this epidemic; however they vary in specifics (Beckwith 1930:360; Cohen 1942:29; Curtis 1908:175; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:38; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Howard 1960:377; Mallery 1893:322; Powers 1963:31; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Vestal 1934a:348; Walker 1982:140; Young Bear 1987:781). The Cranbrook winter count notes that only the children were sick (Praus 1962:16); however, the picture here clearly shows an adult.

Although the “śli” suffix connotates oozing, and thus would be the logical term for ulcerative skin eruptions like smallpox and chickenpox, the term is used for both smallpox and measles. Wicaħanħan is also used for smallpox. SFM A picture of a naked person with hair in braids and wounded in the crotch. RB 1846 Wicaśke kaġapa. (Wicicaśke kaġapi.) They made ornaments of long strips. WS 1847 Winyan wan iciknipi; ra na kat’iyoyapi. (Winyan wan icikni ktelo.) A woman was killed in a domestic violence incident. The year name from Walking on Sky seems to match the drawing of a person with the woman’s hairstyle severely wounded in the crotch area. Angry husbands were known to punish unfaithful wives by shooting them in the vagina. The Iron Shell and Swift Bear winter counts provide the most plausible interpretation of the picture, stating that a man discovered his unfaithful wife in another man’s tipi, brought her home, and shot her in the vagina (Cohen 1942:29; Hassrick 1964:309). SFM Drawing of a crow (bird) with the tail of an eagle and impaled by a knife. RB 1847 Kangi wanbli capapi. (Kangi waŋbli capapi.) Eagle Crow was stabbed. WS 1848 Kangi wanbli capapi. (Kangi wanbli capapelo.) Eagle Crow was stabbed. The stabbing of Eagle Crow is recorded in the No Ears, Short Man, Spider, Kindle, Garnier, Thin Elk, and Iron Shell winter counts (Beckwith 1930:361; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Walker 1982:140; Young Bear 1987:781). The Terasaki winter count depicts a man with the name glyph Eagle Crow counting coup on a woman.

SFM A picture of horse tracks surrounding a wounded Crow Indian. RB 1848 Psaloka ___ [sunk?] ma nunpi tanka. (Psáloka sunkmanompi tanka.) Crows attempted a big horse raid. WS 1849 Psa sonk wan nonpi tanka. (Psa Śonk mannonpi tankayelo.) Crows had a big horse raid. The terms psa, psaloka, and kaŋgi are all used for the Crow or Absoroka Indians. According to the Lakota winter counts, a Crow winkte (a man who adopted women’s ways) was captured when Lakota warriors chased a party of horse raiders. They discovered her to be biologically male and killed her (Beckwith 1930:361; Cohen 1942:29; Curtis 1908:176; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:40; Grange 1963:77; Karol 1969:34; Mallery 1893:323; Walker 1982:141; Young Bear 1987:781). The Terasaki winter count shows arrow- and gunfire aimed at a man in a dress. Horse prints near him show that he is on a horse raid. Nothing in the St. Francis Mission winter count picture suggests mixed gender identity, so it is likely that the picture refers to the Crows’ big horse raid. A large horse raid by the Crows is recorded for 1848 in the Holy Bull and Iron Shell winter counts (Hassrick 1964:309). Lone Dog recalled that the Crows took 800 horses from the Sicanju herd (Mallery 1893:282). SFM A Crow Indian inside a circle with shots coming toward him. RB 1849 Psa wanjila ktepi. (Psa wanjila ktepi.) A lone Crow was killed. WS 1850 Psaloka maya onunjin wicayapi. (Manya onanji wicayapelo.) A Crow was killed while wandering under a bank. The Hardin winter count shows a picture of a butte with arrows coming toward it in all directions. This was interpreted as “brought the Crows to a stand” (Finster 1968:40), following the Good winter count (Mallery 1893:323). The pictographic Short Bull winter count shows a Crow warrior inside a circle, also interpreted as when they brought the Crows to a stand. High Hawk recorded an attack on some Crows at a bluff (Curtis 1908:176). The Iron Shell winter count records that the Crows cornered a Lakota war party in a bank (Hassrick 1964:309). The Makula winter count states that 30 Crows were killed (Waggoner 1988:13). SFM A drawing of a person with long, Lakota-style hair and a rash. RB 1850 Wicaŕanŕan ob. (Wicaħanħan ob.) Smallpox epidemic. WS 1851 Wicaranra kujapi. (Nanwica śliye.) They were sick with smallpox or measles. Epidemic smallpox was recorded in the Good, Red Horse Owner, Short Man, No Ears, Iron Crow, Iron Shell, Wounded Bear, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Kindle, Big Missouri, Spider, and Whiteman Stands in Sight winter counts (Beckwith 1930:361; Cohen 1939:18; Curtis 1908:176; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:41; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Karol 1969:34; Mallery 1893:323; Powers 1963:31; Walker 1982:141; Young Bear 1987:781). SFM Picture of a square enclosure with various colored objects inside. RB 1851-52 Wakpamni pi tanka. (Wakpamnipi tanka.) A big distribution.

WS 1852 Wakpa mnipi tanka. (Wakpa mnipi tankayelo.) A big distribution. This refers to the Fort Laramie treaty conference of 1851. This event is recorded in nearly all of the Lakota winter counts (Cohen 1939:18; Curtis 1908:176; Feraca 1971; Finster 1968:41; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Karol 1969:35; Mallery 1893:283, 323; McCreight 1947:167; Powers 1963:31; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988; Vestal 1934a:349, 1934b:266; Waggoner 1988:13; Walker 1982:141; Young Bear 1987:781). SFM Drawing of a semirectangular object with horizontal stripes. RB 1852 Waniyetu waśma. (Waniyetu waśma.) Deep snow winter. WS 1853 Waniyetu wa sme. (Waniyetu waśmelo.) Winter of deep snow. The picture is difficult to identify. Perhaps it is a poor representation of a snowshoe. Most of the northern and southern Lakota winter counts mention very deep snow for this year (Beckwith 1930:361; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Howard 1960:381; McCreight 1947:167; Vestal 1934b:266; Waggoner 1988:13; Young Bear 1987:781). Good, Hardin, Big Missouri, and Whiteman Stands in Sight say that many horses died from the cold (Cohen 1939:18; Finster 1968:42; Mallery 1893:323; Powers 1963:31). The Holy Bull and Lone Dog winter counts say that Joe Jordon brought Navajo blankets to trade this year. The Thin Elk, Iron Hawk, Terasaki, and Vestal’s White Bull winter counts give the same event for 1853-54 (Ironhawk 1936; Mallery 1893:283; Vestal 1934b:266); however, this event is given for 1858 in other winter counts.

SFM Drawing of a bear. RB 1853 “Ŕna” ta. (“Ħna” te.) Grunts-Like-a-Bear died. WS 1854 Mato ocinsica ta. (Manto o Cinśica telo.) Cross Bear died. For 1854, the Oglala winter counts record that Brave Bear or Conquering Bear was killed in battle (Beckwith 1930:361; Feraca 1971; Howard 1960:383; Karol 1969:35; Mallery 1893:283; McCreight 1947:167; Powers 1963:31; Walker 1982:142; Young Bear 1987:781). This was the famous Grattan fight, when a contingent of soldiers from Fort Laramie assassinated Chief Conquering Bear in front of his people because he refused to surrender a young warrior accused of stealing a cow from an emigrant wagon train. The warriors killed the entire command of 30 soldiers and officers. The northern Lakota Elk Head winter count also records this event. Other winter counts record the death of Cross Bear (i.e. Ill-Tempered Bear) for this year; he froze to death while hunting (Curtis 1908:176; Hardin 1968:42; Hassrick 1964:30; Mallery 1893:324). For the preceding year, several winter counts refer to a bear coming into camp (Beckwith 1930:361; Grange 1963:77; McCreight 1947:167; Powers 1963:31; Young Bear 1987:781; Walker 1982:141). This intruder was said to have “raped a virgin,” probably meaning that the bear touched the young woman on her legs or genitals, just as a young man might do if the girl were not properly chaperoned. Lastly, the Swift Dog winter count records that a Crow killed Bear Heart in 1854-55. SFM Cluster of 20 solidly-colored disks. RB 1854 Maziska ota. (Mazaska ota.) Much money. WS 1855 Mazaska ota yelo. (Manzaska otayelo.) Much money. A treaty payment of $20 is recorded in the Big Missouri winter count (Cohen 1939:18). The Iron Shell winter count names the year “much money” (Hassrick 1964:309). SFM Picture of a tree with colored banners at the end of each branch. RB 1855 Śina winye ota. (Śina winye ota.) Many shawls or pieces of cloth. WS 1856 Sinan wiyeya ota yelo. (Śinan klega otayelo.) Many pieces of calico.

According to the Good, Hardin, and High Hawk winter counts, the Oglalas made many offerings of cloth this year (Curtis 1908:177; Finster 1968:43; Mallery 1893:324). Iron Shell records that they made many offerings of red flannel cloth (Hassrick 1964:309). SFM Picture of an anvil-shaped object, perhaps intended for a side of meat. RB 1856 “Waksaksa” ta. (“Waksáksa” ta.) Cut-Up died. WS 1857 Waksa ksa telo. (Waksa ksa telo.) Cut Up died. SFM Drawing of a man holding a banner next to a bank or pole. RB 1857 Tatank ta te ai [Wh. Ck.] (Tatank tate ai.) Chasing Bull died, or they hunted only bulls. WS 1858 Omaha husli wakica gelo. (Omaha hu śli wakica gelo.) Omaha Shin performed a ceremony. The Hardin winter count shows a picture of a butte with a pole or banner next to it. Although this was interpreted as “Bad Four Bear traded for furs all winter” (Finster 1968:44), this seems inconsistent with the picture. According to High Hawk and Good, this trader set up operations at the base of the bluffs near Ft. Robinson (Curtis 1908:177). This year name does not seem to match the pictograph.

SFM Drawing of a striped blanket. RB 1858 Wakmaza yuha wa kicaŕagapi. (Wagmeza yuha wakicaħagapi.) A Corn Owner held a ceremony. WS 1859 Sinan kle ga atayelo. (Śinan klega otayelo.) Many blankets with designs on them. The Hardin winter count depicts a patterned blanket, probably referring to the importation of Navajo blankets by one of the white traders (Finster 1968:45). This probably is the meaning of the pictograph shown here. SFM Drawing of a crow (bird) wounded in the torso. RB 1859 Kanġin tanka ahiktepi. (“Kanġi tanka” ahiktepi.) Big Crow was killed in battle. WS 1860 Kangi tanka ahi ktepi. (Kangi tanka wica ktepelo.) Big Crow was killed in battle. The death of Big Crow is recorded in the Short Bull, Brown Wolf, Lawrence’s Hunkpapa, Steamboat, No Ears, Short Man, Kindle, Iron Shell, Lone Dog, Holy Bull, High Hawk, Hardin, Garnier, Red Horse Owner, Spider, Flying Hawk, Vestal’s Hunkpapa, Vestal’s White Bull, Thin Elk, Elk Head and End of Cloud winter counts (Beckwith 1930:362; Curtis 1908:178; Finster 1968:45; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:309; Karol 1969:36; Lawrence 1905, 1909; Mallery 1893:284; McCreight 1947:167; Vestal 1934a:349, 1934b:266; Waggoner 1988:13; Walker 1982:143; Young Bear 1987:781). The Terasaki winter count shows Big Crow’s body next to a series of horse prints, indicating that he was killed by horse raiders or while raiding horses himself. SFM Picture of a person with long hair, a bear paw name glyph and a wound at the neck. RB 1860 Hokśicala sotapi. (Hokśicala sotapi.) The babies were “used up” (sickness). WS 1861 Mato kak__ge ahi ktepi. (Manto kawinge ahi ktepelo.) Turning Bear was killed in battle. The Iron Shell winter count records the death in battle of a famous warrior called Turning Bear (Hassrick 1964:310). This would appear to be the correct interpretation of the pictograph shown here. SFM Picture of two tipis with wound signs on them RB 1861 Hanska tiyápa ktepi. (Śi hanska tiyápa ktepi.) Long Foot’s camp was killed. WS 1862 Sihan ska ska ti apa ktepi. (Si han ska sak ti apa ktepelo.) Long Foot’s camp was killed. The Iron Shell winter count states that Long Foot’s entire camp was killed this year (Hassrick 1964:310). The Vestal’s White Bull, Brown Wolf, and Elk Head winter counts record that a Lakota war party attacked several Crows in a red tipi (Vestal 1934b:266). The Short Bull winter count depicts a brownish red tipi with four arrows superimposed over it. It is not clear which of these events is depicted here.

SFM Picture of a tipi among trees. RB 1862 Hokśila wan tiwekna ahiwaśpapi. (Hokśila waŋ tiwegna ahiwa śpapi.) A boy was cut to pieces near the camp. WS 1862 Canku kle el wicatiyelo. (Can kle kle el wicotiyelo.) Camped at a place with scattered trees. According to the Iron Shell winter count, the Sicanju placed their winter camp in an area with few trees this year (Hassrick 1964:310). The Makula winter count for 1864 records that the winter camp was at Big Cherry Tree (Waggoner 1988:14).

SFM Two persons; one has some sort of staff. RB 1863 Owáci nablece. (Owáci nablece.) A dance was broken up. WS 1864 Owaci wan bleca. A dance was broken up. The Hardin winter count has a picture of a Lakota man with a small banner staff. This was interpreted as “Roaster performed a spirit keeping ceremony” (Finster 1968:48), based on comparison with the High Hawk and Good winter counts (Curtis 1908:178; Mallery 1893:325). For 1862, the Iron Crow winter count says that some Lakota warriors found a Pawnee scalp and tried to claim a war honor with it. The Iron Hawk winter count records that they revived the Dog Feast this year (Ironhawk 1936). The Iron Shell winter count states that a dance was broken up, explaining that a large group of Lakotas

suddenly dispersed (Hassrick 1964:310). The Wounded Bear winter count records that a Pawnee husband and wife were killed together (Feraca 1971). It is unclear which event is depicted here. SFM Person with long, Lakota-style hair with wound in the torso and shown inside a frame or log house. RB 1864 Taśunke hinśa waśicu ktepi. (Taśunke hiŋśa waśicuŋ ktepi.) Red-haired American Horse was killed. WS 1865 Irarpaya ko ileyapi. (Ira rpaya ko ileyapelo.) One who laughs was burned. An explanation for this picture comes from the Iron Shell winter count. This gives the year name as “Laughs as He Lies Down burned up.” An interpreter with this nickname was killed when Lakotas or Cheyennes set fire to a trading post on the south bank of the Platte River that was selling liquor to Indians (Hassrick 1964:310). The Terasaki winter count depicts a white man with a bird name glyph next to a burning house. SFM Picture of a white man in uniform and with an antler name-glyph above his head. RB 1865-66 [Whiteman] “Harca ota” olákot kage. (“Harca ota” [whiteman] olákot kage.) Many Deer [Maynadier] made an agreement with the people. WS 1866 Tarca ota olakol kagelo. (Tarca ota olakol kagelo.) Many Deer made an agreement with the Lakota people. This refers to treaty councils at Fort Sully and Fort Rice, Dakota Territory, in October 1865 held by the Edmunds Commission. The chief negotiator was Brevet Major General Henry Eveleth Maynadier. SFM Drawing of a tipi on top of a hill. RB 1866 Waśicu opawinġe wica ktepi. Paha aka wanitipi. (Waśicuŋ opawinġe wicaktepi. Paha akan wanitipi. They killed 100 white men; On the Hill or a mountain dweller camped with them. WS 1867 Wasicun opa winge wicaktepi. (Tiska ka sotapelo.) They killed a hundred white men. Tipi or tendon was made smoky? The Fetterman fight is recorded in the Brown Wolf, Short Bull, Kindle, Holy Bull, Iron Hawk, High Plains Heritage Center, Garnier, Fills the Pipe, Flying Hawk, End of Cloud, Steamboat, Spider, Elk Head, American Horse, High Hawk, Makula, No Ears, Short Man, Terasaki, Thin Elk, White Bull, Whiteman Stands in Sight, Vestal’s White Bull, and Vestal’s Hunkpapa winter counts (Beckwith 1930:363; Curtis 1908:179; Grange 1963:77; Howard 1960; Ironhawk 1936; Mallery 1886, 1893; McCreight 1947:168; Powers 1963:32; Vestal 1934a:350; Vestal 1934b:267; Waggoner 1988:14; Walker 1982:145; Young Bear 1987:781). The tipi drawing probably refers to a Shoshone taking refuge among the Lakotas that winter. The Shoshones were nicknamed mountain dwellers. Some of the winter counts say that this Shoshone was killed. This event is recorded in the Flying Hawk, Makula, and Garnier winter count (Grange 1963:77; Waggoner 1988:14; Young Bear 1987:781). The Iron Shell winter count states only that the Sicanjus camped on a hill (Hassrick 1964:310). The Red Horse Owner winter count

shows a tipi and the notation “They left the tipi and ran away” (Karol 1969:38). The Iron Crow winter count seems to record the same event as “They abandoned their packs at the Flint River” (Walker 1982:145). A Lakota and Cheyenne band left their belongings behind because U.S. troops were pursuing them. The pictograph shown here probably refers to the Shoshones camping among them. SFM Picture of a Lakota man with a warbonnet counting coup on a wounded Pawnee. RB 1867 Omaha ob kiciga ju. (Omaha ob kicigapi.) They attacked the Omaha. WS 1868 Reska el mas’ opiye yuha 2 wicaktepi. (Manto kawinge Omaha wankte.) They killed two people with metal boxes in the Big Horn Mountains. Turning Bear was killed by an Omaha. The Iron Shell winter count states that the Lakotas fought with the Omaha this year (Hassrick 1964:310). Red Horse Owner records the killing of a man with a multicolored warbonnet for 1868 and the killing of an Omaha for 1869 (Karol 1969:62). Iron Crow records the killing of the warrior with the colorful warbonnet; he was the Cheyenne chief Roman Nose, killed at the Beecher Island Fight (Walker 1982:146).

SFM Woman with braids and a fish glyph over her head. RB 1868 Hogan tawican ta. (Hogan tawican ta.) Fish’s wife died. WS 1869 15 ahi wicaktepi. Fifteen were killed in battle. For 1869, the Brown Wolf, Short Man, Kindle, No Ears, Short Man, Red Horse Owner, Holy Bull, Garnier, Spider, Whiteman Stands in Sight, Terasaki, and Flying Hawk winter counts record the death of an elderly Minneconjou woman, the mother of Flat Iron, when a tree fell on her tipi (Beckwith 1930:363; Curtis 1908:179; Finster 1968:50; Grange 1963:77; Karol 1969:38; Mallery 1893:326; McCreight 1947: 168; Walker 1982:146; Young Bear 1987:781). Like Ring Bull, Iron Hawk identified the woman as Fish’s wife (Hassrick 1964:310; Ironhawk 1936). The Swift Dog, Elk Head, and End of Cloud winter counts perhaps refer to the same accident, recording that a woman died of a broken leg and that ice coated everything that winter. However, the Fills the Pipe and Steamboat

winter counts give these as separate events: a woman’s leg was broken in 1866 and a tree fell on an elderly woman in 1868. SFM Three tipis. On the canvas version, the tipis are colored black. RB 1869-70 Unpa wi ta. (Anpa wi [wan] te.) The sun died. (Solar eclipse) WS 1870 Winyan rcala wan cakate. (Wi non rcala wan can katepelo.) An elderly woman was killed by a tree. An eclipse is also recorded in the Lone Dog and Iron Shell winter counts (Hassrick 1964:310; Mallery 1893:286) and possibly in the Chandler-Pohrt winter count. The pictographic Terasaki winter count records the eclipse as a black sun surrounded by stars. This seems the most likely meaning of the pictograph of the dark tipis. SFM Many horse tracks beside a lake or other body of water. RB 1870 Ota apela ahiktepi. (“Ota apela” ahiktepi.) Many Strikes was killed in battle. WS 1871 Canku wankatuya ahi ktepi. High Backbone was killed in battle. For 1870, the Blue Thunder winter counts and its variants record the loss of many horses in a flood of the Grand River. The same event may be recorded in the Eaton and End of Cloud winter counts, which say only the horses were “used up,” meaning all of them died (Sundstrom and Halfred 1988). The Fills the Pipe winter count notes that two horse thieves were killed in 1871. This is no doubt the meaning of the pictograph shown here. SFM Hill or cave with two red flags on it. RB 1871 Kipa zo pte hi ko. (Kipázo ptéhiko.) Pointer said buffalo would come quickly. (A buffalo calling ceremony.) WS 1872 Kipazo pte hiko. Pointer called the buffalo. Bison and other game animals were believed to retreat to a world under the earth if their spirits were offended by people’s behavior. The people would make prayers and offerings at caves or other openings to such places to entreat the animals to return to the earth. Pointer’s buffalo calling ceremony was recorded in the Iron Crow winter count for 1871 with the note, “[he] promised them but [they] did not come” (Walker 1982:146). Iron Shell also states that the buffalo calling ceremony failed (Hassrick 1964:310-11).

SFM Woman inside a dark circle, apparently intended for water RB 1872 “Ptehila” mnita. (“Ptehila” mnita.) Cow Tooth drowned. WS 1873 Pte hila mnita. (Pte hi ko pelo.) Cow Tooth drowned. Cow Tooth was an elderly woman who fell from a bank and drowned in the river. This event is recorded in the Iron Shell winter count, although it gives the woman’s name as Horn. Iron Shell noted that she was highly respected among her people (Hassrick 1964:311). SFM Five wounded persons with Pawnee hair. RB 1873-74 Sicli ota wicaktepi. (Sicli ota wicaktepi.) They killed many Pawnees. WS 1874 Scili ti opa wicaktepi. (Iklak hi wicaktepelo.) Moves Camp was killed arriving, or they killed those moving back to camp. They killed many Pawnees. The Short Man, Thin Elk, High Hawk and Iron Shell winter counts record the killing of many Pawnees this year (Curtis 1908:179; Hassrick 1964:311; Walker 1982:147). Iron Crow says the Lakotas killed 100 Pawnees (Walker 1982:147). SFM Dark skinned Indian surrounded by horse tracks. RB 1874-75 Sapa wicasa [Utes] śunkma [indecipherable] wakeya pagmu_pi kpamnipi. (Sapa wicaśa [Utes] śunkmanopi.) The Utes came and stole many horses. WS 1875 Saba wicasa sonk man nonpi. (Saba wicaśa śonk mannonpelo.) Utes stole two horses. Utes were referred to as “black people” in Lakota. The Hardin winter count has a picture of a person colored black holding a horse quirt and standing behind a series of horse tracks (Finster 1968:53). This refers to the Utes’ horse raid against the Lakotas, recorded in the Good, High Hawk, Wounded Bear, Red Horse Owner, Iron Crow, and Iron Shell winter counts (Curtis 1908:180; Feraca 1971; Hassrick 1964:311; Karol 1969:39; Mallery 1893:327; Walker 1982:147). The Terasaki winter count, like the St. Francis Mission winter count, shows a dark skinned Indian next to horse prints, clearly referring to the Ute horse raid. SFM A black bird with a red banner RB 1875 Mata kleska ahiktepi. (Matogleśka ahiktepi.) Wakeya pagnunpi kpamnipi. Spotted Bear was killed in battle. They had two give-aways in a tent. WS 1876 Kangi wakila ga. (Kangi wakicagelo.) Crow had a ceremony. (The picture indicates a person named Crow, rather than a Crow Indian.)

The Short Bull winter count depicts a man with a crow’s head firing a rifle at a Crow warrior. This was interpreted as “when Crow Head killed a Crow horse thief,” listed in the Ironhawk winter count for 1875. The event is not mentioned in any of the other winter counts. SFM Picture of two clasped hands. RB 1876-77 Pahinhanska ketpi. Olakot kaġapi. (Pehinhanska [Custer] ktepi. Olakot kaġapi.) Long Hair was killed. The Lakotas surrendered. WS 1877 Olakol kar cu waziyata. (Waziyata olakol kar aiyelo.) Lakotas made an agreement in the north. The picture refers to the Lakota bands coming into the agencies to surrender or to Sitting Bull treating with Canadian authorities for refuge for his band. The Sitting Bull treaty is recorded in the High Dog, Swift Dog, Vestal’s Hunkpapa, and Jaw (including variants) winter counts (Howard 1960:396; Vestal 1934a:350). For 1875, Iron Shell lists “Black Hills Treaty” (Hassrick 1964:311). Red Horse Owner says the [Lakota] people came back, but relates this to making peace with the Utes (Karol 1969:39, 62). It seems more likely that this refers to the Lakotas coming into the agencies, because no peace agreement with Utes is recorded elsewhere. The Terasaki winter count shows a white soldier holding a Lakota man with a single eagle feather in his hair. The Lakota points toward a bluff or mountain, perhaps indicating either Ft. Robinson (where the Crazy Horse’s Oglalas surrendered) or the Black Hills for which they had been fighting. The pictographic Brown Wolf winter count depicts an agreement between the Lakotas and Colonel Nelson Miles. Miles was charged with pursuing and forcing the surrender of the so-called hostile Lakota bands. The Short Bull and Thin Elk winter counts show a white man and a Lakota man shaking hands. SFM Man with long, Lakota-style hair and a name glyph of some kind of white bird and the sign for holy or sacred. RB 1877-78 . Taśunka witko ktepi. (Taśunka witko ktepi.) Na on opáwoju ekta ia. Crazy Horse was killed. For the first time they planted together. WS 1878 Omaha oyankata eyotaka. (Wakinyan Cigala telo.) Omaha stayed there. Little Thunder died. The Brown Wolf winter count depicts a person inside a rectangle. On this winter count, this represents a nonviolent death. A name glyph in the form of a small white bird indicates the deceased person’s identity. The Short Bull winter count shows a Lakota man with a wavy line drawn behind him and a hawk and coup-stick or quirt above his head. A series of wavy “medicine” lines representing holiness appears above and to the left of the pictograph. The pictograph on the St. Francis Mission winter count likely refers to the death of Little Thunder. Thunder was often visualized as a bird with power streaks emanating from it.

SFM Drawing of a four-wheeled wagon. RB 1878-79 Toka canpagmi yanpi yuke. (Toká canpagmiyanpi yuke.) They were issued wagons. WS 1879 Toka canba ___ yan icupi. (Toka canbagmi yan wayawa eyaye.) They were issued wagons. They took them to school. The Big Missouri and Iron Shell winter counts also record the issue of wagons this year (Cohen 1939:19; Hassrick 1964:311). The Terasaki winter count depicts a four-wheeled box wagon. The pictograph here probably records the wagon issue and not taking the children away to school. SFM Drawing of two persons, perhaps a boy and a girl, inside a rectangular building with a chimney. RB 1879 Toka waya wa ai. [Carlisle] (Toká waya wa ai. [Carlisle]) They went to the strangers’ school. WS 1880 Hoksila lo waya wa eyaya. (Toka hokśicala wayawa eyaye.) The children were taken away to school. As Buechel’s notation indicates, this refers to the first group of Lakota children being taken away and kept at Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. This event is recorded in the Good, High Hawk, Iron Shell, and High Plains Heritage Center winter counts for 1880 (Curtis 1908:180; Hassrick 1964:311; Mallery 1893:328). Red Horse Owner simply says this was the first time they lived in white-man houses (Karol 1969:40). SFM Lakota man with bear paw name glyph

RB 1880 Wahu keza huha ta. (Wahúkeza yuha ta.) Spear Carrier died. WS 1881 Mato kawinge kaskapi. (Manto kawinge kaśkapelo.) Turning Bear was run over. End of Cloud’s winter count records that Lone Bear Pipe was killed this year. High Hawk notes that Three Bear killed a white man and was put in jail (Curtis 1908:180). Iron Shell states that Turning Bear was jailed for killing a white man this year (Hassrick 1964:311). Steamboat says that Shoots the Bear Running was killed this year. The Brown Wolf winter count has a picture of a running bear, probably representing the death of Shoots Bear Running. The same event is listed in the Bettelyoun’s Lone Dog, Vestal’s White Bull, Roan Bear, and Roan Bear winter counts. It is not clear which event is recorded in the pictograph shown here. SFM Man with Spotted Tail name glyph. RB 1881 Kan ŕi śunka kaśkapi. (Kanġi śunka kaśkapi.) Crow Horse was captured. WS 1882 Sinte kle ska ktepi. (Sinte kleśka ktepelo.) Spotted Tail was killed. The killing of Spotted Tail is recorded in the Wounded Bear, Iron Crow, Short Man, No Ears, Iron Shell, Garnier, Swift Bear, Red Horse Owner, Spider, Terasaki, and Flying Hawk winter counts (Cohen 1939:19; Feraca 1971; Grange 1963:77; Hassrick 1964:311; Karol 1969:41; McCreight 1947:168; Walker 1982:149; Young Bear 1987:782). SFM Man with Lakota hair, four upright feathers on their head, and a red and white banner. RB 1882 Same as 1881 WS 1883 To ba kiya wakicaga. (Tobakiya wakicagelo.) Four sponsored a dance. The Elk Head winter count records the death of Chief Four Hair for 1884. An incomplete and unidentified Hunkapa or Yanktonai winter count on file in the archives of Oglala Lakota College records the death of a relative of Red Warbonnet or Red Banner. The pictograph probably refers to Four’s dance.

SFM Apparently a picture of a gabled frame building with a red roof. RB 1883 Same as 1881. WS 1884 Wipa sa owa ci kagapi. (Wipa śaya owaci kagapelo.) They made a dance hall with a red roof. The Iron Shell winter count records that the Red Top Tipi band made a dance hall (Hassrick 1964:311). The picture here suggests that this is a mistranslation for “they made a dance hall with a red top.” SFM Drawing of a buffalo bull. RB 1884 Tatanka ohitika te. (Tatanka ohitika te.) Brave Bull died. WS 1885 Tatank ohiti ka ta. (Tatanka ohitika telo.) Brave Bull died. Red Horse Owner records that this was the last year they went out to hunt bison (Karol 1969:41). The pictograph could refer either to the death of Brave Bull or the bison hunt, but the former seems more likely because of the many other correspondences between the unidentified winter count and those of Ring Bull and Walking on Sky. SFM Drawing of a man with Crow netted hairstyle and Crow-style necklaces, wounded at the scalp. RB 1885 Cante nonpa ta. (Cante nunpa ta.) Two Heart died. WS 1886 Siksela wica ya wa. (Siksela wicaya wayelo.) For 1885, the Terasaki winter count shows the heads of two Crow men next to a tipi. This probably records the killing of some Crows in their camp or the death of someone named Two Crows. The most literal interpretation of the pictograph would be “they killed a Crow warrior in battle”; however, such battles were over by 1885. SFM White man holding a pen. RB 1886 Tatank tanka ta. (Tatank tanka ta.) Big Bull died. For 1885, High Hawk stated, “A white man named Big Star came to make a treaty, but told lies and died” (Curtis 1908:181). The apparently refers to the Edmunds Commission’s attempts to wrest legal ownership of the Black Hills from the Lakotas. High Hawk noted that their earlier visit, in 1883, was called the Year of Lies (Curtis

1908:181). The pictograph here refers to the attempted treaty-making, as indicated by the pen in the man’s hand.

SFM Picture of two men on one horse. They are wounded and have a cloud over their heads. RB 1887 Taśunke wakita ta. Looking Horse died. WS 1887 Nonb karpa hoksila wakinyan ktepi. (Nonb karpa hokśila wakiya ktepi.) Two young men were killed by lightning. The pictograph shown here very likely refers to the death of the two young men in the lightning storm. They appear to wear the Pawnee hairstyle. Lightning strikes were viewed as the result of breaking a sacred obligation to the Thunder-beings. SFM Picture of a white man with a gun discharging behind his back. 1888: Bald died. WS 1888 Wazi hanska spe wica kiya. (Wazi hanska wicazo oyuspe wicakiye.) Long Pine divided [the land]. Big Missouri also records that the land was surveyed and divided this year (Cohen 1939:19). The Elk Head winter count notes that General George Crook was in charge of

the operation. The Red Horse Owner winter count for 1887 states that Flat Ground shot someone by accident (Karol 1969:62). Long Pine was Willard J. Cleveland, and Episcopal missionary, who assisted in the land allotment program. The Terasaki winter count shows a Lakota man taking the pen from Long Pine to sign the agreement. The previous year, the same two men are shown with the pen and treaty in the hands of the white man. The only year name that seems to match this picture is the accidental shooting reported in the Red Horse Owner winter count. SFM White man with three stars above his head. RB 1889 Mato ocin śica te. [Three Stars 89] (Mato ocin śica te. [also Wicaħpi yamni]) Bad Tempered Bear died. Also Three Stars. WS 1889 Wicarpi yamni. (Wicarpi yamni hiyelo.) Three Stars arrived. Three Stars was the Lakota nickname for General George Crook. In 1889, he traveled to the various agencies inducing the Lakotas to sign away nine million acres of their reservation lands (Hyde 1956:184-228). This event is recorded in the Steamboat, Red Horse Owner, Iron Hawk, Holy Bull, Elk Head, Short Man, Terasaki, Vestal’s White Bull, and Fills the Pipe winter counts (Ironhawk 1936; Karol 1969:62; Vestal 1934b:271; Walker 1982:151). SFM A spotted elk cow with a person behind it wearing a distinctive shirt with yellow shoulder patches. RB 1890 Unpan kleśka togapaktepi [Sitanka]. (Unpan gleśka tiyápaktepi [Sitanka].) Spotted Elk was killed in camp. (Big Foot) WS 1890 Onpan kle ska ktepi. (Onpan kleśka ktepelo.) Spotted Elk was killed. This refers to the Wounded Knee Massacre. Spotted Elk Cow was the formal name of Chief Big Foot. This tragedy is recorded in the Wounded Bear, Red Horse Owner, Kindle, Iron Hawk, Garnier, Flying Hawk, Iron Crow, Short Man, No Ears, Spider, Vestal’s White Bull, and Whiteman Stands in Sight winter counts (Beckwith 1930:365; Feraca 1971; Grange 1963:78; Ironhawk 1936; Karol 1969:62; McCreight 1947:169; Powers 1963:34; Walker 1982:151; Vestal 1934b:271; Young Bear 1987:782).

SFM Lakota man with three dollars. RB 1891 Wanbli ci kala ti. (Wanbli cikala te.) Little Eagle died. WS 1891 Maka mani akicita eya ya. (Manka mani akicita eyayelo.) They made them infantry soldiers. WS 1892 Mazaska 3 kpa mnipi. (Manzaska yamni kpa mnipi.) A distribution of three dollars. A per capita payment of $3.00 is recorded in the Blue Thunder, Blue Thunder variants, No Two Horns, and Terasaki winter counts. SFM Two men with long hair, and connected by lines; one has a red mark at the hairline as if scalped. RB 1892 “Asanpi sica” cuwita te. (“Asanpi sica” cuwita te.) Bad Milk froze to death. WS 1893 Kangi wicasa oyanke ta ai. (Psaloka oyanketa aiyelo.) Crow Man died there. The most plausible interpretation of this pictograph comes from the winter count of High Hawk. He recorded that Big Crow killed his brother in 1892 (Curtis 1908:182). This explains why the two are connected by lines, showing that they were relatives, and why one is shown with a wound. SFM Picture of large bird with red cheek spot, red body and legs and black-banded tail, resembling a Coopers hawk. RB 1893 “Śunk’aze” ta. (“Śunk’aze” ta.) Iron Dog or Horse Shoe died. WS 1894 Wanbli luta ta. (Wanbli luta telo.) Red Eagle died. RB 1894 “Taśinta napin” te. (“Taśinta napin” te.) Fatty Buffalo Tail died. The only year name that seems to match the picture is the death of Red Eagle. SFM Drawing of a large yellow bird. RB 1895 Wakin yan gi cuwita te. (Wakinyan ġi cuwita te.) Yellow Thunder froze to death. WS 1895 Wakinyan gi cuwita ta. (Wakinyan gi cuwita telo.) Yellow Thunder froze to death.

The End of Cloud winter count lists the death of Iron Thunder for 1894. High Hawk states that Thunder Hawk killed a woman in 1895, Yellow Thunder died from exposure in 1896, and Big Hawk froze to death in 1897 (Curtis 1908:182). The death of Yellow Thunder most closely matches the pictograph shown here.

SFM Crow [bird]. RB 1896 Tahu iyokihe te. (Tahu iyókihe te.) Second neck died. WS 1896 Kangi howaste ta. (Kangi howaśte telo.) Good Voice Crow died. In 1896, a lynch mob hanged three Indians accused of the murder of six white people near Fort Yates, North Dakota. The three were Paul Holy Track, Alex Cadotte, and Standing Bear (Philip Ireland). This probably is the event referred to in Ring Bull, but not in the unidentified St. Francis Mission and Walking on Sky winter counts. The lynching is listed in the High Dog and Swift Dog, and Lawrence’s Hunkpapa winter counts, as well. The murder is recorded in the Eaton winter count for 1897 (Lawrence 1905, 1909; Sundstrom and Halfred 1988). Both events are listed in an incomplete and unidentified Hunkapa or Yanktonai winter count on file in the archives of Oglala Lakota College. The pictograph shown here likely refers to the death of Good Voice Crow. SFM Lakota with warbonnet and an ornament or decorated shirt flap on his chest. RB 1897 Maku gila te. (Maku ġila te.) Yellow Breast died. WS 1897 Wiciyela wapa ha ahipi. (Wiciyela wapaha ahipelo.) Yankton warbonnet arrived.

The pictograph probably refers to the death of Yellow Breast or to some other Lakota man not mentioned in the other winter counts. SFM Picture of a yellow horse. WS 1898 Nankpa san mila yuha ta. (Nankpa san nila yuha telo.) Ears Red on One Side Owner died. While the name Ears Red on One Side Owner seems to refer to a horse-owner, this picture shows a yellow horse with nondescript ears. Its most logical interpretation would be Yellow Horse died. SFM Six disks representing dollars RB 1898 Mape olezapi te. (Nape olejapi te.) Bladder Hand died. WS 1899 Mazaska 6 kpa mnipi. (Manzaska śakpe kpa mnipelo.) A distribution of six dollars. A treaty payment of six dollars per capita. SFM White man with circles divided into quarters RB 1899 Śinte luta te. (Śinte luta te.) Red Tail died. WS 1900 Gugu canba qmi ya onote ta. (Waśicon wan canpagmi ya orlate telo.) A white man, “Gugu,” was run over by a wagon. The pictograph represents the death of Gugu when he was run over by a wagon. The quartered circles are intended for the wagon wheels with a line indicating the wagon bed between them.

SFM Man with long hair and four upright feathers on his head. RB 1900 Paġi kat iye ici ya. (Paġi katiyeciya.) Something about pushing one’s belly against something. WS He toba telo. Four Horns died. This picture probably refers to the death of Four Horns, as recorded in Walking on Sky’s winter count. SFM Drawing of white man holding an oar. RB 1901 Itaye ho ta. (Itoye ħo ta.) Brown Face died. WS 1902 Toka canku kagapi. (Lakota canku kagapelo.) The meaning of this pictograph is unclear. An Indian agent named Fielder stationed at the Cheyenne River agency was nicknamed Has a Boat; however, his death is recorded much earlier in the winter counts. This may refer to some event involving a son or other relative of his. SFM Drawing of a white man holding a pen. RB 1902 Wanbli mani te. (Wanbli mani te.) Walking Eagle died. WS 1903 Kul wicasa ahiyu kta wicazo oyuspapi. (Wicazo oyusapelo.) They caught Pointer? The drawing is perhaps a reference to the breakup of the reservations. Rosebud Reservation was broken up in 1902. Under this agreement, the Sicanju lost 416,000 acres of land (Higginbotham 1981:33). This event is recorded in the Big Missouri winter count (Cohen 1939:19). The was also the year that some reservation lands were made available for grazing leases, as recorded in the Elk Head winter count. The Terasaki winter counts shows a drawing of the U.S. Capitol. Two men beside it are shaking hands. SFM Picture of something with four uprights. RB 1903 He tipo te. (He topo te.) Four Horns died. WS 1901 He toba ta. Four Horns died.

WS 1904 Hoksicala toba ki. (Hokśicala tobapelo.) Four babies [quaduplets]. The birth of quadruplets is recorded in the Big Missouri and High Plains Heritage Center winter counts (Cohen 1939:20). The High Plains winter counts gives the mother’s name as Skunk Woman and says she had three boys and a girl. Big Missouri states that the babies lived only a short time (Cohen 1939:20). Iron Hawk says that three babies were born at the same time and died (Ironhawk 1936). The Brown Wolf winter count depicts a woman with three infants.

SFM Lakota man with long hair and single upright eagle feather whose body takes the shape of a yellow animal with a long tail or who perhaps holds a mountain lion skin to his chest. RB 1904 Forked Tree died. WS 1905 Ikmon wakiya wan soketa maka yu blu wica. (Ikmon wakiya wan makayu blu wicaśi). Judge Cat commanded them to plow a quarter section of land. This meaning of this picture is unclear. If the long-tailed yellow object the man grasps represents the skin of a mountain lion or wildcat, then it may be a reference to Judge Cat’s order that they make an attempt at farming. Unfortunately, no plow, plants, or other indications of farming are shown here.

SFM Drawing of a white man approaching on foot. RB 1905 “Mniyaye” te. (Mni iyaye te.) Water Bearer died. WS 1906 Ikman wakuwa ta. (Ikmon wakuwa telo.) Hunts Mountain Lions died, or a mountain lion hunter died. The death of a mountain lion hunter may be represented by the previous pictograph. Certainly, neither of the year names listed here fits a picture of a white man. SFM Picture of a crooked lance with something unidentifiable behind it. RB 1906 Waha sanka ska te. [2/11/07] (Wahacanka ska te. [2/11/07].) White Shield died. WS 1907 Tawa hu keza ta. (Tawa hukeza telo.) His [or Her] Bone Fishhook died. The meaning of this pictograph could not be discerned. SFM Picture of an eagle with human legs and curved horns. RB 1907 Maŕpi ya tatanka te. [10/26/07] (Maħpiya tatanka te. [10/26/07].) Bull Cloud died. WS 1908 Wanbli heton ta. (Wanbli he ton telo.) Horned Eagle died. The pictograph undoubtedly refers to the death of Horned Eagle. SFM Drawing of a Sun Dance pole with a red banner on it. RB 1908 Śina luta pekna ka te. [11/9/08] (Śina luta pegnaka te.) Red Banner died. WS 1909 Wiwanyanka waci. (Tioju wiwanyak wacipelo.) Sun Dance at Planting Village. Either name could conceivably fit the pictography; however, the Sun Dance interpretation seems more likely given the details of the picture. SFM Picture of a bear with an eagle feather warbonnet. RB 1909 Tacanśpi luta te. [11/1/09]. (Tacanħpi luta te.) His Red Warclub died. WS 1910 Mato wanbli ta. (Manto wanbli telo.) Eagle Bear died. Eagle Bear’s death is also recorded in the Big Missouri winter count (Cohen 1939:20). This is probably the correct interpretation of the pictograph shown here.

SFM Drawing of a Lakota man with a hand or bear paw name glyph. RB 1910 Taśunka taninyan najin iwan ga_k waci. (Taśunka taŋinyan najin iwanyang waci.) They held a Horse Dance. The Kindle and No Ears winter counts list the death of Afraid of Bear for 1911 (Beckwith 1930:366; Walker 1982:157). The correct interpretation of this pictograph is unclear; although the name sign resembles a bear paw in the canvas version, it is much more ambiguous in the drawing on paper. SFM Drawing of a bird and a four-legged animal with a rectangle over the animal’s back. RB 1911 Mato kawinġe maza canku na te. [9/4/11] (Mato kawinġe mazacanku nate. [9/4/11].) Turning Bear was killed by a train. WS 1911 Matokawinge maza canju nata. (Manto kawinge manza caku aliyelo.) Turning Bear was killed by a train. This pictograph perhaps refers to the death of a person named Eagle Calf or something similar. It does not jibe with the Ring Bull and Walking on Sky year names. SFM Drawing of two wounded people on horseback with upright hair and wounds on their chests and a coup stick over them. RB 1912 Mato heħloġeca te. [3/15/13] (Mato heħloġeca te. [3/15/13].) Hollow Horn Bear died.

RB 1913 Nonp kasakpa te. [11/21/13] (Nunb kaħpa te. [11/21/13].) Two Strikes died. WS 1913 Nonb karpa ta. (Nomb karpa telo). Two Strikes died. This pictograph probably is intended to record the death of Two Strikes (see Cohen 1939:20). SFM Drawing of a woman. RB 1914 Nawicaśli. [Spring 1915. (Nawicaśli. [Spring 1915].) Measles. WS 1914 Kangi saba winon rcala ta. (Kangi saba winon rcala telo.) Old woman Black Crow died. The pictograph probably refers to the death of Black Crow, although absent a name sign, it could refer to some other woman. For 1913, the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder variant winter counts refer to the death of the wife of Grey Bear and/or “Mrs. Parkins.” It is not known whether this is the same person. For the following year No Two Horns records that White Eagle’s wife was killed by train at Mandan, North Dakota. The year after that, the death of Good Crow’s wife is recorded in the Blue Thunder and No Two Horns winter counts (Howard 1960:411). SFM Drawing of a man with a yellow staff and an animal (dog or fox?) name glyph. RB 1915 Wapa snonpi te. [11/12/15] (Wapá snonpi te. [11/12/15].) Roaster died.

SFM The St. Francis Mission building with notation “1916.” RB 1916 Peta yuha ile. [1916] (“Peta yuha” ile. [1916].) Fire Carrier was burned. WS 1916 Saba on owa ya wa tipi ruknan gelo. (Owaonspe kiye tipi ileyelo.) The black boarding school was destroyed by fire. Although, no fire is depicted, this pictograph no doubt refers to the fire that destroyed the St. Francis Mission Church in 1916. The High Plains Heritage Center winter count refers to the same event for 1916. SFM Drawing of a Lakota man with black bird name glyph. RB 1917 Cagleśka wakinyan te. (Cangleśka wakinyan te.) Thunder Hoop died. WS 1917 Zinkta saba ta. (Zintkala sapa telo.) Black Bird died. This pictograph clearly records the death of Black Bird. SFM Man in Army uniform. RB 1918 Germany wica ka’gapi. (Germany wica ka’gapi.) si l___ka ob wicigapi. Germany surrendered. WS 1918 Si hanska okilize tanka. (Sihanska okicize tankayelo.) A big battle with the long feet. The pictograph and both winter count texts refer to World War I. SFM Girl in white woman’s dress with foot severed from her leg. RB 1919-20 Wicincala nunp cuwita tapi. (Wicincala nunp cuwita tapi.) [Lizzie Red Shirt and Annie Coarse Voice 12/12/19] Two girls froze to death. WS 1919 Wayawa wicicala wan hu waksapi. (Wayawa wicicala hu waksupelo.) A school girl had her leg amputated. According to the Big Missouri winter count, two girls ran away from St. Francis Mission school on a winter day. One froze to death and the other froze her feet so badly that they had to be amputated (Cohen 1939:20). The Holy Bull winter count records that two boys, grandsons of Fair Weather, froze to death when they ran away from school.

End of Ring Bull winter count.

RB 1921 Picture of a man in uniform with rifle and a horned bird name glyph; notation “1920.” WS 1920 Wanbli heton ahipi. (Wanbli heton ktepi ahipelo.) Horned Eagle returned. The US Army uniform suggests that Horned Eagle returned from military service at this time. SFM Many dots to represent coins; notation “$783.00” WS 1921 Mazaska 180.30 kpamnipi. ($183.00 kpa mnipelo.) Distribution of $180.30. The pictograph is likely intended to represent the distribution of a large amount of money. SFM Man in fine buckskin shirt with fringes; he wears a single eagle feather; his name glyph is a bird, perhaps a hawk.

WS 1922 Cetan wanktuya ta. (Cetan wankatuya telo.) High Hawk died. The Walking on Sky winter count text is a reasonable fit for this picture; however, it may refer to the death of some other Lakota leader with a bird name. SFM Drawing of a white man approaching on foot; notation “1925.” WS 1923 Case wakuja wicusa hi. (Wakinya wicasa wan hiyelo.) Case This pictograph seems to refer to the Lakota leaders selecting an attorney to represent them in their claim to the Black Hills. In 1922, the Lakota initiated a lawsuit against the U.S. government over the taking of the Black Hills in 1876. They chose Ralph H. Case as their attorney. The case reached the U.S. Supreme Court in 1980, with the Court ruling in favor of the Lakotas, but their ruling provided only for a monetary settlement, rather than return of land. The Lakota tribes have steadfastly refused to take the money, which is held in escrow for them, and consider the case still open. The End of Cloud winter count says “They agreed not to give up the Black Hills” for 1922. Vestal’s White Bull winter count records for 1920 that a “bad Black Hills meeting” was held at Crow Creek, for 1921 that the tribes selected an attorney for their suit, and for 1923 that the Black Hills matter went before a judge to show proof of damages (Vestal 1934b:272-3). SFM 1926 Front half of an elk. WS 1924 Heraka isnala ta. (Heraka iśnala telo.) Lone Elk died. Again, Walking on Sky and the unidifentifed winter count appear to be in agreement.

SFM 1927 Drawing of a large black bird. WS 1925 Kangi tanka ta. (Kangi tanka telo.) Big Crow died. This pictograph again agrees with the Walking on Sky winter count in recording the death of Big Crow. SFM 1928 Lakota man with red mark on his chest. WS 1926 Ta opi ciqala ta. (Ta opi cigala telo.) Wound’s son died. This pictograph is open to more alternative interpretations than the last two; however, the death of Wound’s son is a reasonable possibility. SFM White man holding out a box or book; notation “22.” WS 1927 Cetan ciqala ta. (Cetan cigala telo). Sunka bloka ta. Hawk’s son died. He Dog died. The meaning of this pictograph is not clear. It may refer again to the Lakotas’ legal claim to the Black Hills, but it could also refer to the arrival or death of a missionary. 1928 Slihe te. Tapered Hill died. End of Walking on Sky winter count. Conclusions Similarities between the pictographic winter count from the museum at Buechel Memorial Lakota Museum and the written winter counts of Walking on Sky, Ring Bull, and Iron Shell strongly suggests that all four winter counts refer to Minneconjou (Rosebud) Lakota history. Because the Buechel Museum winter count does not precisely match any other known winter count, its identity remains could not be determined. Nevertheless, it provides yet another Lakota source on historical events from 1808 to 1928: twelve decades that witnessed vast changes in Lakota life. From the conquest of the North Platte, Black Hills, and Powder River country to the loss of millions of acres of treaty lands, this was a period of upheaval in the Lakota world. The St. Francis Mission winter count attests to these changes, but at the same time shows that traditional values, such as bravery and service, continued to be cherished by the Lakota people. The winter count appears to have been a work in progress—for example, the canvas copy has a final pictograph that does not appear in the paper copy. The winter count thus was not a relic or antique when Father Buechel acquired it, but a dynamic, active part of the life of its unknown creator.

References Cited

Books and Articles Bad Heart Bull, Amos, and Helen Blish, 1967, A Pictographic History of the Oglala

Sioux, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Beckwith, Martha Warren, 1930, Mythology of the Oglala Dakota. Journal of American Folklore 43:339-442.

Cohen, Lucy Cramer, 1939, Big Missouri's winter count--a Sioux calendar 1796- 1926. Indians at Work 6(6):16-20.

1942, Swift Bear's winter count. Indians at Work 9(5):18-21, 9(6):30-31, 9(7):29- 30.

Curtis, Edward S., 1908, The North American Indian, Vol. 3, pp. 121-123. Cambridge: Cambridge University.

DeMallie, Raymond J., 1984, The Sixth Grandfather, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Feraca, Stephen, 1974, The Discovery of a Sioux Indian Calendar. New Europe 3, 10:4- 10.

Finster, David, 1968, The Hardin Winter Count. Museum News 29(3-4). W. H. Over Museum, University of South Dakota, Vermillion, S.D.

Grange, Roger T., 1963, The Garnier Oglala winter count. Plains Anthropologist 8(20):74-79.

Hassrick, Royal B., 1964, The Sioux: Life and Customs of a Warrior Society. Norman: University of Oklahoma.

Higginbotham, N.A., 1981, The Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count. Plains Anthropologist 26:1-42.

Howard, James H., 1960, Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History. Smithsonian Institution Anthropological Papers, 61, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletins, 173:335-416.

1979, The British Museum winter count. British Museum Occasional Papers 4.

Karol, Joseph S. (ed.), 1969, Red Horse Owner's Winter Count, The Oglala Sioux 1786- 1968. Martin, S.D.: Booster Publishing.

Keyser, James D., 1996, Painted Bison Robes: The Missing Link in the Biographic Art Lexicon, Plains Anthropologist 41:29-52.

Keyser, James D., and Michael A. Klassen, 2001, Plains Indian Rock Art, University of Washington Press, Seattle.

LaPointe, James, 1976, Legends of the Lakota, The Indian Historian Press, San Francisco.

Lawrence, Peter M., 1905, "Hunkpapaya Lakota Hca Waniyetu Yawapi," Iapi Oaye (Word Carrier) 34(7), Santee, Nebraska.

1909, Hunkpapa Oyate Waniyetu Yawapi Kin,” Iapi Oaye (Word Carrier), Dec. 1909, p. 38.

Mallery, Garrick, 1877, A Calendar of the Dakota Nation. U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey Bulletin 3(1).

1886, Pictographs of the North American Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Reports, 4:13-256.

1893, Picture Writing of the American Indian. Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Reports, 10: 3-807.

McCoy Ronald T., 1983, Winter Count: The Teton Chronicles to 1799. Ph.D. Dissertation, Northern Arizona University.

McCreight, Major Israel, 1947, Firewater and Forked Tongues: A Sioux Chief Interprets U.S. History. Pasadena, Calif.: Trail's End.

Powell, Peter J., 1969, Sweet Medicine, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Powers, William, 1963, A Winter Count of the Oglala. American Indian Tradition No. 52:27-37.

Praus, Alexis, 1962, The Sioux, 1798-1922, A Dakota Winter Count. Cranbrook Institute of Science Bulletins 44.

Sundstrom, Jessie Y., and Rebecca Halfred, 1988, Translation of the Iron Hawk Winter Count. Unpublished manuscript.

1990, Translation of the Eaton Winter Count. Unpublished manuscript.

Sundstrom, Linea, 1990, Rock Art of the Southern Black Hills:A Contextual Approach. New York: Garland Publishing.

2004, Storied Stone: Rock Art of the Black Hills Country, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Vestal, Stanley, 1934a, Warpath, The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin.

1934b, New Sources of Indian History 1850-1891. Norman: University of Oklahoma.

Waggoner, Josephine F., 1988, An Oglala Sioux Winter Count by Makula, Museum of the Fur Trade Quarterly 24(4):11-14.

Walker, James R., 1982, Lakota Society, edited by Raymond J. DeMallie, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Wildhage, Wilhelm, 1993, Die Winterzählungen der Oglala, Verlag für Amerikanistik, Wyk auf Foehr, Germany.

Wind (Tate), 1900, Waniyetu Yawapi Wan. Iapi Oaye [Word Carrier] 24(2): Santee, Nebraska.

Young Bear, Myrna, “History of the Oglala Sioux; Spider’s Winter Count,” 1987, Papers of the 18th Dakota History Conference (1986), compiled by Herbert W. Blakely, pp. 780-785, Dakota State College, Madison.

Manuscripts: Brown Wolf Winter Count: facsimile of pictographs in marker pen on muslin in collec- tions of the South Dakota State Historical Society, Robinson State Museum, Pierre, SD (Cat. 70.247). Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count: photograph of winter count appears in Penney, David W., 1992, Art of the American Indian Frontier: The Chandler-Pohrt Collection, University of Washington Press, Seattle (with portfolio of same title issued by the Detroit Institute of Arts). Eaton Winter Count: Eaton Collection, South Dakota Historic Resource Center, Pierre, SD (Cat. H75.21/2). Elk Head Winter Count: Sioux Indian Museum and Craft Center, Rapid City, South Dakota. End of Cloud Winter Count: E.A. Milligan Collection, University of North Dakota, Grand Forks Fills the Pipe Winter Count: Archives of St. Francis Mission, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. High Plains Heritage Center Winter Count: High Plains Heritage Center, Spearfish, South Dakota.

Holy Bull Winter Count: Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe records office, Eagle Butte, South Dakota. Ring Bull Winter Count: Archives of St. Francis Mission, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Short Bull Winter Count: Sioux Indian Museum and Craft Center, Rapid City, South Dakota. Terasaki Winter Count: Advertisement for George Terasaki, dealer in North American Indian Art, New York, New York, from American Indian Art Magazine, Winter 1987. Thin Elk Winter Count: Archives of St. Francis Mission, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Walking On Sky (White Thunder) Winter Count: Archives of St. Francis Mission, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 1 Buechel variously identifies the author of this winter count as Ring Bull and Bull Ring. Unfortunately, he did not record the Lakota version of this name. A Ring Bull family appears in census records for Rosebud Reservation during the period in which Buechedl collected the winter count; hence, I refer to the winter count and its author as Ring Bull.

Week 6 - Plains/Kehoe 2011 - Women Appear in the Plains.pdf

Women Appear in the Plains

Alice Beck Kehoe, 3014 N. Shepard Ave, Milwaukee,

WI 53211-3436, USA E-mail: [email protected]

ABSTRACT ________________________________________________________________

Androcentrism marked archaeology on the American Plains, women

excluded from major projects and archaeology focused on lithics

supposedly made by men, with sherds used to establish chronologies and

regions. In the 1970s, women scholars initiated feminist studies and became

more numerous in the profession. On the Canadian Plains, two 1980 books

shifted attention to the formation of Métis, which can be seen as

contributing to feminist diversity theory. Postcolonialism, incorporating

collaboration with First Nations, became important after 2000 and adds to

diversity theory as well as pointing the real-world political-economic

consequences of traditional archaeological pictures of Plains ‘‘prehistory.’’ ________________________________________________________________

Résumé : L’androcentrisme a marqué l’archéologie dans les plaines

américaines, les femmes étant exclues des projets importants et

l’archéologie étant centrée sur les objets lithiques soi-disant fabriqués par

les hommes avec des tessons utilisés pour déterminer les chronologies et

les régions. Dans les années 1970, des femmes universitaires ont entrepris

des études féministes et sont devenues plus nombreuses dans la profession.

Dans les plaines canadiennes, deux livres en 1980 ont attiré l’attention sur

la formation des Métis, et peuvent être considérés comme ayant contribué

à la théorie féministe de la diversité. Le post-colonialisme, en intégrant la

collaboration avec les Premières nations, a pris toute son importance après

2000 et renforce la théorie de la diversité tout en soulignant les

conséquences politico-économiques du monde réel des images

archéologiques traditionnelles de la « préhistoire » des plaines. ________________________________________________________________

Resumen: El androcentrismo marcó la arqueologı́a en las Llanuras

Americanas: las mujeres fueron excluidas de los proyectos importantes y la

arqueologı́a se centró en la industria lı́tica elaborada supuestamente por los

hombres, cuyos fragmentos se utilizaron para establecer cronologı́as y

regiones. En la década de los 70, las mujeres académicas cursaron estudios

feministas y se hicieron cada vez más numerosas en la profesión. En las

Llanuras Canadienses, dos libros de 1980 centraron la atención a la

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Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress (� 2011) DOI 10.1007/s11759-011-9158-8

formación de Métis, que puede considerarse como una aportación a la

teorı́a de la diversidad feminista. El postcolonialismo, que incorpora la

colaboración con las Primeras Naciones, cobró importancia después del

2000 y contribuye a la teorı́a de la diversidad, además de apuntar las

consecuencias polı́tico-económicas del mundo real que ofrecen las

imágenes arqueológicas tradicionales de la «prehistoria» en las Llanuras. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

KEYWORDS

Androcentrism, Postcolonialism _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Introduction

The North American Plains is a huge region of temperate grasslands sup- porting immense herds of bison until mass commercial slaughter during the 1870s caused virtual extinction (Taylor 2007). First Nations—the indig- enous peoples commonly called American Indians—depended on bison for their staple food, supplemented by maize, squash, and sunflowers grown in river valleys, prairie turnips and other more widely available native root vegetables, and berries. Bison were driven into corrals under bluffs or in ravines where they could be killed and butchered. Communities, usually termed bands, moved seasonally over customary territories to harvest graz- ing herds and ripened plant foods, scheduling rendezvous with other bands for trading and political negotiations into their annual rounds. Along the Missouri River and in the east-central sector of the Plains, agricultural towns of substantial houses covered with sod blocks (earthlodges) raised enough maize to trade with more nomadic communities in the drier wes- tern sector, the towns especially along the Missouri River serving as trade centers. Even these towns sent out large parties to hunt bison. In the agri- cultural communities, women tended the crops once the fields were pre- pared in spring, and women processed the yields. At bison corrals, men usually killed the beasts, teams of men and women butchered, then women cooked or dried the meat and tanned hides. Ethnographically and accord- ing to traditions, men and women had complementary tasks, the men associated with procuring raw materials and women with processing them for use. It is important to note that all adults could perform necessary sur- vival tasks if alone.

As an indigenous (First Nations) culture area, the Plains were character- ized as the habitat of nomadic bison hunters. Under this rubric lay the dis- tinction between societies in zones of agricultural productivity and those in

Women Appear in the Plains 155

the drier areas who could cultivate only native roots and did not build per- manent houses or towns. There are also considerable differences in the ecol- ogies of the Northern Plains and the parklands transitional between them and the boreal forest, and those of the more arid Southern Plains bordered to the south by semi-tropical xeric lands; furthermore, communities along the Rockies to the west utilized elk, camas bulbs, and other mountain foods factored into their seasonal round. It is difficult to estimate population sizes before European intrusions beginning 1540 in the south and 1690 in the north, because a series of epidemics of introduced diseases, principally smallpox, decimated First Nations at least from 1780 to 1837.

Documentation of Plains First Nations relies on two types of sources, the journals of European explorers and traders, and ethnographic inter- views conducted in the late nineteenth and first half of the twentieth cen- turies with Indian people consigned to reservations (in Canada, reserves) after subjugation by Anglo (United States and Canadian) military when extinction of the bison herds brought them near starvation. For purposes of this paper, both types of sources usually give far more information on men’s activities than on women’s, in part because the writers were nearly all men, expected to socialize with other men and respect boundaries of propriety in regard to women. A third source of information, First Nations’ own oral literatures and histories, is beginning to be used with the rise of indigenous archaeologies at the turn of the twenty-first century. It was this marked imbalance of ethnographic information on women compared to men that provoked several mid-twentieth-century women anthropologists (myself included [Kehoe 1983]) to convene a session they titled ‘‘The Hidden Half’’ at the 1977 Plains Anthropology Conference.

Women Appear on the Plains

The 1983 publication of The Hidden Half broke through the highly macho atmosphere of North American Plains anthropology. Edited by Patricia Albers and Beatrice Medicine (who as a Lakota woman Ph. D. anthropolo- gist broke two major barriers herself), the volume challenged a field that idolized the guy whose ‘‘jeans had been through the mud and the barbed- wire fences of countless field seasons, … hat had faded in the prairie sun, … eyes had the kind of crow’s feet known locally as the High Plains squint … an archeologist by his boots [and the] bourbon and water in … his hand’’ (Flannery 1982:267). It had systematically excluded women by hir- ing only men on Smithsonian River Basin Surveys crews, the principal employer and means of obtaining experience in Plains archaeology during the 1950s. This male world was cracked open by the 1964 U. S. Civil Rights Act. Women could no longer be excluded from Plains archaeology.

156 ALICE BECK KEHOE

Before 1964, the only woman archaeologist recognized by her peers in Plains archaeology was H. Marie Wormington. Wormington did not pur- sue evidence of women’s presence or roles; she compiled a handbook of Paleoindian ‘‘projectile points’’ published as Ancient Man in North America (1939, revised editions later). Her era, the mid-twentieth century, was dominated by establishing chronologies through recognizing types of arti- facts occurring in stratigraphic succession. Neither use-wear determinants of function, nor trying to recapture ‘‘agency,’’ ‘‘identity,’’ or ‘‘landscape’’ occupied archaeologists. Gender was a given: men made tools and weapon points, primarily of stone, and pottery was made—if likely by women, few mentioned that. Historical archaeology was auxiliary to restoring land- marks.

The catalyst for change in historical archaeology, in my recollection, was the 1980 publication of two dissertations in Canadian ethnohistory, Jenni- fer Brown’s and Sylvia Van Kirk’s. Brown’s degree was in anthropology, she maintains collegial relationships in the discipline, and her work is broadly anthropological; Van Kirk is primarily a historian. Brown’s and Van Kirk’s recognition of Métis nations brought attention to nineteenth- century artifacts and sites, that is, stimulated a historical archaeology. Because Métis were created largely by connubial relationships between men employed in the fur trade and their ‘‘country wives,’’ fur trade post archae- ology encompassed women. ‘‘Ethnicity’’ as much as ‘‘gender’’ was a ques- tion (see my two 1976a, b papers), with men living in the posts assumed to be European or European-descended and women assumed to be indige- nous. Reality, of course, wasn’t so simple; for example, at François’ House, 1768–1773, in Saskatchewan, François’ young second wife was not Indian, but a Christian, probably Métis (personal communication, Daniel Le Blanc), and his partner James Finlay, Sr.’s son by his Saulteau ‘‘country wife,’’ Jaco Finlay, became a trader himself, working in the vanguard of the trade during the nineteenth century.

Patricia McCormack recognized early the significance of women in Wes- tern Canadian ethnohistory, editing a special issue of the Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 1976, with papers on ethnicity and gender. McCormack subsequently focused on Fort Chipewyan ethnohistory and on Alberta Indian ranching, topics that obscure her continuing concern with gender questions and issues—a moment’s reflection will indicate that both her research foci necessarily include gender. While McCormack does not conduct archaeology, she curated indigenous Alberta material culture for the Provincial Museum of Alberta, creating a valuable comparative collec- tion for archaeologists. On the Plains, the preponderance of perishables in indigenous material culture and the relative simplicity of settler goods heighten the importance of museum collections to guide archaeological identifications and interpretation.

Women Appear in the Plains 157

During the mid-1970s, the Zeitgeist among women anthropologists working on the Plains was heightened awareness of the importance of rec- ognizing and researching women’s activities, likely products, and roles. The Zeitgeist incarnated in the 1977 Plains Conference session that became The Hidden Half, in McCormack’s 1976 edited journal volume, and in the dis- sertations of Brown and Van Kirk. Ten years after the Albers-Medicine symposium, Marcel Kornfeld organized another Plains Conference session on gender questions, specifically in Plains archaeology (Kornfeld 1991). Commenting, in the Kornfeld volume, on the two papers dealing with bison hunters’ camps, Julie Francis warned researchers to be aware of diversity of women’s activities and roles reported in historical and ethno- graphic studies (Francis 1991:78–80). As research questions became better defined, the ethnicity angle flowered into recognition of Métis studies as a ethnohistorical subfield (Peterson and Brown 1985, from a 1981 conference at the Newberry Library), and the gender angle continued as an aspect of history (a concise overview is Carter 1999). Concomitantly, contract archaeology and cultural resource management (CRM) expanded on both sides of the forty-ninth parallel. By the 1990s, the majority of archaeolo- gists, employed in contract projects, had to be oriented toward manage- ment requirements rather than interpretation issues. Papers highlighting gender were heard at conferences, notably the landmark 1989 Chacmool meeting (Walde and Willows 1991), but bread-and-butter surveys and test- ing took the bulk of archaeologists’ time. As a reviewer of this paper com- mented, consulting archaeology businesses are concerned to hire competent personnel, regardless of their gender; the burgeoning field’s needs in the late twentieth century enormously widened opportunities for women archaeologists.

WAC ushered in a new forum for politically-aware archaeologists. At its 2003 meeting, in Washington D.C., Lisa (Liam) Frink and Kathryn Weed- man organized a session focusing on hide processing, primarily a task given to women. Five of the papers discussed Plains data. Kevin Gilmore (2005) described well-preserved hide-working and sewing tools, buckskin scraps, and a complete moccasin from a rockshelter on the western edge of the High Plains south of Denver, Colorado; aside from evidence of what traditionally have been women’s tasks among Plains people, the moccasin indicates style influence from both the Puebloan area to the south and the Eastern Woodlands. Laura Scheiber (2005), also reporting on fieldwork on the western High Plains in Colorado, emphasized the number of activities at a small bison kill that were traditionally performed by Plains women, and how she teased evidence out of her data. Sandra Hollimon (2005) wrestled with the question of protohistoric Arikara women’s social posi- tions and values, considering that the standard Anglo interpretation of arduous hide processing as demeaning to women, as drudge labor, may

158 ALICE BECK KEHOE

not have been Arikara women’s evaluation. Hollimon offers an interpreta- tion taking account of ethnographic data allowing more autonomy and dignity to Arikara women than stereotypes assume; she also mentions, without elaborating, the existence of social classes within Arikara villages, although she doesn’t write of slaves (‘‘captives’’). My own survey of men- tion of slaves by traders between the seventeenth and late nineteenth centu- ries, on the Plains and north, demonstrates extensive pre-European trade in captured women (of whom the best example is Sacajawea) (Kehoe in press). Judith Habicht-Mauche (2005) looked for evidence in protohistoric (1500–1700) West Texas of changes she postulated would have occurred with increasing pressure on Indian women to process hides for trade, and increased inclusion of women captives into bands (Brooks 2002). Relative abundance of butchering and hide-processing blades support a possible increase in bison hunting for trade (although Plains-Puebloan trade is well evidenced earlier as well), and most interesting, sherds of pottery made from local clays but in styles typical of adjacent regions, thus implying resi- dence of foreign women in the West Texas camps. My contribution to this volume highlighted expediently-made endscraper blades usually termed ‘‘utilized flakes,’’ obscuring the significance of high numbers of such tools to indicate hide-scraping, iconically Plains women’s work (Scheiber 2005:60–61). The papers in this geographically diverse WAC volume illus- trate how alive archaeological data can be when coupled with ethnographic observations in the same region, and an empathy born of a sense of sister- hood.

The Issue of First Nations Archaeology as Historical Archaeology

Historical archaeology in North America is generally conflated with settler archaeology. Rising involvement of archaeologists with First Nations, par- ticularly as employees or contracted to projects administered by First Nations, stimulated awareness that Indian societies contributed to the archaeological record after European contact and invasions, i.e., in the ‘‘historic’’ period. Many of these sites yield little or no evidence of contem- poraneity with European-derived agents or settlements. Until the mid-nine- teenth century, texts for First Nations in the centuries following contact (1540 in the Southern Plains, 1690 in the North) give the observations of Europeans, betraying not only lack of comprehension of much activity and roles, but also heavily male-biased, partly because of Western valuation of men’s activities over women’s, partly because most communities frowned upon men intruding upon women’s business. Women might be offered to a trader to perform housekeeping and sexual services, but these women

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were likely to be slaves such as Sakakawea (Sacagawea), interpreter Char- bonneau’s ‘‘woman’’ on the Lewis and Clark expedition. The Hidden Half aptly characterized the problem of obtaining a reasonably full and balanced view of First Nations women.

Culture resource management on the Plains shifted archaeology from problem-oriented academic projects and salvage projects, toward surveys to identify and evaluate sites, and research to support tourism development such as restored structures and recreated villages. Vastly more sites were recorded, and some challenged the customary division into ‘‘prehistoric’’ and ‘‘historic,’’ i.e., settler (Pryce 1999). Indian people built cabins and even two-story frame houses, fenced property and raised European crops. Others, particularly on the Northern Plains, continued to live in indige- nous structures and follow traditional seasonal harvesting routes (Kehoe 1993). Eldon Yellowhorn, an archaeologist who is Blackfoot, argues that on his homeland, the Northern Plains, the meaningful periodization should be Dog Days from legendary ancient times to acquisition of horses in the early eighteenth century, Horse Days to 1877 (Canadian Plains First Nations signing Treaty 7 with Canada), then Historic Reserves (Yellowhorn 2002:232). (Dog Days refers to use of pack and travois-pulling dogs for traveling, before horses were available.) A compromise could acknowledge a Mercantile Trade period from the seventeenth (Southern Plains) or eigh- teenth (Northern Plains) centuries to the 1870s, followed by Anglo coloni- zation to the mid-twentieth century. This terminology would bring archaeology on First Nations sites under the aegis of historical archaeology and undermine the false, and racist, dichotomy between First Nations and Anglo sites and remains. Yellowhorn himself has pioneered such research, with Sekani (Tsek’ehne) at McLeod Lake, B.C. (Yellowhorn 2002:296) and then on Indian homesteads on his own Alberta reserve.

From a feminist standpoint, the Mercantile Period brought distinct innovations to both First Nations and Métis women, and then to Anglo women settlers. Yellowhorn notes that as soon as European trade was insti- tuted in the 1770s, Blackfoot women ceased manufacturing their ceramic vessels, adopting metal trade pots instead (Yellowhorn 2002:106). Women bought trade beads, cloth, metal awls, knives, earrings, rings, and tinkling cones, while men bought guns (Kehoe 2000). Trading post records show that ‘‘country wives’’ and Métis women living in the posts often dressed themselves and their children in European clothing, which could link but- tons excavated in the posts to women residents (Gullason 1994). First Nations technology and subsistence pursuits nevertheless persisted, visible even in the trading posts (Kehoe 2000:181–182) and abundantly visible in First Nations sites such as bison pounds (e.g., T. Kehoe 1973) and tipi ring camps (Forner 2005, Oetelaar 2000, 2003).

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‘‘Classic’’ nineteenth-century ethnographies of Plains First Nations fur- nish models for archaeological interpretations of gender in prehistoric and Horse Days Plains sites. Todd Guenther remarked, in the 1987 Plains Con- ference gender session, ‘‘If indeed this picture is reliable, nearly every archaeological site resulted from the activities of women’’ (Guenther 1991:20). That is, tipis—evidenced by tipi rings—were owned and man- aged by women, women cooked at the hearths, processed food using knives and mauls within the camps, sewed with awls and needles in the camps, and made pottery. Men could have been away hunting, or defending or raiding territories. When they returned home, they refurbished their equip- ment; Hughes noted, at the 1987 session, that typically men worked around a hearth separate from those where women cooked and worked (Hughes 1991:43). Similar to men’s houses in northern and transmontane American First Nations communities, there was likely only one men’s hearth, contrasted to a woman’s hearth for each adult woman (a custom I observed in a northern Saskatchewan Cree camp). Plains agricultural towns in the Missouri Trench and its tributaries paralleled nomadic communities in assigning women to construct and maintain the earthlodge and carry out food processing, clothing and tool manufacture within or adjacent to it. Men had fewer possessions (Pauls 2005:63–65). Transgendered men and women could not be confidently determined from Plains archaeological records, since ritual performance roles may require cross-dressing during the ritual, and any adult might use any necessary tool. Vision mandates and valiant feats can be memorialized with artifacts normally associated with activities typical of the complementary gender (Kehoe 1997:267).

Patricia O’Brien (1990) went beyond common social roles to infer the antiquity of Pawnee cosmology from distributions of artifacts and features in two Central Plains sites, one with an earthlodge and nearby burial mound, the other apparently a work area near an agricultural field. O’Brien’s work is richly informed with ethnography and alert to unsup- ported generalization such as the assumption that women did not knap stone. As she remarks, ‘‘The more parsimonious explanation would seem to be that the women made the stone tools they needed and used’’ (O’Brien 1990:71; cf. Spencer-Wood 2005). And regarding the lack of attention to gender issues among women archaeologists such as O’Brien’s mentor Elaine Bluhm, or Marie Wormington, ‘‘Those women just wanted to do fieldwork archaeology. That was the challenge to their generation’’ (Patricia O’Brien, personal communication, July 2009).

Linea Sundstrom is, as it were, a discipline granddaughter to Bluhm and Wormington. Although Sundstrom works primarily in contract archaeology, she grounds her interpretations in ethnography, both the liter- ature for the Northern Plains and her continuing friendship with Lakota people. The depth of knowledge possible from such broad and deep

Women Appear in the Plains 161

immersion in regional history is superbly exemplified in Sundstrom’s 2002 paper on abraded grooves in certain prominent rocks. The grooves proba- bly resulted from Dakota and Lakota women sharpening bone awls upside the rocks. Why did women repeatedly choose to use these rocks? Because the spirit Double Woman (Winyan Nunpa) ‘‘was said to dwell within the rock,’’ and some of her power might imbue the tool. Double Woman seduces and destroys men, and makes rock art, laughing loudly when she accomplishes either of these activities. Rocks with tool-abraded grooves also typically have vulva and bison-track petroglyphs, suggesting human and bison fecundity was within Double Woman’s power. Lakota women who had envisioned Double Woman likely associated together in a ritual society, but little is known of this because it was forbidden to tell women’s knowledge to men, whether Indian or ethnographer. Sundstrom’s tour-de- force integrating archaeology, ethnography, rock art, and ethnohistory pulls out of the shadows these ‘‘tool sharpening grooves,’’ highlighting their con- text with vulva signs and bison tracks and illuminating the character of Double Woman, a danger to men who lose their minds lusting for her, a patroness to women clothing their families in beauty.

Diversity from a Feminist Standpoint

Spencer-Woods realizes (this volume) that contemporary feminist anthro- pology has moved beyond looking for ‘‘men’s work,’’ ‘‘women’s work,’’ and on the Plains, ‘‘third gender’’ (sometimes using the abhorred term ‘‘berdache’’ which has unwarranted sexual connotation (Jacobs et al. 1997)). Questioning an essentialist tripartite sexual gender system opens a perhaps daunting variety of identifications, particularly in view of Plains archaeology’s impoverished data record (as Wylie puts it, interpretations of nuanced social roles are greatly underdetermined (Wylie 2002:131)). Dis- cussing women archaeologists in Europe, Margarita Diaz-Andreu and Marie Stig Sørensen (1998) bring out many factors affecting both women in the profession and feminist standpoints in conducting and interpreting archaeology. Among these contributions to diversity have been differential access to professional education including field experience, bias in profes- sors’ recommendations, in hiring and grants, publication opportunities, and networking. Social class has tended to be a factor in that working-class and ‘‘racial minority’’ people, both men and women, were and are unlikely to become acquainted with archaeology, to attend college-preparatory schools, or to be perceived as suitable for professional employment, partic- ularly in the more prestigious institutions (Shott 2006). Women working in archaeology up until about 1970 were expected to conduct tedious detailed laboratory analyses of ceramics or zoological or botanical materi-

162 ALICE BECK KEHOE

als, their work incorporated into men’s monographs. Analyses of fiber products, either preserved under dry conditions or as ceramic impressions, are more likely to be performed by women. Androcentrism was a two- edged sword, cutting out women from professional leadership and discour- aging studies of activities and artifacts denigrated as ‘‘women’s work.’’

Diversity as a standpoint merges with postcolonial theory (Wylie 2004). Canadian Prairie historian (and feminist) Sarah Carter notes that ‘‘‘colonial- ism’ is a term that refers to a great variety of asymmetrical relationships … including the maintenance of sharp social, economic, and spatial distinc- tions between the dominant and subordinate population’’ (Carter 102–103). Postcolonialist archaeology began rapidly gaining practitioners among Canadian archaeologists in the twenty-first century, with the University of Calgary’s 2006 Chacmool Conference devoted to ‘‘Decolonizing Archaeology: Archaeology and the Post-Colonial Critique’’ (Bikoulis and Peuramaki-Brown 2010). In accordance with postcolonial theory, archaeolo- gists working in this mode seek subaltern voices by collaborating with First Nations and by directing attention to the sites and artifacts of the domi- nated. Legal implications of such work are notable, as ethnohistorian Arthur J. Ray substantiates (Ray 2006:105, 2008:17–19).

More than attempting to rectify injustices against First Nations, postco- lonial archaeologies recognize that, as Tim Murray says, ‘‘histories might take on marvellously different and suggestive forms’’ (Murray 2004:15). Australian archaeologists Ian McNiven and Lynette Russell, asking whether ‘‘prehistory’’ is ‘‘empirical’’ or ‘‘imperial,’’ claim that ‘‘suggestions that archaeological narratives are somehow innately superior and more correct [than First Nations’ narratives of their pasts] reveal their theoretical naı̈veté and imperialist leanings’’ (McNiven and Russell 2005:209). Collaborating with First Nations people opens up deep ecological knowledge, transforms landscapes, and widens the social world to include non-human beings. How can we assume that an urban, relentlessly schooled Euroamerican standing on a High Plains campsite sees more than a Blackfoot or Cree who spent countless childhood days catching gophers, hauling water, pick- ing berries, enduring blizzards, watching grandparents offer a prayer each morning from the door of their cabin? What to the orthodox archaeologist was foraging on the model of a deer or bison, to an Amskapi-pikuni (Pie- gan) Blackfoot was an intelligently regulated round of harvest localities linked to trade and religious-observance venues (Kehoe 1993). The people who participated in this round encompassed not merely men and women, they were of all ages, skilled in many tasks and arts, aristocratic or com- moner or captive or foreign visitor. Postcolonial archaeologies rise above chronologies and economics to realize, however imperfectly, the diversities of all our pasts.

Women Appear in the Plains 163

Conclusion

Androcentrism was blatant in Plains archaeology until the 1964 Civil Rights Act forced employers and universities to allow opportunities to women researchers. Compliance was slow; an undercurrent of machismo still runs in Plains archaeology. (Those wide-open spaces … cattle, bison … roughriders …) The first generation of women archaeologists, pre-1964, struggled manfully, if I may say it this way, for funding and for acknowl- edgement of their work. In the 1970s and 1980s, women archaeologists and ethnohistorians, still few in number, argued for recognition of women’s presence in fur trade posts, opening what soon grew into a major issue, Métis origins and cultures. Ethnicity trumped gender as the cutting edge of research.

Insofar as the majority of sites studied on the Plains are either domestic (tipi camps and agricultural town lodges) or kill butchering loci, the sites would have been dominated by women (historically, women owned habita- tions) or women would have participated in the work equally with men (Kehoe 1993, 2004). From this ethnographically informed standpoint, the lithics and ceramics so intensively and extensively analyzed by Plains archaeologists are powerful evidence of Plains women’s lives. The standard objective voice used in reporting these studies acts as a ploy to blank out this obvious fact. Furthermore, the tradition persists of labeling pointed bifaces ‘‘projectile points’’ regardless of their situation within domestic structures and, in a huge number of instances, their being asymmetrical so that they could not fly straight if on a projectile. Ordinary observation of asymmetry and knife edges, one edge thinned straight and sharp, and the opposing edge lightly ground to accommodate finger pressure, should have proclaimed generations ago that Plains archaeology is chock full of kitchen knives, and of course the pots women used in their homes to cook the meat they butchered. That ‘‘High Plains squint’’ blinded most earlier Plains archaeologists. Those of us who excavated bison pounds did indeed have projectile points, by the hundreds, which brought home to me quite forc- ibly, by contrast, what a knife blade looks like, and how consistently in domestic sites one finds lots of scraper blades expediently made on flakes– these were among women’s basic tools, not merely ‘‘utilized flakes’’ (Kehoe 2005).

Overall, the force of societal and academic tradition remains quite evi- dent in Plains archaeology. Instead of bemoaning how ephemeral and scat- tered is evidence of men’s activities, most archaeologists soldier on, identifying regional, chronological, and typological markers in their data and declaring their reports completed. Margaret Kennedy, a Saskatchewan archaeologist, replied to my inquiry for recent examples of gender-sensitive

164 ALICE BECK KEHOE

Plains research, ‘‘I’ve been trying to think of some sources for you but can’t come up with anything—and I’m afraid to consider what that implies!’’ (personal communication, Margaret Kennedy, July 2009). Kennedy herself is working on the archaeology of settler homesteads, where the same societal and academic tradition that obfuscates Indian women’s presence makes settler women’s artifacts more readily identified. Eldon Yel- lowhorn’s work on Blackfoot homesteads, paralleling Kennedy’s, will be particularly revealing of the biases inherent in the customary allocation of Indian sites to ‘‘prehistory’’ and settler sites to ‘‘history.’’ When people and their strategies for survival and happiness become the interpretive focus of Plains archaeology, then gender will become salient.

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Bikoulis, P., and M. M. Peuramaki-Brown (editors) 2010. Decolonizing Archaeology: Archaeology and the Post-Colonial Critique.

Archaeological Association, University of Calgary, Calgary.

Brooks, J. F. 2002. Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest

Borderlands. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill.

Brown, J. S. H. 1980. Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Families in Indian Country. University of

British Columbia Press, Vancouver.

Carter, S. 1999. Aboriginal People and Colonizers of Western Canada to 1900. University of

Toronto Press, Toronto.

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168 ALICE BECK KEHOE

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Women Appear in the Plains 169

  • Women Appear in the Plains
    • Women Appear in the Plains
    • Abstract
    • Resumen
    • Women Appear on the Plains
    • The Issue of First Nations Archaeology as Historical Archaeology
    • Diversity from a Feminist Standpoint
    • Conclusion
    • References

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Week 6 - Plains/Readings week 6 - plains.doc

Anthropology P363/P663 Professor Laura L. Scheiber

North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2018

Reading Assignments

Week of April 17: Protohistoric Plains

For Tuesday:

Ella Cara DeLoria (1988) Waterlily. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

For Thursday:

Kehoe, Alice Beck

2002 Late Woodland, to AD 1600 and Overview: The United States, 1600. In America Before the European Invasions, pp. 192-198, 222-224. Longman, New York. (partial chapters)

Sundstrom, Linea

2002 Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen: Rock Art, Religion, and the Hide Trade on the Northern Plains. Plains Anthropologist 47(181):99-119.

Whelan, Mary K.

1991 Gender and Historical Archaeology: Eastern Dakota Patterns in the 19th Century. Historical Archaeology 25(4):17-32.

For Graduate Students:

Gardner, Susan

2003 “Though It Broke My Heart To Cut Some Bits I Fancied”: Ella Deloria's Original Design For Waterlily. American Indian Quarterly 27(3):667-696. Special Issue: Urban American Indian Women's Activism.

Kehoe, Alice

2011 Women Appear in the Plains. Archaeologies 7(1):154-169.

Optional Reading:

Sundstrom, Linea

1997 Smallpox Used Them Up: References to Epidemic Disease in Northern Plains Winter Counts, 1714-1920. Ethnohistory 44(2):305-344.

Wallaertt, Hélène

2006 Beads and a Vision: Waking Dreams and Induced Dreams as a Source of Knowledge for Beadwork Making. An Ethnographic Account from Sioux Country. Plains Anthropologist 51(197):3-15.

Whelan, Mary K.

1983 Dakota Indian Economics and Nineteenth-Century Fur Trade. Ethnohistory 40:246-276.

Week 6 - Plains/Discussion for Protohistoric Plains.docx

Anthropology P363/P663 Professor Laura L. Scheiber

North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2018

In-Class Discussion

April 19: Discussion of Protohistoric Plains and Waterlily

Be prepared to present your group’s discussion to the class in a cohesive summary.

For all Groups

What specific activities in Into the West mirrored Dakota life as described in Waterlily?

What insights do you bring to watching the movie after having read the book?

Question Group 1: Sundstrom (2002) – Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

Based on your reading of Sundstrom (2002), how do the primary aspects that structure Dakota society, as addressed in Waterlily, (such as gender, kinship, occupation) get encoded in material objects? What do bone tools such as the awl symbolize for Dakota women? What does the rock art style discussed in the article symbolize? Why doesn’t this style continue into the historic period?

Question Group 2: Sundstrom (2002) – Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

Who is Double Woman? Why do you think Deloria does not mention Double Woman or the activities discussed in the Sundstrom article in Waterlily? What three reasons does Sundstrom provide for the lack of evidence about Double Woman dreamers and puberty fasts? Why was buffalo hide export a mixed blessing for women? Why did women start using steel awls?

Question Group 3: Whelan (1991) – Gender and Historical Archaeology: Eastern Dakota Patterns in the 19th Century How do archaeologists investigate gender and gender roles in the archaeological record? How does the analysis of the Black Dog Burial site relate to the story in Waterlily? Give specific examples. How would you compare the characters in the novel to the burial site (i.e. could you identify certain individuals based on the book)?

Question Group 4: Gardner (2003) – “Though It Broke My Heart To Cut Some Bits I Fancied” Summarize the novel versus the story that became the novel and report back to the rest of the class. Who was Ella Cara DeLoria and what was her message? How does Alice Kehoe’s article add to your understanding of the importance of studying gender in the archaeological record?

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Week 6 - Plains/Sundstrom 2002 - Steel Awls for Stone Age Plains women.pdf

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Plains Anthropologist Journal of the Plains Anthropological Society

Volume 47 May 2002 Number 181

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plain~women: Rock Art, Religion, and the Hide Trade on the Northern Plains

Linea Sundstrom

ABSTRACT

Archaeological. ethnographic. and historic data suggest the presence in Protohistoric times of a women ~ ceremonial tradition among Dakota and Lakota groups. The tradition involved creation of dis- tinctive rock art. including deeply ground ungulate tracks. vulvas. and hand- and footprints. along with numerous abraded grooves commonly referred to as tool-sharpening grooves. Production of this rock art was related to vision experiences involving Double Woman. women ~ crafts. and reproductive concerns. The rock art tradition was largely abandoned as the hide trade placed new demandi on women to mass produce hides for trade with outsiders. Women increasingly chose to use imported metal tools instead of creating their own awls at the Double Woman sites. Use of the more durable. but less sacred, metal tools resulted in increased status for hide-workers and· their families, while preventing powerful quillwork designs from leaving the family and community.

Keywords: rock art; wome,,; LakotlllDakota religio,,; Double Womtllf; trade goods

Lauriston Sharp's classic article, "Steel Axes for Stone Age Australians," explored the complex web of changes precipitated when European trad- ers and missionaries introduced steel axes to the YrrYoront of northern Australia (Sharp 1952). The steel axe was rapidly transforming this aboriginal culture long before sustained contact with non- natives took place. Its impacts were far-reaching .. By divorcing production and distribution of axes (formerly made of polished stone) from their tra- ditional contexts, the importation of steel axes led to a complete realignment of ¥rr Yoront society, from economic activities to interpersonal relations to religion. The present study explores ways in which the importation ofmetaI awls into the north- ern Great Plains, and Lakota society in particular, helped change religious practices that involved the

creation of rock art. Unlike the Australian study, . this paper views aboriginal adaptation of outside elements as deliberate and directed

Studies of introduced material culture in north- ern Great Plains cultures have primarily focused on the horse and gun (Ewers 1955; Holder 1970; Lewis 1942; Mishkin 1940; Secoy 1953; Wissler 1914). The immediate impacts identified in these studies were increased social stratification and in- tertribal conflict (Lewis 1942; Mishkin 1940). Few studies have dealt specifically with impacts of ma- terial culture on religion. Those that do generally assert that the horse and gun led to an intensifica- tion of preexisting religious traditions, rather' than to their loss or replacement with new elements (Smith 1938; Wissler 1914).

The present study focuses not on the horse and

Linea Sundstrom, Day Stu Researdl, U10 E. lAke Bluff, Sborewood WI 53111. [email protected]

PlaiDS ADtllropologist. Volume 47, Number 181, pp. 99-11', 2081

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PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

gun, but on women's tools-in particular, the bone and antler tools women used in cleaning, dressing, and decorating hides and transforming them into clothing and shelter. Unlike the steel axes intro- duced into northern Australia, the metal awls and other hide-processing tools introduced into the northern Great Plains were just one part of a suite of outside factors-both material and economic- contributing to social change. And unlike the Aus- tralian situation, Indian women's adoption of metal awls was largely voluntary and deliberate. Never- theless, the history ofthis rather humble tool pro- vides a valuable view of the larger changes taking place in the contact-era Plains. One of these changes was in a Dakota-Lakota religious practice largely limited to women-creation of rock art during prayer to a spirit being called Double Woman.

THE AWL

In northern Plains Indian culture, as in other cultures (Alderman 1977), tools are an important symbol of a person's ability to carry out activities and fulfill particular social roles. Tools may repre- sent particular sex, age, or status groupings. For example, in the Hidatsa version of the widespread story of the culture hero Grandson, the Grand- mother discovers the sex of the foundling child by leaving a ball and a bow and arrow for the child to play with. He leaves the ball alone, but takes the bow and arrow, thereby indicating he is a boy. Having established this basic identity, the Grand- mother is then able to approach the child and offer him help (Bowers 1963:334). In religious visions, tools often represent the dreamer's potential to ef- fect change. For example, a man might dream of a shield with a distinctive design on it that would give him special powers in battle (Irwin 1994:232). In Plains Indian religious tradition, objects, ani- mals, and plants encoded complex sets of infor- mation. This is seen clearly in the practice of com- piling sets of objects into sacred bundles and in the visual imagery of art and myths (cf. Rice 1992, 1993,1994).

In this context, the awl is both an essential tool and a symbol of mature femininity and the inte- gral role of women in the survival of family and community. With it, a woman made the clothing and shelter that protected her family from the dan-

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gers of the outside world She used it to create items from cradles to moccasins that would surround her loved ones with protective symbols and remind them of their values and identity. This symbolism persists today. Women at powwows wear an awl case to show they a,re industrious, a strike-a-Iight bag to show their hospitality, and a knife case to s~ow their generosity (S1. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:77).

DOUBLE WOMAN AND THE VISION

The various branches of tIW Dakota-Lakota confederacy, also known as the Sioux, extended from eastern Minnesota across the Dakotas and into eas~ern Wyoming and Montana during the contact era. In this paper, the term Dakota refers to those tribes centered in Minnesota and eastern South Dakota and speaking the Dakota and Nakota dia- lects. The term Lakota refersto bands centered near and west of the Missouri River and speaking the Lakota dialect. Like their neighboring tribes, the eastern, river-based tribes had a mixed subsistence based on garden produce, bison and other large game, waterfowl, and catfish. The western tribes subsisted primarily on bison, supplemented by wild plant foods, smaller game, and com acquired through trade with the river tribes.

In traditional Dakota-Lakota beliefs, Double Woman is a complex supernatural being represent- ing a set of dualities linked to womanhood: good and evil, modesty and promiscuity, motherhood and childlessness, and industrioUS"ness and laziness. Double Woman is the inventor of quiJIwork and is a source of artistic talent among women. She is the 'benefactor of women artists and quillworking societies. Although less well documented, Double Woman also played a role in the production of petroglyphs in the northemPlains, as will be dis- cussed below. .

Historically, the vision was an important- ,often the most important-religio!JS experience among northern Plains Indians. Whether actively sought or received unbiddt;n, visions provided a guide through life'~ difficult times (Irwin 1994). Visions conferred sacred songs, prayers, ceremo- nies, talismans, and special abilities, such as skill in healing, hunting, love, or war. Through a vision, the individual might gain a spirit helper on whom to can in times of need or distress. The vision might

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: used it to create items at would surround her symbols and remind ltity. This symbolism IWWOWS wear an awl rions, a strike-a-light I, and a knife case to ~ and Long Soldier

ID THE VISION

f the Dakota-Lakota the Sioux, extended

5 the Dakotas and into na during the contact takota refers to those a and eastern South {ota and Nakota dia- C) bands centered near lee and speaking the ighboring tribes, the I a mixed subsistence ison and other large ~ The western tribes upplemented by wild and com acquired

ibes. kota beliefs, Double ural being represent- ) womanhood: good Jity, motherhood and lSness and laziness. r of quillwork and is ong women. She is :ts and quillworking locumented, Double 1 the production of ains, as will be dis-

vas an important- !ligious experience s. Whether actively visions provided a

imes (Irwin 1994). s, prayers, ceremo- ilities, such as skill r. Through a vision, rit helper on whom 58. The vision might

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Linea Sundstrom

also provide supernatural sanction and psychologi- cal support for the individual to take on unconven- tional social roles or tasks, such as that of the woman warrior (Brooks 1995; Medicine 1983; Peterson 1988:S7). The storyline of the vision was a metaphor for the course of the individual's life, often helping the dreamer overcome difficulties or doubts.

While most boys' and men's visions were ac- tively sought, girls and women more frequently received visions unbidden, often during times of stress or at puberty (Irwin 1994:80,140-141). Both men and women received dreams related to heru- ing, ceremonies, and overcoming enemies. Both received songs and personal talismans through vi- sions. Men more frequently had dreams conferring special powers in battle and the doctoring of battle wounds, while women more often had dreams con- ferring special skill in craftwork or healing or aid in securing a desirable husband (lrwin 1994; Peterson 1988:57).

Although some Lakotas today assert that girls and women did not traditionally seek visions (DeMallie 1983:239; Powers 1986: 178,212; Pow- ers 1987: 170), older ethnographic sources contra- dictthis(Brown 1992:3, 15,54; Walker 1917:136). Between 1893 and 1914, a group of ten Oglala lead- ers and holy men imparted a large body of Lakota religious knowledge to Pine Ridge agency physi- cian James R. Walker so that he could record it for future generations. George Sword told Walker that a girl might seek a vision by placing her first men- strual bundle in the crook of a plum tree (Walker 1980:78). This was also done by girls undergoing the Buffalo Sing, an honoring ceremony that marked a girl's first menstruation (Walker 1980:245). The candidate for the Buffalo Sing spent the night before the ceremony alone in a special tipi erected for the occasion (Walker 1980:245). This, too, implies vision seeking, because this would have been the first (and possibly the last) time in her life that the girl would spend an entire night in isolation. Both historic and recent vision seekers have emphasized the psychological impact of complete isolation-a new and sometimes over- whelming experience to young adolescents who were used to being constantly surrounded by fam- ily (Irwin 1994; Lame Deer and Erdoes 1972: 11). Another of Walker's sources, Thomas Tyon, ex-

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plains'Women

plained how a woman could gain skill in craftwork through visions of Double Woman (Walker. 1980: 165-166), but did not say whether Lakota women deliberately sought such visions. None of . Walker's teachers were women; thus, his writings on women's practices are much less complete than those regarding men.

It is clear. from the statements of Lakota . quillw9rkers themselves that their desigDs and tech- niques were derived from Double Woman dreams; this certainly implies deliberate vision-seeking (DeMallie 1983:247; Lyford 1940:5S). Walker con- firms this in refeping to "a custom of the women that when one had made an unusually large or fine robe she would seek a vision and then paint on the robe a device or figure to represent the communi- cation she received in the vision, thereby impart- ing to the robe a potency agreeing with the vision" (Walker 1917: 136). Nicholas Black Elk stated that "in the old days, we all-men and women-la- mented all the time" (Brown 1992:3) and noted that quillworkers were required to fast an" pray before beginning their craft (Brown 1992: IS). Both imply vision seeking, or "crying for a vision," as the Lakotas term it. Such deliberate vision seeking was also recorded for Ponca women artisans (lTwin 1994:214). .

Girls' and women's visions are recorded for the Blackfoot (Schultz 1923:170-76; Wissler and Duvall 1908:8S-87), Hidatsa(Bowers 1963:61,73), Mandan (Bowers 1950:164, 173-74; Densmore 1923:41-46; Irwin 1994:80), Crow (Lowie

'1919:182, 1983:33), Cheyenne (Grinnell 1972:11:92-93), Arapaho (Kroeber 1904:434), Comanche (Irwin 1994: 130), Kansa (Irwin 1994:103), Ponca (Irwin 1994:214), and Plains Cree (Brown and Brightnian 1988: 140). A rock art panel in western South Dakota, associated with a style of rock art discussed below, shows a woman with tear-streaks on her face. This implies vision'

. questing (Figure I). As noted, the Lakota term for the vision quest translates to "crying for a vision," and Lakota, Mandan, .Hidatsa, and Crow.vision seekers cried as they prayed (Bowers 1950:169, 1963:263-64,290,317,437,466; Brown 1953:57- . 60; DeMallie 1984:83,228; Densmore 1992:185, 274; Linderman 1962:35; Mallery 1972:289 [1893 n. 'Humans with tear-streaked faces are found in rock art throughout the northwestern Plains in

JOI

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST Vol. 47, No. 181,2002

membrane (Figure 2) (Deloria ca. 1937; Landes 1968:73; Penney 1992:Plate 220). These women may be identical or may be mirror im- ages of each other. Sometimes one is clothed in blue and the other red. A lifeless child may dangle from the cord connecting the women. In ceremonies, pairs of Double Woman dream- ers sometimes acted out this vision, roaming throu~ camp loosely bound together with a cord from which hung a doll or ball (Buechel and Manhart 1998:431-433; Deloria ca. 1937; Dorsey 1894:480; Lowie 1913:118-119; Wissler 19 J.2:94-96). This remote and careless . treatment of the doll signified that their chil- dren would not live-that is, that the women would not be mothers (Wissler 1912 :94). Double Woman is analogous to, and sometimes synonymous with, two other beings that also express the duality of feminine life: Double Face and Deer Woman (Dorsey 1894:473-480; PowerS 1977:58-59). Double Face (anunk -ite) and Double Woman (winyan nunpa) ;ve often confused; however, the existence of separate terms and visual images for these beings indi- catt;S that two different personages are intended (cf. Dorsey. 1894:473-480; Tbeisz' '1988). Double Face appears as one woman (more rarely, as a man) with a beautiful face on the

Figure I. Weeping woman petroglyph, 39HN165, north Cave Hills, front of her head and a hidden, hideous face on South Dakota.

the back. The Deer Woman appears first as a contexts consistent with this interpretation.

Among the Lakotas, both men and women might dream of birds, buffalo, elk, deer, or light- ning (Brown 1992:67,69, 87; Irwin 1994:156; Lowie 1913:118; Wissler 1912). The only vision experienced primarily by women was that of Double Woman (Powers 1986:73-74; Walker 1980: 165-166). Some sources state that only women dreamed of Double Woman (Walker 1980: 165-166); others note that men who dreamed ofthis being thereafter lived as women (i.e. in the role of winkte, would-be woman) or as holy men (Brown 1992:63; Howard 1984:107; Lowie 1913: 118; Powers 1986: 188). Double Woman embodied the virtuous and evil sides of woman- hood; thus, her vision would have meaning only to women or winkte men.

Visual images of Double Woman depict her as two very tall women connected by a cord or

102

human being (sometimes male) and transforms into a deer. Although women could receive visions of any of these beings, the dreants most commonly recorded refer to Double Woman.

Without exception, the recorded Double Woman visions presented the dreamer with a choice. If the dreamer chose correctly, she would receive artistic abilities and powerful designs and achieve the ideals of motherhood and a strong fam- ily life (Howard 1984:107; Morrow 1975:3,43, 145; St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:53; Young Bear and Theisz 1994:24-25). If not, she might fall into a life of idleness, promiscuity, or spinsterhood. In such a vision, the dreamer might find herself in a lodge with hide-working tools on one side-and headdress bags on the other, respecti~ely symbol:' izing famiiy life and sexual promiscuity (Wissler 1912:93). She might corne to a divided path: one leading to modest women quietly working on

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i.a ca. 1937; Landes 'late 220). These may be mirror im- mes one is clothed . lifeless child may ecting the women. ble Woman dream- is vision, roaming ld together with a 11 or ball (Buechel ; Deloria ca. 1937; e 1913:118-119; emote and careless ied that their chil- s, that the women vissler 1912:94). to, and sometimes ~r beings that also inine life: Double ,ey 1894:473-480; ;') Face (anunk ite) 1 nunpa) are often ,tence of separate these beings indi- nages are intended ); Theisz 1988). ne woman (more [utiful face on the n, hideous face on appears first as a md transforms into receive visions of s most commonly n. ·ecorded Double : dreamer with a rrectly, she would lerful designs and I and a strong fam- .rrow 1975:3, 43, r 1995:53; Young not, she might falI t, or spinsterhood. ght fmd herself in ; on one side and >eetively symbol- niscuity (Wissler :livided path: one eUy working on

t Linea Sundstrom Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

Figure 2. "Witcbes Playing With Their Baby", ClI. 1890, Sioux, Founders Society Purchase, photogI;apb 01992 The Detroit Insti· tute of Arts. .

quillwork and the other leading to immodest women playing cards and laughing loudly (Young Bear and Theisz 1994:24). The dreamer might simi- larly have to choose between conventional mar- ried life with children and an unmarried life de- voted entirely to craftwork (Hassrick 1964: 135). In a variation on this theme, a Double Woman . dreamer was made to choose not between a good life and an evil one, but between talent in craftwork and talent in singing (Theisz 1988: 10-11). In this case, the red and blue sides of Double Woman rep- resented skill in headwork and quiIIwork, respec- tively, while the talent in singing was represented by a bluebird-woman. A man's version of the Double Woman dream might require the dreamer to choose between women's and men's tools or symbols, representing male and female life-ways (Lowie 19I3:118; Powers 1977:59; Wissler 1912:93). A less typical male Double Woman re- enactment recorded in 1915 conferred protection in battle (Buechel and Manhart 1998:433).

The dream seems to have allowed the girl or

103

woman-or less often a male dreamer-free choice in the life she would pursue. Some chose the less honorable path and were thereafter regarded with fear and suspicion by the others of their camp. These women imitated the evil side of Double Woman, wandering about the camp talking loudly , and laughing raucously. They might dwell together, but generally did not marry or have children. These women were thought to have great powers of se- duction over men, as well as the ability to cause death or insanity to those'men who succumbed to their charms (Deloria ca. 1937; Dorsey 1894:480; Powers 1977:59; Wissler 1912:92-94). They them- selves might die in agony, despite having enjoyed. great artistic skill (DeMallie 1983:247). Double Woman dreams had beneficial, as well as nega- tive, aspects, and dreams of her were' sometimes desired because they were sour~es of creativity and talent (Howard 1984: 107; MOITOwI975:3, 43, 145; S1. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:53, 172). Some women acknowledged her spiritual assistance by joining quilling guilds made up entirely of Double

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

Woman dreamers (Lyford 1940:55; St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:53; Wissler 1912:92-94). These women were admired for their creativity and in- dustry, as well as for the power implicit in the quillwork and shield designs they acquired through their visions (Lowie 1913:118; Lyford ]940:55; St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995: 172; Wissler ] 912:94; Young Bear and Theisz 1994:25).

Thus a Double Woman dream conferred a great deai of latitude in subsequent behavior pat- terns, from the feminine ideal to its antithesis. Like the heyoka or Thunder dream, it could serve to express and sanction behavior contrary to expected social roles (powers 1986: 188). The dream might require the woman to adopt the alternative path and forego childbearing to follow more intently the instructions of Double Woman, usually by becom- ing a full-time craft specialist. Here again, the Double Woman dreamer's experience was paral- lel to that of the Thunder dreamer. She must fol- low the instructions of the vision at the expense of disrupting normal social relations and behavior. The ball or doll that dangles between the two halves of Double Woman represents the unfulfilled moth- erhood potential of the dreamer. Like the heyoka's outlandish garb and behavior, it expresses the per- sonal sacrifice the individual is making to honor the commitments of the vision. When a Double Woman dreamer took this alternative path, she was exempt from other behaviors that ensured a suc- cessful motherhood. Because there would be no child requiring the economic and emotional sup- port of a father, she had no reason to choose her sexual partners carefully and might become pro- miscuous. She could abandon the modesty required of other women and associate freely with men. In this role, the Double Woman dreamers were per- ceived as a threat to the normal social order, be- cause they might openly seduce men.

In teaching James Walker, the Lakota holy man Thomas Tyon expressed the ambiguous feelings about Double Woman dreams and dreamers:

When a woman dreams of the Double Woman, from that time on, in everything she makes, no one excels her. But then the woman is very much like a crazy woman. She laughs uncontrollably and so time and time again she acts deceptively. So the people are very afraid of her. She causes all men who stand near her 10 become possessed. For that reason these

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women are called Double Women. They are very promiscuous (have many husbands). But then in the things they make nobody excels them. They do much quillwork. From then on, they are very skillfid. They also do work like a man.

The Double Woman is frequendy at rocky cliffs. First, people hear their voices, it is said. Aft« that, the first thing that happens is that they dream oC the Double Woman, they say. Whoever.dreams, she herselC, sometimes imitates her in the camp cirolt. Two women [Double Women dreamers] go around the inside oC tb8 circle from their home bound to- gether by a single rope. And in the middle of the rope they tie up an imitation oC a baby. And bearing it, they go along laughing uncootrollably. ThereCore, they cause all the men wOO stand near them 10 be- come possessed. This is the song they sill8 as they walle along. 'Someone is meeting me here,' they say. And then, 'he is the one!' they say. And then they. laugh uncontrollably. So they cause all the young men 10 become possessed, it is said. I myself, per- sonally. have never seen it I have heard them tell about it. Even now. they believe these things are wakan [holy or mysterious].

Then 100, some Double Women are 4oc1Ors. . WboeverwalksaboutatnigbtisveryaCraidoCthese

Double Woman dreamers. They do not wish 10 hear their voices. They are very afraid oC the night. N()o body sees them but they do not want 10 hear ~eir voices. When they hear the voices, only women dream about ihe Double Woman; men never dream oC her. Whoever dreams in this way seems 10 be crazy but then everything she makes is very beauti- ful. Well, so it is. They believe them 10 be wokan (Wallc.er 1980: 165-66).

Three of these characteristics are of special interest in reference to rock. art. First, Double Woman is associated with the rocky cliffs (Buechel and Manhart 1998:433; Dorsey 1894:480; Nauman 1985; Walker 1980: 166). Second. she is typically encountered at night (Dorsey 1894:480; Theisz 1988: 12; Walker 1980: 166). Third, she is strongly associated with loud. raucous laughter (Buechel and Manhart 1998:433; Dorsey 1894:480; Wa.lker ] 980: 165-166). A fourth c~cteristic not specifi- cally mentioned by Tyon-an association with spi- ders-also pertains to rock art, as diScussed be- low. . .

DOUBLE WOMAN AND ROCK ART

. Dakota and Lakota traditions r~corded be- tween the 1830s and 18805 suggest that Double Woman was thought to create rock art. For ex-

f , I

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!leD.. They are very 1ds). But then in the hem. They do much ! very skillful. They

:oily at rocky cliffs. t is said. After that, t they dream of the lever dreams, she in the camp circle. eamers] go around ir home bound to- the middle of the baby. And bearing 011 ably. Therefore, :I near them to be- : they sing as they me here,' they say. ay. And then they .use all the young aid. I myself: per- le heam them tell : these things are

men are doctors. ery afraid of these D not wish to hear of the night No- vant to hear their :es, ooly women men never dream Nay seems to be es is very beauti- lem to be .... akan

ics are of special 111. First, Double :ky cliffs (Buechel &94:4&0; Nawnan d. she is typicalJy 1&94:480; Theisz rd, she is strongly aughter (Buechel 1894:480; Walker :ristic not specifi- OOation with spi- as discussed be-

ROCKART

'ns recorded be- ~est that Double ock art. For ex-

r I Linea Sundstrom

aDlple, in the 1880s Theodore Lewis related a Da- kota tradition about the origin of the petroglyph boulders that seems to refer to Double Woman's unrestrained laughter:

In olden times there used to be an object that marked the boulders at night It could be seen, but its exact shape was indistinct It would work, mat- ing sounds like hammering, and oceasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh, like a woman laughing, and then disappear (Lewis 1887).

Both George Catlin and Joseph Nicollet recorded that female spirits dwelled under the huge glacial boulders found at Pipestone, and Nicollet stated . that these women spirits made the rock art there (Catlin 1973:2:163-164 [1844]; Bray and Bray 1976:72-77). Petroglyphs on Ransom Rock in east- ern North Dakota were said to be created and peri- odically renewed by two woman spirits (North Dakota WPA 1938:289).

About 1931, Lakota historian William Bor- deaux told a reporter for the Sioux Fall Argus- Leader that, according to traditional belief, "two mysterious women" created the rock art in the Black Hills and elsewhere in South Dakota.

... the prophets of the Indian race would mark the altars with figures which woold be duplicated 00 the rocks during the darkness of night The lore of the Indian is that two mysterious women eame during the night and carved these duplicates in the stone. It was maintained by the Indians that the sound of their hammering and shrill laugh could be heard during the nights in which this wod was go- ing on ... These rocks so marked became the prayer places of the Indians. Squaws and children would bring gifts and leave them at the foot of the rocks to obtain favors from the Great Spirit (undated news- paper clipping, Sioux FallsAIgUS-Leaderca. 1931).

Three of these accounts specifically state that two women made the rock art. This is probably a mistranslation of the Lakota Winyan Nunpa, Double Woman, which also translates as "two women." Reports ofloud women's voices and rau- cous laughter at these sites also suggest Double Women. As noted, immodest laughter is one of her key characteristics.

A more specific account of the link between Double Woman and rock art comes from the Santee division of the Dakota, the eastern branch of the Lakota- Dakota confederacy (Landes 1968:73).

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Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

At Pipestone, Minnesota, in 1935, there was a stone called Standing Rock., which formerly served camping Indians as a windbreak. Here they saw Double-Woman oftenest, not in her twin form but by the evidence of sparks flying where the women supposedly hacked pictures out of the rock. Early mornings, insolent little boys used to visit the rock and ridicule the mystic pictures with clumsy scrawls. Once two ~old men" did the same after they found incisions 011 the rock outlining two running deer pur- sued by two men with grass tied 00 their heads. The "old men"realized that these were drawn by Double- Woman, yet they scrawled offensive pi«tures over the rock.

Next day, the two men were h\lIlting. Towards noon they saw two deer lying in the grass beyond the reach of bow and arrow. They ran and ran to- warn the deer but never reached them; they shot ar- rows, but the deer only raced north with the arrows. On and on the Indians pursued, growing so warm

. from e)(ertioo that they threw down their blankets and later their leggings until they were completely naked. [The storyteller laughed.] But they aimed steadily at the deer. Day ending, clouds gathering, sleet, rain, and snow falling. the Indians left off to search eo,. the blankets and leggings. They could not rememherwhere they had been. Naked, they hacked the frozen grotmd with knives and themselves froze to death on the prairie. Next day, people found them. It was Double-Woman who caused them to 10se their minds, punishing their mO'tkery .

The rock art at Pipestone is again attributed to Double-Woman in testimony presented to the US Court of Claims in 1927 by Julia Conger, a yankton Tribal member born in 1844, regarding informa- tion provided by her grandmother:

I have ~en to Sioux Falls, but never went to Pipestone Quarry. My grandmother told me that in olden times the Indians had that to worship and that they would make sacrifices when they went there. She said, "There is something there that you doo't see, something there they pray to and make sacri- fices to." I said, "When they go there what do they do there?" She says, "There something there they call Twin Maidens." She said, ~They make pictures 011 this rock. Nobody ever saw them with their own eyes, but after it was done theycoold see marks, and they could hear them at night woding 00 this rock., and if anybody went there the ne)(t day they could see the pictures 011 that rock of dogs, ponies, or whatever they had, their pictures would be marked there," and she said, "That is kind of a sacred place" (US Court of Claims 1927:157-58) ..

Another poSSible reference-to Double Woman is found in the accounts of two Hidatsa scouts who

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

accompanied the 1874 Black Hills expedition (Libby 1998:164). Strikes Two and Bear's Belly related that when the expedition came to the "big den" now known as Ludlow Cave, the Lakota scouts told them this account of its discovery. "When they [the Lakotas] first found this cave they saw on the flat rock [near the cave opening] a woman taking the hair off a deer hide with an old- fashioned scraper. She ran away and they could not find her. They thought she hid in the cave, far in." Nearby they found a spring with deer tracks all around it. The association of a rock-dwelling woman, deer tracks, and hide-working with bone tools all suggests a version of the Double Woman story. Ludlow Cave is one of the principal rock art sites in the northern Plains. It was covered with petroglyphs and painted designs, many of them in the style discussed below. It was historically sa- cred to the Mandans, Hidatsas, Lakotas, and Chey- ennes, and probably other groups, as well (Sundstrom 1996).

Another link between Double Woman and rock art is seen in the work ofYanktonai Dakota artist Oscar Howe. In a 1971 painting, Double Woman holds a piece of quill embroidery in one hand, while her other hand touches a boulder covered with petroglyphs. In his notes on this painting, Howe stated specifically that Double Woman carved drawings on the rocks (Maurer 1992: 161). Another of Howe 's paintings, Dance of the Double Woman, painted in 1950, shows the adjoined women danc- ing near a petroglyph rock. Since Double Woman dreams are the source of powerful designs (Mor- row 1975:3,34, 145; Wissler 1912:94), this con- nection between Double Woman and the sacred designs composing much northern Plains rock art is not surprising.

In practical terms, this suggests that Double Woman dreamers made some rock art. In describ- ing trance experiences, native people often do not distinguish between the actions of a person and those of his or her spirit helper, because these are viewed as the same (St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:22,129; Whitley 1994:82). This means that rock art said to be the work of female spirits (like Double Woman) may have been made by women or men influenced by such spirits. These would likely be those Double Woman dreamers required by their visions to "create" (i.e. imitate) the spirit

106

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being. (The Lakota term for this ceremony winyan nunpa kaga can be translated as either creating Double Woman or imitating Double Woman.)

Lakota people today sometimes state that rock art is created by Ik1omi, the spider (Ben Rhodd, personal communication 1993). This being is the trickster character in numerous Lakota stories and represents the complexity of human nature. Some- times momi tricks others and sometimes they trick him. momi'is also thought to be the inventor Of technology. Lakota people assert mom; made the stone tools scattered across the prairie (Rebecca Halfred, personal communication 1979; St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:50; Wilson 1906). In this sense, Ildomi parallels the Double Woman, as both are believed to have special creative powers and . knowledge of crafts. Although this at first glance would seem to contradict accounts of Double Woman being the creator of rock art, the two ideas are closely related. Double Woman is often de- picted together with a spider or spider web (e.g. Buechel and Manhart 1998:431-432; Maurer 1992: 159). The spider represents skill in craftwork, because this creature creates its own beautiful de- signs in its webs (Lyford 1940:78; ·St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:50). The web represents both the product of this creative ability and the ability to catch unsuspecting prey. Double Woman dream- ers often carried webbed hoops or mirrors in which their intended prey could also be "caught" (Deloria ca. 1937; Wissler 1912). Spider webs and mirrors also figure prominently in the visual representa- tions and reenactment of Elk dreams, which are thought to impart the power to "catch" women. Young men used spiders and spider designs as love charms in order to attract and seduce desirable women. Like Double Women, the spider is associ- ated with rocks and the below world (St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995: 110-111). Given the visual importance of metaphor in Lakota religion, George Bushotter's statement that Double Woman could suspend herself from a cord "like a spider web~' provides another connection between the two be- ings (Deloria ca. 1937). Thus, although Lakota people have largely abandoned the link betWeen Double Woman and rock art recorded for their east- ern cousins, a residual belief transfers much the same set of ideas to Ildomi.

Line

VUI

1 little. offO( man groo' butio: Dako·

centr: sacre Anol

gIpO' north Lako larly centv enne, Dene

and' . turnl prodl ducti mOl 'wheI fume deer- ity 0

p~ci \'jew

FigUI

• 47, No. 181, 2002

this ceremony winya" ted as either creating Double Woman.) letimes state that rock spider (Ben Rhodd.

>3). This being is the us Lakota stories and luman nature. Some- sometimes they trick :0 be the inventor of sert IMom; made the the prairie (Rebecca ttion 1979; St. Pierre {ilson 19(6). In this lble Woman, as both ;::reative powers and b this at first glance ccounts of Double -ck art, the two ideas "oman is often de- or spider web (e.g. :431-432; Maurer ts skill in craftwork, s own beautiful de- ):78; St. Pierre and feb represents both ility and the ability Ible Woman dream- or mirrors in which e "caught" (Deloria r webs and mirrors visual representa-

dreams, which are o "catch" women. der designs as love l seduce desirable le spider is associ- world (St. Pierre

). Given the visual :a religion, George ble Woman could ke a spider web" :ween the two be- although Lakota the link between :tied for their east- 3nsfers much the

Linea Sundstrom

VULVA-TRACK-GROOVE ROCK ART

Although the ethnographic literature provides little description of Double Woman rock art, a set of rock art comprising bison and deer tracks, hu- man vulvas, handprints, footprints, and ab~d~ grooves is a good candidate (F~~ 3). ~e disln- bution of this rock art style comcldes With that of Dakota and Lakota groups. One of the largest con- centrations is in the Black Hills, a homeland and sacred ground for Lakotas from about 1770-1875. Another important concentration of vulva-track- groove rock art clusters around Ludlow Cave in northwestern South Dakota, also within historic Lakota territory. Other groups occupying or regu- larly visiting western South Dakota during the last centuries before white contact include the Chey- enne, Crow, Hidatsa, Mandan, Kiowa, and Naishan Dene.

A metaphorical relationship between hooves and vulvas is widespread in Native American cul- tural traditions. Both are symbols of women's re- productive powers, as well as the dang~rs of se- duction.In Lakota tradition, deer were said to have an odor in the hoof that became a fine perfume when the deer transformed into a woman. This per- fume rendered men nearly powerless to resist the deer-woman's embrace, even if this meant insan- ity or death (Wissler 1912:94). Although not ex- plicitly sexual, the hands and feet can also be viewed as portals or points of contact with the larger

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plains women

world and its inhabitants, as well as being the ana- . tomical equivalent of the aninlal hoof.

ABRADED GROOVES AND THE WOMAN'S WAY

The significance of the abraded grooves is not as obvious; however, these too fit the theme of fe- male sexuality. 'These large, elliptical grooves are . commonly referred to as tool grooves (FeylilI980) and are assumed to hlJve resulted from shaIpening tools against the sandstone cliffs (Figure 4). Chey- enne elders in 1940 remembered the grooved cliffs along Bear Butte'Creek as places where tools were prepared (Odell 1942:155). Clearly, the chipped stone acrowpoints and knives that composed the man's tool kit would only be dulled by such abra~ sion. Bone tools, by contrast, require abrasion for shaping and sharpening. In replication experi~en~, archaeologists produced elliptical grooves Idenh- cal to those found at rock art sites by sharpening long bones against the sandstone (Feyhl 1980; Keyser· 1977). Women's tool kits were made up mostly of bone tools. Upon reaching maturity, a young woman was given a set of tools for prepar- ing hides. "She has a bone tool for eac.h stage of the conversion of the stiff raw-hide into velvety leather" (Eastman 1907:185). These to<?Is, and the bone awl, in particular, were symbols of womanly accomplishments. They represented both the woman's talent and industriousness in the women's

acts and her potential as a. successful wife and mother.

When a Lakota girl reached puberty, she retired to a small hut or tipi where an older woman instructed her in womanly matters. For four days she remained . in the menstrual lodge,. where she .was expected to : demonstrate her industry by working constantly at

. quilling hides, moccasins, . and other useful items (Hassrick 1964:41-42).Af-· ter this period of isolation, . the Lakota girl might be honored by being recog-

Oak nized as a "buffalo· Figure 3. Panel of abraded bison and deer lniCks, 39HN205, north Cave HiDs, South om.

107

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST Vol. 47, No. 181,2002

A woman's quilling record be- came the basis for her social sta- tus, just as a man's coup count was the basis for his. For my industry in dressing skins, my clan aunt, Sage, gave me a woma's bell It was as broad as my three fingers, and covered witb blue beads. One . end was made long; to hang down before me. Only a very iildustrious girl was given such a belt. She could not buy or make one. To wear a woman's belt was an bonor. I was as proud of mine as a war leader of his first scalp (Wilson 1981: 117- 118).

Figure 4. Sandstone cliff on French Creek, Black Hills, South Dakota, with abraded grooves covering lower portion of outcrop, 39CU91.

Rattling Blanket, a Lakota. de- scribed a festival honoring the best quillworkers in her conununity:

woman," that is, a person as essential to the sur· vival ofher people as the buffalo. Among the Plains Cree, as well, girls at menarche were secluded and required to spend four days practicing quilling and hide tanning to insure they would become indus· trious women (Mandelbaum 1940:244). Some Cree girls actively sought a vision at this time by fast- ing in isolation for a period of several days.

The intense period of quillwork in which the pubescent girl inunersed herself was not merely busy work. Porcupine quill embroidery was a sa- cred undertaking on several levels (Brown 1992: 102). The addition of quillwork gave a robe or moccasins special powers linked to the symbol. ism ofthe shapes and colors incorporated into the design. Such items afforded their wearers super· natural protection and virtues (Dorsey and Kroeber 1903:246; Walker 1917:135·36). In one sense, the quillwork was a means of fusing the vision with a tangible object (Irwin 1994:235). In many parts of the Plains, the porcupine was considered an incar· nation of the Sun, and quillwork represented cre· ation itself (Brown 1992:102). In one myth found throughout the northern Plains, a maiden follows a porcupine into the sky, where she becomes the bride of Sun. Quillwork might also express a girl's vision or her desire to attain a vision.

A woman's record of hides dressed and deca. rated contributed to her social status (Schneider 1983: 109· II 5; Spector 1993:37·39). Hidatsa his- torian Buffalo Bird Woman explained:

108

[The hostess] went from guest to guest aild after asking what they had made, gave each a stick for every piece of won:. When everyone bad received the sticks to which they were entitled, the hostess took by the hand the woman who·had the fowtb most sticks and led her to a place ofhooor. She then escorted the woman who had the tbird most and seated her in front of the first woman chosen, and

. so on until the winner was placed be~ore all. as be- came her Jl9Sition.

When the women agreed Chat the one chosen was the righttUl winner, others brought food, served first the four winners in the order of their indusuy, then passing food to the olbers. To record the ev~t, marks were placed on the dew cloth or tipi lining of the Red Council Lodge. Small marks were made to rep- resent the work done prior to puberty, larger marks for lalerworlc, and over them was the maker's name. . Thus Rattling Blanket Woman's ten small nwks and four lauge ones were designated by the drawing of a rattle superimposed upon a blanket with a line ex- tending from it to tbe nwks. This ~as her "quilling count," and just as a man displayed his war bonors in the Red Council Lodge, so a woman displayed her abilities (Hassrick 1964:43).

Clearly, the cultural significance of quillwork went beyond that of a mere hobby or pastime. In· stead, hide.dfessing and the tools by which women accomplished it were symbols of femlninity insepa- rable from other aspects of the woman's way. In many northern Plains stories, girls were said· to 'come to ·trouble only when they began to neglect their quillwork for other more worldly activities (e.g. Dorsey and Kroeber 1903: 179-180). In a prac- tical sense, quillwork gave young girls a construc·

[)I. 47, No. 181,2002

an's quilling record be- ,asis for bet social sta- a man's coup count was )£ his. For my industry : skins, my clan aunt, me a woman's bell It

!d as my three fingers, :I wilh blue beads. One .de long, to hang down :>nJya very industrious ~'en such a belt. She yO£makeone. To wear oelt was an honor. I was nine as a war leader of Ip (Wilson 1981:117-

Uariket, a Lakota, de- val honOring the best 1 her community:

uest to guest and after gave each a stick for veryone had received , entitled, the hostess "'no had the fourlh

ce of honor. Sbe !hen I the Ihird most and woman chosen, and

ced before aU, as be-

It the one chosen was gilt fOO<!, served first f their industry, then :ord the event, marks or tipi lining of the cs were made to rep- uberty, larger marks IS the maker's name. ten small marks and by the drawing of a nket wilh a line ex- is was her "quilling yed his war honors I woman displayed

'icance of quill work tbby or pastime. In- ,Is by which women .ffemininity insepa- e woman's way. In girls were said to

:y began to neglect , worldly activities 179-180). In a prac- :Jg girls a construc-

Linea Sundstrom

tive occupation to keep them from idleness. The Lakota leader Spotted Tail objected strongly when in 1878 Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Ezra Ayres Hayt, attempted to prohibit the sale of beads to the Indians at the Brule Agency. Spotted Tail flatly re- fused to comply with this "foolish" order. He as- serted that great evil would result if the young'In- dian women were forbidden to engage in headwork and thus had nothing to occupy their time (Kingsbmy 1915:802). Omaha elders told girls tltat tIleir very survival depended on their industry in traditional women's crafts:

If you are a thrifty woman, your husband will slrUggle bard to bring you the best of materials for your tent and clothing and the best oftonls. If you have a good tent, men and women will desire to enter it. They will be glad to talk with you and your husband. If you are willing to remain in ignorance and nolleam how to do the things a woman should know how to do, you will ask olher women to cut your moccasins and fit them for you. You will go from bad to worse; you will leave your people, go into a strange tribe, fail into lrUuble, and die there friendless (Fletcber and LaFlescbe 1992:333).

Such views were reinforced by stories, such as one in which a young woman confounds a mon- ster tIlat has stolen her child by presenting it with a" bundle of elaborately quilled items. The monster has to count the quills before it can pursue tile mother and child, and it eventually gives up in ex- haustion (Dorsey and Kroeber 1903:239-246). In another story, the ability to quill hides simply by sitting on them symbolizes a woman's strong su- pernatural powers (Dorsey andKroeber 1903:286- 293). Among the Lakota, such ability might be conferred in Double Woman dreams (S1. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:172).

In a religious sense, quillwork represented the virtues for which all women should strive: gener- osity, motherhood, persistence, and industrious- ness. In providing beautiful and powerful items for her family and community, a woman honored tile central Lakota belief in the relatedness and inter- dependency of all living beings. Thus, tile constel- lation of motifs found at vulva-track-groove rock art sites served to represent and reinforce tIlemes of womanhood. The grooves used for making and renewing bone awls were symbols of, and prayers for, success in womanly endeavors from craftwork to childbearing.

109

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plaioswomeo

The technique used to produce vulva-track- groove rock art is distinct from that used for other kinds of rock art. Ratller than simply scratched or incised into the rock, the vulva-track-groove petroglyphs are painstakingly cut deep into the sandstone and then smoothed by grinding tile sur- face down further with a retatively soft (probably bone) implement. The process of making this kind of rock art would inevitably resul~ in reduction of the bone tool-in otller words, in shaping the raw bone into a useful implement. Since Double Woman, the ultimate artist, was said to dwell within the rock, it is likely that some of her essence was thought to be transferred to the tool itself and, tIlus to tile items the woman made for her family's use. The prolonged rhythmic grinding motion may have promoted a mental state in which the person mak- ing the tool (and the rock art) might be more re- ceptive to a vision (cf. Steinbring and Buchner 1997:76).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGA- TIONS OF VULVA-TRACK-

GROOVE ROCK ART

Archaeological dita lend ~me support to tIlis hypothesized origin for hoofprint-vulva-groove rock art sites. The distribution of these rock art sites mirrors tIlat of known vision quest sites: large, fre- quently reused sites with hundreds of abraded grooves and ground i>etroglyphs and tiny, isolated . sites with only one or a few grooves and petroglypns. At the latter, tile grooves can fre- quently be reached from one spot, as if the person. making them stayed in one place throughout tile process. These smaller sites may also have grooves in awkward places, such as clefts in "the rock ac-" cessible to only one person and sometimes only from a seated or supine position (Figures 5-6). Certainly, it makes little sense to choose a tool sharpening location that would land the sandstone grit in tile toolmaker's face, unless such a deep roCk crevice was tIlought to have special power. The larger, reused sites tend to occur near large sum- mer campgrounds, such as those on lower French· Creek and in Red Canyon in tile Black Hills, used by Lakota groups jn tile nineteenth century and perhaps earlier. Several large concentrations of grooves occur on lower sandstone outcrops near Bear Butte, a major Cheyenne and Lakota camp

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

Figure 5. Ovedtanging rock slab under which are vulva and groove rock art panels, 39FA676, southern Black Hills.

Vol. 47, No. 181,2002

as one of the places from which buffalo spirits emerged from the under- ground wotld to replenish the herds. On cliffs over- looking the cave, a huge bas- relief carving of a buffalo cow with her newborn calf represents this idea of re- newal and was a symbol of human fertility and renewal as well.

Vulva-track-groove rock art has not been directly dated. Because it shows re- lationships to Siouan and Algonkian art traditions of the eastern Woodlands, it

and vision quest site. Other large concentrations very likely dates within the last 2000 years, before of abraded grooves, vulvas, and bison tracks oc- which possible eastern connections are not found cur at two sacred caves: Ludlow Cave in the north in the archaeological record for the northern Plains Cave Hills and Medicine Creek Cave in the north- (Buckles 1964). Based on stylistic attributes and western Black Hills. This pattern suggests that stratigraphic relationships to other nxtk art, vulva- vulva-track-groove rock art sites were chosen ei- track-groove rock art probably' waS made some- ther because they were isolated, because they pro- time between AD 1500 and the historic period vided maximum contact with rock surfaces (such (Keyser 1984:24-25, 1987; Sundstrom 1990:252). as deep crevices), or because the particular place With the possible exception ofa few horse tracks, was one where powerful visions had been received the style does not include depictions of post-con- by other petitioners. tact items; thus, it seems not to have continued into

Few of these rock art sites have been exca- the historic period. Production of the tool grooves, vated. Medicine Creek Cave contained a variety in particular, seems to have ceased in the early post- of items (especially arrowpoints) left as offerings; contact era (Buckles 1964:208; FeyhlI980:27-28; however, no perishable materials such as bone tools Keyser 1984: 19). were found (Buckles 1964). Artifacts were in a Excavation data are available for only one of much better state of preservation at Ludlow Cave the 50 Black Hills sites containing abraded grooves. (Sundstrom 1996). This site contained hundreds This is a small rockshelter in a side canyon near of offerings, including bead strings, arrows, and the Cheyenne River. Abraded grooves occur on the feathers. In addition to these male and gender-neu- walls and floor of the rockshelter and one set of tral items, Ludlow Cave contained many bone awls, grooves forms a grid design. Leon Buker, a local at least one set of dyed porcupine quills, several avocational archaeologist excavated the rockshelter pieces of pottery, and other items associated with in 1933. He reported finding a "fixed metate," a hide-working, quillwork, and other women's ac- stone-lined fire-pit, numerous scrapers, "several tivities. Members of the 1874 Black Hills expedi- forms of arrowpoints," fragments of a' broken tion observed metal knives reworked into hide- "pounder," four bone awls, several edged. flakes, scraping tools among the offerings in the cave and a potsherd. Two of the bone awls disintegrated (Carroll and Frost 1976: 19-20). Ludlow Cave is upon excavation, suggesting that more awls may certainly the best recorded ethnographically of the have one been present in the site deposits. Perish- sites with vulva-track-groove rock art sites. It was able material is rarely preserved in Black Hills sites; sacred to all tribes in the area (Sundstrom 1996), even bone scrap is rarely found. By "pounder",

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· 47, No. 181,2002

: of the places from buffalo sPlfltS

ed from the under- I world to replenish rds. On cliffs over- : the cave, a huge bas- :arving of a buffalo th her newborn calf nts this idea of re- md was a symbol of fertility and renewal

I va-track-groove has not been directly lecause it shows re- lips to Siouan and an art traditions of em Woodlands, it t 2000 years, before :tions are not found · the northern Plains listic altributes and :her rock art, vulva- r was made some- :he historic period Idstrom 1990:252). a few horse tracks, ctions of post-con- lave continued into )fthe tool grooves, ::d in the early post- Feyhl1980:27-28;

)le for only one of g abraded grooves. side canyon near

}oves occur on the :er and one set of :on Buker, a local ted the rockshelter "fixed metate," a ·crapers, "several ~nts of a broken :ral edged flakes, wls disintegrated t more awls may deposits. Perish- Black Hills sites; · By "pounder",

Liaea Sundstrom Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

Figure 6. Examples of vulva and groove petroglyphs under rock slab shown in Figure S. 39FA676, southern Black HiUs.

Buker apparently meant either the shallow bowl- like metate used for pounding chokecherries or the handstone used for the same task, both of which are referred to as cherry pounders. The preponder- ance of women's tools in the site-hide scrapers, bone awls, pottery, the bedrock metate, and the cherry pounder-is striking. All ofthese materials were found 12-24 inches below surface, although lithic debitage, flake tools, and ash were found throughout the 30 inches offill (Buker 1934-35).

ETHNOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE

Little is recorded ethnographically of either girls' puberty fasts or the activities of Double Woman dreamers. So far, no direct accounts of the production of bone tools at rock art sites have been found This lack of information probably reflects three things. The flTst is an apparent cultural pro- scription against men and other outsiders acquir- ing knowledge of Double Woman. This is ex- pressed in the Santee statement that "these mystic women were harmless when left alone, but if a hunter became inquisitive or mocking they pun- ished him, causing him to lose his orientation and die in the woods" (Landes 1968:73). Lakota infor-

mants also noted that men feared and avoided. Double Woman dreamerS (Walker 1980: 166). Be- cause most ethnographers (such as James Walker) had only or mostly male informants, they would not have had access to information about the Double Woman phenomenon (Kehoe 1983:55; St.· Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:53). Lakota histo- rian William Bordeaux stated that only women and children used rock art shrines; thus, their contin- ued use of them could easily have escaped the at- tention of the male anthropologists (Sioux Falls Argus-Leader ca. 1931). The Double Woman dream societies kept their activities secret, partly . to protect their monopoly over hide-working tech- niques and designs (Schneider 1983: 112). The gen-

. eral. practice of keeping visions secret or of shar- ing them only with one's religious advisors (Inyin 1994: I 72) ~lso made this. kind of informatiop largely inaccessible to ethnographers.

A second factor is the influence of Christian missionaries in altering Indian views of women's roles in religious activity. Women were often the . first to adopt the new religion. They were more likely to be in the camps and villages and thus present for religious instruction and were more

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

likely to many non-Indians. Some aspects of Chris- tianity appealed especia11y to women. such as de- votion to Mary, the acceptability of choosing celi- bacy over an undesirable marriage, and the oppor- tunity to exercise leadership in the religious and educational realms (peterson ] 988; Sleeper-Smith 2000; Van Kirk ]980). It was a relatively small step, philosophically and practically speaking, from the Double Women quilling societies to the St. Mary quilting societies of the mission churches (cf. Pow- ers 1986: 183-84). Thus, religious practices specific to women, such as devotion to Double Woman, may have been abandoned in favor of or sublimated by Christianity more rapidly than those of men.

Due to pressures to assimilate to non-Indian ways, women who continued the old practices may have been increasingly reluctant to tell anyone about their activities. It is difficult to assess the degree to which Double Woman traditions were kept secret, as opposed to disappearing. Clearly, women did not entirely abandon the practice of visiting rock art sites, as William Bordeaux noted. "Just recently [ca. 1931], an Oglala Sioux, Patrick Star, related to me how, as a child, he went with his mother to one of these sacred altars [places with rock art] and left a pound of cherries at the altar in the hope that the Great Spirit would give him a speedy pony in return" (Sioux Falls Argus-Leader ca. 1931).As a symbol of women's fertility and as a food especially pleasing to the buffalo, chokecher- ries were an important item in the Lakota girls' puberty ceremony (Brown 1953:116-126; Walker 1917:142-150, 1980:244-251); thus, their use as an offering at a women's shrine is not surprising, and may in fact explain the abundance of chokecherry bushes at some rock art sites. As re- cently as 1992, I have observed chokecherry pits in front of rock art panels at a site still in use as a Lakota shrine.

Christian missionizing also had a profound effect on Native attitudes towards women in the religious sphere. A careful reading of ethnography and mythology shows that women of childbearing age were regarded as open to the acquisition of supernatural power (Walker 1980:242-243). Women's powers were considered especially p0- tent during menstruation and immediately after childbirth (Brown 1953:116; St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:74; Walker 1917:14], 149, 1980:159,

112

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251). Like men undergoing the vision quest, women secluded themselves at these times so that their powers would not interfere with those of other members of the household and community and to protect the woman from unwanted supernatural influences, and, like men returning from the vi- sion quest, women completed the sweat lodge ritual before returning to the community (Bl'Own 1953:116-17; Walker 1980:159,168,24]).

Christian missionaries nalura11y interpreted this seclusion in Old Testament terms: that is, men- struating women were temporarily isolated because they were unclean or pol1uting elements (powers 1980). The influence of mission training led to widespread acceptance of the idea of menstruation as a polluting condition even among Indian people and anthropologists (Powers 1977:63-64, 194), although this view is clearly at odds with the pu- berty ceremony itself in which the girl was told that she was holy at menstruation and that her men- strual flow was a sign of this holiness (Brown 1953:116; Walker ]9]7:149,1980:251). With the coming of Christian views,girls no longer saw their menarche as a time to seek spiritual strength, and the community no longer viewed this event as something to be publicly celebrated. Women's par- ticipation in religious activities was constrained to secondary roles. Given the pressures to accept Christianity and to replace the old idea of Double Woman with that of Mary and other female saints, it seems likely that Double Woman worship went underground, so to speak, if it were not abandoned altogether (cf. st. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:9).

EFFECTS OF METAL AWL TRADE

The third probable explanation for the lack of ethnographic accounts of the Double Woman dream societies is a.shift in the importance of bone tool production with the introduction of metal tools . into the area. Bone awls and needles were replaced with manufactured steel equivalents as soon as these became available through the fur and hide trade (Wood and Thiessen 1985:70). Steel quill flat- teners were manufactlued to replace the older bone models. Metal hide-scraper bits replaced stone scrapers set into elk antler handles. Eventually, even the antler-handled scrapers gave way to one-piece tools reshaped from gun barrels. Vutually all con- temporary lists of items traded for hides and furs

,.

I I .,

Linea

mentio items Waggo Thiessc aOdOj David strong beaver (Glove ers. an· prodti, waned

In sites 0: 1845, measu (West, place< 1750i remai thed durin! tiges\ and So • sidec tools prodt nity" , ing a 1659· Gros Ojib, riorh pres( orE, ~eiv(

ers, (Rad -180( credi vern Verc trade

. pow . whil and as t 198

7, No. 181,2002

the vision quest, these times so that with those of other community and to Illted supernatural ning from the vi- ~ sweat lodge ritual lmunity (Brown . 168,241). urally interpreted erms:thatis,me~

ly isolated because elements (powers )D training led to :a of menstruation ong Indian people 977:63-64, 194), odds with the pu- the girl was told and that her m~ holiness (Brown 30:251). With the to longer saw their tual strength, and led this event as ed. Women's par- ras constrained to :ssures to accept ld idea of Double ner female saints, Ian worship went re not abandoned ~Soldier 1995:9).

WLTRADE

on for the lack of Double Woman portance of bone ion of metal tools les were replaced lents as soon as the fur and hide I). Steel quill flat- ce the older bone : replaced stone Eventually, even ",ay to one-piece I"lrtually all con- Ir hides and furs

LiDe. SUDdstrom

mention awls and needles, indicating that these items were in high demand (Bettelyoun and Waggoner 1998:27; Ewers 1997:24-25; Wood and Thiessen 1985:322-26). Referring to Plains Cree and Ojibwa women. North West Company trader David Thompson stated, "Show them an awl or a strong needle and they win gladly give the finest beaver or wolf skin they have to purchase if' (Glover 1962:45). By the time non-Indian explor- ers and ethntOgraphers arrived on the scene, the production and use of bone tools had already waned.

In a study of bone tools from archaeological sites on the central Missouri River dating AD 1525- 1845, bone awls are the first tool type to show measurable decline as metal tools entered the area (Weston 1993). Bone awls were already being re- placed by metal awls or awl-tips in the AD 1700- 1750 interval. They decline steadily throughout the remainder of the study period, providing one of the clearest indices of change in material culture during the contact era. The study noted that " ... pres .. tige surely accrued to those who bad the metal awls, and social advancement may have followed out- side of the usual channels. Those who made bone tools began to feel a decrease in demand for their . products, and a change in their role in the commu- nity" (Weston 1993:93).

Metal awls were standard issue for early trad- ing and exploration expeditions. In the winter of 1659-60, Pierre Radisson and Medard Chouart des Groseilliers visited a mixed group of Huron, Ojibwa, Ottawa and Dakota south of Lake Supe- rior hoping to establish a trading relationship. They presented the men. women, and children with gifts of European manufacture .. The women each re- ceived 22 awls, 50 needles, two beaver hide scrap- ers, four combs, and six tin looking-glasses (Radisson 1885:199-2(0). On the Red River in 1800, Alexander Henry issued the Indian women credit in the form of awls, needles, firesteels, thread. vermilion. and tobacco (Gough 1988:53). The La Verendrye journal for 1738-39 lists the basis of trade between the Assiniboin and Mandan as guns, powder, bullets, kettles, axes, knives, and awls, which the fonner traded for garden produce, pelts, and decorated buffalo robes, and quilled items such as belts and headbands (Wood and Thiessen 1985:22). In 1804, Fran~ois-Antoine LaRocque

113

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

obtained a mule from the Mandans for a gun, an ax, an awl, a looking glass, two knives, two worm- ers, a length of red stroud, and small amounts of tobacco, gunflints, beads, ball and poWder, and vermilion (Wood and Thiessen 1985:143), and the following year obtained a dog for 20 rounds of ammunition. a knife, an awl, 13 china beads, and some vermilion (Wood and Thiessen 1985:67,

- 153). LaRocque also recorded in 1804 that his fel- low trader Charles McKenzie had run short of awls~ vermilion, beads and knives (Wood and Thiessen 1985:145). Among the gifts LaRocque offered the leaders of various Rocky Mountain bands in 1805 were four dozen awls (Wood and Thiessen 1985:171). The inventory of trade goods at Fort Esperance in Saskatchewan in 1793 included two gross of awls.

The increasing availability of cloth, thread. and glass beads hastened the decline of bone tools. The increasing substitution of cloth for leather also pro- moted the use of beads over quills and needles over awls (Lyford 1940). Spun thread was cheap and required none of the labor of producing sinew. If awl tips were a cheap and easily transported trade it~ms, needles were even more so. Unlike quills, beads could be applied relatively qUickly using a needle and thread, rather than laboriously boring holes with awls (Lyford 1940:8). Some evidence exists that, during the reservation period, girls were taught quillwork., but did not use the /ikill because they had not gone through the ceremonies that would give religious validation to the art (Sf. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995:193). Quills had their ori- gins in living things: porcupine quills, bird feath- ers, grass plumes, and plants used for dyes. Quillwork also incorporated the woman's own sa- liva, as she moistened both sinew and .quills in her mouth (Lyford 1940:38). Because beads lacked these associations, fewer religious restrictions ap- plied tobeadwork than to quillwork. This perhaps made them more appropriate for items, such as trade hides, not intended for use Within the com- -munity, and further promoted beads and needles . over quills and bone awls.

WOMEN AND THE HIDE TRADE·

Most studies of the impact of European trad- ing on Native women come from the Great Lakes and middle Mississippi regions. In these areas,

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST Vol. 47, No. 181, 2002 Lint

women played a role integral to the success of the (Jablow 1950:21, 53). They might add consider- topJ'l trading system by acting as cultural liaisons be- ably more value by ornamenting the hides with · derN tween French and British traders and indigenous quill- or beadwork. These were not new roles for terp< communities (Peterson 1981, 1988; Sleeper-Smith women. Clearly, decorated hides were an impor- erso: 2000; Van Kirk 198.0; White 1999). The most suc- tant export from the western Plains before Euro- cessful traders took Indian wives. Because the ac- pesns entered the trade system (Jablow 1950: 13,

beco i. ASd

cess to trade goods afforded by such unions tended 32,41,45). What the European and Euroamerican was)

to raise the status of the family, powerful or ambi- hide trade changed most was not the product or hand

tious families encouraged such marriages among mode of production, but the level of demand. Fre- their young women. These women thus broughtto mont estimated that from 1833-1843 fur compa-

hide hert

the marriage powerful kin and community net- nies operating in the West brought betWeen 90,000 works. These in turn lent the trader a degree of and 100,000 bison cowskin winter-robes to mar- personal protection and provided him ready-made ket annually. This number does not reflect bulls

depe thrOI prod

trade connections. Such marriages were mutually and immature bison killed along with the cows, ~xpe

beneficial in according added status to the woman's bison taken for use by the Indians, or cows with such

family and giving them some control over trade imperfect hides. Nearly all of these bison were som

networks on the one hand and in securing the trader killed and processed by Indians (Hyde 1937:62). WO[

social and economic support on the other (peterson The introduction of the horse facilitated the 1981,1988; Sleeper-Smith 2000; Van IGrt 1980). shift to production of an ever-greater surplus of Although some researchers have painted a pessi- buffalo hides for export from the western Plains.

co-o · less

the I

mistic picture of the lot of women under the hide- Before the introduction of the horse, buffalo hunt- trade system (e.g. Lewis 1942; Klein 1983; Medi- ing was a communal activity that involved the en- cine 1983:269), it is clear from contemporary docu- tire group. The need to locate a herd within walk- ments that, in fact, some women gained consider- ing distance and near a suitable trap or-jump, to

werl ship ash havi .

able influence and wealth and were able to negoti- aggregate enough bands to form an effective com- mas

ate the terms of their marriages to protect their own munal drive, and to process the large amount of to a

interests and those of their children and extended meat and hides thus produced before they spoiled families (Faragher 1988:208; Peterson 1988; severely limited the number of buffalo hides avail- Sleeper-Smith 2000; Van IGrt 1980; White 1999). able for trade on a regular basis. The supply of In the Great Lakes and northeastern Plains, such buffalo hides depended not on the number of ani- mixed marriages led to the creation of a new cul- mals the men could kill, but the number of hides

on i takt the~ oft.

ture: that of the Metis. This was neither an the women could process (Faragher 1988:201). The . to 1

Indianized European culture nor a Europeanized shift from communal hunts to hunting smaller herds Indian culture, but melded elements of each, to- on horseback freed women from the need to par- gether with new institutions hom of the fur trade ticipate in the hunt itself and gave them more time

nee and rati

economy, into a new and distinctive life-way to process the green hides (Jablow 1950:20). The tro(

(Gilman 1982; Van Kirk 1980:5; White 1991). horse also gave people much more mobility in find- con

On the western Plains, European and Ameri- ing and pursuing bison herds. It also allowed dis-. can traders also typically married into the more criminate killing of female animals, whose hides prestigious families, but these couples and their were preferred for robes. This more intense and offspring were incorporated into the existing cul- continual taking of bison, especially cows; would

·onc tift fou hid

tural system, rather than forming a separate Metis eventually contribute to the decimation of the great culture (Whelan 1993). A major difference between herds, but for a short time in the mid-nineteenth the fur trade of the Great Lakes and the buffalo century, it sent a steady flOod of hides to the bur-

nec: · TOt

hoi

hide trade of the western Plains was that produc- geoning eastern markets. bUl

tion of hides required much more active participa- The high demand for tanned and decorated tion of women than did pelts. Hides that were not hides, together with the new means of procuring

see the

properly tanned had no value as exports; women buffalo, was a mixed blessing for women. Because ers

added this value in tanning and trimming the hides women generally monopolized the skills needed . tra

114

..................... ------------ ~.47,No.181,2001

~y might add consider- 1enting the hides with were not new roles for I hides were an impor- rn Plains before Eum- item (Jablow 1950:13, leaD and Euroamerican vas not the product or ~ level of demand. Fre- 1833-1843 fur compa- rought between 90,000 1 winter-robes to mar- does not reflect bulls along with the cows, Indians, or cows with I of these bison were lians (Hyde 1937:62). e horse facilitated the :ver-greater surplus of 1m the western Plains. he horse, buffalo hunt- y that involved the en- te a herd within walk- table trap or jump, to ~rmaneffectivecom­

s the large amount of ed before they spoiled ofbuffalo hides avail- basis. The supply of on the number of ani- t the number of hides II'agher 1988:201). The ) hunting smaller herds from the need to par- I gave them more time lablow 1950:20). The more mobility in fmd- s. It also allowed dis- animals, whose hides his more intense and ;pecially cows, would lecimation of the great in the mid-nineteenth Ki of hides to the bur-

anned and decorated 'I means of procuring ~ for women. Because zed the skills needed

Linea Sundstrom

to produce finished hides, their labor was in high demand. This undoubtedly placed women in a bet- ter position to negotiate marriages, whether to trad- ers or to Native men. Young girls were expected to become proficient hide-workers before marriage. As described earlier, their prowess in this regard was publicly displayed and rewarded. On the other hand, more of women's time was demanded for hide production. Since the social status of a woman, her husband, and her entire kin group increasingly depended on their access to trade goods obtained thcough the hide trade, women were pressured to produce ever more hides for trade, perhaps at the expense of items the women traded on their own, such as garden produce, women's tools, and per- sonal items (cf. lablow 1950:22). The Double Woman phenomenon may have been a means of co-opting this power for oneself. As single, child- less women who literally and figuratively Jived at the edge of village life, Double Woman devotees were freed to some extent from marriage and kin- ship obligations. They could use their noted skill as hide-workers to gain personal status, without having to sublimate their artistic expression to the mass market of the hide trade and without having to abandon the women's trade.

The hide trade system reinforced dependence on imported tools. Since women no longer had to take time to resharpen the easily worn bone tools, they could process more hides in the same amount of time. Similarly, glass beads were ready to apply to the hides without the laborious processing needed to produce the brightly colored porcupine and bird quills, as well as producing a type of deco- ration that would better survive shipping. The in- troduction of steel axes also streamlined the time- consuming task of gathering firewood. Women who once leisurely competed to produce the most beau- tiful and powerful items for their families now found themselves pressured to mass produce the hides with which the family could acquire the new necessities of guns, ammunition, and iron kettles. Tools and ornaments once made from the living bone and stone were now replaced by nonliving, but durable, glass and iron. No longer did women seek to impart power and protection into the hii:les they processed. These were for the use of strang- ers, not family. There was no longer any reason to transfer the power of the rock or the rock-dwellers

115

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

to the hide through the medium of the bone awl; thus, there was no longer much incentive to un- dergo the rigors of producing bone tools at the is0- lated or legendary cliffs. Women might still seek a vision from Double WolI\lUl, but they would now pray for new and powerful designs specifically for use within the family and communjty.

In terms of availabiliry, maintenance of eco- nomic independence; and protection of the family structure, the steel awls were not "patently supe- rior" to their bone counteIparts, as has been as- serted (Wood and Theissen 1985:70), and Indian women were not passive recipients of these valu- able trade items. Women likely were aware of the trade-offs they were making. As long as deer and bison were hunted, women had access to the raw materials needed to manufacture their own tools, if they chose to do so. In the rapidly changing world of the hide-trade era, women adopted steel awls to expand their personal and family influences in the enlarging sphere of economic and social interac- tion.

Because so little information is available about the Double Woman phenomenon, it is impossible to say exactly how the hide trade and metal tools affected it. The shift from homemade hide-work- ing tools to imported metal ones does, however, seems to reflect a shift in religious beliefs as well. While worship may have continued at the power- ful places associated with Double Woman, the pro- duction of women's tools at these places appears to have stopped abruptly with blossoming of the hide trade in the northern Plains. With the possible exception of Ludlow Cave, abraded grooves and related rock art are not associated with post-con- tact images or artifac~. One of the main vulva- track-groove sites, Medicine'Creek Cave, con- tained no contact-era artifacts or images.

CONCLUSIONS'

Drawing together these lines of evidence, the following conclusions can Jj¢ offifred. First, women probably produced the style 'of rock art occ~g in the western Dakotas comprising deeply ground or abraded vulvas, handprints, footprints, hoof- prints, and grooves during Vision quests or other personal religious activities. At puberty, such vi- sion seeking was aimed at establishing a relation- ship with a supernatural helper that would aid the

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

young woman throughout her lifetime. Later in life, such vision {{uesting may have focused on acqui- sition of artistic skill or inspirations for new quill designs, or on securing protection for the woman or her family. Second, the large abmded grooves that commonly occur as a component of this style of rock art probably resulted from the production of bone awls and other bone tools used by women in processing and decorating hides. Production of such tools at women's fasting sites may have im- bued them with special powers, which in turn were transferred to the items created using these tools. The prolonged rhythmic abmsion through which these tools were created may have been a means of achieving a state of consciousness conducive to receiving a vision or dream. Third, among the Da- kota and Lakota, such activities were connected to belief in Double Woman. This spirit being was the benefactor of quillwork and other artistic endeav- ors, was a frequent object of girls' and women's visions, and was said to have created rock art at places such as the pipestone quarries in western Minnesota. Fourth, women who were instructed in dreams or visions to enact the role of Double Woman in this manner likely created some rock art. Fifth, the apparent sudden abandonment ofthis style of rock art and especially the production of "tool grooves" at the rock art sites can be traced to the influences of white contact, specifically the iJ:ltroduction of metal awls and glass beads, the need to mass produce decomted hides for export, and the adoption of Christianity by Indian women. This enigmatic rock art thus provides a glimpse into the rapidly changing world of the northern Plains In- dian woman during the last three centuries.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Alexandnl New Holy, Julie Francis, Tom Thiessen, and Mary Adair who commented helpfully on dnlfts of the paper. Jack Steinbring suggested the connection between trance and the rhythmic grinding involved in production of this rock art. Jessie Sundstrom sent me the 1931 newspaper clipping with William Bordeaux's valuable observations on Lakota beliefs about rock art, and Tom Sanders sent me a copy of Julia Conger's testimony before the US Court of Claims. Thank also to Lakota elder Rebecca Halfred and Potawattamie-Lakota anthropologist and elder Ben Rhodd who provided additional information on Lakota beliefs about rock art.

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in Plains IndianAns and Crafts. In TlteHiddenHalf: Stud- ies' of Plains Indian Women, edited by P. AlbeD and B. Medicine, pp.·IOI-121. University Press of America, Washington, D.C.

SchullZ, J. W. 1923 Friends of My Life as an Indian. Houghtoo Mifflin,

New York. Secoy;F.R.

1953 Changing Military Patterns on the Great Plains. American Ethnological Society Monograph il.

Sharp, L. 1952 Steel Axes for Stone-Age Australians. Human Orga-

nization 11(2): 17-22. Siowc Falls Argus Leader [Sioux Falls, South Dakota]

ca. 1931 "Indian Says Carved Rock in State Done by Members of Tribe": Photocopy of undated clipping in author's possession.

Sleeper-Smith, S. 2000 Women, Kin, and Catholicism: New Perspectives on

the Fur Trade. Ethnohistory 47(2):423-452. Smith,M. W.

1938 The War Complex of the Plains Indians. AmericQlf Philosophical Society Proceedings 78.

Spector, J. D. 1993 What this Awl Means: Feminist Archaeology at a

WahPf!ton Dakota Village. Minnesota Historical Society Press, St. Paul. .

Steinbring, J. and A. P. Buchner .1997 Cathedrals of Prehistory: Rock Art Sites of the North-

ern Plains. American Indian Rock Art 23:73-84. Sundstrom, L.

i990 Rock Art of the Southern Black Hills: A Conte."Ctual Approach. Garland Publishing, New York.

1996 The Material Culture of LI4dlow Cave. Custer Na- tional Forest, Harding County. South Dakota: A NAGPRA Evaluation. Custer National Forest, Billings, Montana.

I

.% Linea Sundstrom

Theiz, R. D. 1988 Multifaceted Double Woman: Legend, Song, Dream,

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US Cowt of Oaims 1927 The Yankton Sioux v. the United States #4-456, evi-

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1980 Many Tender TIes: Womell ill Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870. University ofOk:lahoma Press, Norman.

Walker, J. R. 1917 TIae SUII Dance of the Oglala. American Museum of

Natural History Anlhropological Paper 16, Pt. 2. 1980 La1wta Belief and Ritl/al. Edited by R. J. DeMalIie

and E. A. Jahner, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Weston, T.

1993 AccultW1ltion in the Middle Missouri Valley as Re- flected in Modified BoDe Assemblages. PlaiffS Anthro- pologist 38:79-100.

Whelan, M. K. 1993 Dakota Indian Economics and tbe Nineteenlh-Cen-

buy Fur Trade. Etluwhistory4O(2):246-275. White,8.M.

1999 The Woman Who Married a Beaver. Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa Fur Trade. EthlIOhistory 46:109-147.

White,R. 1991 The Middle Ground: Indians. Empires. and Repub-

lics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815. Cambridge University Press, New York.

119

Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen

Whitley, D. 1994 Ethnography and Rock Art in !he Far West: Snme

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Society of North Dakota 1:474-475. Wilson, G. L. (editor)

1981 Waheenee: An Indian Girl's Story Told by Herself to Gilbert L. Wilson. Reprinted. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Originally published 1927, Webb Publish- ing, SL Paul, Minnesota.

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1914 The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Culture. AmericCmAnthropologist 16:1-15.

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versity of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Week 6 - Plains/Gardner 2003 - Though it Broke My Heart Waterlily DeLoria.pdf

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

Any given narrative arises out of a vast constellation of stories, formal

and informal, personal or “high art,” and it is this all-encompassing ma- trix that provides a given work its apparently “self-contained” meaning. In short, every story is an excerpt.

Paula Gunn Allen, Voice

It is sometime in the mid-s.1 A woman in her late fifties is toiling on three manuscripts at once: an ethnography, a combination of apologia and advocacy for her people in and after wartime, and a novel. The latter

she describes to Margaret Mead as “about a girl who lived a century ago, in a remote camp-circle of the Teton Dakotas”:

Only my characters are imaginary; the things that happen are what

the many old women informants have told me as having been their own or their mothers’ or other relatives’ experiences. I can claim as original only the method of fitting these events and ceremonies into

the tale. . . . [I]t reads convincingly to any who understand Dakota life. . . . And it is purely the woman’s point of view, her problems, aspirations, ideals, etc.2

She works at the manuscripts when she can find time, for her income is the precarious one of a freelance, and she often, indeed usually, does

not know when, or from whom, her next check is coming. She is far from enjoying Virginia Woolf ’s minimum standards for a woman writer to produce quality work: a room of her own and a modest independent

“Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied” Ella Deloria’s Original Design for Waterlily

 

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income. Any untoward circumstance—the need to nurse her dying fa- ther, to pay for an operation for her sister, to fund her brother’s and other

relatives’ education, to survive a bank or crop failure, flood, or cyclone, any ill health of her own necessitating hospitalization for respiratory or kidney disease and blood transfusions, even dropping an iron on her foot

or breaking her glasses—can bankrupt her temporarily. She adds to the manuscripts in small apartments in New York City or

New Jersey, in her brother’s rectory or rented space in South Dakota or

Iowa, in hotel rooms, friends’ houses. Sometimes her base is an ancient or rented car. “If I could live in a hut and have not bills—you’d be sur- prised!”3 Her life is migratory, like that of her own people traditionally,

although her travels are governed as much by the grant and proposal deadlines of the North American academic year as by seasonal, cyclic time. Her household is as meager as it is portable—once she wrote to a mentor

that she only possessed six items of “alienable” property. These did not include, at the time, two of those most essential to her work: a succession of old or borrowed cars and her typewriter. She shares her life with one

companion, her younger, painfully reclusive, artistic sister. She also shares it with a myriad of relatives located all over the northern Great Plains, on Indian reservations in South Dakota, in tiny towns existing mainly to

administer, regulate, and control those reservations, and out East where her brother’s in-laws live. Whatever the social situation—pouring tea for a ladies’ afternoon as she was taught at school in courses, like “Social

Relations” and “Correct Social Dance,” or providing meat and tobacco when asking for information from tribal elders—she knows how to per- form. Wherever she goes, photographs of two dead men accompany her,

as they will until her death in : her father, a Native Episcopal mission- ary, and her scientific mentor, a German Jew. Her files will be damaged or lost in blizzards, tornadoes, fires, and storage facilities where she cannot

afford to reclaim them, or disappear into poorly catalogued archives of others’ work.

Of the three manuscripts, only one, Speaking of Indians (dedicated to

the memory of Mary Sharp Francis, her “beloved teacher and a great missionary”), will be published in her lifetime—in , by the Mission- ary Education Movement/Friendship Press. She has no illusions about its

scientific value, describing it to Mead some years later as “intended to be informal and sugar-coated, so that people who read it might be inter- ested enough to study Indians.”4 What she considers her great work—an

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ethnography variously called Camp Circle Society, Dakota Home Life, or Dakota Family Life—will not see the light of day until the twenty-first

century. The novel Waterlily will be published in —one hundred years after her birth and forty years after she completed it—and will be re- duced to slightly under one-half the original manuscript.

All three are difficult for her to write: not because she is ill at ease with English (far from it; her mentors say she writes better than most), but because the genres and audiences available to her are culturally inappro-

priate for what she is trying to accomplish. She is her People’s biographer. All three narratives, composed for different audiences (missionaries, an- thropologists, the reading public for popular fiction—all outsiders to her

original culture), tell the same story: the essential humanity and valid lifeways of the people known collectively as the “Sioux.” Her familiarity with these audiences is as thorough as it is stifling: she knows what they

expect, and that she cannot offer them all of what they want. Even the one audience who would understand most of what she has to say—her own people—would not wholly approve of her saying it (some would

not even approve of her knowing what she knows), an anxiety she re- peatedly voices. Yet she persists.

The focus of this article is Waterlily. The history of its composition

fascinated and frustrated me from the moment I read it in , en route to a summer cultural studies institute at Oglala Lakota College. Later, at a documentary workshop on American Indian autobiography at the D’Arcy

McNickle Center for American Indian History at the Newberry Library, its convenor, Dr. Kathryn Shanley (Nakota), noted that the published Waterlily is truncated. Why, I wondered? By whom? Was it Bowdlerized?

Censored? Insensitively or incompetently edited? Was there still an origi- nal manuscript?

At the time I knew little about Ella Deloria, other than the biographi-

cal data supplied by Raymond DeMallie and Agnes Picotte in Waterlily and the inclusion of a scene from the novel in Paula Gunn Allen’s Spider Woman’s Granddaughters (). Scholarship about Deloria’s vast body

of writing was primarily by anthropologists and linguists: when Waterlily was mentioned, it was as additional confirmation of Deloria’s ethno- graphic work. Not until , when Deloria’s previously closed correspon-

dence with her second significant mentor, the anthropologist Ruth Fulton Benedict (to whom Waterlily is dedicated—was a pattern of Euroamerican female support emerging?), became available to the public, fifty years af-

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ter Benedict’s death and fifty years after Waterlily’s completion, was I able to answer some of the questions above.5

Until then, all many people could read was the shortened text of Waterlily itself—and all over the country, people in small numbers were. In the mainstream universities, some women’s studies courses adopted

it, as did several in American Indian studies, for there is no other novel by an American Indian woman about several generations of women’s expe- riences before the enforcement of reservations. A few tribal colleges taught

it. In , the Quality Paperback Book Club featured it in its Native American Firekeepers series—an odd venue at first glance, but Ella Deloria would have approved, for she aimed, as she wrote Benedict, to produce “a

rattling good story that reads fast.”6 Now, more literary criticism and in- tellectual history by American Indians has taken shape, most notably where Deloria’s work is concerned by Elizabeth Cook-Lynn, Philip J.

Deloria, Carol Miller, Kelly J. Morgan, Robert Allen Warrior, and Jace Weaver. (Other significant contributors are Chadwick Allen, Janet Finn, Ruth J. Heflin, the late Roseanne Hoefel, and Julian Rice.)

Yet anthropologist and Deloria relative, Beatrice Medicine, finds the interest in Waterlily misplaced, quoting Deloria as having told her in  (a year before her death): “I have written a novel. It is not an ethnography

so I don’t want you to read it. I don’t want it published.” Medicine com- ments:

Ella Deloria’s work as an ethnographer and an Indigenous linguist

was not fully recognized until the long-delayed publication of her novel. . . . It is ironic that although she did not want it published it has superseded her ethnographic contributions. It . . . is read like an

ethnographic text—which would have displeased her, I am sure. Although seen as “sugary” and “idealistic” by one Native professor teaching American Indian literature, it nonetheless is important in

delineating the kinship dimension in dyadic interaction between members of the tiyospaye. Morality, ethical behavior, and the unify- ing theme of reciprocity are manifested from a feminine perspec-

tive. The articulation of male and female relationships is significant.7

Unquestionably, the general public reads imaginative works by Ameri-

can ethnic authors naïvely, reductively, as sociology or ethnography or history with a plot. Moreover, authors risk standing accused by their own communities for airing dirty laundry in public or succeeding within the

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mainstream because they are (mis)perceived as representative of their people or purveying to stereotypes of victimhood. Issues of complicity

and betrayal are longstanding in ethnic literary criticism, as are the dis- torting and demeaning pressures by mainstream publishers for authors to conform. Waterlily’s textual history exemplifies Ella Deloria’s struggles

with inhibitions on representational sovereignty in both mainstream and Dakota cultures, especially for women. Waterlily’s true story is to be found, not in the published text, but in Ella Deloria’s correspondence with her

female mentors—Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead in particular. Waterlily originally puzzled me because, having taught the novel sev-

eral times, I noticed some apparent textual irregularities and lacunae. The

experience was akin to watching the release print of a film: a sudden dis- junction makes one realize material is missing that would have assured a smoother transition, or some scenes do not even make sense. What ma-

terial wound up on the editor’s floor? Why? Would a “director’s print” change perception of the story itself? Who, for example, kills the horses intended to honor the spirit of Waterlily’s grandmother, leading Waterlily

to accept marriage to a stranger who “buys” her with gifts including re- placement horses? And what happens to the character Alila, whose name echoes the sounds in Wa-ter-lil-y? Alila is talkative, forthright, question-

ing, ebullient to the point of being ill-mannered. She even suggests, when Waterlily makes her decision to sacrifice personal inclination for kinship obligation in marrying her first husband, a way to maneuver out of the

marriage. Beyond her brief structural role as antagonist, however, she has no other purpose and drops abruptly from the narrative. Two sexu- ally-available women, the “village harlots” Night Walker and Everywhere,

similarly flit past the reader. And why the hints about Waterlily’s mysteri- ous aunt, Dream Woman, who possesses unexplained, “supernatural” artistic powers? Why don’t we hear more about such nonconforming

women? How do they get away with their behavior? Such observations could be dismissed as the first impressions of a reader

still trying to train herself out of Western expectations of plot, suspense,

linear progression, character development, and motivation. On the other hand, as Raymond DeMallie explains in his afterword to Waterlily, Deloria was not the first ethnographer (although she may have been the first Native

ethnographer) to resort to the novel as a form, precisely because it does allow for—indeed, is built upon—presentation of the inner drives and social factors influencing personality. In  Elsie Clews Parsons, a stu-

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dent of Franz Boas whose wealth subsidized much of his and his stu- dents’ work, published American Indian Life, an edited collection of fic-

tional portraits written by anthropologists. In the introduction, A. L. Kroeber characterized the typical field-based monograph of the day as “a bulky, detailed, often tedious, but fundamental volume, issued by the

government or a scientific institution.”8 This volume, to the contrary, of- fered “something new, something of the nature of an original contribu- tion.”9

The fictional form of presentation . . . has definite merit. It allows a freedom in depicting or suggesting the thoughts and feelings of the Indian, such as is impossible in a formal, scientific report. In fact, it

incites to active psychological treatment, else the tale would lag. At the same time the customs depicted are never invented. Each au- thor has adhered strictly to the social facts as he knew them. He has

merely selected those that seemed most characteristic, and woven them into a plot around an imaginary Indian hero or heroine. The method is that of the historical novel, with emphasis on the history

rather than the romance.10

Boas himself contributed the final story, “An Eskimo Winter.” Deloria

later acknowledged that both he and Benedict had urged her towards fiction. Accustomed today to narratives by Indians, contemporary read- ers may well find the whole enterprise of “speaking for” and “through”

Indian characters unconscionable. Parsons recognized that the stories could suffer from the writers’ cultural biases and fascination with the exotic:

[T]he impression we give of the daily life of the people may be quite misleading, somewhat as if we described our own society in terms of Christmas and the Fourth of July, of beliefs about the new moon

or ground hogs in February, of city streets in blizzards and after, of strikes and battleships.11

Deloria conceived of her own venture into popular fiction as one more modality for her lifelong mission to “study everything possible of Dakota life, and see what made it go, in the old days, and what was still so deeply

rooted that it could not be rudely displaced without some hurt.”12 As the manuscript turned out, however—and with her ambivalent acquies- cence—“the romance” became quite as important as “the history.”

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Further readings led to more bewilderment, and this can be an effect of some of Deloria’s other texts as well. Jace Weaver, in a sympathetic and

sensitive account of Speaking of Indians, still finds it “often somewhat muddled.”13 Philip J. Deloria acknowledges that his great-aunt’s “concep- tion of a positive notion of Indianness . . . is impossible to locate in rigidly

separatist understandings of either Dakota or American societies.”14 Ruth J. Heflin’s insightful study of Waterlily’s relation to oral storytelling, after noting the “Oyate literary convention” of beginning a story “vaguely about

location and occasion” chides Deloria for relying “timorously on exposi- tion to explain ideas unfamiliar to non-Dakota readers.” I read the ex- position as strategic rather than timorous. It is emblematic of how the

novel proceeds: allusion to tradition in one sentence followed by three (lengthy!) sentences of explanation.

These critics recognize that, in her lifetime, Deloria’s audiences were

not Native, necessitating some uneasy narrative compromises. Thus char- acters’ very names are sentimental and Anglicized. Except for a few nick- names, they are ascribed at birth and fixed for life, conveying a wholly

non-Indian sense of unchanging, essential, atomistic self-hood. Another major dilemma concerned narrative time. Dates, European style, are ab- sent (and thus, by implication, insignificant for those whose views of space

and time are recurrent). A traditional Dakota vision of time as crystal- lized in events and process does suffuse the story, embodied in the winter count graphics on hide that both the omniscient narrator and Waterlily

mention: via this means, the storyteller Woyaka can “remember” more than three hundred years (). It’s not difficult to “date” the novel to the s–s since Deloria herself collected and translated Sioux winter

counts, one of her earliest tasks for Boas (who used her versions to evalu- ate another set of symbols collected by his student, Martha Warren Beckwith). Deloria’s grandfather Saswe (–) appears in Waterlily’s

grandmother Gloku’s vision, and Gloku has known him in her lifetime. So we have time pooling, time recursive, time captured, time remem- bered, but in a literary form—realism—that demanded chronologically

successive unfolding: time quantified. My initial readings also led me to wonder, since the turning points in

the plot always concern crises or ceremonies involving kinship, why

Waterlily’s buffalo ceremony is alluded to in only a sentence or two? (see Weaver, “Repeatedly, Deloria punctuates actions or incidents by advising the reader that the actions were performed to fulfill kinship obligations”).16

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For that matter, how could this spiritual transformation of girl into woman only receive four paragraphs in Speaking of Indians, summarized as:

The Dakotas firmly believed that what a person felt, thought, and did during some emotional crisis in life became a habit supernatu- rally operating, almost like a spell, from which he could hardly

change. . . . The period of a girl’s passing into womanhood was for her definitely such a time. It was then that the ideals of purity and chastity and of true wifehood and noble motherhood were espe-

cially stressed by means of the Buffalo Ceremony, in which the girl on whose account it was performed was the sole and central charac- ter.17

“It was too intricate and parabolic a ceremony to explain here,” Deloria declares, but the action of Waterlily in general turns on detailed ceremo-

nial axes (hunka, ghost-keeping, the Sun Dance, the virgin’s fire).18 So why omit this defining event in Waterlily’s lifecycle? And why omit men- tion of so crucial a figure of traditional belief as White Buffalo Woman,

who brought the Sacred Pipe to the People, especially in a novel intended to appeal to women? “This myth narrates what to the Lakota people was the single most important manifestation of the sacred, the one that

founded the Lakota world and gave the people their orientation in time and space.”19 As Marla N. Powers describes the woman Wohpe in Lakota cosmology,

it is this female, who after the emergence of the Pte Oyate, “Buffalo Nation” from their subterranean homes will be transformed into the sacred Ptehincalasan Win “White Buffalo Calf Woman”. . . . It is

this same woman who happens upon starving humans later in what are perceived to be historical times, with gifts of the sacred pipe and the Seven Sacred Rites. Thus the transformation of Wohpe, the Fall-

ing Star of the cosmological past, into the White Buffalo Calf Woman of the historical past, represents a significant continuum from old to new, symbolized most dramatically in the appearance of a single

woman.20

Deloria unquestionably was well familiar with this story. She heard it

from her father, the Rev. Philip J. Deloria. He had heard it from the tenth generation of Pipe Keepers. His account was retold by a teacher, Sarah Emilia Olden, at Deloria’s first school, St Elizabeth’s Mission on the Stand-

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ing Rock reservation. An eclectic mish-mash of interviews, conversa- tions, contemporary missionary observations (such as they were) and

personal opinion, it concluded with Reverend Philip’s retelling (“Tipi Sapa”—“Black Lodge”—was Reverend Philip’s traditional name). His grandson, Vine Deloria Jr., has republished and revised Miss Olden’s book

as Singing for a Spirit: a Portrait of the Dakota Sioux, where a somewhat different version of the pipe story is recounted.22 No one in the family then or since has been happy about the original book. Deloria states,

Miss Olden was not a great researcher or writer. She might in fact have been called a scribe or even a secretary, since she wrote down my grandfather’s words almost verbatim, at the same time copying

paragraphs from mission reports and newsletters. . . . Our family had copies of the book when I was growing up. I remember my aunt Ella Deloria, my father, and other relatives making a special effort to

ensure that I knew the “real” versions of some of the stories printed in the book. Thus, while they felt honored to have this book, they were also quite hurt that Miss Olden had divided the stories into

disconnected anecdotes and had not included some details they felt were important. . . . In the interests of accuracy and to enable schol- ars to use these materials, I have added material from the oral tradi-

tion passed down by my family . . . My older relatives were adamant about retelling the stories properly. . . . It has been my goal to . . . write the book they wished [Miss Olden] had written.23

Moreover, Vine Deloria Jr. writes in his introduction to the  reis- sue of Speaking of Indians, for many years Ella Deloria served as her father’s

surrogate son, his inheritor of traditional and familial stories. She also learned these from her paternal grandmother and from female relatives of her mother, a social relative of the Sans Arcs who are Keepers of the

Pipe. She herself copyrighted a “Wohpe Festival” in  (dedicated to yet another white woman, Sara Simmons, “whose keen interest in my people is a constant inspiration to me”). But Deloria’s “all-day celebration, con-

sisting of ceremonials, games, dances and songs, in honor of Wohpe, One of the Four Superior Gods of the Dakota Pagan Religion: Goddess of Nature and Patroness of Games, of Adornment and of Little Children”

(cover page) was “arranged especially for Schools and Summer Camps,” a rendition for the YWCA and other organizations for white youth that would have dumbfounded the tellers of traditional stories. Yet they might

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 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

also have recognized the underlying cultural assertion disguised by its festive, playful, close to New Age surface (“[I]t helps for everyone to play

Indian all that day. With a beaded band around the head, a feather in the hair, a pair of moccasins when possible, and a blanket here and there, an entire camp or school is instantly changed into an Indian tribe before the

days of Columbus.” Introduction I). In the midst of games, singing, un- imaginable pre-Columbian blankets, and face-painting, Deloria worked in a reenactment of aspects of the Sun Dance, dutifully performed by

Christian children.24 Only fifty years later did the American Indian Reli- gious Freedom Act permit Indians to perform the ceremony (which they had continued to participate in underground).

Many critics have recognized that Waterlily was clearly intended as a fictionalized dramatization, in the alien form of a Western female Bildungsroman, of Part II, “A Scheme of Life That Worked,” in Speaking

of Indians. This section expounds upon “a life that went on before the white man came to the Dakotas.”25 “In many ways,” Jace Weaver notes, “the two works are the same book,” and I teach Waterlily alongside the

virtually verbatim passages in Speaking of Indians.26 What I did not real- ize, until I consulted Deloria’s unpublished manuscripts at the Dakota Indian Foundation (Chamberlain SD) in , is that the novel and this

section of the polemic are both extracts from and modulations of the very much larger ethnographic work, their ur-text. Deloria’s correspon- dence with Benedict reveals it as the key to the missing portions of

Waterlily. The correspondence also enables us to follow the novel’s com- position and understand the constraints—traditional and modern, eco- nomic, intellectual, and political—that Deloria labored under. It provides

evidence for the textual tampering I’d suspected—and more. Finally, it offers an unprecedented opportunity to document a Native woman author’s transmutation of oral, tribal materials into a foreign genre, an

alien language, and for a new audience. Waterlily herself is a fictional character, but the novel’s ethnographic

details are verifiable, historically documented or collected by Deloria her-

self in interview after interview. Her method encourages the ethnographic readings commonly associated with it, for its created world is not imag- ined but remembered. A note to Benedict, scrawled on “Monday A.M.”

[, by internal evidence] describes a novel—already  pages, which was to swell to !—very little like the one we know.

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

It has to do with the Buffalo-rite, and the Virgin’s fire; and the girl who went unlawfully and was dragged out by the man who exposed

her. And with the accidental way in which Water Lily [sic] heard two old men discussing Vision-seeking, and supernatural Power, and telling each other their own dreams. They were two old men in

fellowhood; and one was Scarlet Fish’s father, and he related her vision of the Two-Women, to his fellow. Water Lily hearing it, eaves- dropping against her will, understands her aunt and then learns to

do porcupine quill work, and gets really good at it. Which is very convenient because shortly thereafter she becomes sole custodian of her grandmother’s ghost—and the ghost-keeping rites are pre-

sented.

Readers today will realize that the only element of this description to survive in the published version is the Virgin’s fire, and that it is not

Waterlily, but her cousin Leaping Fawn, who keeps their grandmother Gloku’s ghost. There are few references to “Vision-seeking, and super- natural Power” in the published novel, and Scarlet Fish is transformed

into Dream Woman. Many concerns appear in these early letters: the in- clusion of major content that eventually vanished; the search for an ac- cessible style for a potentially uninterested and definitely uninformed

audience; the determination to present her People in the best light; and her deference to Benedict, whom she entrusts to pull the manuscript to- gether and then find a publisher for. In short, the novel’s textual history

cries out for interpretation, particularly as it typifies struggles for expres- sion typical of early American Indian and postcolonial authors’ work (and, to an extent, still ongoing). Although the original manuscript was com-

pleted in draft by , in July  Deloria was still considering major cuts, as recommended by two outside reviewers, Mrs. D. E. Emery and Dorothy Stein, whom Benedict had asked to edit what had become a

, word manuscript, way too much for “the length of an average longish novel” (, words at the time). They had been involved with the manuscript since . Insuring it for $,. (“[I]t is worth that to

me, to write it again, if it should get lost;”  July ), Deloria was still not quite satisfied:

I have tried to pare it down. . . . But there is repetition about kinship obligations, etc., especially

between brothers and sisters; and some, or perhaps all, of the vi-

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sions could be cut. . . . I realize that sort of supernatural stuff is hard to swallow in this day and age. Maybe it should all be left out, and

make them prosaic, mater [sic]-of-fact people. But that isn’t true, either.

Then I have many ceremonies. Why not omit at least the Buffalo

rites, and simply say that Waterlily came of age? I like that the least anyway. But the sundance should stay in, because she is bound up in it too much. And I really fancy the wild people who lived without

any of the social controls of the camp circle. . . . I still write ethnol- ogy, and don’t mean to!

I have avoided Dakota words like poison, and I do believe Mrs.

Emery was right on that.28

Mrs. Emery, possibly a professional editor, lived in Washington DC, and was reading Waterlily while Benedict was engaged in war work there.

Deloria, who was her own worst editor, by nature accretive rather than selective, understood her and Stein’s interventions, and implemented most of their suggestions (“though it broke my heart to cut some bits I fan-

cied”  April ).29 Both women read with intense interest in and respect for the content; their major recommendations concerned the au- dience for popular fiction. That audience would require a “running nar-

rative” that would “run along more easily, smoothly, promptly—and with- out repetition” (Mrs. Emery’s report). The editors tried to balance the emphasis on “special practices of the Dakotas that were unique and praise-

worthy” with “sops to the reader,” reminding Benedict and Deloria that Waterlily, as the “heroine,” deserved more of a personal life. In other words, the very matters about which traditional Dakota women would be ex-

tremely reserved needed emphasis. Mrs. Emery left it up to Benedict how much of her commentary (two pages of general notes and twenty of syn- opsis and attendant recommendations) should be sent directly to Deloria,

wishing not to seem as if she were “mutilating [Deloria’s] child wantonly and so unsympathetically that she would meet the suggestions in a spirit of rebellion.”30

Benedict passed everything on to Deloria, who responded: “I am fol- lowing Mrs. Emery’s concise criticisms. Isn’t she good? I find it reads smoother and moves along better.”31 By this stage, Deloria was more in-

terested in working on Dakota Family Life; there is an impatience to get Waterlily out of the way. She continues to heed Mrs. Emery’s advice, al-

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

beit sometimes reluctantly. “Supernatural stuff ” evaporates, including several characters who are holy men, a yuwipi ceremony (Deloria was

once invited to one, but didn’t go, as she knew a participant’s lack of be- lief could ruin it), and a vision experienced by Waterlily’s first husband, Sacred Horse, during a three-day absence. (This shrinks to a dream he

has about early death, realized for him during the smallpox epidemic which enables Waterlily, eventually, to return to her own camp circle.) Fortunately, all agreed that the Sun Dance (albeit with comparison to an

Episcopalian service) and Waterlily’s horrified encounter with an inces- tuous family should remain.

Once Dorothy Stein finished her edit, the manuscript was down to

about , words. She, too, regretted how much cutting had been necessary, from thirty chapters to seventeen. She praised the outcome in terms that still apply, will always apply:

The reader cares what happens to the characters. And the background against which the story develops becomes thoroughly plausible as a way of life, different though it is from ours. . . . We . . . realize that

Waterlily’s people were not the savages traditionally pictured in most of our Indian literature, but a well-organized social group function- ing smoothly and intelligently, from their point of view. In a more

general sense, we realize, too, how uncivilized is our tendency to evaluate a society by its plumbing rather than by its appreciation of human relationships.32

Like many a writer before and since, Deloria let go with claw marks. “Probably it is because I wrote it, and the people grew familiar to me, but

I like the tale quite much! And I do miss Waterlily, since she has gone off to you.”33 The manuscript she finally dispatched still contained material modern readers wouldn’t recognize. Deloria now worries that her heroine’s

interest in Lowanna is “a bit too romantic. Mrs. Emery said I tossed her marriage off too cavalierly, the first time; and I tried this other way. Maybe it needs toning down some.”34 Waterlily’s mother, Blue Bird, has re-en-

countered her jealous first husband, Star Elk, and behaves far differently than the pillar of respectability she comes to be in the published version. “She put out his eye in revenge, and later . . . told a visitor ‘Tell him to

come back, anytime he wants the other eye out too!’”35 By now, Deloria is trying so hard to cut even three-hundred-word segments that she is will- ing to drop “Waterlily’s observing a berdache—in fact, all that winkte el-

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ement.” So transvestism vanishes. It’s a typical Deloria letter, all over the place, handwritten and typed, with two postscripts, asterisked passages, a reference in passing to discarding “as many as six or  stories” from the

first draft, and, optimistically, a suggestion: “If Waterlily comes some- where near making it, I have another story plotted now!”36

Their correspondence continued until April , as Benedict scrambled

to find money in her department budget to get the manuscript typed. Even then, they cut. Far from Waterlily and her tiyospaye enduring war- fare, and her creator “killing her off” (as Deloria put it) at about the age

of fifty-six, the manuscript ends with Waterlily no more than twenty, happily married the second time and eagerly awaiting a second child, providing childcare on a women’s berry-picking expedition. This was Mrs.

Emery’s idea, contrary to my initial supposition that Deloria ended the novel there as an instance of cyclical form, the moment of supreme contentment in Waterlily’s life echoing one experienced by Blue Bird much

earlier in the novel ( ff.) I also assumed that this was the place to end simply because, if the novel continued for much longer, certainly until Waterlily was in her mid-fifties, the Dakotas would be in war or exile; it

would no longer be a portrait of pre-reservation life, of an independent people.

Benedict separated the “extraneous” pages from the typewritten manu-

script and returned them to Deloria. No one recalls seeing them since. As Deloria had wished, it was dedicated to Benedict, “who believed in Waterlily.” Both women hoped that, the war over, and paper again avail-

able, the novel would soon be placed with a publisher. Benedict met her July departmental budget deadline and left for Europe. Some weeks later, Deloria traveled to New York City to confer with her about Waterlily and

Dakota Family Life; the manuscripts were on Benedict’s desk for her im- mediate attention upon return, but Benedict died shortly after her return from Europe on  September . Deloria, unaware of Benedict’s death,

kept their appointment, arriving in New York to find herself just in time for the funeral.

The Waterlily saga wasn’t over; hardly anything in Ella Deloria’s work-

ing life was ever over. Margaret Mead inherited Benedict’s responsibility for the manuscripts and championed them in her turn. Several more de- cades had passed when Deloria’s brother, the Rev. Vine Deloria Sr., agreed

to turn the manuscript that became the published novel over to Dr. Agnes Picotte, then director of the Ella C. Deloria Project at the Dakota Indian

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

Foundation; and several years more for her and Dr. DeMallie to see it into print. So many questions remain outstanding. If so much was done

to eviscerate its content, what happened to its style? And where did the content come from in the first place? “I have been steeped in Dakota lore and seen and felt it ever since childhood, it is in fact the very texture of

my being.”37

Put any two Dakotas together, Ella Deloria said, and the laws of kin- ship went into effect. To which one could add: put Ella Deloria in contact

with anyone she wished to work with, and that person became a social relative. Not for nothing does “Dakota” imply, as she explained it, “friend- ship, fellowship, alliance, understanding (mutual), etc., etc. A comfort-

able, warm and familiar ring, Dakota!”38 Every critic of Waterlily has un- derstood this communal dimension of the novel, even though it is named for an individual character. Although Deloria craved peace and quiet to

work on the manuscript from nine o’clock in the morning to three o’clock in the afternoon each day, she was the first to admit that Waterlily’s au- thorship, as well as its social world, was collective. True, she was the one

who “devoured whole” Rudolf Flesch’s Art of Plain Talk as a stylistic bible. She was the one who toiled down gravel roads, her sister driving, while both sweltered in temperatures well over one hundred degrees, bringing

meat (may it not spoil in the heat!) to aged interviewees. She typed as they talked—no incompetent interpreters here!—and even took notes without them knowing it. Sometimes she used her knee as a writing sur-

face. My purpose in this section is to demonstrate who Deloria’s sources were and what they contributed; stylistic hoops in English she had to jump through; and considerations that led Deloria, not only her editors,

to censor the text. The “contributors” to Waterlily were truly legion: a list of named sources

for her ethnographic work in general prepared for Margaret Mead lists

no fewer than forty-nine “principal ones, with whom I worked system- atically for days, or to whom I went back more than one summer.”39 The majority were Tetons (from Rosebud, Standing Rock, and Pine Ridge res-

ervations, as well as Cheyennes, living at Rapid City); the others Yanktons, Santees, Yanktonnais, and Sisseton. The stories they told spanned at least a century and more, if we include what they recalled their parents and

grandparents telling them. They ranged from various categories of tradi- tional genres to emergent genres and anecdotes from their own lives. The former appeared in her Dakota Texts, which she described to Mead in

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 as “a collection of myths, local tales, and longer stories of the novel- istic type, in text, with notes, and both literal and free translations.” Be-

fore most other collectors, Deloria understood that gifted storytellers were now improvising and riffing on traditional stories; an individualizing of narrative was taking place, as talkers and performers understood what

Western listeners and transcribers were looking for. Before her eyes, and to her very ears, Dakota verbal aesthetics were adapting in form while remaining Dakota. The process fascinated her.

Of these forty-nine, some of her champion male talkers were Makula from Pine Ridge and Fast Whirlwind from Yankton. Makula recounted his own experience of buying a wife: the sister of a chief, she refused to

come to him any other way, and he respected her for this insistence. “[W]hen it came time for him to put aside all his wives but one, at the behest of the government, he kept the bought one: ‘I think highest of

you, because I was obliged to buy you. . . . [T]he fact that I met your terms should indicate to you that I wanted you for my wife very much.’”41 Fast Whirlwind, on the other hand, “threw away” his wife Brown Blanket: “She

was industrious and skillful in all womanly crafts but the meanest person to live with he ever saw, Always nagging and picking a fight.” Deloria is of mixed mind, here: “It is a very cruel method but sometimes it is too

good for some women,” she intones primly but she adds a page later that a woman like Blue Bird, thrown away without being informed in advance, could run after her husband with a knife: “If she caught and stabbed him

it was considered fair.”43 This, of course, the original Blue Bird was in- tended to do.

Mrs. Weasel (of the Planters-by-the-Water/Minneconjou band) gave

Deloria what she considered her best account of the Virgin’s Fire, which appears both in the ethnography (where Deloria speaks in the first per- son and quotes her informant liberally) and in Waterlily. A male infor-

mant supplied details of the equivalent Yankton One-Husband Fire, in- cluding the terrible embarrassment when a man publicly refuted a woman’s claim of sexual fidelity. (Even remarriage after widowhood dis-

qualified a woman from that elite sisterhood.) Mrs. Weasel also provided detail about a “very poor family [who] strayed into camp from no- where”—these became Blue Bird and her grandmother after the rest of

their family was massacred during a hunting expedition. These forty-nine, however, were hardly the only people she talked to:

Deloria spoke with anyone who would talk, just about anywhere, any-

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

time. For Virginia Woolf, “Anonymous was a woman;” for Deloria’s writ- ing, “Anonymous” was plural. Although an earlier writer has stated that

Deloria amalgamated her oral sources and seldom named them in print, the ethnographic manuscript and her correspondence tell us in some detail who said what. To her astonishment, visiting her brother in , she found

some garrulous talkers in her own rented back yard in Martin, South Dakota: “[I]t seems such a good chance to record that I have been taking down the banter that goes on every day. . . . These are the two old men,

Amos and Solomon Ross, Santees, from whom I got material two sum- mers ago. . . . The two talk Santee, but all their visitors are Og.lala, of course.”44 But she was glad to escape Martin for Pine Ridge right nearby,

for Martin was “full of mixed bloods who want to be white people—I like to be where the real Dakota speaking people are—.”45 During her father’s grave illness in , “Just about every old-time Indian from this [Yankton],

Rosebud, and the other reservations has been to see him, some staying in tents for a week, so I have been writing down all I have got hold of.”46 In  her Yankton contact Antelope gave her “a full account of the differ-

ent grades of handling a murderer,” a major concern in Waterlily.47

While many informants obligingly slowed down as she transcribed, an old “priest” at Pine Ridge spoke so rapidly Deloria wished she had a “speak-

ophone,” but none was available.48 She felt comfortable using “an old- style Edison machine,” and hoped to record songs in that medium, but wax cylinders weren’t easy to find, either. Some people couldn’t come to

her because their horses had died of drought; she went to them, when she had the use of a car. Most of her salary, she told Boas, went for “moving about,” not always without incident as once the axle on one of her an-

cient cars gave way, the brakes failed, and one wheel flew off.49 The mate- rial for Waterlily came from bringing food, making social relatives, eating together—reciprocal exchange, kinship, hospitality. Although she shared

her football hero brother’s athletic constitution, she also repeatedly wore herself out; she was hospitalized in  for flu and bronchial pneumo- nia, her resistance worn down by lack of sleep and constant attendance

upon a very ill man (Reverend Philip died in ). Roads could turn to gumbo and temperatures way below zero could slow her down, but noth- ing other than death could stop her. In the never-ending effort to record

the old ways and to urge mainstream society to recognize their worth and “allow” them to evolve, she was always racing against time and mor- tality, including her own.

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Deloria’s sources were not only female, although women informed her about matters that old men refused to out of decorum or knew little about.

Much of what she eventually decided to omit—explicit information about biological aspects of female lifecycles—was research conducted at Benedict’s behest in the early s; it wound up in Dakota Family Life.

For example, the ethnography includes a short section on “fast girls” which goes far to explain Nightwalker and Everywhere as outlets for male sexu- ality when abstinence within marriage was required; above all when nurs-

ing. In Waterlily, Blue Bird and Rainbow’s children are ideally spaced, about four years apart. Needless to say, Deloria’s informants for such matters were women. Deloria’s “personal feeling” was that women prized

children above husbands, and that polygyny eased male sexual tension.50

Very underplayed is Waterlily’s joking relationship with her new broth- ers-in-law. Reduced to “a bit of good-natured rudeness,” there is nothing

suggestive about their behavior; nor hers (). Deloria, as demonstrated by her translations in Dakota Texts, had no qualms about rendering rib- ald humor. But depicting a relationship for non-scientific purposes which

included scatological or other unflattering insults was well beyond Deloria’s self-defined agenda to emphasize the ideal in her novel, as well as beyond the pale of respectable mainstream women’s romances. Sim-

plest was to sanitize the whole matter. Yet the very fact that these charac- ters are joking (not avoidance) relations—her husband’s brothers or cous- ins—is significant: one of them might be eligible for her someday, should

Sacred Horse die. In fact, when she later marries her “first love,” Lowanla, she does indeed marry Sacred Horse’s cousin. Perhaps Alila might have behaved boisterously with her brothers-in-law; she might have

“wrestle[d]” with men, or “want[ed] something they don’t want to give up, like a picture or some gadget; and [would] dive after it and try to get it away. Or she [would] produce something and offer it to her brother-

in-law to see, and then quickly withdraw it, and run. . . . That sort of girl is frowned upon”—a fate Waterlily spends her life avoiding; “but [the fast girl] enjoys herself in that manner all the same.”51 I address further below

why so much women’s information was excised from the novel. It was not only that mainstream publishing norms at the time allowed for (het- erosexual) romance but not for sexuality. Nor was it simply that the mar-

riage plot abruptly terminated the female quest in almost all Western lit- erature until recent decades. Deloria had other reasons, associated with her own culture.

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But such systematic collection of material in fieldwork, involving five field trips for Benedict and Boas and two helped by American Philosophi-

cal Society grants, came from the s onward. In a very real sense, Deloria started “collecting material” when she was a child:

I . . . sometimes ran away to the camp to hear stories till they had to

send out an alarm to locate me. . . . [T]here the people came each weekend, to visit their children [at St Elizabeth’s School] Saturday and to draw rations at the substation . . . And then on Sunday they

attended church and held their meetings, and then went home.52

She was intrigued by the Tetons, Black Feet, and Hunkpapaya consider-

ing them “those most hostile and backward of all the Teton Bands—Sit- ting Bull’s own people. . . . I kept my eyes and ears open and remember pretty much all I ever saw and heard of Teton life in the past. That was the

foundation on which I based my subsequent interest in Dakota linguis- tics and ethnology.”53 While her mother privately pined for “home,” White Swan on the Yankton reservation near Nebraska, “and the farm was like

heaven to be longed for,” “child-like I had no such longings and could enjoy myself with the Tetons.”54

On the other hand, although young Ella relished living among people

who seemed wild to her at the time, her mission school elementary edu- cation gave her an early global perspective. In a fourth grade essay, in prim and proper handwriting, she wrote: “I like to read my History better

than any of my other books, be-cause [sic] it is very interesting to read about other people and countries so many thousands of miles away. In some of the countries the people have very strange ways, and are very

queer themselves. I like to read about Holland, tis [sic] such an interest- ing country.”

The history of her own remarkable family directly provided incidents

for Waterlily. Reverend Philip “was always interested in having men come and talk of the past, and he himself was a capital story-teller; and I lis- tened. More than the other Deloria children, I listened.”56 To give but one

example, readers will recall Waterlily’s social grandmother Gloku’s tri- umphant invisibility when chased by enemy warriors (–). It becomes her “prize adventure story,” the adventure already forecast in a dream where

she saw “a huge man far off on another butte” (, ):

She knew him at once though there was a distance of four days’

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journey between them. He was a certain Yankton Dakota medicine man and diviner who had once treated and healed her father. This

man was famous throughout all the Dakota bands because he used no herbs. He was so holy that he healed merely by the spoken word. Everyone revered and feared him. ()

“This man” was Deloria’s grandfather Saswe, a renowned visionary and leader. As a child, Ella Deloria had learned of

his great spirituality and insight, his exceptional sensitivity, his re- markable ability to diagnose. . . .

He was so consecrated to his work that before he would under-

take to doctor, he always spent the entire night in prayer; often, my father told us, as a little boy he lay awake or wakened towards morn- ing, and listened to his father “making himself holy” in a sweat-lodge

apart from their tipi-home, by singing to call the Power. . . . He never accepted a patient if he knew he could not be helped.

He never accepted reward if his patient failed to recover. He made

his healings and their permanency contingent upon the patient’s keeping some specific rule he laid down for him. “Go and sin no more” was primitively implied. The man must have been a great

natural psychologist.58

Retelling the story in Waterlily, however, Deloria omitted the contexts framing individual women’s visions in the ethnography, where she dis-

cussed them in terms of women with waka power, healers and diviners. The novel’s audience, she had assumed, would be skeptical enough about traditional spirituality; to keep the Sun Dance in was a triumph. Simi-

larly, the account of Waterlily’s maternal great-grandmother gathering earth beans from the mice-people and leaving processed green corn in exchange becomes a secular lesson about the virtues of reciprocity

throughout creation. The story Deloria originally collected was about an old woman who derived the power of prophecy from the Mice-People, who appeared to her in a dream. This section of the ethnography also

explains Dream Woman’s exceptional artistry:

[A] young girl . . . was lost while picking berries and in the spirit—

she was really asleep—she entered a stream and the water ran over her head but she walked on, following a red streak that went past. It was a beautiful fish, and the red was solid porcupine embroidery

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

following the pattern of scales on its body. The fish leader led her to the tipi of the Two-women or the Double-woman, she paused to

choose between a life of lewdness, and a life of industry; and when she chose the latter they taught her porcupine embroidery.

When she woke, she was equipped with the secret skill for this

type of work, and somehow, she herself knowing not just how, she evolved many beautiful new ways of applying the quills for artistic effects—and also she devised new ways of weaving the quills to get

the snake-skin effect so much admired. Nobody could have taught her, for nobody knew how; so she obtained the power in a dream.59

Deloria’s education in English, meantime, first at the mission board-

ing school founded by her father and Miss Francis, then at All Saints, the exclusive girls’ boarding school in Sioux Falls, was tough. Miss Francis was a martinet, though not a dour one like Miss Olden; rather, her stu-

dents loved her (or so Deloria said). St. Elizabeth’s was “well staffed with consecrated gentlewomen,” and “I really learned a great deal there.”60 Young Ella was an eager pupil, already conscious of class difference between her

family and other Indians at Standing Rock, aptly symbolized by the hill where the family’s home, the school and the church formed a compound and dominated the landscape. “The people” from “the hinterland” gath-

ered “below.” To Mead she later recalled: “I soon realized in that mission school that it was improper to be too smart. So even when I knew the answers, which was almost always except in arithmetic, I knew enough to

keep still unless pressed.”61 On one occasion her teacher

told me to construct and parse a sentence. . . . [A]nd so I wrote on

the board, “Indians have copper-colored skins,” the whole room turned against me, and I could hear hostile whispers of “And what does she think she is?” as though by stating it objectively I had tried

to separate myself from the others. After that I knew better! But once you learned to live under the spell of the average, you were all right. Everyone liked you then, and you had many friends.

This made me hesitant about speaking out at All Saints until I saw that white girls didn’t hold it against you for speaking up and showing what you knew. But that took time.62

The tension between relationship and “objectivity” only sharpened for Deloria over the years, and distorted her writing to the end of her career:

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 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

to publish (“write on the board”) she had to distance herself and also, we shall see, to protect herself. Ultimately, her status among her people mat-

tered more to her than her professional accomplishments, leading to a number of decisions which ensured that she would never be secure fi- nancially. Working in the assimilationist schools she could (just) tolerate;

the “Indian service” repelled her, although she also “did time” there; she was either “over-educated” and “over-qualified” (for church or govern- ment work), or not qualified enough to be viewed as a true colleague in

anthropology. In this lonely context Deloria made some decisions that now look rash: not to pursue a professional degree (penury and kinship obligations prevented such a commitment), yet to resign her teaching

position at the federally-run Haskell Institute once Franz Boas almost miraculously, coincidentally, reappeared in her life. But by then—— she knew, when she was nearly forty, that she wanted to pursue ethnog-

raphy more than anything, whatever the cost to her personally and even though Boas advised her not to forsake a guaranteed salary when he could offer nothing certain.

All Saints—today a comfortable retirement community in Sioux Falls— allowed her to bloom in novel, unpredictable ways. At St. Elizabeth’s she had been a day student only. Her nostalgia for her school days is a far cry

from the heart-wrenching accounts of the children forced or misled into boarding schools distant from their homes, families, languages, and cul- tures. The few Indian students at this all-girls’ high school were on schol-

arship and came from her social class: “preachers’ kids.” Founded by the Episcopalian Bishop Hare in  for the daughters of white missionar- ies, it exemplified the duty of these young women, and [of] such families

as “the governor, army officers, government agents and so on” to “civi- lize” the West.63 In another list for Mead, Deloria included the daughters and future wives of ranch owners, mine owners in the Black Hills, and

state officials. More bluntly, it is a roll-call of daughters of a white su- premacist, colonizing patriarchy. At All Saints, if Deloria studied tribal peoples at all, they were those of ancient Israel or Roman Germania.64

Deloria’s transcript from – testifies to a neocolonial, pseudo- classical, pious education. Her grades in English ranged from –; she scored a  in Latin grammar! She read Caesar, Cicero, and Vergil in the

original; endured algebra, geometry, botany, physics, and chemistry; ex- celled in the History of Israel, Acts and Epistles, Church History and the Life of Christ; excelled in “conduct.” From there she progressed to Oberlin

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

and Teachers’ College, all on scholarship, and aspired to a career teaching the classics. Indeed, her first “real” job, after her mother’s death in ,

was to return, by now an “old girl,” to All Saints, where until  she taught the Vergil she had learned there to seniors. And, typical of later teaching positions, she taught just about anything else needed: seventh-

and eighth-grade English and Latin, school plays, dancing.65

I can’t help but wonder how the stories of the founding of Rome, the conquest of Gaul, and Cato’s endlessly thundered imperative, “Carthago

delenda est!” affected her perceptions of American invasion and conquest. Did she grasp that the Old Testament chronicles were tribal oral histo- ries? That the ancient Israelites were bent on destroying the ceremonies

of the old gods and goddesses? I don’t suppose we’ll ever know. But All Saints and her subsequent education ensured her competence in academic English, preparing her for her linguistic work with Boas and her moun-

tain of published and unpublished ethnographic monographs in later years. It did not particularly help her to compose Waterlily. She struggled with rendering in plain English how traditional people would have talked,

and how to make a story move. The beautiful and ornate language of the Bible and the Book of Common Prayer, the dramatic style she learned at Columbia in courses on community pageantry and dance (heralds cry-

ing “Hearken!” and “Hear ye!”), her inheritance in English literature of rhymed and sentimental poetry and cliché (“o’er hill and dale,” “hither and yon,” “Thanks be!”)—all got in her way. Her sister had been slapped

on the hand, so to speak, for writing essays at the University of Kansas in which Indians spoke articulate English rather than a comic, childish- sounding pidgin. To invest in Rudolf Flesch’s The Art of Plain Talk, which

cost $. in , was a major investment for Deloria, right on par with the $. she spent in  (with a stipend from Virginia Dorsey Lightfoot) for a two-nibbed pen that lightened the burden of rendering Lakota or-

thography. Flesch had had the mortifying experience of finding his PhD disserta-

tion, Marks of Readable Style, to be unreadable. Once he finished revising

it, it had changed into The Art of Plain Talk: its core is “the yardstick for- mula” for measuring the accessibility of one’s written prose. “Simple lan- guage,” he asserts, consists of short sentences, few affixes (so much for

Deloria’s Latin) and many personal references. All a writer need do is “Take the average number of affixes per  words, subtract the average number of personal references in  words, and divide by two. Then add

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 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

the average number of words per sentence.” Next, check the total against the scale he provides, ranging from “very easy” to “very difficult.” “Scien-

tific language simplification” is his aim; he’s a proponent of the styles he refers to as “fairly easy” (which he recommends for international diplo- macy) and “standard.” “Fairly easy” also characterized “slick fiction,” which

required a sixth grade education and would be understood by  percent of U.S. adults. Against his yardstick, “scientific” required a college educa- tion and would be comprehensible to only . percent of U.S. adults.67

Anyone who reads Waterlily should realize how Deloria slaved against the grain of her entire formal education to get her story across.

By the late s her observations were becoming more “scientific,” as

she became Boas’s and Benedict’s informant/trainee extraordinaire. (Or, as Benedict described Deloria’s ethnographic expertise in a letter to the American Philosophical Society, “[H]er special qualifications . . . are so

great as to counterbalance her lack of academic status. It is a unique case. In all his work with the American Indians, Professor Boas never found another woman of her calibre and he gave her intense and personal train-

ing which in reality outweighed the kind of training which often leads to a Ph.D. degree.”) Agnes Picotte believes that Deloria began working on the Waterlily manuscript sometime between  and : the spoken

was becoming written, tradition becoming fiction. Deloria knew perfectly well what was expected of ethnographic writing, and produced reams of it. But she was not at ease with it, and rebelled in letter after letter. What a

relaxation it must have been, to speak of Waterlily and her family rather than of “Ego” and “his affines.” To be the omniscient author about and within her culture! Although Waterlily has awkward passages due to the

massive editorial interventions, it reads seamlessly in comparison to the incessantly revised manuscript of Dakota Family Life. In Waterlily Deloria’s presence could disappear among the People, an omniscient author within

and concealed by her culture, everywhere and nowhere. In Dakota Fam- ily Life she could neither be absorbed by her narrative nor separated from it. She wrote to Benedict that she wished it could take the form of a (very)

long letter to her—a professional social sister, known and trusted—and that is, in fact, one way to look at it. But too many eyes were reading over her shoulder. Working on the three manuscripts, she confided her fears

about publishing to Benedict.

I’ve been telling non-anthropologists and non-ethnologists that you

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

are having me write up all my Dakota stuff; and instantly they say how wonderful! What a help that will be to those who try to deal

with Indians, to have at last a true interpretation of the Indian tem- perament, etc., etc. Church workers, and social workers, say that. So I tried to slant my first attempt [at the ethnography] to them. But . . .

[i]t was too simple, and superficial, and would be milk-and-watery to your kind of person. . . . I can’t slant it two ways, naturally.

Then I wrote for you; and again I found I can’t possibly say every-

thing frankly, knowing it could get out to the Dakota country. . . . The place I have with the Dakotas is important to me; I can not afford to jeopardize it by what would certainly leave me open to

suspicion and you can’t know what that would mean. I could hardly go back out there. . . . If I talked freely in a book about all the little details I know students would raise questions on, just to be useful to

science, the effect would be a kind of disillusionment that would be quite uncomfortable for me. . . . I know.

I am writing freely; but it can’t be a commercial book. Either it

must be printed as a book for the scientists only, or some such thing. Even if I didn’t sign it, for a commercial book, they’d know I wrote it. My brother is out there. He’d know how I wrote it—objectively.

But still it would not be comfortable for him. Here you have a prac- tical demonstration of some of the cross-currents and underneath influences of Dakota thinking and life. It trips even anyone as ap-

parently removed as I am, because I have a place among the people. And I have to keep it.69

Deloria toyed with taking some material out of the ethnography for a

commercial book, “for all my missionaries and church workers. But it’s going to be tame. I know they can’t really taken [sic] it, if it is straight, and meaty. I’ve found that out, already.” And so we have the inoffensive

Speaking of Indians, published by those very missionary interests. Whole chunks of the ethnography then became the details of Waterlily’s and her family’s life in the camp circle, suitably tailored for popular romance fic-

tion. The ethnography dragged on and on, for so long that Deloria de- cided a sequel would be necessary, to show how contemporary life dif- fered from the near-ideal picture she had presented. Always scrupulous

and dutiful, she was prepared even towards the end of her life to work on one.

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 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

In light of the textual history I have reconstituted here, I see Waterlily as much more than the story of a young woman’s life before her culture’s

military conquest. Rather, I’ve tried to contribute to a criticism Paula Gunn Allen defines as imperative for understanding the work of those “who are seen as borderline writers, . . . Indians and other ‘marginalized

peoples’: attending to the actual texts being created, their source, their source texts, the texts to which they stand in relation, and the otherness that they both embody and delineate.”71 (Gunn Allen intends “text” to

include oral ceremonial traditions as well as written sources.) Waterlily’s final form, while an accommodation, is not a surrender. Editing could obscure, but not erase, its oral communal origins, its “sub-text.” Like ev-

ery member of her distinguished family, Ella Deloria sought in adverse circumstances to build the new upon the old, without fetishizing or fossil- izing the latter. My students see Deloria and her protagonist Waterlily as

“warrior women” in Gunn Allen’s spiritual meaning:

women who have resisted even though all hope, all chance of sur- vival, of dignity, of happiness and liberty to live in their chosen way

seemed lost . . . who continue to resist when all the forces of a wealthy, powerful, arrogant, ignorant, and uncaring nation are mustered to coerce their capitulation.72

Like so many women writers throughout time and across cultures, Ella Deloria yearned to tell the truth. But she could do so only if, in Emily

Dickinson’s words, she told it “slant.” I hope that some day a critical edi- tion of the novel, including illustrations by Susan Deloria, will be taught side-by-side with the ethnography and Speaking of Indians. This will re-

store what Ella Deloria, and her many co-creators, had to say to the People who gave her Waterlily’s story in the first place.



I wish to acknowledge faculty and senior faculty research grants from the Univer-

sity of North Carolina at Charlotte and others from the Southern Regional Edu-

cation Board, which enabled travel to South Dakota, Vassar College, the Ameri-

can Philosophical Society, and Columbia University. I am particularly grateful to

Ella Deloria’s nephew Vine Deloria Jr., for permission to quote from Ella Deloria’s

letters in the archives of various institutions. At the American Philosophical Soci-

ety, I am indebted to Dr. Alison M. Lewis, then assistant manuscript librarian, for

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

inspired searching through the voluminous Boas papers, and Robert M. Cox,

curator of manuscripts, for permission to quote from them. At the Vassar College

Special Collections, Gita Nadas first unearthed the newly accessible correspon-

dence between Benedict and Deloria about Waterlily, and Nancy S. MacKechnie,

curator of rare books and manuscripts, granted permission to quote from it. Dean

Rogers guided my research when I visited the Benedict collection. At Columbia

University, I thank archivists Donald Glassman (Barnard College), Jocelyn K. Wilk

(University Archives and Columbiana Library), and David Ment (Teachers Col-

lege). Professor Roald Hoffmann’s hospitality enabled my stay in New York city,

as did Melissa Elliott’s in Philadelphia. Ron Kjonegaard and Jan Fischer at the

Dakota Indian Foundation in Chamberlain, South Dakota, provided archival and

material assistance, including rescuing me from a leaky basement room where I

had locked myself in reading Ella Deloria’s papers! Friends and colleagues who

read various versions of this manuscript in draft, offering perceptive critiques,

include Chadwick Allen, Vine Deloria Jr., Joyzelle Godfrey, Kelly J. Morgan, Rob-

ert M. Nelson, A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff, and Kathryn Shanley. I’m also grateful

for conversations with Philip J. Deloria, Nancy O. Lurie, Linda Oxendine, Agnes

Picotte, Delphine Red Shirt, and with my English Deptartment colleagues Paula

Connolly, Meg Morgan, and Malin Pereira.

. The quotation in the title comes from: Ella Deloria to Ruth Benedict, 

April . Ruth Fulton Benedict papers, Vassar College Special Collections, Cor-

respondence, Box , Folder , -.

. Ella Deloria to Margaret Mead, September or October . Margaret Mead

Papers, Box I, Publications and Other Writings, . Writings by Others. Deloria,

Ella, “Dakota Family Life” (c. November ). Washington DC: Library of Con-

gress.

. Deloria to Benedict,  June . Benedict papers, Vassar College Special

Collections.

. Deloria, Biographical statement,  July . Margaret Mead papers, Library

of Congress.

. Kelly J. Morgan, The Depiction of Lakota Culture in Waterlily (unpublished

Master’s Thesis, University of North Dakota, ). It discusses to some extent

the editing that the original manuscript of Waterlily underwent. The Benedict

correspondence contains Deloria’s and Benedict’s comments on that process.

. Deloria to Benedict,  July . Benedict papers, Vassar College Special

Collections.

. Dr. Beatrice Medicine, “Ella C. Deloria: the Emic Voice,” in Learning to Be an

Anthropologist & Remaining “Native,” Selected Writings, ed. Beatrice Medicine and

Sue-Ellen Jacobs. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, ), .

. Kroeber, “Introduction,” in American Indian Life, ed. Elsie C. Parsons (;

reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, ), .

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 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

. Kroeber, “Introduction,” .

. Kroeber, “Introduction.”

. Parsons, American Indian Life, .

. E. Deloria letter to H. E. Beebe,  December , cited by Raymond J.

DeMallie, “Afterword,” in Waterlily, by Ella Cara Deloria (Lincoln: University of

Nebraska Press, ), .

. Jace Weaver, That the People Might Live: Native American Literatures and

Native American Community (New York: Oxford University Press, ), .

. Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven: Yale University Press, ),

.

. Ruth J. Heflin, I Remain Alive: The Sioux Literary Renaissance (Syracuse:

Syracuse University Press, ), .

. Weaver, That the People Might Live, .

. Ella C. Deloria, Speaking of Indians [], with introductory notes by Agnes

Picotte and Paul N. Pavich (Vermillion: University of South Dakota/States Pub-

lishing, ), .

. E. Deloria, Speaking of Indians.

. Elaine A. Jahner, “Lakota Genesis: The Oral Tradition,” in Sioux Indian Re-

ligion, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks (Norman: University of

Oklahoma Press, ), .

. Marla N. Powers, Oglala Women: Myth, Ritual and Reality (Chicago: Uni-

versity of Chicago Press, ), –.

. The teacher, Sarah Emilia Olden, had published it in The People of Tipi Sapa

(The Dakotas): Tipi Sapa Mitaoyate Kin (Milwaukee WI: Morehouse, ).

. Vine Deloria Jr., Singing for a Spirit: A Portrait of the Dakota Sioux (Santa Fe

NM: Clear Light, ), –.

. V. Deloria Jr., Singing for a Spirit, –.

. Ella Deloria, “Wohpe Festival” (typescript), . Deloria Family Collec-

tion, Dakota Indian Foundation, Chamberlain South Dakota.

. E. Deloria, Speaking of Indians [], .

. Weaver, That the People Might Live, .

. Benedict papers, Series I, Box , folder  (–). Vassar College Li-

brary Special Collections.

. Deloria to Benedict,  July . Benedict papers, folder  (–).

. Deloria to Benedict,  July . Benedict papers, folder  (–).

. In this article my quotations from Emery’s and Stein’s reports are from the

Benedict/Deloria correspondence in the Special Collections at Vassar College. Only

a few of the twenty pages of Mrs. Emery’s synopsis are available there. As I was

completing this article, Kelly Morgan sent me the full copy, which she had ob-

tained from Raymond J. DeMallie in . He asked that the material be acknowl-

edged “courtesy of Vine Deloria Jr.”

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   ⁄     ⁄ . , .    

. E. Deloria letter to Benedict,  July .

. Stein, Benedict papers, folder  (–); emphasis in original.

. E. Deloria letter to Benedict,  July .

. E. Deloria letter to Benedict,  July .

. E. Deloria letter to Benedict,  July .

. E. Deloria letter to Benedict,  July .

. Ella Deloria letters to Virginia Dorsey Lightfoot,  August . Dakota

Indian Foundation.

. E. Deloria letters to Virginia Dorsey Lightfoot,  August .

. E. Deloria, “Biographical Notes,” . Margaret Mead papers, Library of Con-

gress.

. E. Deloria, “Biographical Notes,” .

. Ella C. Deloria, Dakota Home Life. Ethnographic ms., . Chamberlain SD:

Dakota Indian Foundation. Since this manuscript exists in several versions and

has been filed variously, as well as renumbered, by different custodians over de-

cades, it is very difficult to cite from it accurately. In each instance, I give the page

number I consulted, although which version it came from was not always clear.

. E. Deloria, Dakota Home Life, /.

. E. Deloria, Dakota Home Life, /.

. E. Deloria letter to Boas,  October . Franz Boas papers, ca. –,

American Philosophical Society, B/Bp.

. E. Deloria letter to Boas,  August . Franz Boas papers, American Philo-

sophical Society.

. E. Deloria letter to Boas,  November . Franz Boas papers, American

Philosophical Society.

. Ibid.

. E. Deloria letter to Boas,  October . Franz Boas papers, American

Philosophical Society.

. E. Deloria letter to Boas,  October .

. E. Deloria, Ethnographic ms., . Dakota Indian Foundation.

. E. Deloria, Ethnographic ms., n.p.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, . Margaret Mead papers, Library of Con-

gress.

. E. Deloria letter to Virginia Dorsey Lightfoot,  November . Dakota

Indian Foundation.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, . Margaret Mead papers, Library of Con-

gress.

. E. Deloria, Elementary school exercise,  November . “Personal & Pro-

fessional Papers,” Dakota Indian Foundation.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, . Margaret Mead papers, Library of Con-

gress.

6 x 9 with 4.6 pi head, 5 pi gutter, 25 pi, verso, template 6x9-4x25f.ptf

25 wide x 41.6 deep

 Gardner: “Though it Broke My Heart to Cut Some Bits I Fancied”

. Vine Deloria Jr., retells this story in Singing for a Spirit, -.

. E. Deloria letter to Virginia Dorsey Lightfoot,  February . Dakota In-

dian Foundation.

. E. Deloria, Ethnographic ms., –. Dakota Indian Foundation.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, . Margaret Mead papers, Library of Con-

gress.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, .

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, –; emphasis in original.

. E. Deloria, Biographical Notes, .

. For Native responses to Episcopalian “ecclesial colonialism” (Anderson ix),

see Virginia Driving Hawk Sneve (Dakota), That They May Have Life: The Episco-

pal Church in South Dakota – (New York: Seabury Press, ); Elizabeth

Cook-Lynn (Dakota), “A Centennial Minute from Indian Country; or Lessons in

Christianizing the Aboriginal Peoples of America from the Example of Bishop

William Hobart Hare,” in Why I Can’t Read Wallace Stegner and Other Essays: A

Tribal Voice (Madison WI: University of Wisconsin Press, ), -; and Owanah

Anderson (Choctaw),  Years: Anglican/Episcopalian Mission among American

Indians (Cincinnati OH: Forward Movement Publications, ). Deloria was still

a student at the school when Bishop Hare died there on  October : some

Indians had traveled far to carry out an all-night vigil for him (Sneve ). Deloria

viewed her family as “progressive,” in that they accepted Christianity (including

church schooling), refused rations and held allotments. But her consciousness, as

I will demonstrate in future publications, was also more sophisticated (and some-

times fissured).

. E. Deloria, Transcript, file /, Personal and Professional Papers, Dakota

Indian Foundation.

. Rudolf Flesch, The Art of Plain Talk, with a foreword by Lyman Bryson

(New York: Harper & Brothers, ).

. Flesch, The Art of Plain Talk.

. R. Benedict letter to American Philosophical Society,  September ,

Benedict papers.

. E. Deloria letter,  May ; emphases in original.

. E. Deloria letter,  May .

. Paula Gunn Allen, “Thus Spake Pocahantas,” in Off the Reservation: Reflec-

tions on Boundary-Busting, Border-Crossing, Loose Canons (Boston: Beacon, ),

.

. Paula Gunn Allen, Spider Woman’s Granddaughters: Traditional Tales and

Contemporary Writing by Native American Women (New York: Fawcett Colum-

bine, ), .

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Beads and a Vision: Waking Dreams and Induced Dreams as a Source of Knowledge for Beadwork Making. An Ethnographic Account from Sioux Country

Hélène Wallaert

To cite this article: Hélène Wallaert (2006) Beads and a Vision: Waking Dreams and Induced Dreams as a Source of Knowledge for Beadwork Making. An Ethnographic Account from Sioux Country, Plains Anthropologist, 51:197, 3-15, DOI: 10.1179/pan.2006.001

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Beads and a Vision: Waking DrealDs and Induced DrealDs as a Source of Knowledge for Beadwork Making. An Ethnographic

Account from Sioux Country

Helene Wallaert

Dreams and visions still play an active part in northern Plains craft making and fully participate in the elaboration of decorative designs. This is a process in which the mythical figure of Double Woman plays an important role. However, the social purpose of dreams and visions sharing is largely diminished by the transformations of familial and cultural ties.

Keywords: northern Plains, bead working, dreams, visions, Double Woman

ONCE YOU REACH HOPELESSNESS, THINGS CAN ONLY GET BETTER

I have known Janel for almost ten years and I try to visit her each time I have the opportunity to travel to the United States. Our first encounter oc- curred while I was doing fieldwork for my Master's thesis in Art History and Archaeology at the Universit6 Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium. I was ana- lyzing beadworking practices among Sioux com- munities of North Dakota and had obtained a Ro- tary Grant to interview Native beadworkers, and Jane, whom I met through the North Dakota His- torical Society, had agreed to show me the basics of her tanning and beadwork techniques. During return visits, even if fieldwork brought me to other parts of the country, we would meet, talk and basi- cally hang out together while she worked with beads or just went about her other activities. This usually involved spending a lot of time resolving banking problems or searching for some cash in order to pay a pressing bill. My stay in 2004 was no different, but after three weeks of almost daily contact I started despairing of actually witnessing any beadworking. Jane was struggling with money

issues, health concerns of her own, as well as her sons' precarious condition. She was busy writing up a large-scale project to promote northern Plains arts, and she was extensively worried by recurrent visions of "bad times to come" and "the struggle her People had to face". All this kept her from any serious headwork, even if she could have used the income from a sale. As she stated:

I am like a widow, mourning for the suffering of my People who still live under oppression In that state of mind I cannot work on my beads I can only fast, pray and visit our different ritual sites.

As Kathleen Pickering (2000) observed in re- gard to South Dakota reservations, Lakotas use aspects of their culture to explain or justify work related behavior. Indeed, many Lakotas today, as in earlier years, view life as a path that is revealed through dreams, visions and other signs. Through several examples, she demonstrates how such a cultural disposition can influence working life, as with this account from an Oglala woman:

I got another boss. Then she started doing things out of the way, so I decided I better resign, because this is a telltale sign. I had nightmares that this postal

Dr. Helene Wallaert, Associate Researcher, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, Albuquerque, New Mexico, USA, Independent Researcher, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium, 229F

Oneux, 4170 Comblain-au-Pont Belgium, [email protected]

Plains Anthropologist, Vol. 51, No. 197, pp. 3-15,2006

3

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

inspector was standing over me and I was lying on the floor and she was threatening me ... (Pickering 2000:26)

In a similar way, Jane feels she has to follow her visions and dreams even if it means losing her main source of income.

I knew that Jane tended to move a lot, but she always kept me informed of any changes in her mailing address. Yet until one afternoon in late August of 2004, she had never offered to take me to her home. Previously, we met in public places or at friends' houses. What made that particular day different, I will never know, but I grabbed the opportunity and thanked her for the invitation.

Figure 1. Elk bone scraper, part of Jane's tools set.

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VOL. 51, NO. 197, 2006

Her home, as I discovered, was a one-room studio, with an adjacent small bathroom in an off- reservation town's apartment complex. It was clut- tered with piled objects of all sorts. There was just enough space for a small chest of drawers, an old table desk stacked with papers on which sat a per- sonal computer, a twin bed scattered with old pho- tographs, paperwork and various items, a kitchen comer one would have found difficult to cook a meal in, and an old armchair. It seemed as though a lifetime's belongings had to fit in less than 350 square feet. The armchair was placed in front of the window but little light seemed to find its way into the room. The whole place left an impression

of enclosure and dimness, but also of tranquility.

My host insisted that she did not reveal her address to anyone except her close family (meaning her children). She had moved in about two years ear- lier after residing in another part of the state for a while. Others believed she was living at another location. Whether this was to preserve her tranquility or not wanting to have people drop by all the time, I do not know. Perhaps it was from embarrassment about her finan- cial situation. I was very well aware of the shortage of money but did not ask any questions.

Rather, I mentioned my surprise that she was able to bead in such poor light and in a space that did not seem quite appropriate to this work: there was no table in sight to lay beads or hides on, and I could not detect the specific smell of the smoked hides she normally used2• She rapidly corrected me: this was the space where she con- ceived her pieces, not where she nec- essarily carried them out. This is where she would dream, where she found the intimacy and peace appropriate for that most important part of her work. That afternoon, Jane unfolded a vital part of her creative process, deciding that it was time for me to learn more about the way she constructed decorative

Helene Wallaert

patterns.

CRAFT MAKING AS A GIFT RECEIVED FROM DOUBLE WOMAN

Jane was born around 1954 on Standing Rock Reservation, part of the Sioux Nation established under the Fort Laramie Treaty in 1868 and today a home of a Lakota division. Jane is part Lakota (Hunkpapa-Dakota) on her mother's side and part Hidatsa-Crow on her father's side. She was sepa- rated at a very early age from her father, Andrew. Her mother, Beatrice, believed that Crow people would have harmed her had she stayed in her father's community. Thus, she was raised mostly by her maternal grandparents, John and Victoria. As Jane describes it, she experienced a very simple life in the back country outside Fort Yates: "we picked wild berries, gardened sweet com, picked plums, ate fish and deer. Buffalo hunting season [in her grandmother's time] was always a very busy time because of skinning of animals ... it is still a busy time for me as for hide tanning." Of course, in Jane's childhood the hides were more likely to be deer than buffalo.

Ada, John's mother, passed on her Indian name to Jane, as well as her spiritual patrimony; she was a renowned healer in her community and Jane be- lieves she carries on her ancestor's gift. Ada was also a beadworker, and Jane remembers her walk- ing to Fort Yates to sell her pieces, standing for hours in front of a building (actually, the grocery store) awaiting possible customers. With the money, she bought penny candies for the children as well as basic groceries for the entire family. John, the grandfather, was a traditional singer, a drum maker and a porcupine quill roach maker. He spent most of his life following powwows, making re- galia and performing. Victoria, his wife, was also a well-known beadworker, making tents of hides and touring powwows to sell her pieces as well as producing regalia for dancers. It was with her grandparents that Jane entered the world of beadworking. At the age of sixteen, she moved to Bismarck speaking only broken English. She de- scribed that period as very lonely and a hard struggle. Early wedded, widowed, remarried and widowed again, Jane supported her five children with beadwork, illustrating a common pattern in Lakota social organization3•

5

Beads and a Vision

She has from time to time given various classes and workshops for different associations and institutions in the state. In 1996, she was able to spend time learning bird quill work from two masters at Fort Berthold. The next year, a fellow- ship allowed her to travel to Washington, D.C., to study beadwork and quillwork collections. In 1999, I proposed Jane for consideration as artist in resi- dence for the Indian Summer exhibition organized by the Royal Art and History Museum in Brus- sels4, and she spent about three weeks in Belgium, demonstrating and sharing her knowledge with the Belgian public. At some point, she took a one-year class on Education and Family Addiction Dynam- ics and worked on and off during the 1970s in street ministry with young adults and prisoners. Jane has always shown an interest in social action, a ten- dency even more active now that one of her sons has just finished a five-year sentence. His jail time was difficult to endure for Jane, who remains con- vinced that this incarceration was ordered without any justification, reflecting the unfairness and op- pression of the U. S. government toward Native communities.

Jane was twelve years old when she actively started producing beadwork, but she had been ob- serving her grandmother at work for many years, participating in tanning and smoking hides, as well as t:Jlaking sinew thread. She describes her child- hood as being filled with many hours sitting next to her grandmother, watching how she was mak- ing things. She recalls helping with the chores, accepting the idea that hide preparation and beadwork were hard work requiring a lot of mot i- vation, patience, commitment and obedience to elders. Sometimes, her grandmother would give her a piece in process, telling her:

Finish this one .. , I would then have to figure out by myself how to do it .,. recalling and recon- structing what my grandma would have done ... it was not easy.

It seemed to Jane that her world revolved around beadwork as her grandparents were always working on a piece, both of them being powwow circuit people. From information collected through interviews, it appears that Jane experienced a ten- year apprenticeship period, mainly under the su- pervision of her maternal grandmother. It is not

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST VOL. 51, NO. 197,2006

NATURE OF CRAFT PRODUCTION

childhood. She still uses sinew thread and bone awls almost exclusively even though she admits to switching to metal needles occasionally. Her grandmother showed her how to make classical Sioux geometric designs, but later in life she ac- quired the technical ability to create floral designs under the supervision of a Chippewa-Cree woman. Her porcupine quillwork skills were forged with her grandmother Victoria, but perfected in adult- hood with an Oglala woman from Wounded Knee.

Jane still belongs to a guild of quillworkers, similar to those described in early ethnographic accounts (Kroeber 1902-1907), and she still dis- cusses her production with other members before carrying it out. During the years 1996-1997 Jane started purchasing the rights to do Hidatsa bird quillwork from two elders of the Prairie Chicken clan of the Hidatsa at Fort Berthold5•

First, the hide is stretched onto a wooden frame, and flesh and hair is removed with an elk hom scraper. A mixture of brains is rubbed on the sur- face to tenderize it. Then the hide is soaked, wrung free ofwater and stretched again, this process being repeated several times. Hides can be smoked with oak or cottonwood to preserve them. Sometimes sweet grass and sage are used to give a pleasant smell.

Jane manufactures a great variety of objects, all reflecting traditional Sioux techniques, using sinew and old-time beads such as the greasy yel- low or cranberry white-heart. These products in- clude not only umbilical cord pouches, moccasins, robes, beaded dress yokes, cradles, various pouches, knife holders, hair ornaments, brooches and dolls, but also rawhide parfleches bearing geo- metric designs painted with mineral pigment made from crushed rock mixed with water and fruit juice.

The paint is applied with a porous buf- falo bone (Figure 2).

She uses a wide range of designs and colors. It is impossible to general- ize their meaning, as the construction of decorative patterns and arrangement of colors depend on the content of dreams and visions. Still, after look- ing at her overall production and dis- cussing these matters with her, I can safely state that red may be used to sug- gest the setting sun, yellow the rising sun, green the summer (but also veg- etation and life), black the night, and blue the sky and clouds. Various ar- rangements of colors might represent the four directions or the four seasons,

Figure 2. Porous buffalo bones used to apply color in the making ofparf1eches. squares may represent not only lakes but also the time that goes by, a red

the goal of this paper to detail aspects of her train- ing, but these matters were analyzed through a pro- tocol previously tested among African craft mak- ers (Wallaert-Petre 2001). Jane's learning process was organized around several distinctive stages, some revolving around a passive absorption of con- duct (from six to twelve years old), some imply- ing a reconstructive pattern from observation, oth- ers involving a strict duplication of techniques while periods of trial and error also exist. Even if apprenticeship mainly took place in a close famil- ial context, a series of other people also passed on their knowledge to her. Jane would, for example, spend time with a blood relative on her mother's side as she was tanning hides following the classic Sioux technique that Jane still uses.

Jane learned to tan buffalo, deer, elk and ante- lope hides using only a bone scraper (Figure 1). As far as her beadwork techniques go, Jane mas- tered the inter-weaving, lazy stitch, applique, edg- ing and rope stitch techniques learned during late

6

Helene Wallaert

line is usually representative of the life line, and the morning star is a design favored by Jane mainly because her grandmother Victoria used it regularly. The only piece made by Victoria that Jane still possesses bears that design. The turtle shape given to umbilical pouches is classically linked to women and suggests fertility, while the lizard is associ- ated with masculinity.

Jane constructs her designs with assemblages of geometric patterns and does not use anthropo- morphic or even zoomorphic elements. She sug- gests that these should only be handled by men, repeating an idea on labor division often relayed in the literature, but that, based on ethnographic evidences, should probably not be taken for granted (Schneider 1983:108).

The Double Woman or Winy an Nunpa design, abundantly used by Jane, refers to a mythic and supernatural figure that inspires beadworkers through dreams. In fact, she empowers women to do crafts once she appears in their dreams. She is credited with the discovery of quillwork and was, in the past, related to women's production of petroglyphs (Irwin 1994: 215 ; Sundstrom 2002: 104-106):

"Double Woman is a complex supernatural be- ing representing a set of dualities linked to woman- hood ... Double Woman is the inventor of quillwork and is a source of artistic talent among women. She is the benefactor of women artists and quillworking societies. Although less well documented, Double Woman also played a role in the production of petro glyphs in the northern Plains .... " (Sundstrom 2002:100)

Jane describes her as having a double face, half of which represents a beautiful young woman, and the other half an older, hideous figure. She symbolizes the mirror reflection of the dual rela- tionship between the natural and supernatural worlds. In reality, Jane conf1ates two different be- ings, Double Woman and Double Face Woman or Anuk !te. Double Woman is usually associated with two very tall and wild women connected by a cord. Double Face, also referred to as Deer Woman, is the one recognized by her dual facial figures (Sundstrom, personal communication 2004). But Irwin also notes the ambiguity of this character:

Sexual temptation is probably tied to the Sioux mythology of the black-tailed deer and its mythic

7

Beads and a Vision

correlate, Double Woman, who sometimes appeared as black-tailed deer who wished to seduce men. (Irwin 1994:268)

Double Woman is all about opposition: good and evil, woman and child-like behavior, commit- ment to work and laziness. This personage is some- times referred to by mothers who feel they need to correct misbehaving children. It is believed that "bad children" take the risk of being stolen away by Double Woman (Red Shirt 1998:22-23). But, here again, it seems that this role is more often played by Hinhan-Kaga, the Owl-Maker or Anuk Ite, Double Face, Double Woman being too pre- occupied by her artwork or her chase after men to take notice of children. This is why, in many ac- counts, dreamers of Double Woman who become craft makers do not marry and do not have any children:

The dream seems to have allowed the girl or woman - or less often a male dreamer - free choice in the life she would pursue. Some chose the less honorable path and were thereafter regarded with fear and suspicion by the others of their camp. These women imitated the evil side of Double Woman, wandering about the camp talking loudly and laughing raucously. They might dwell together, but generally did not marry or have children. (Sundstrom 2002:103)

Thus,pouble Woman's dangerousness is ex- pressed by the fact that·a beadworker could easily "lose herself and her mind" if she let herself be influenced by the wrong side of Double Woman (Young Bear and Theisz 1994:25). So, dreamers always retain the free will to choose which of the paths proposed by Double Woman they want to follow. That choice usually involves an honorable, industrious path and a less honorable way leading to poor moral conduct, even though gifted with beadworking talent.

When a woman dreams of the Double Woman, from that time on, in everything she makes, no one excels her. But then the woman is very much like a crazy woman. She laughs uncontrollably and so time and time again she acts deceptively. So the people are very afraid of her. She causes, all men, who stand near her, to become possessed. (Walker 1980: 165)

In that sense, Double Woman plays a role in the expression of social roles, some of her dream- ers being regarded as a threat to normal social or- der because of their seductive behavior toward

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

men. Craft women in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, such as Northem Cameroon where I had the opportunity to do substantive fieldwork, also experience a very complex and dual social status. They are highly admired for their technical abili- ties but they are feared for their closeness to the world of the spirits, their participation in healing processes and their union with blacksmiths (Wallaert-Petre 2001). Complex social status is a common reality for many craft people communi- ties around the world (Hallowell 1966).

People who dream of Double Woman are also believed to be especially powerful ritually. It is said that men who encountered her would lose their minds or have to become berdaches (Bowers 1965:165).

VISIONS AND DREAMS AS PART OF CREATIVE PROCESSES

Jane has always strongly believed in visions and dreams, having experienced them since child- hood. At that time, her grandfather John helped her understand their meaning but basically encour- aged her to "pray as dreams usually clear up by themselves". Jane differentiates what she calls "random visions", "sought visions", and "dreams". By visions (random or sought), she means a "wak- ing experience". This appears to be similar to events observed among the Dene Tha by Goulet (1998:267).

"Random visions" can occur at any time and in any place. Alone, or while in the company of other people, she sees and hears things that remain nonexistent to others. Jane feels these events are unpredictable and unsought. They can last a few seconds or several minutes and appear as clear as reality. As a matter of fact, to Jane they represent one aspect of real life - a state of altered aware- ness - that should be considered as authentic as any other experience:

Dreaming experientially transforms our sense of the everyday world in a holistic and immediate, emotional encounter, not in a logical or abstract sense. The distinction between waking and dream- ing is dissolved and, in the developed dreamer, be- comes an awareness of conscious merging with the visionary realm. The visionary experiences, the world as a radically transformed environment whose ecological structures become wholly mythic and superordinate." (Irwin 1994:20)

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Or, as Barbara Tedlock expresses it:

But just wha.t sort of experiences are dreams? Today, in Westem culture, we recognize dreaming as self-related but we do not accord this experience the same status as waking reality and thus we do not fully integrate dream experiences with our other memories. Howl~ver, since reality itself is an inde- terminate concept influenced by imaginative and symbolic processes, there are cultures other than our own in which waking, dreaming, and various in- between experif:nces, though they may be distin- guished, may well not be sorted out according to the simple oppositional dichotomy of real versus unreal, or reality versus fantasy. (Tedlock 1987: 1)

Jane considers this ability to dream and have visions to be a gift passed on to her from her an- cestors. It allows her to be in contact with the el- ders' spirits, who intervene in her life to direct her actions, but who also give guidance to the entire Sioux community and as a matter of fact to any- one who wants to listen to them. During random visions, spirits of (~ldersusually express metaphori- cally their concern about the loss of respect for ancient traditions, warn of the danger of ignoring their advice, and offer visionary images that need to be decoded in order to foresee what the future might bring.

These events rarely have a direct connection to craft making, but Jane sometimes utilizes ele- ments of these visions and integrates them in her beadwork. Spirits and elders usually appear as seen through "a filter" as though distorted by a shat- tered mirror. The use of the mirror concept might be related to the fact that, traditionally, Double Woman's dreamers carried mirrors expressing the double nature of the spirit.

Jane's experitences belong to a long lasting tra- dition among the Sioux even if the distinction be- tween dreams and visions has not always been fully clarified by anthropologists who recorded these events (Devereux 1969, Price-Williams 1987:246- 249). As a matter of fact, descriptions offered by "dreamers" expre:ss that confusion:

It's like this: it isn't a dream. At night you go to bed and think hard on something. Like say, just any- thing, a car probably. Think hard on it, worry about it, and in a dream you will dream about a car. It's not like that, the visions come, whether you're think- ing about a car, a horse will appear, or something different, you know what I mean. It's like looking out in space and suddenly somebody shows you a

H.Hene Wallaert

picture. It's like that. (Oglala Sioux recall in Pow- ers 1977: 137)

By "sought visions" or "crying for a vision" as described by Black Elk (Brown 1953), Jane means a voluntary event, a journey of the soul sought through fasting and praying (Sundstrom 2002; Tedlock 1987). In her case, these visions usually occur as part of a healing process. In that sense, she relates herself to a long tradition, widely described in literature, of spiritual practitioners who possess curing abilities, not to be confused with the over-used concept of shaman (Albers and Medi- cine 1983; Amiotte 1982; Kehoe-Beck 2000; DeMallie and Parks 1987; Goulet 1998; Horse Capture 1980; Irwin 1994; Powers M. 1986; Pow- ers W. 1982; Price-Williams 1987; Tedlock 1987; Wissler 1916).

It has been argued that women among the Dakota- Lakota did not traditionally seek visions, but old ethnographic sources appear to establish that practice (Sundstrom 2002:101; Walker 1980). Jane is regularly asked to visit sick or injured people and pray for them. It is through the power of prayer, fasting and visions that Jane believes she helps people and obtains their recovery. These experiences always involve a tremendous transfer of energy, as described by Jane through this par- ticular example:

I was called a few weeks ago to visit a woman who was hospitalized for meningitis. She was un- conscious and doctors predicted she would not sur- vive. I spent time with her, praying at her side .., then I felt I had to leave, return to my home to fast and pray ... I did that the whole night long ... I felt a light coming around me and I felt a deep warmth coming into my body ... I felt sick like with fever and then it went away and I slept. The next morn- ing, the family called to say their parent was con- scious, sitting in her bed, on the way to recovery.

By "dreams" Jane suggests an induced state that occurs while relaxing but that can also be de- liberately sought. Then it becomes a condition of physical relaxation but also of intense mental con- centration that leads to a "sleep-like" state during which decorative patterns and colors emerge be- fore her. Jane was around twelve years old the first time she experienced such a state. She was taking a nap, not really sleeping but lying on a sofa, re- laxing. That is when she encountered Double Woman. At the time she did not know what it

9

Beads and a Vision

meant, but her grandfather explained that she had been chosen to become a beadworker and that she could not refuse that powet'. After that event, she regularly dreamt of beads andjust "knew that it is what she had to do with her life."

It is interesting to note that the starting point of the "official" apprenticeship's guidance and the production of the first beaded objects coincide with that initial dream. In that sense, Jane has repro- duced a pattern of learning noted by many anthro- pologists working in the Great Plains, who also detected the association made between a good bead or quillworker and the ideal prototype of a wife (Hassrick 1964:42; Michelson 1932:2). But then we would have to admit that to fit into the model of the perfect wife, it is also necessary to be recog- nized and chosen by Double Woman, this status being acquired through the intervention of a mythic figure. Bead or quillworking skills are not only rec- ognized as technical output, but also as a sign of social virtue and value sought for by men intend- ing marriage.

Jane's decision to produce objects only in the traditional Sioux technique-relates to a promise made to her grandfather:

My grandfather gathered us around his death bed, he was weak but he talked to us and said he was worried that people were about to forget about tra-

. ditions, they would not listen to elders ... He said bad and difficult times were coming with people watching television and all that ... I promised him I would never forget traditions and the old ways.

Jane feels bound to her spiritua1life, which is also greatly influenced by her Christian involve- ment as an active member of the Congregational Church of North Dakota. Her visions and dreams certainly reflect the interaction between her indig- enous spiritual "voyages" and Christian symbols (Goulet 1998: 199-200).

Induced dreams imply a state of intense men- tal concentration but physical relaxation associated with a deep sense of isolation or dissociation from the outside world. According to Jane, this can only be achieved in an enclosed environment such as her small apartment. She never tried to reach that state of mind in an outside, natural environment such as Bear Butte, for example (Figure 3). In her dreams, Jane sees parts of design patterns, colors and details of pieces, parts of the making processes,

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST VOL. 51, NO. 197, 2006

Figure 3. Bear Butte, Black Hills.

but rarely a complete object or process. It is like a puzzle that she has to reconstruct to be able to vi- sualize the whole picture. She describes her cre- ative process as such:

To create a piece, I have to put myself in the right state of mind, I need this quiet and secluded place ... this is why I do not tell where I live ... this space has to remain free for creation ... I sit in my armchair I open my mind and I concentrate on beadwork I become very relaxed and I fall asleep but it is not like when you sleep at night ... I sleep and I don't really sleep ... I let things come to me ... and I start visualizing piece of hide, parts of ob- ject, colors and shapes. Sometimes it takes days or weeks before it makes any sense to me and before I foresee the object I have to make. This is why I can- not work on commission '" I do not know what I will do next. It is not for me to decide."

THE MAKING OF THE BEAR BUTTE POUCH

It is through a similar process that Jane con- structed a pouch that I acquired after she detailed every aspect of its making (Figure 4). The pouch

10

is made of two pieces of smoked, brain-tanned deer hide. The back panel is made out of an oval piece whose one end folds and serves as closing flap. The front is made of a rectangular piece whose base is rounded. These two pieces are sewn to- gether with buffalo sinew.

The pouch measures 14 cm wide by 17 cm long. Calico cotton has been used for the inside lining. The closing strap and hanging strap are decorated with brass beads and silver tin cones. The beads used on this piece are old-time pony beads (the greasy blue, white, cranberry white- heart, Sioux green and northwest cobalt blue) but we also find Ex-Czechoslovakia silver grey and gold beads. Porcupine quills dyed in red are also used (Figure 5).

The closing flap is ornamented with a border of red, blue and white triangles, a separation line of gold beads punctuating the design. For Jane, these triangles usually symbolize the tipi motif, but here they illustrate mountains. The same meaning is attributed to Sioux green triangles found on the

Helene Wallaert

border of the pouch's front piece, while the greasy blue triangles symbolize the sky touched by moun- tains; in Lakota symbolism, the sky is the mirror image of the earth or mountains.

The main design on the bottom part of the front piece represents Bear Butte seen as a giant woman asleep, ready to give birth to hundreds of spiritual children. These children are illustrated by the white beads on the green background. Linea Sundstrom (personal communication 2004) notes the Blackfoot tradition that equates stars, falling stars and babies' spirits, as does Jane's depiction.

Also, Lakota people used to place rocks on this site, in crotches of branches in commemoration of their ancestors' spirits who were thought to linger around Bear Butte. So, to the extent that these rocks represent individual souls, the design on this bag makes perfect sense. (Sundstrom, personal commu- nication 2004)

Bear Butte, a laccolith7 located northeast of the Black Hills is considered to be a sacred place for vision seekers of most northern Plains com- munities including Lakota people who gather at

Beads and a Vision

Bear Butte to meet after the summer equinox (Goodman 1992). It is also considered the home of the sacred powers that gave the first Painted Shield and the Sacred Arrows to the Cheyenne (Irwin 1994:229; Sundstrom 2000: 124). It is said that Bear Butte, as other sacred sites, has a cave inside where spirits live and where animal spirits dwell like babies in a womb (Schlesier 1987, 1994).

Cheyenne sacred tradition involves a series of stories whereby the people are saved from crisis by receiving sacred knowledge at Bear Butte. (Sundstrom 1996: 182).

Jane's custom to visit Bear Butte when seek- ing for a vision and resolution to problems, hop- ing to receive knowledge from elders, appears very similar to the Cheyenne's tradition.

The gold and silver lines marking the top of the Butte design refer to a process of purification needed to reach holiness (the silver line), which means getting rid of all defects in order to become holy and achieve the golden state. The butte itself is colored green as a sign of both life and vegeta-

Figure 4. Bear Butte vision bag in the making.

11

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

Figure 5. Bear Butte vision bag.

tion. Jane regularly visits Bear Butte when she feels the need to connect with spirits, but she has never mentioned a specific link between that natural fea- ture and the presence of petroglyphs related to Double Woman (Sundstrom 2002: 109-110).

The center front of the pouch bears a repre- sentation of Double Woman because she is con-

12

VOL. 51, NO. 197, 2006

nected to the Holy Spirit (Figure 6). The vertebrae symbol in white and northwest cobalt blue il- lustrates the belt of Double Woman. From more detailed interviews on the meaning of that "belt" design, it appears to be related to the link connecting the dual per- sonalities of Double Woman. Depictions of this concept can also be found on various visual images produced by the Sioux (Penney 1992; Sundstrom 2002: 103). The short quill line is a life symbol, but also a representation of the blood line linking Jane to Double Woman. It is not to be confused with the life symbol associ- ated with the color green.

This pouch is the result of a random vision that occurred one year before the actual produc- tion of the bag and sev- eral induced dreams that Jane experienced in the weeks preceding the making. She recalls her vision as such:

I was on a trip in South Dakota with Rene,

a friend from Holland, and one of my daugh- ters. .. It was about one

year ago ... I felt the need to pray and fast for my People, I was touring different places that are sa- cred to us ... we passed in front of Bear Butte, I had a vision ... the mountain appeared to me as a preg- nant woman ready to give birth to thousands of spiri- tual children ... who were coming out of her ... these were the children our People need to regain respect and fight the oppression.

Helene Wallaert Beads and a Vision

The use of dreams and visions in craft mak- ing processes has been noted very early on by trav- elers and anthropologists involved in northern

When a dreamer brings a unique experience into the general discourse, it might have many or few immediate symbolic correlates. Nevertheless, it par- ticipates in a shared symbolic system that is given heightened meaning through both the general mythic discourse and the shared ceremonial practices adapt- able to the individual vision ... dreaming has a de- terminative power both individually and socially.

of the community has largely vanished. Jane is liv- ing in town, separated from members of her fam- ily and even from the rest of her indigenous social network. Her role as vision seeker has shifted to a personal level instead of serving the community in which she was born. As Irwin noted (1994: 189):

CONCLUSIONS

In Jane's case, the social dynamic surround- ing the dreaming process has largely disappeared, preventing the content of her dreams and visions from fully playing their part in the social order. Still, she feels she has no choice but to follow the life that Double Woman has given her: praying, fasting, seeking or encountering dreams and vi- sions, and inserting all these elements into her beadwork.

To Jane, this vision reveals the coming of a new era, when Native People will assume respon- sibility and start fighting against oppression, orga- nizing themselves to contest the way they are be- ing treated. To do so, there will be a need to regain pride and confidence. As Jane saw these images appear before her, she felt wide awake and asked her companions if they were seeing the same things, but they were not. She kept the memory of this vision, not knowing how to implement it.

During the following year, Jane had many more visions, but most of them were dark and seemed to give warnings, announcing difficult times and even catastrophes. During the weeks preceding my coming to her home, she had sev- eral induced dreams in which Bear Butte appeared over and over again; she understood she had to use that vision to construct a beadwork pattern. During some of these dreams she saw pieces of patterns (the life line, mountains, Double Woman), but it took time before she could organize these elements in an orderly manner.

Jane thinks that by producing this bag, she will pass on and share the content of this positive vi- sion she had at Bear Butte, to cheer up people about the final outcome of the struggle. Still, Jane does not explain how the display of her vision on a pouch, with its very se- cretive content not shared with everyone, would help people be more aware of their fu- ture. There seems to be a contradiction between the secrecy of the sym- bols she uses and her will to play a very vis- ible and active role in the propagation of these symbols which remain meaningless to most, even in her community .

.As a matter of fact, the social structure that would have allowed these visions and dreams to be shared and ex- plained among members Figure 6. Detail of the Bear Butte vision bag.

13

PLAINS ANTHROPOLOGIST

Plains studies. This contemporary ethnographic account shows that this practice is still very much alive today. Jane's artistic behavior relates to an old Sioux tradition that considers beadwork as an activity empowered by the mythic figure of Double Woman. Every object carries symbolic represen- tations brought through dreams and/or visions and reflecs interactions with elders' spirits, who pass on their knowledge through beadworkers. Today, the social impact of this art form is diminished by perturbations to traditional familial patterns, as beadworkers have largely lost their public platform to share knowledge. Still these creative processes seem to perpetuate themselves on a more personal level, guiding the life and actions of beadworkers and their immediate family, if not their entire com- munity from whom they are often socially discon- nected.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper was written following a short fieldwork season financed by the Belgian-American Educational Foundation, Hoover Grant 2003-2004. I wish to thank Jane for her patience in answering my questions. My deepest gratitude to Glenn and Sandy Hyland for hosting me during my stay in North Dakota. I would like to express my thanks to Dr. Alice Kehoe-Beck, Dr. Linea Sundstrom, Dr. Jean-Guy Goulet and Dr. Lee Home for their useful comments.

REFERENCES CITED Albers, Patricia and Bea Medicine (editors)

1983 The Hidden-Half: Studies of Plains Indian Women. University Press of America, Washington D.C.

Amiotte, Arthur 1982 Our Other Selves: The Lakota Dream experience. Pa-

rabola 6: 26-32. Bowers, Alfred

1965 Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 194.

Brown, Joseph Epes 1953 The Sacred Pipe: Black Elk sAccount of the Seven Rites

of the Oglala Sioux. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

DeMallie, Raymond, Douglas Parks (editors) 1987 Sioux Indian Religion: Tradition and Innovation. Uni-

versity of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Devereux, George

1969 Reality and Dream: Psychotherapy of a Plains Indian. Doubleday Anchor, revision of 1951 edition, New York.

Goodman, Ronald (editor) 1992 Lakota Star Knowledge: Studies in Lakota Stellar The-

ology. Sinte Gleska University, Rosebud, SD. Goulet, Jean-Guy A

1998 Ways of Knowing. Experience, Knowledge, and Power among the Dene Tha. University of Nebraska Press, Lin- coln and London.

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VOL. 51, NO. 197,2006

Hallowell, A. Irving 1966 The Role of Dreams in Ojibwa culture. In The Dream

and Human Societies, edited by GE. Grunebaum and Roger Caillois, pp. 267-292. University of California Press, Berkeley.

Hassrick, Royal 1964 The Sioux. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Horse Capture, George 1980 The Seven Visions of Bull Lodge. Bear Claw Press, Ann

Harbor. Irwin, Lee

1994 The Dream Seekers. Native American Visionary Tradi- tions of the Great Plains. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London.

Kehoe-Beck, Alice 2000 Shamans and Religion. An Anthropological Explora-

tion in Critical Thinking. Waveland Press, Inc., Prospect Heights, I1Iinois.

Kroeber, Alfred 1902-1907 The Arapaho. American Museum of Natural His-

tory Bulletin 18. Michelson, Truman

1932 Narrative of a Southern Cheyenne \\'oman. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 87:1-13.

Penney, David W 1992 Art of the American Indian Frontier: The Chandler-

Pohrt Collection. University of Washington Press, Seattle. Pickering, Kathleen A

2000 Lakota Culture, World Economy. University of Ne- braska Press, Lincoln and London.

Powers, Marla N 1986 Oglala Women: Myth, Ritual and Reality. University

of Chicago Press, Chicago. Power, William K

1977 Oglala Religion. University of Nebraska Press, Lin- coln.

1982 Yuwipi: Vision and Experience in Oglala Religion. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Price-Williams, Douglas 1987 "The Waking Dream in Ethnographic Perspective" In

Dreaming: Anthropological and Psychological Interpre- tations, edited by Barbara Tedlock~ pp. 246-262. Cam- bridge University Press, Cambridge.

Red Shirt, Delphine 1998 Bead on an Anthill: A Lakota Childhood. University of

Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London. Schleiser, Karl H.

1987. The Wolves of Heaven: Cheyenne Shamanism, Cer- emonies and Prehistoric Origin. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Schlesier, Karl H. (editor) 1994 Plains Indians, AD 500-1500: The Archaeological Past

of Historic Groups. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London.

Schneider, Mary Jane 1983 Women's Work: An Examination of Women's roles in

Plains Indian Arts and Crafts. In The Hidden Half. Stud- ies of Plains Indian Women, edited by P. Albers and B. Medicine, pp. 101-122. University Press of America, Washington D.C.

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Sundstrom, Linea 1996 Mirror of Heaven: Cross-cultural Transference of the

Sacred Geography ofthe Black Hills. World Archaeology 28(2): 177-189.

2000 Cheyenne Pronghorn Procurement and Ceremony. Plains Anthropologist 45(147):119-132.

2002 Steel Awls for Stone Age Plainswomen: Rock Art, Re- ligion and the Hide Trade on Northern Plains. Plains An- thropologist 47:99-119.

Tedlock, Barbara 1987 Dreaming: Anthropological and Psychological Inter-

pretations, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Walker, James R

1980Lakota Belief and Ritual, edited by R. DeMallie and E. Jahner. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.

Wallaert-Petre, Helene 2001a The Way ofthe Potter's Mother: Apprenticeship Strat-

egies among Dii potters of Cameroon, West Africa. Learn- ing Technical Knowledge and Social Identity. In Break- ing Down Boundaries, edited by Brenda Bowser, Lee Home and Miriam Stark. University of Arizona Press, Tucson, in press.

2001 b Learning How to Make the Right Pots. Apprentice- ship Strategies and Material Culture: A Case Study in Handmade Pottery from Cameroon. Journal of Anthro- pological Research 57:471-493.

Wissler, Clark 1912 Societies And Ceremonial Associations Of The Oglala

Division Of The Teton-Dakota. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 11.

1916 "Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota". Anthropological papers of the American Museum of Natural History 9: 1-100.

Young Bear, Severt, Ronnie D. Theisz 1994 Standing in the Light. A Lakota Way of Seeing. Univer-

sity of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London.

15

Beads and a Vision

NOTES 1. To protect the confidential nature of some of the information and to respect the anonymity of my informant, names have been changed. 2. I had seen Jane at work many times but always out of her home. She would bring her materials where I stayed or we would arrange working sessions at other people's places. 3. As Pickering notes, an average of more than 30 percent of households in South Dakota's reservations are composed of female single-parent families (2000:77). 4. Musee Royal d'Art et d'Histoire du Cinquantenaire, Bruxelles, Belgium. The exhibition Indian Summer was held from September 1999 until April 2000. Jane came over to Belgium at the time of the opening. Dr. Sergio Purini, Curator of the American Collections, was also commissioner for this project. 5. Today, bird quillwork is performed only by a handful of people. This ancient technique can only be reproduced by persons recognized as part of a secret society of makers and the rights to quill must be "purchased" from elders. This does not always imply a deposit of money. Purchase can signify services provided or a gift of time, by taking care of an elder for example. People belonging to the society of bird quill workers do meet to share their dreams during which decorative pattern and color appear. In Jane's case, she purchased her rights partly with money and partly by looking after needs of these elders. 6. Jane clearly says that once she dreamt of Double Woman she had no choice but to pursue beadwork and quillwork. Othe; accounts show that a choice factor can be recognized, as some women do recall dreams where they were shown two paths of life and made the decision to follow a craft maker existence (Wissler 1912:93). 7. Bear Butte is made of magma that never reached the surface to generate an eruption. The magma intruded to a shallow level and then stopped, cooled, crystallized, and solidified. Erosion then stripped the overlying layers of rock away. Bear Butte is at the east end of a linear belt of volcanic centers that continues westward about 60 miles to Devils Tower.

Week 6 - Plains/Whelan 1983 - Dakota Indian Economics.pdf

Week 6 - Plains/Whelan 1991 - Gender and Historical Archaeology.pdf

Gender and Historical Archaeology: Eastern Dakota Patterns in the 19th Century Author(s): Mary K. Whelan Source: Historical Archaeology, Vol. 25, No. 4, Gender in Historical Archaeology (1991), pp. 17-32 Published by: Society for Historical Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25616126 Accessed: 10-04-2018 18:32 UTC

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MARY K. WHELAN

Gender and Historical Archaeology: Eastern Dakota Patterns in the 19th Century

ABSTRACT

The investigation of gender in the past has finally begun to receive serious attention from archaeologists. Because of the infancy of the study, however, many theoretical and

methodological questions have yet to be resolved concern ing the kinds of gendered questions that can be asked of archaeological data and the ways in which archaeological information can inform one about past gender systems. His torical archaeology, because of the availability of historic documents and ethnographic information, can provide cru cial information about the ways in which gender is repre sented in archaeological deposits. This is illustrated in an examination of mortuary data from a 19th-century Dakota cemetery, the Black Dog Burial site. Thirty-nine individu als were interred in 24 different burials with a wide variety of historic Dakota and Euroamerican artifacts. Simple sex to-artifact correlations revealed little evidence of sex-linked

artifacts although age-specific artifact categories were found. However, factor analysis did reveal patterns of ar tifact clusters which may reveal gender categories that are not ascribed on the basis of biological sex. Archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence indicates a more fluid system of gender construction, consistent with Dakota cultural tradi tions, in spite of intense pressure from Euroamericans to adopt Western gender roles.

Introduction

The archaeological investigation of past gender systems has finally begun to receive serious atten tion (Conkey and Spector 1984; Spector and Whe lan 1989). Sessions on the archaeology of gender have appeared in numerous national and local con ferences, and the 22nd Annual Chacmool Confer ence in 1989 was devoted exclusively to the topic. But archaeology still lags far behind many of the other social sciences in incorporating feminist scholarship on gender into current theory and

method. This is due, in part, to the unique position of archaeology as both a social and a material sci

ence. While gender studies in the social sciences have been expanding for more than 20 years, the natural sciences have devoted much less attention

to the methodological, theoretical, and epistemo logical issues raised by the feminist study of gen der. As a result, archaeology seems to be pulled in several directions, making only hesitant progress via processual and post-processual routes toward understanding past gender systems (Conkey and Spector 1984; Conkey 1989; Wylie 1989).

Because of the infancy of the archaeological study of gender, many theoretical and methodolog ical questions have yet to be resolved concerning the kinds of gendered questions that can be asked of archaeological data and the ways in which ma terial culture can inform one about past gender systems. Historical archaeology is in a position to contribute critical information about the way gen der is represented in archaeological deposits be cause of the availability of both material cultural remains and historic descriptions, including docu ments, paintings, and ethnographic materials. In dividually, each data source has limitations, particularly for the investigation of behavioral realms?such as gender systems?which are cul turally constructed rather than ecologically or bio logically given. However, when archaeological in formation is used in combination with other historical sources, significant progress can be made in unraveling the complexities of historic gender systems and cultural interactions.

There are obvious difficulties in using documen tary sources alone to investigate historic Native American culture, the most serious of which in volve the ethnocentric nature of many of the works. Most historical material was recorded by Euroamericans and provides a white, male, colo nial perspective on Native American lifeways. American Indian and Inuit representations of them selves and their cultures are rare. Particularly with regard to descriptions of Native American gender systems, much of the Euroamerican descriptive material must be treated with suspicion, as dis cussed elsewhere (Etienne and Leacock 1980; Lea cock 1983). Because of these biases, archaeolog ical information is an extremely valuable resource for investigating non-Western gender systems.

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18 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

Material culture from Native American sites may be equated with primary documents written by na tive peoples since it provides access to information about actual Native American behavior in a con

text unfiltered by the ethnocentrism of Euroamer ican reporting. Obviously, the process of excava tion and analysis inserts a new set of Western biases into the interpretation of the archaeological material. But the archaeological record in the ground is analogous to native-authored texts.

At this stage in the archaeology of gender, mod els based on historic and ethnographic descriptions are important because they offer archaeologists in formation about the spatial and material parame ters of known gender systems (e.g., Hodder 1982; Braithwaite 1982; Spector 1983; Welbourn 1984). Once historical contexts have provided guidelines for identifying gender in the material record, pre historic research will be able to extend this work,

using the historical studies as a source of middle range theory for prehistoric contexts.

This paper utilizes archaeological and documen tary material to investigate the gender system at the Blackdog Burial site (21DK26), a 19th-century Eastern or Santee Sioux cemetery located on a sandy river terrace in Dakota County, Minnesota. The cultural designation "Sioux'' referred to a large association of related tribes which once in habited the woodlands and plains from western

Wisconsin to the Rocky Mountains. According to 19th-century geography and linguistics, they were divided into three groups: the Eastern Dakota, who lived in the wooded regions of Minnesota; the Na kota, who lived on the western border of Minne sota and along the eastern edge of South Dakota; and the Western Lakota, who lived along the Mis souri River. Historic Dakota people were de scribed as egalitarian, hunter-gatherer-horticultur alists who occupied large (about 200-person) permanent villages during the summer and fis sioned into smaller, mobile family groups during

most of the remainder of the year (Pond 1908). Whelan (1990) provides a fuller description of Da kota lifeways. Dakota summer villages were com monly located on major river floodplains, close to the main channel. The cemeteries associated with

these villages were usually placed on high terraces

or bluff tops above the village, positions similar to the sites chosen for pre-contact burial mounds (Winchell 1911:177-179). Figure 1 is a Seth East

man watercolor illustrating this pattern at the Da kota village associated with Little Crow, along the Mississippi River.

During the 1840s Seth Eastman served as a cap tain in the U.S. Army, stationed at Fort Snelling, outside St. Paul, Minnesota. In his leisure time, he

sketched and painted numerous scenes of Dakota life. Like many other non-Native Americans, he seemed fascinated by Dakota cemeteries and, par ticularly, by the Dakota practice of aerial scaffold exposure of deceased individuals prior to inter ment. Eastman's drawings (McDermott 1961, 1973) indicate that, during the 19th-century, Da kota cemeteries were used for both the scaffold

exposure of individuals and the subsequent inter ment of the remains. Scaffolds with coffins atop them are clearly visible in Figures 2 and 3, with the graves shown in the background, surrounded by pickets.

Site Background

Over the past 45 years, two Dakota burial areas have been identified along the Minnesota River, roughly 7 mi. south of St. Paul: the Kennealy site (21DK25) and the Blackdog Burial site (21DK26). Both were historic cemeteries with coffin burials, located about 1 mi. apart on the same river terrace.

Archaeologists speculated that these sites were the burial locations of individuals associated with the

19th-century Dakota summer encampment known as Blackdog's village (Wilford 1943, 1944; Peter son 1977a, 1977b, 1978:101-102), one of seven Eastern Dakota summer villages along the upper Mississippi and Minnesota Rivers. Historic maps placed Blackdog's village approximately 5 mi. up stream from the mouth of the Minnesota River

(Babcock 1945; Meyer 1967:45). Villages were moved periodically, however, and at least two dif ferent Blackdog village locations are suspected, one associated with an 1835 encampment and the other inhabited during 1855 (Figure 4).

Figure 3 shows a Seth Eastman drawing of a

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 19

FIGURE 1. Seth Eastman watercolor of Little Crow's village on the Mississippi River, 1847. (Courtesy of Minnesota Historical Society.)

scaffold cemetery that was probably based on the Blackdog Burial site itself. The penciled comment on the bottom of this sketch reads "View'of an

Indian graveyard 7 miles above Fort Snelling on the St. Peters looking down the river toward Fort Snelling" (McDermott 1961:plate 31). This is the approximate location of the Blackdog cemetery, St. Peter's being the 19th-century name for the Minnesota River. The finished watercolor based

on this sketch matches the details of the vegetation and topography in the Blackdog Burial site area reasonably well (McDermott 1961:plate 32).

The Blackdog cemetery lies approximately 5 mi. up the Minnesota River valley and is located on a terrace above the south bank of the river.

The Kennealy site cemetery is roughly 6 mi. up the Minnesota River, on the same terrace above the

south bank of the river. Figure 4 illustrates the proximity of each cemetery to one of the two mapped locations for Blackdog's village. It is

likely that the Blackdog cemetery was in use by Dakota people who were living in the 1835 village. Dated artifacts from the Blackdog cemetery (par ticularly beads, medals, buttons, a coin, and Eu roamerican ceramics) span the years 1830 to 1860, but the majority of the burials (60%) falls in the decade of the 1840s. Ninety-five percent of the burials at Blackdog date between 1835 and 1855. Spatial proximity suggests that the Kennealy site burials were associated with the 1855 Blackdog village location, although this cannot be verified because the 11 burials rescued from Kennealy were reburied in 1977 at the request of the Min nesota Indian Affairs Intertribal Board (Peterson 1978:103-105). In consideration of Dakota reli gious and cultural beliefs, no scientific analysis was undertaken before reburial.

In 1968, quarrying the construction activity along the river terrace resulted in the disturbance of the burials at the Blackdog Burial site. The con

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20 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

..^ " ^..-^

: -3^^ .-^u;

FIGURE 2. Seth Eastman watercolor of a Dakota cemetery at the mouth of the Minnesota River, 1847. (Courtesy of Minnesota Historical Society.)

struction was briefly halted to allow the Minnesota Historical Society to rescue 24 burials in a one week period of excavation. The exposure of these burials was upsetting to the local Dakota commu nity for a number of reasons and ultimately clari fied the need for burial legislation in Minnesota. After passage of the Minnesota Private Cemeteries Act, artifacts and skeletal material from the Black

dog Burial site were viewed as a high priority for reburial. In 1988 the Minnesota Indian Affairs In tertribal Board and the Minnesota Sioux Intertribal

Council formally requested the return of all mate rial from Blackdog for reinterment. The Minnesota Historical Society and the State Archaeologist's Office agreed to this request, but asked for a brief period of time for analysis.

In spite of the fact that the site had been exca vated in 1968, limited funding had resulted in little study. Analysis by a team of archaeologists and physical anthropologists took place 20 years to the

day after the initial excavations were completed. Analytical procedures were reviewed in advance with members of the Minnesota Indian Affairs

Council and Dakota spiritual leaders. As a result, sacred items (including medicine bundles and pipes) were not studied, photographed, or sam pled, and those materials will not be discussed in any detail in this paper. Following the analysis, the human remains and their associated artifacts were

reburied on Lower Sioux Community land on 27 July 1988.

The Blackdog Burials

Between 39 and 41 individuals were interred in

24 different burials at Blackdog. Of the 24 inter ments, 20 were coffin burials while the remains of

two other individuals were apparently wrapped in birch bark or cloth and then buried. Males and

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 21

FIGURE 3. Seth Eastman pencil sketch of a Dakota cemetery, probably the Blackdog Burial site. (Courtesy of Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.)

females were found in roughly equal numbers, as were adults (over 18 years) and juveniles. The graves were laid out in a linear pattern, parallel to one another, along the edge of the river terrace (Figure 5). Most graves were spaced roughly 1-2 m apart and oriented along a southeast to-northwest axis. No clear chronological order could be found to match the linear arrangement of burials.

Of the 24 burials excavated, 12 held the remains of more than one individual, 11 held a single in dividual, and one had no intact skeletal remains. Multiple interments were characterized by the gen erally complete remains of a "primary" individ ual, usually laid out in extended, supine position with the hands over the pelvis, and the fragmentary remains of one or more additional individuals. Second individuals were sometimes laid out on their left sides, at the left side of the primary in dividual. In at least one case (Burial 16) the re

mains of the second individual were placed in bun dle form to the left side of the primary burial. Finally, the very fragmentary remains of second and third individuals (often just a single long bone or skull) were usually found at either end of the coffin. In several instances, coffins containing only on6 individual were found adjacent to (i.e., side walls or lids touching) as many as three other coffins, a practice that may have represented a slight variation of the multiple interment pattern.

Although it could be argued that both the Dakota use of coffins and the linear arrangement of the cemetery were a result of Euroamerican pressure to adopt Christian mortuary customs, the acceptance of these two aspects of Euroamerican mortuary rit ual does not necessarily indicate a large-scale change in Dakota belief or cosmology. No evi dence of Christian artifacts or mortuary customs was found, while many traditional Dakota prac tices were visible at the site (e.g., scaffold expo

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22 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

1000 ^^ 0 1000 MOO 3000 4000 8000. ^ (000 WOO FEET 1 La?ieaa_ 5 0 ^^_^____^_31 KILOMETER J

CONTOUR INTERVAL 10 FFET ?-??

FIGURE 4. Locations of the 1835 and 1855 Black Dog villages in relation to the Blackdog Burial site (21DK26) and the Kennealy site (21DK25).

sure and multiple interments in a single coffin). Furthermore, similar burial patterns can be seen in prehistoric Dakota mound sites, for example, at a prehistoric mound group mapped on the Blackdog terrace in 1881 (Figure 6) (Winchell 1911:177 179). This pre-contact pattern, with the linear ar rangement of the mounds following the terrace edge and their southeast-to-northwest orientation, is similar to the historic pattern found at Blackdog.

The Blackdog Burial site is better viewed as a tra ditional 19th-century cemetery illustrating the in clusion of selected Euroamerican items and cus

toms (Withrow 1987). Consequently, the gender arrangements visible in the mortuary remains

should reveal 19th-century Dakota gender values which perhaps show some selective changes result ing from Euroamerican contact.

The Archaeology of Sex versus Gender

Burial data have the potential to reveal consid erable information about gender categories and gender relations, but an analytical distinction must be made between sex and gender. Although it may seem unusual to consider the investigation of gen der apart from the investigation of sex, it is in fact the crucial first step in conceptualizing an archae

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 23

_j_/ BLACK DCXV BURIAL SITE C.^ 21 - DK - U 1

/ ^ 10 / JU

? - I %

FIGURE 5. Map of the Blackdog Burial site (21DK26).

ology of gender. The explication of this step re quires an examination of Western notions about sex and gender. Western cultures generally recog nize two sexes, female and male, and explain the physical characteristics of each sex in terms of ge netic (biological) differences in human chromo somes. Gender, on the other hand, involves behav ioral, not biological, traits and refers to culturally proper ways of moving, speaking, dressing, and behaving. The analytical complication occurs be cause Western cultures generally derive gender from sex; thus, male children grow up to have masculine genders, and female children, feminine genders. Following Western ideology, biology de termines gender in many ways, and the differences between sex and gender are muddled as a conse quence (witness the number of times sex and gen der are used synonymously).

FIGURE 6. Map of the Blackdog mound group as sur veyed by T. H. Lewis in 1881, after Winchell (1911:177 179). (Courtesy of Minnesota Historical Society.)

Sex does not always determine gender among non-Western people, however, and socio-cultural anthropologists have rightfully insisted on making an analytical distinction between sex and gender (Kessler and McKenna 1978; Jacobs and Roberts 1989). It is important that archaeologists also rec ognize this distinction for two reasons. First, the Western conflation of sex and gender can lead to the impression that biology, and not culture, is responsible for defining gender roles. This is clearly not the case. Mead was one of the earliest researchers to describe the different roles men and

women adopt cross-culturally (Mead 1935, 1950; Martin and Voorhies 1975; Ortner and Whitehead 1981; Gailey 1987; Jacobs and Roberts 1989). Gender, like kinship, does have a biological refer ent, but beyond a universal recognition of male and female "packages," different cultures have

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24 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

chosen to associate very different behaviors, in teractions, and statuses with men and women. Gender categories are arbitrary constructions of culture, and consequently, gender-appropriate be haviors vary widely from culture to culture.

The second reason for analytically separating gender and sex is that a number of North American ethnographic investigations have described various gender categories often lumped under the term ber dache, usually named and recognized gender cat egories in which individuals can elect to change the gender ascription of their youth. The reasons behind the gender change can vary?resulting from such circumstances as supernatural visions, personal preference, or changes with age?but the effect is the creation of multiple (more than two) gender systems (Whitehead 1981; Callender and Kochem 1983; Medicine 1983; Blackwood 1984; Williams 1986; Roscoe 1987, 1988). This implies that sex (as Westerners would define it) is not the determinant factor and admits the possibility of having multiple genders even if only two sexes are recognized.

For the archaeologist, then, gender and sex must be investigated separately, if for no other reason than to bring the cultural construction of gender to the fore and alert researchers to the possibilities of ethnocentric misinterpretations of past gender sys tems. Mortuary studies are significant aids in the archaeological analysis of gender systems but care ful interpretation is required to unravel the inter twined strands of sex and gender in mortuary pat terning. The significance of burial sites for gender research is not simply that the skeletal remains can be sexed, but that discrete clusters of artifacts and aspects of burial mode can be associated with par ticular individuals, irrespective of sex. Once mor tuary patterns have been isolated, and the individ uals associated with these patterns identified, then the meaning of the patterns can be determined.

Gender is only one of a number of possible expla nations for mortuary patterning; other options in clude membership in kinship or ethnic groups, sta tus positions, or economic specialties. Sex is one variable that can aid in the differentiation of gender from these other social categories, but the sex of the individual should be considered only after ar

tifact patterns have been identified. In this way, ethnocentric and androcentric notions will be less

likely to intrude on the analysis of the data. Too often, assumptions about gender roles and sex linked behaviors drawn from the investigator's cul ture distort archaeological interpretations (e.g.,

Winters 1968; Tuck 1976). To recreate present masculine and feminine gender roles and relations in the past denies cross-cultural variability as well as change through time. Thus, while it may seem unusual to conceptualize gender apart from sex, that is in fact an important distinction when using

mortuary data to investigate past gender systems. Western gender categories too easily intrude into archaeological analyses.

A final caution concerning the use of mortuary data to investigate gender is necessary. Although a child's sexual category may be easily determined at birth, after an inspection of his or her external genitalia, the skeletal correlates of sex are not as easy to distinguish. Modern humans do express sexual dimorphism, but considerable overlap ex ists between the values describing populations of

women and those fitting populations of men for any given trait (Martin and Voorhies 1975). Fur thermore, environmental variables (e.g., nutri tional history, stress, exposure to disease) and life history (e.g., age, maturation rate, physical exer tion levels) have a significant influence on the de velopment of skeletal traits (Martin and Voorhies 1975; Frayer and Wolpoff 1985; Ubelaker 1989: 52). The process of sexing skeletal material is fur ther complicated by regional and cultural factors that can vary through time. Western androcentrism intrudes on this process

as well. In a study of the reliability of skeletal sexing methods, Weiss (1972) reported a wide spread tendency to misidentify the sex of skeletal

material, especially female skeletons. He argued that sexing was most reliably accomplished using

multivariate methods rather than single traits. However, multivariate methods require relatively complete skeletal material from a large sample in a good state of preservation (Weiss 1972:239). Archaeological material often does not meet these requirements; sample sizes are usually small, with a limited number of skeletal elements recovered, in

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 25

variable states of preservation. When sexing small, poorly preserved skeletal samples, Weiss reported that investigators often used subjective and vari able anatomical criteria (e.g., judgments on the basis of element size or single traits) rather than multivariate sexing methods. Weiss (1972:243) concluded that subjective evaluations resulted in a systematic tendency incorrectly to sex female skel etons as male between 10 percent and 15 percent of the time. For the archaeologist interested in ques tions of past sex and gender, sexing skeletal ma terial may not be an easy task. With a large sample of adult skeletons, sex determinations should be reliable, but juvenile individuals or samples that have highly weathered and fragmentary remains will present difficulties.

Gender, by definition, refers to behavioral not biological traits. It includes the culturally proper ways of moving, speaking, dressing, and acting in a given society. Gender systems should be viewed as complicated networks involving interactions among various categories of people. In this way gender systems are similar to kinship, economic, or prestige systems. Minimally, gender systems are composed of multiple (two or more) gender categories, the gender roles individuals within each category play, the rules for gender relation ships among the categories, and the gender ideol ogy that legitimates the structure of each system (Kessler and McKenna 1978; Conkey and Spector 1984). Gender systems therefore involve not only individual action but relationships among indi viduals with similar and different gender ascrip tions. These systems are social constructions, and consequently, gender-appropriate behaviors vary widely from culture to culture (Mead 1935, 1950; Martin and Voorhies 1975; Ortner and Whitehead 1981; Collier and Yanagisako 1987; Gailey 1987; Jacobs and Roberts 1989).

A number of archaeologically significant obser vations follow from these definitions. First, gender should be highly visible in the material record. In order to function in a living context, gender cate gories must be marked, not only behaviorally but materially and spatially, because it is normally im portant to recognize another actor's gender. Dec oration and dress styles, as well as language and

movement, become symbols of gender categories. Gender roles often involve the possession and use of specific material items and the occupation of certain facilities and spaces. Several recent eth noarchaeological studies have demonstrated the spatial and material richness of gender systems in living cultural contexts (e.g., Braithwaite 1982; Donley 1982; Spector 1983; Welbourn 1984).

Mortuary data have great potential to advance the archaeological study of gender systems be cause patterned information can be associated with individual people. Once patterns have been recog nized, sex can be used as a variable to distinguish gender categories from other possible categories. Artifact distributions that coincide completely with one sex or another likely identify gender roles. Patterns in which most, but not all, individuals are of one sex may also signal gender. In the latter case, the existence of gender as a cultural category apart from biological sex is demonstrated. Gender is what one acts, wears, and uses, not what one's genes dictate.

Sex and Gender at the Blackdog Site

Because of the difficulty in sexing fragmentary skeletal material and the importance of analytically separating sex and gender, care was taken in sex ing and aging all of the skeletal material from the Blackdog Burial site (cf. O'Connell et al. 1989). The skeletal remains were analyzed and sexed in dependently of the artifacts associated with each burial, and multivariate sexing and aging methods were used when possible. Skeletal sexing and bi ometric analyses were performed by a physical an thropologist with extensive experience working with Dakota skeletal populations (O'Connell et al. 1989). The extremely fragmentary and weathered condition of the skeletal sample hindered standard age and sex determinations and pathological anal ysis, however. Skeletal sexing was possible for 12 of the 24 burials, and the following results were obtained: 6 women, 6 men, and 27-29 individuals of indeterminate sex; 16 adults, 16 juveniles (under 18 years), and 7-9 of undeterminate age.

Because comparable numbers of male and fe

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26 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

male as well as adult and juvenile burials were recovered, simple correlations of artifacts with sex and age variables were calculated. On the basis of these correlations, no evidence of artifacts associ ated solely with women or solely with men was found. Task-specific assemblages which might have indicated gendered divisions of labor were not recognized. In other words, gender defined as isomorphic with sex was not visible at the Black dog Burial site. This probably indicates that mor tuary contexts were not the primary arena in which the Dakota signaled adult gender roles, rather than that such roles were absent from the culture. His

toric and ethnographic descriptions of the Dakota suggest that gendered divisions of labor were present and important (Pond 1908; DeMallie 1983). Furthermore, no guns, hoes, muskrat spears, or traps?artifacts associated with impor tant Dakota subsistence activities, such as trapping and horticulture?were recovered (Table 1). The only subsistence task clearly visible at the site was fishing (indicated by net sinkers and fish hooks), but artifact distributions did not indicate that this

was a gendered task. When gender was examined without reference

to sex, certain artifact patterns did reveal likely gender categories. The distributions of three arti fact types that held historically documented ri tual significance (pipestone pipes, mirrors, and pouches) were analyzed and found to be limited to seven people, the majority of whom were male (six of seven individuals). The predominance of one sex (male) in this group suggests that possession of these artifacts did signal a gender category, be cause sex played an important although not exclu sive role in defining membership. The woman in this gender category was relatively young, 20-25 years old, and her burial contained more artifacts of more different types than any other at the Black dog Burial site. Rather than dismissing her as un usual, or explaining the inclusion of the items with her as gifts from men, it is suggested here that she was a fully participating member of this gender category, as much as any of the men. Although it may have been statistically more usual for males to possess and utilize these items, women were ob viously not barred from access. It can be argued

that this is an archaeological example of ethno graphically known cases where an individual adopts an alternative gender category in adulthood at the urging of a parent, after receiving a vision or having a dream (Medicine 1983; Blackwood 1984; Albers 1989).

It is also possible that gender categories were being expressed in the Blackdog burials, but not the gender roles that would have been associated with each gender category. Gender category might be signaled by decoration or dress. Although no single decorative item correlated solely with women or solely with men, an analysis based on Western-based artifact types may be too coarse to reveal Dakota gender patterns. Since beads were the most frequent decorative artifact in the assem blage, they were selected for further analysis (Table 2). The category "bead" was broken down by color, size, and bead type. This resulted in sev eral correlations by sex, although the sample sizes were small. Comparable numbers of beads were found with adult individuals that could be identi

fied as female or male: 12,338 beads (17% of the assemblage) with females and 4,807 beads (6% of the assemblage) with males. The majority was as sociated with juvenile burials (37,656 beads, or 51% of the assemblage). No significant correla tions were found among the different types of beads, but some patterns were visible in the size and color data (Tables 3, 4). There was a slight tendency for medium-sized beads (4-8 cm) to be associated with male burials and a much stronger tendency for small beads (2-4 cm) to be associated with female burials (Table 3). These patterns, if they can be confirmed more widely, most likely related to differences in the types of decorative designs sewn on masculine and feminine gar ments.

Bead color analysis is potentially of great inter est since color has important symbolic significance among the Dakota (Walker 1980, 1982, 1983); for example, this note has been made with reference to the western Lakota:

Another peculiarity [sic] of the Sioux women's technique for beadwork of any kind is that they first mix the beads of all colors and then pick out each bead as it is to be used. This is because glass beads are made by white men who do

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 27

TABLE 1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES AND COUNTS

Decorative Artifacts Non-Decorative Artifacts

Item_n_Item_n_ Shell wampum 343 Iron nails 226 Silver earrings 169 Lead shot 141 Brooches 84 Percussion caps 106 Iron tinklers 36 Euroam. ceramic sherds 9 Misc. organics 29 Musketballs 38 Bracelets 27 Fish hooks 24 Thimbles (perforated) 23 Misc. iron 19 Misc. fabric 20 Gunflints 18 Buttons 19 Pouches 16 Brass tacks 12 Lead sinkers 14 Rings 9 Files, rasps 13 Gun worms 8 Containers 12 Hawk bells 8 Knives, razors 11 Medals 4 Spoons 10 Harness bells 2 Pipes (kaolin, pipestone) 7 Buckle 1 Euroam. ceramic vessels 6 Straight pin 1 Scissors 6 Total (53% of non-bead assemblage) 795 Misc. lead 5

Misc. lithics 5

Strike-a-lights 5 Ladles 3 Mirrors 3 Bird bones 3 Axes 2 Bird claws 2 Glass bottles 2

Iron spear tips 2 Awl 1 Coin 1 Comb 1 Grater? 1 Gunpowder charger 1 Gunstock war club 1 Incised birch bark 1

Misc. brass 1 Muffin -tin 1

Sunglasses (pair) 1 Total (47% of non-bead assemblage) 718

Note. Beads (N = 74,223) comprise 98% of the assemblage and all other artifacts (N = 1,513) comprise 2%.

not know how to control their potencies and by mixing the beads their potencies are equalized so that no bead may have the power to overcome other beads, and the potency of the design will not be disturbed (Walker 1982:107).

Six colors of beads, and all of the wampum, were associated most strongly with female burials,

as shown in Table 4. It is interesting to note that five of these seven categories were only found with female individuals, perhaps suggesting a strong positive association with femininity. Four colors of beads were primarily associated with male burials, and in two cases the beads were only found in male

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28 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

TABLE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF BEADS BY AGE AND SEX

Age Sex Category n % Category n % Juvenile 37,656 51 Indeterminate 57,078 77 Adult 13,854 19 Female 12,338 17 No Data 22,713 31 Male 4,807 6 Total 74,223 100 Total 74,223 100 Note. The sample size of beads is N = 74,223, or 98% of the assemblage.

TABLE 3 BEAD SIZE CORRELATIONS

Item n % Location

Small Beads (2-4 cm) Females 8,026 22 found in 5 burials

Males 644 2 found in 6 burials

Medium Beads (4-8 cm) Females 70 6 found in 5 burials

Males 141 12 found in 5 burials

burials. Again this may mean that these colors had a recognized association with masculinity. Be cause the number of cases is small, it would be unwise to make too much of these initial correla

tions, but they do serve as possible avenues for future research on Dakota gender patterns.

Gender and Age

Age may have been another significant aspect of gender for the Blackdog people. When divisions were made into adult and juvenile age classes, no artifacts were found exclusively correlated with ju veniles of any age, but a surprising number of artifact categories (26 of 37) were recovered only from adult burials. This is in contrast to the lack of correlation between artifacts and sex variables. Ju

venile individuals may have been placed in a sep arate gender category (Gailey 1987). One aspect of

the complex linkage between gender and sex is reproduction: only women give birth. Conse quently, children before puberty, reproductive adults, and post-reproductive adults (especially post-menopausal women) may be categorized in different genders based on their ability to repro duce. As Christine Ward Gailey (1987:35) has ex plained it, "children, in other words, could be con sidered as a separate gender, 'those who cannot reproduce' (emphasis in original)." Twenty-six categories of artifacts correlated only with adult individuals (Table 5). While many of these are single-occurrence items, at least 10 artifact cate gories occurred in large numbers across many dif ferent burials (i.e., fish hooks, lead net sinkers, lead shot, musketballs, gunflints, gunworms, buttons, files, pipes, and strike-a-lights) and were exclu sively found with adults. It would appear that fish ing activities, gun paraphernalia, pipes and smok ing accessories were controlled primarily by adults. In contrast, no artifact categories (except single occurrence items) were found exclusively associ ated with juveniles of any age group (adolescent, child, or infant). The omission of these objects from juvenile burials suggests that adult status was nec essary before access was allowed. Rites of passage commonly mark the transition from a gender-less "childhood" category to the gendered world of fully adult individuals. The differences found be tween the mortuary artifacts accompanying adults and juveniles probably indicate a division of labor by age, a construction that should be considered part of the Dakota gender system.

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GENDER AND HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 29

TABLE 4 BEAD COLOR CORRELATIONS

Description n % Location Female Light Red 6,333 43 found in 3 burials (male = 0) Wine Red 1,212 6 found in 4 burials (male = 3%) Black 538 52 found in 3 burials (male = 27%) Light Blue 232 78 found in 2 burials (male = 0) Wampum 133 39 found in 3 burials (male = 0) Green 22 8 found in 2 burials (male = 0) Yellow 18 95 found in 3 burials (male = 0)

Male Cobalt Blue 44 37 found in 3 burials (female = 12%) White w/Pink Stripes 31 100 found in 2 burials (female = 0) Light Red w/White Core 28 38 found in 2 burials (female = 0) Clear 16 33 found in 3 burials (female = 4%)

Gender and Status

A final category of analysis that produced inter esting results was the investigation of gender and status. Higher status might be afforded individuals in one gender category, and this would have im portant implications for gender relations among the categories. It is difficult to find objective measures of status in archaeological contexts (Tainter 1978; Brown 1981; O'Shea 1984), but one possibility is the total number of different artifact types found with an individual. Comparing the number of ar tifact types among burials is based on the assump tion that higher status corresponds with a greater number of duty-status relationships and, conse quently, a greater participation of diverse people in the mortuary ceremony at an individual's death (Binford 1971; Tainter 1978; Brown 1981). This should translate into a greater number of mortuary offerings with higher status individuals. If status categories were then examined by sex, a measure of masculine and feminine gender relations might be obtained.

The results of the status analysis at Blackdog suggest that, in general, male status and female status were comparable (Table 6). The mean num ber of artifact types per sexed adult burial was 13.6, the median 12, and the range 3 to 34. Three females and three males occurred in the upper half of the distribution (n>13 types), where one female

and one male had the two highest counts (n = 34 and n = 30, respectively). Similarly, three females and three males were found in the lower half of the

distribution (n<13 types). Since no status differ ences were apparent when the number of artifact types was used as a measure, gender relations be tween females and males at Blackdog may have been complementary and relatively equal. This is consistent with ethnographic and ethnohistoric in formation which describes the Dakota as egalitar ian.

Conclusions

The people from Blackdog's village lived during a difficult and painful period in Dakota history, a period characterized by widespread epidemic dis ease, gradual loss of their resource base, and dis ruption of their culture as a result of white coloni zation. The impact of these factors on the Dakota people is not reliably recorded in historic docu ments, but the archaeological evidence from the Blackdog Burial site indicates that a great deal of cultural continuity with traditional Dakota prac tices was maintained.

The analysis described here identified a number of patterns related to gender in Dakota society that might usefully guide future research. First, gender

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30 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 25

TABLE 5 CORRELATIONS BY AGE

Adult Juvenile

Artifact n Artifact n

Lead shot 141 Pin 1 Musketballs 38 Medals 4 Fish hooks 24 Muffin tin 1 Buttons 19 Gun flints 18 Files, rasps 13 Lead sinkers 14 Gun worms 8 Pipes 7 Strike-a-lights 5 Bird bones 3 Mirrors 3 Axes 2 Bird claws 2 Harness bells 2 Spear tips 2 Awl 1 Incised birch bark 1 Buckle 1 Coin 1 Comb 1 Gunpowder charger 1 War club 1 Grater 1 Sunglasses 1

roles were not readily identifiable in the assem blage when artifacts were correlated with female sexed and male-sexed burials. Thus, task-specific artifacts which might indicate gendered divisions of labor were not consistently observed with either females or males. However, this probably indi cates that burials were not contexts in which the

Dakota signified adult gender roles, rather than that gendered divisions of labor were absent from

Dakota society. Preliminary analysis of bead color distributions did suggest that gender specific dec orative patterns on specific clothing may be pres ent in the burials.

Secondly, significant differences between the mortuary artifacts accompanying adults and juve niles were found. This probably indicates a divi sion of labor by age and suggests that three or more gender categories may exist relating to an individ ual's ability to reproduce. Finally, an attempt was

TABLE 6 STATUS ANALYSIS

No. of Artifact Types Sex

34 female (burial 16) 30 male (burial 6) 19 male (burial 7) 16 female (burial 8) 14 female (burial 15) 13 male (burial 14A)

-median 11 male (burial 4A) 8 female (burial A) 7 male (burial 14B) 5 female (burial Al) 4 male (burial 3) 3 female (burial 11B)

made to evaluate the relative status positions of Dakota males and females. Women and men ap peared to achieve comparable levels and ranges of "status," at least by the measure of status utilized here. This finding is consistent with ethnographic and ethnohistoric information which describes the

Dakota as egalitarian. However, based on the dis tribution of ritual items (e.g., pipestone pipes, mir rors, and pouches), there may have been a ten dency for males to occupy ritual or religious positions more frequently, although females do not appear to have been excluded from these roles.

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  • Contents
    • p. [17]
    • p. 18
    • p. 19
    • p. 20
    • p. 21
    • p. 22
    • p. 23
    • p. 24
    • p. 25
    • p. 26
    • p. 27
    • p. 28
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    • p. 31
    • p. 32
  • Issue Table of Contents
    • Historical Archaeology, Vol. 25, No. 4 (1991) pp. 1-156
      • Front Matter
      • Introduction [pp. 1-5]
      • "Several Paradise Ladies Are Visiting in Town": Gender Strategies in the Early Industrial West [pp. 6-16]
      • Gender and Historical Archaeology: Eastern Dakota Patterns in the 19th Century [pp. 17-32]
      • The Archaeology of Women in the Spanish New World [pp. 33-41]
      • A Feminist Approach to Historical Archaeology: Eighteenth-Century Fur Trade Society at Michilimackinac [pp. 42-53]
      • When Daddy Was a Shanty Boy: The Role of Gender in the Organization of the Logging Industry in Highland West Virginia [pp. 54-68]
      • Sacred Dinners and Secular Teas: Constructing Domesticity in Mid-19th-Century New York [pp. 69-81]
      • Within Site of the White House: The Archaeology of Working Women [pp. 82-108]
      • Gender, Activity Areas, and Homelots in the 17th-Century Chesapeake Region [pp. 109-131]
      • Engendering Visible and Invisible Ceramic Artifacts, Especially Dairy Vessels [pp. 132-155]
      • Back Matter

Week 6 - Plains/Writing exercise 4 -Waterlily.doc

Anthropology P363/600 (26866, 23941) Professor Laura L. Scheiber

North American Prehistory through Fiction Spring, 2006

In-Class Writing Exercise

April 11: Waterlily

You will have 20 minutes to write about the following questions. Use the blue book provided for your answers. You can write your assessments with either pen or pencil. You need not address all of the questions as long as you spend the entire time writing.

1) Who are the main characters of the novel?

2) When does the novel take place? How do you know? Give as many examples as you can think of that set this novel in its timeframe.

3) Why are kinship obligations important? Provide a few examples of kinship duties that are mentioned in the book.

4) How are boys raised differently than girls in this society?

5) Do you think this book is more authentic because a Native American author wrote it? Why or why not? What does Deloria’s training bring to the novel? Does knowing that Deloria is Native American change your interpretation of the book?

6) What is the role of storytelling? How does this compare to the previous novels we read?

7) What is the secret Waterlily decides not to tell at the end of the book?

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