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Journal of Black Studies Volume 56, Issue 6, September 2025, Pages 451-476 © The Author(s) 2025, Article Reuse Guidelines https://doi.org/10.1177/00219347251335003
Article
Missing the Mark: The Cost of Overlooking Black Students’ Cultural Capital
Christine L. Quince
Abstract Historically, educators and policymakers have viewed Black students from a deficit lens, often presuming they lack the necessary skills needed to become academically successful. Today, teachers have countered deficit framing of Black students by learning more about and incorporating Black students’ assets and critical views of the world into their learning. One issue teachers run into, however, is knowing how to incorporate Black students’ cultures in their classroom learning. Using an embedded case study, this study analyzes how one white teacher draws on Black students’ cultural capital and the ways it impacts students’ classroom experiences. Findings reveal that disconnecting Black students’ cultural capital from their classroom learning is still an issue for teachers, resulting in simplistic assignments for Black students. This study also reveals that teachers may not know enough about Black students to draw on their cultural capital. Implications share that understanding Black students’ cultural capital is another way to expand what more teachers need to know about students to deepen their practice and aid in Black students’ academic success.
Plain language summary Missing the mark: The cost of overlooking Black students’ assets
This study is about how one white teacher utilizes Black students’ strengths. Findings reveal that teachers still do not meaningfully connect Black students’ strengths into their classroom learning, resulting in simplistic assignments for Black students. This study also reveals that teachers may not know enough about Black students to draw on their strengths. Implications share that understanding Black students’ strengths (later described as students’ “cultural capital”’) is another way to expand what more teachers need to know about students to deepen their practice and aid in Black students’ academic success.
Keywords cultural capital, elementary students, Black students, culturally relevant pedagogy, community cultural wealth
Historically, educators and policymakers have viewed Black students from a deficit lens (Valencia, 1997), often labeling them as “at-risk” or “troubled” and presuming they lack the necessary skills needed to become
University of California, Berkeley, CA, USA
Corresponding author(s): Christine L. Quince, Santa Clara University, 455 El Camino Real, Santa Clara, CA 95053, USA. Email: [email protected] Christine L. Quince is also affiliated to Santa Clara University, CA, USA
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academically successful (see critique by Ladson-Billings, 2014). As a result, Black students have often experienced frustration (Tyson, 2003), microaggressions (Allen et al., 2013) and less rigorous work because of teachers’ lowered expectations (Davis, 2014; Marsh & Noguera, 2017; Oakes, 1992).
Today, many teachers recognize the need to counter deficit views of Black students by acknowledging students’ lived experiences as relevant to their learning. However, many teachers struggle in knowing how to effectively integrate Black students’ cultural backgrounds into classroom learning. Rather than collaborating with students and families to integrate their knowledge into curriculum and lessons, many teachers simply teach about culture (Sleeter, 2012), missing how students’ cultural backgrounds fundamentally shape their learning processes (N. S. Nasir, 2000). This often results in teachers implementing “foods and festival” models where school-wide cultural celebrations are used to highlight aspects of students’ cultures, such as their favorite food, rather than embedding students’ cultures to support their everyday learning (Ladson-Billings & Dixson, 2021).
As a way to problematize how teachers incorporate Black students’ cultures, this study examines how and why integrating Black students’ strengths and cultures remains a challenge for teachers. This study is especially important because it occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, providing context for what more we can learn from this time period and beyond. Despite the focal teacher being identified as “culturally relevant” by community members, this study examines how one white teacher inconsistently engages with young Black students’ cultures, often failing to incorporate their assets, and analyzes how this limited engagement impacts students’ classroom experiences. Using an embedded case study, the Community Cultural Wealth model (Yosso, 2005), and asset-based pedagogy literature, such as Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995), I analyze how culturally relevant teachers can improve their practice by integrating students’ cultural capital.
Theoretical Framework
This study uses the Community Cultural Wealth model (CCW; Yosso, 2005) and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP; Ladson-Billings, 1995) as a lens to study two phenomena: (1) Black students’ knowledge and cultural capital, and (2) how teachers embed students’ cultural capital in the classroom—which can be seen through asset-based pedagogies such as CRP. Given the decades of research on CRP and its positive impact on educational outcomes (Civil & Khan, 2001; Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017), this study emphasizes the importance of CRP for Black students and educators, while examining its current limitations for teachers: ways to deeply understand and incorporate students’ cultural backgrounds. Because of this, I argue that integrating the CCW framework with CRP would enhance teachers’ ability to comprehend and leverage students’ cultural assets in their practice.
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP)
Ladson-Billings’ (1995) work on CRP asserts students of Color can become academically successful when teachers: (1) use students’ home cultures to teach subject matter content, (2) allow students to learn about cultures different from their own, and (3) help students become critical of the world around them. Research around CRP has resulted in: improved student engagement (e.g., Emdin, 2008; May, 2010), students feeling empowered to discuss the love of their own culture (e.g., Lynn et al., 1999; Singer & Singer, 2004), civic engagement (e.g., Tate, 1995), students developing skills to understand multiple perspectives (e.g., Martell, 2013), and students engaging in more meaningful projects (e.g., Hefflin, 2002). For example, to support students’ academic success, teachers have modeled metacognitive processes that demonstrate complex thinking
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strategies (Lee, 1995) and implemented targeted skill-building approaches (Howard, 2001). In order to encourage cultural competence, Lynn et al. (1999) found that methods such as “critical conversations” allowed Black students to discuss their culture while exploring connections with other minority groups, particularly around social justice issues. Some teachers have even guided students to address community issues and foster a critical consciousness through identifying issues, researching solutions, and implementing strategies (Tate, 1995). These studies demonstrate that culturally relevant pedagogy not only provides a framework to foster academic excellence, it also empowers students to critically examine and improve their communities. For teachers, especially, CRP is an asset-based framework that helps them see students’ cultures as an asset to learning versus an obstacle, creating environments where students thrive both academically and culturally.
Critiques of CRP: Encapsulating Students’ Cultures in a Limiting Manner. Despite its theoretical promise, scholars have raised important critiques about CRP’s implementation in practice (Elmesky & Marcucci, 2023; Schmeichel, 2012). One significant concern centers on how teachers conceptualize culture, where some scholars believe CRP limits what educators think about students and how students think about themselves. For example, Schmeichel (2012) asks:
What happens, then, when an African American student fails to respond to strategies which have been designed to complement her culture? Does this make her less than African American? Has she been, to use a familiar term, culturally deprived, if she doesn’t share an interest in classroom activities planned with her cultural group in mind? (p. 223)
Schmeichel’s (2012) critique is important for three reasons: (1) it questions how educators think about culture, (2) problematizes how teachers’ limited cultural knowledge constrains CRP’s implementation, and (3) it presents an argument that classroom activities can be planned for entire cultural groups as monoliths. While Ladson-Billings (2014) views culture as “an amalgamation of human activity, production, thought, and belief systems” (p. 75), she acknowledges students often encounter only “static images of cultural histories, customs, and traditional ways of being” (p. 75). Effective culturally relevant teachers understand that “no one individual is the embodiment of an entire culture” and students “participate in a range of cultural practices” (Ladson- Billings & Dixson, 2021, p. 123). When implementing CRP, educators must recognize the “fluidity and variety within cultural groups” (Ladson-Billings, 2014, p. 77) rather than relying on static cultural assumptions. Critiques of CRP reveal a greater need to clarify what culture looks like and ways to identify it. Furthermore, it reveals the need to clarify what culture is and what it looks like for students. As a start, I have incorporated CCW into CRP’s framework to address these limitations in the current study.
Community Cultural Wealth
By using Yosso’s (2005) CCW model, educators can have a better understanding of students’ cultures and the “fluidity” within their cultures. Yosso’s CCW model argues that communities of Color have a wealth of resources in the form of “cultural capital” that are useful for navigating a racist and oppressive society that views them from a deficit perspective. Yosso argues that communities of Color have six forms of cultural capital (aspirational capital, navigational capital, social capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, and resistant capital) —all of which counter deficit framing literature that states communities of Color, including Black students, lack social mobility (Bourdieu, 1986) and are “culturally poor” compared to white, upper class citizens. Below I share three of the six forms of cultural capital identified in this study’s findings and examine how they shape Black students’ experiences within the education system. Finally, I explain how the CCW model enhances CRP
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by addressing its limitations and emphasizing the importance of understanding students’ cultural backgrounds, or cultural capital.
Aspirational Capital. Yosso shares that aspirational capital is the ability to preserve ambitious dreams even when confronted with difficulty. Black students experience this capital with the help of their family’s encouragement (e.g., Lane & Id-Deen, 2020; Samuelson & Litzler, 2016), often counteracting deficit narratives that question Black students’ ability to achieve their goals despite systemic barriers (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Because “aspirations are developed within social and familial contexts,” Yosso (2005) notes that aspirational capital often overlaps with each of the other forms of capital (p. 78). Understanding aspirational capital is crucial for educators because it reveals how Black students and their families maintain hope and academic ambitions despite systemic barriers. When educators recognize this concept, they understand that Black students’ ability to maintain high aspirations is not developed in isolation, but is actively nurtured through family support systems and cultural practices—challenging deficit-based perspectives that might underestimate their potential or overlook their sources of resilience.
Familial Capital. Yosso (2005) defines familial capital as the knowledge nurtured within and between families. For Black students, familial capital can be seen in the ways students rely on their families’ histories and experiences to contextualize why they pursue their dreams and persist in their educational journey, such as earning a college degree (e.g., Brooms & Davis, 2017; Holland, 2016). Familial capital is important to Black students because their connections to their families become a source of refuge and care. Understanding familial capital is essential for teachers because it illuminates how Black students’ family connections and historical knowledge serve as powerful resources for academic motivation and emotional support. When teachers recognize familial capital, they gain insight into how family histories, stories, and experiences shape students’ educational aspirations and persistence.
Navigational Capital. Navigational capital refers to the skills needed to maneuver social institutions that were “not created with communities of color in mind” (Yosso, 2013, p. 80). Many studies that examined navigational capital often looked at how students of Color navigated schools, particularly higher education (e.g., Cooper et al., 2017; Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Black students’ ability to navigate systems is connected to their social network (e.g., peers; teacher) or families (e.g., Forbes, 2016; Holland, 2016; McPherson, 2012). Thus, it’s important for educators to understand Black students’ navigational capital because it reveals how Black students develop and utilize specific skills to succeed within educational institutions that weren’t historically designed to serve them. This knowledge helps teachers recognize that Black students’ ability to navigate academic spaces is not by happenstance, but rather a developed set of strategies often supported by their social networks and families, including their teachers. Understanding navigational capital can help teachers become more effective allies in their students’ educational journeys.
Bridging CRP and CCW
By having a more definitive understanding of students’ cultures through their cultural capital (using the CCW model), culturally relevant teachers can more concretely enact CRP, lending toward students’ academic success. Furthermore, teachers’ understanding of students’ cultures positively impacts their classroom experiences. This cultural awareness helps counter deficit narratives, increases student engagement, reduces cultural misconceptions, and creates more inclusive learning environments (Davis, 2014; Ladson-Billings, 2021). To
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meaningfully improve students’ educational experiences, teachers must actively work to understand and incorporate their students’ perspectives and cultural backgrounds.
In the next section, I expound upon a gap in the literature where very few studies examine what young Black students’ cultural capital entails—particularly given the deficit narratives and disciplinary actions they face as early as preschool (Gilliam et al., 2016).
This gap in literature means that educators do not have a full understanding of how young Black students’ cultural capital influences their learning. Without this knowledge, teachers using culture-centered pedagogies like CRP cannot adequately recognize or leverage students’ cultural capital, limiting teachers’ ability to support academic success and creating the need for my study.
Literature Review
Deficit Framing
Dating as early as the 1600s, deficit thinking positions one group of people over another (Feagin, 1989; Menchacha, 1997). In schools, the deficit thinking model argues that students—particularly students of Color from low-SES families—fail academically due to “internal deficiencies” which have been attributed to genetics, culture, class, and familial socialization of people of Color (Valencia, 1997). This deficit perspective is problematic because it fails to examine the inequalities and injustices embedded in systems and institutions that disadvantage students of Color (Milner, 2017). Rather than addressing systemic failures, it incorrectly “diagnoses” school failure as stemming from what students of Color supposedly “lack,” instead of recognizing what the education system itself lacks.
Deficit narratives continue today through “veiled arguments” about what Black children, especially those in poverty, supposedly lack from their families and home environments (Lee, 2007, p. 9). Such deficit framing portrays Black students as deficient and unintelligent, while contemporary rhetoric labels them as “in crisis” or “failures,” leading to counterproductive approaches that blame students rather than systems (Dumas, 2015).
Deficit Framing Shaping Students’ School Experiences. When teachers operate from a deficit perspective toward students of Color, the consequences directly impact educational outcomes. These include placement in lower academic tracks (Oakes, 1992), disproportionate referrals of Black students to special education compared to white peers (Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017), and higher rates of disciplinary actions against Black students (Morris, 2005; U.S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights, 2014).
Changing the Deficit-Framing Narrative
In contrast to viewing students of Color from a deficit lens in schools, educators who have utilized the CCW model by centering students’ cultural capital have been able to help students reach their career goals (e.g., Lane & Id-Deen, 2020; Samuelson & Litzler, 2016), reminded students of the importance of their families’ past stories and experiences to navigate college (e.g., Rosbottom, 2016), and been a form of social capital as they navigate institutions (e.g., Forbes, 2016; Holland, 2016).
Gap in CCW Literature
While various scholars use Yosso’s (2005) CCW model to highlight the CCW of students’ of Color at various stages in students’ lives including middle school (e.g., Baker, 2019; Jimenez, 2019), high school (e.g., Liou et al., 2015), out-of-school programs (e.g., Habig et al., 2021), college (e.g., Oropeza et al., 2010; Samuelson &
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Litzler, 2016), and post-secondary education (e.g., Espino, 2014), there are very few studies that focus on the cultural capital of Black elementary students. To my knowledge, only one study focuses on Black elementary students: Bean-Folkes and Ellison (2018). Bean-Folkes and Ellison (2018) use Yosso’s (2005) CCW model to highlight what it might mean to use Black students’ cultural capital as a way to develop third to eighth grade students’ digital literacy. Yet, educators still have a lot to learn about young Black students’ cultural capital and ways to embed it in the classroom that includes insights of students younger than third grade.
There is a need for CCW in K-12 schools, particularly for younger students. Acevedo and Solorzano (2021) add to this argument by sharing that using CCW in K-12 schools “has the potential to create a wave of opportunities to resist against the marginalizing experiences [students of Color] have to navigate” (p. 12). CCW serves as a powerful response to racist experiences young students of Color face, directly countering harmful deficit orientations that have particularly impacted Black students. As a direct response to Acevedo and Solorzano’s (2021) call for action, my study centers Black, elementary students’ perspectives and identifies the cultural capital Black students bring from home that “most often go unacknowledged or unrecognized” (Yosso, 2005, p. 70), but that can be utilized in classrooms to support their learning.
Methods
In this study I ask: How does one white teacher draw on Black elementary students CCW in their class? Data was taken from a larger study that identified young Black students’ cultural capital and examined one teacher’s practices during the COVID-19 pandemic (Quince, 2022). The current study used an embedded, single-case study design to understand the experiences of one white teacher and six Black elementary students in the same classroom. I used an embedded, single-case study design because it allowed me to explore a single, bounded entity, or “case,” in detail in order to gain the perspective of my participants—both the teacher and students (Creswell, 2007; Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2014). Furthermore, a case study design allows me to study young, Black students’ experiences in the classroom and the cultural capital that young, Black students bring with them from home—two phenomena that are not well understood given the literature on CCW, where few studies focus on young, Black students’ cultural capital and their perspectives (Merriam, 1998). Secondly, a case study design allows me to “bound” my data collection, given the context of my study, by time and place (Creswell, 2007; Yin, 2014). Because the context of my study takes place at a predominantly Black elementary school during the COVID-19 pandemic, I am able to focus on the population of students that I am interested in learning from: young, Black students. Within the context of the school, the classroom was “bounded” or chosen because the teacher’s classroom (and thus the teacher within the classroom) was nominated by families and school leaders as a classroom that helped students succeed in school, valued their family and community, and helped students think about the world around them.
Context
This study took place at Madison Academy,1 a public, K-8 charter school in Northland, an urban city in the Midwest, during the 2020–2021 school year. This school year happened during the COVID-19 pandemic, which meant that classroom learning was modified to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 virus and led to classroom learning using a hybrid learning model where students were on Zoom for 3 weeks (April 12, 2021–April 30, 2021) due to the governor’s order. Then, Madison Academy used a hybrid model for the remainder of my study (May 2021–June 2021). I selected Madison Academy because it had a high percentage of Black students (99%); I had a trusting relationship with the vice principal (with whom I had previously taught); and my key point of
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contact—the vice principal—had and shared specialized knowledge of the school community (Hesse-Biber, 2017).
Participants
The participants from the larger study consisted of six Black second grade students in the classroom and their white teacher (“Mrs. S”). Consistent with a case study approach, the teacher was selected using purposive sampling (Merriam, 1998), which uses specific criteria to gain insight into a phenomenon. Because my phenomenon of interest—whether and how Black elementary students’ cultural capital was embedded in their classroom experiences—was reflective of asset-based pedagogies, I asked parents and school leadership to recommend a teacher who supported students in culturally relevant ways. To do so, I presented the three tenets of Ladson-Billings’s (1995) culturally relevant pedagogy (academic success, cultural competence, and sociopolitical consciousness) to school leadership and asked which teachers they believed were helping students become academically successful (academic success), incorporating Black culture into the classroom (cultural competence), and applying student learning to real-world problems (sociopolitical consciousness). Later, I presented my study to parents and sent a survey that asked parents, “Is there a teacher who has helped your child succeed in school, values their family and community, and/or thinks about the world around them?” After reviewing parent survey responses (15 total) and talking with the school leadership team, the focal teacher, Mrs. S, was selected.
Mrs. S’s classroom consisted of 25 second-grade students. Given the hybrid model—where 3 days out of the week students were on Zoom and the remaining 2 days students could opt-in to attend in-person—only 10 out of the 25 students opted to meet in person for 2 days out of the week during the course of the study. Because of this, I worked with Mrs. S to solicit the six focal students. Mrs. S identified students who consistently attended school in-person and on Zoom. Once students were identified, I presented the study’s intent, gained consent from their parents, and assent from the focal students to participate in the study. I described in detail each focal student in the larger study (Quince, 2022), but include brief details about each student in Table 1.
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Data Sources
Data for my study comes from a larger study (Quince, 2022) which included video recorded one-on-one interviews with the teacher (“Mrs. S”) and with six focal second-grade students, photographs taken by students and discussed in interviews (also called photovoice interviews), classroom artifacts, and field notes from observations of students’ classroom experiences. Using photovoice interviews, in particular, allowed students to capture photos they wanted to share, explain why they were important, and the meaning behind them (Wass et al., 2020) as I learned more about whether and how the teacher embedded students’ cultural capital in the classroom.
In total I spent 100 hr doing classroom observations, 17 hr (approximately 1,024 min) in seven one-on-one interviews with each student, and 3 hr (approximately 191 min) in two one-on-one interviews with the teacher. Students also submitted a total of 132 photos for the five photovoice interviews they completed. The current study centers the classroom observations, photovoice interviews with students, and the one-on-one interviews with their teacher.
Data Analysis
Data analysis for this study followed Yin’s (2014) ground-up approach, where I used theoretical propositions to code for students’ CCW and then for how students’ CCW was represented in their learning (e.g., a reflection of CRP). I began by transcribing each one-on-one interview and identified recurring patterns in students’ home and school lives, highlighting both unique individual experiences and common trends shared by several students. Then, by using Yosso’s (2005) CCW model, which aligned with Yin’s ideals around theoretical propositions in their ground-up approach, I analyzed how my data supported or negated the CCW model. For instance, when students mentioned examples that represented their understanding of family values (Yosso, 2005), I coded it as “Familial capital.” In addition, I found evidence of strengths students had that did not fit within one of Yosso’s six forms of capital. This disconfirming evidence was useful to explore because it allowed me to create a code that I named “Knowledge students know (not school related).” Examples of findings that fit within this code included skills students had around technology and the ways some students expressed their creativity through doing hair and decorating.
To ensure the accuracy of my findings, I used Guba and Lincoln’s (1981) criteria for naturalistic inquiry. Thus, I (a) adjusted and developed new codes if the data did not reflect an example of one of Yosso’s six forms of capital, or how it was represented in classroom observations, (b) conducted member checks with both teacher and students to ensure the research reflected their perspectives, (c) reviewed to see to what extent the methods and findings could be replicated given the context of the study, and (d) used an outside rater (a university student) to review, provide feedback on codes I developed, and ensure that the findings were not solely influenced by my own biases. The outside rater and I came to a consensus on codes by sharing Yosso’s definition of each form of capital, reviewing the code created, and sharing if we were in agreement.
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Findings
Overview
Throughout my time in the classroom—both online and in hybrid learning—I observed the ways the teacher, Mrs. S, taught content areas, such as math and literacy and the ways she presented positive stories of Black people during a learning period called “advisory.” I also found that when Mrs. S taught content areas, she rarely incorporated students’ cultural capital. In addition, the positive stories shared in advisory did not connect to content areas like literacy and math. Advisory’s attempts to focus on “Black culture”—per Mrs. S’s wording (Teacher Interview 1, April 14, 2021)—resulted in a common issue many teachers have when trying to implement asset-based pedagogies. Mrs. S treated students’ cultures (which in actuality were positive stories about Black people, not students’ cultures) as separate entities to learn about, instead of embedding students’ cultures into how they learn content (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Sleeter, 2012).
Because of this disconnect, I also explored how Mrs. S’s interpretations and presentation of what she believed Black culture to be—as separate from content areas—leaves little room for students to draw on their cultural capital as they learn other subjects throughout the school day. Furthermore, I share how the types of connections Mrs. S made in class (both in advisory and while teaching content subjects) focused on minor interests in students’ lives, such as their favorite food or drink, and did not connect students’ cultures and the skills they have learned from their families (their cultural capital) to their classroom learning. Below I share examples of focal students’ forms of cultural capital and then analyze the disconnect and disregard Mrs. S makes embedding Black students’ cultural capital into their classroom learning, and ultimately the cost of overlooking Black students’ cultural capital.
Black Students’ Cultural Capital
In the larger study (Quince, 2022), students demonstrated all six forms of cultural capital, though this article focuses specifically on their familial, navigational, and aspirational capital. Lauren, for example, shares the ways racism operates in her daily life—a reality many Black children, including elementary students, learn from their families. In Lauren’s photovoice interview, she shares a “Black Lives Matter” sign, and discusses what she’s seen about police brutality and her fear around police officers (see Figure 1). Despite Lauren’s fear, though, she discussed ways she and her mom began problem-solving and what they could do to address racist practices. Lauren states, “I remember one day that I said to my mama. . .it’s like, I wanna open a lemonade stand and have a ‘Black Lives Matter’ thing. You know, write it down. . .where we can share some love and to show that they’re [Black people] really not who they think they are and to show that they’re really nice and beautiful.” Lauren’s casual conversation around how Black people are treated compared to the violence that took place that initiated the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement speaks to how “normal” racism is in our society and how Lauren may believe everyday ideas can address “normal” problems for Black people. This way of thinking stemmed from conversations with her mom—Lauren’s familial capital—but were never reflected in Lauren’s classroom learning.
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Furthermore, Lauren’s mother demonstrated navigational capital by skillfully balancing hard truths with emotional support. She helps Lauren confront her fear of police by providing age-appropriate strategies while honestly acknowledging the realities Black Americans face. This guidance equips Lauren with tools to navigate racist systems, exemplifying how Black parents carefully prepare their children for racial challenges while maintaining a foundation of love and affirmation.
Students also shared their aspirational capital—or the dreams they wanted to accomplish. Jordan, for example, shared his desire to become a doctor and the help he received from his aunt. Jordan stated, “My aunt, like she’s not mean, but she’s tough. I’m okay with it because I know she is forcing me to do good and that is forcing me to always be better” (see Figure 2). Jordan’s interactions with his aunt often included him practicing his math problems and reading a diverse range of books because his aunt often reminded him of what was required to be an informed doctor. Despite Jordan wanting to do other things, Jordan reminds us that his aunt’s “tough” love is important, given the insight she has about his aspirations and wanting him to “always be better.” Despite Jordan’s discussion of his aspirational capital—it was never utilized or explicitly connected in classroom interactions.
Figure 1. A photo Lauren uses to reference the Black Lives Matter movement.
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Classroom Learning Neglected Black Students’ Cultural Capital
Given my observations of students’ experiences in class, there were limited moments where students had the opportunity to speak about their forms of capital in a substantive way. Advisory provided students an opportunity to see their own culture from an asset-based lens. Yet, once advisory ended, discussions around those same positive stories around Black people ended as well. As shown in Table 2, the connections to what students learn in advisory do not overlap with what students learn in phonics, reading, or math. For example, on May 4, 2021, Mrs. S introduces to students what affirmations are in advisory and shows a video of a Black dad practicing affirmations in the mirror and then Mrs. S has students practice sharing their own affirmations. Students, including Lauren share examples such as, “I am worthy. I am special. I am smart” (Observation Field Notes, May 4, 2021). Immediately after, Mrs. S transitions students to phonics and has them practice writing vocabulary words in alphabetical order (e.g., “happy,” “our,” “first,” “gave,” “last”) review long vowel sounds, have a brain break, learn about homophones and plural nouns, have another brain break, and then the morning ends with reading where Mrs. S pulls students for small groups while other students read independently (Observation Field Notes, May 4, 2021). During my study, I never observed Mrs. S use topics explored during advisory to support students’ learning of subject matter content during or after the advisory time block. This finding aligns with Walker’s (2011) study which suggests that a reason teachers do not connect subject matter content to learning is because teachers need to learn more about using students’ cultures throughout the curriculum and across disciplines.
Figure 2. A photo Jordan uses to reference his aspirational capital.
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Instead of incorporating students’ cultural capital into content-area learning, Mrs. S incorporated students’ every day interests in class (see Table 3). For example, Mrs S. created a math project called, “The Smoothie Project.” In this project, students were asked to tally the cost of ingredients to make a smoothie of their choice and then Mrs. S double-checked their calculations so that they could create a smoothie using real ingredients.
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Mrs. S shares:
. . .smoothies weren’t even a part of it. That was just—we had gone off on favorite, like, to-go spots. I don’t know. .
.I ask questions. . .like, I try to gauge things. And I just feel like, okay, like at the end of the day, they’re kids so they’re going to like the hands on. . .activity right? Like, I assume, because that’s more fun than, you know, writing on the board or something (Teacher Interview 2, June 15, 2021).
Mrs. S believed that incorporating students’ interests by creating smoothies was an easy connection to make. But the extent to which the project drew on students’ knowledge is minimal and simplistic. Furthermore, it does not allow students a chance to connect aspects of their cultural capital to how they might learn content subjects. Many of the students know how to make smoothies. But, again, the project does not draw on anything more complex that students might know or extend students’ thinking. This is not to say that Mrs. S should exclude students’ interests, but rather the connections she made are not substantive or culturally relevant.
To learn more about Mrs. S’s understanding of culturally relevant teaching, Mrs. S shared that she draws on students’ home lives, including the music, dances, and foods students like. I often saw examples of this during the students’ brain breaks where students mentioned a food they enjoyed eating for lunch. After lunch Mrs. S even participated in a game with students called, “Would You Rather?” During the impromptu game students compared some of their favorite foods or interests (e.g., “Would you rather eat hot Cheetos or Takis for the rest of your life?”). My conversations with Mrs. S also led me to learn during our first interview that she is often intentional in knowing what students’ interests are. She states:
I try and make all the connections, like listen to their [music]—they listen to music, I’m like let me hear it. Let’s share it. Okay, video games, like dance moves, types of foods, like, I mean those connections are happening daily. But again, I’m not sure if that’s, like, not deep enough of a home connection. That’s just, like, [a] “getting to know your students” connection. I don’t know. (Teacher Interview 1, April 14, 2021).
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Mrs. S is aware of the importance of making connections with students, including what’s happening in their daily lives, but also shows hesitancy in whether the connection is “deep enough” for students. In both examples (“The Smoothie Project” and how Mrs. S continues to make daily interactions a way to learn more about students) it appears that Mrs. S’s connections do not draw on students’ cultural capital. The cost of this decision leads to the types of connections Mrs. S makes—less substantive—which in the interim are fine because they keep students’ engaged. However, the cultural difference and cost-benefit of this decision compared to the work families are putting in through their familial or aspirational capital is what will last with students in the long- run, given the impact families have on students’ lives.
Discussion
Challenging Deficit-Oriented Literature
Despite deficit-oriented literature on Black students (e.g., Deutsch, 1964; Gladwin, 1961), this article reveals that Black students—and even young, Black students—have cultural capital that helps them navigate school and a world that often frames them from a racist and deficit perspective (Valencia, 1997). The focal students’ point of view in my study directly counters historical research that shows students of Color have “internal deficiencies” where families are seen as “the transmitter of deficiencies” (Valencia, 1997). My findings show that for young Black students, families are a major contributor to their knowledge and cultural capital. These findings are important because it shows young Black students are receptive to their families’ support. Students’ forms of cultural capital are especially useful because we live in a world that frames Black students as unsuccessful, lazy, “lost causes” and “intellectually impaired” (Davis, 2014; Valencia, 1997). While many studies focus on students of Color in college using each form of cultural capital in higher education institutions (e.g., Brooms & Davis, 2017; Foxx, 2014; Sáenz et al., 2017), my study shows a parallel where, even young Black students rely on their cultural capital and the emotional support from their families to move forward in their goals and navigate spaces.
Using CCW Model to Study Asset-Based Teaching Practices
Starting with students’ cultural capital allowed me, as the researcher, to see that students’ classroom experiences did not provide opportunities for students to draw on their cultural capital and offered a way to systematically examine and articulate those differences. What I found was that the types of connections Mrs. S made to students’ lives related to minor interests, such as students’ favorite foods. I also found that students’ classroom experiences highlighted positive stories of Black people during advisory, but their learning did not transfer over into subject-area learning like math and reading. While enlightening, highlighting positive stories of Black people during advisory and not aspects of students’ home culture (and consequently their cultural capital) can lead to a common issue many educators have when trying to implement asset-based pedagogies. Sleeter (2012) argues that oftentimes teachers end up teaching about culture, rather than embedding students’ culture into their learning opportunities. When teachers teach about culture, students miss opportunities to see how aspects of their culture can aid in their learning (Ladson-Billings, 1995). For example, using an asset-based pedagogy like culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995) could mean Mrs. S would find ways to incorporate students’ home culture throughout the school day to help students become academically successful in different subject-areas. It also might mean that she could help students build their sociopolitical consciousness if she drew on the knowledge students have related to issues they’re interested in.
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It is also apparent that while Mrs. S had good intentions in her efforts to keep students engaged through advisory, I would be remiss if I did not mention whether the COVID-19 pandemic had an impact on the ways Mrs. S taught, given her nomination as a culturally relevant teacher. Given the context of this study, where COVID-19 interrupted teachers’ traditional methods of teaching in the classroom, it is possible that Mrs. S and other teachers alike were simply trying to manage what they could. However, this study still leaves room for educators and researchers to question in what ways they understand culture and how it is and could be represented in the classroom. The disconnect between the focal students’ home culture and school also relates to a common issue teachers have, which is not drawing on students’ cultures. Instead teachers incorporate topics students are interested in, rather than incorporating students’ cultures. For example, while Emenahaha (2020)— the teacher and researcher in this study—cites her work as being culturally relevant, she uses students’ general interests in pop culture to help students learn science topics like genetics. While incorporating pop culture is helpful for engaging students, it is not the same as embedding students’ cultures, knowledge, and experiences, into students’ classroom learning. Furthermore, as it relates to this study, teachers need to move beyond engaging students and find more substantive ways to incorporate students’ cultures by learning more about their cultural capital, for example, and guiding students in critical conversations where their capital could be useful in learning content areas (Lynn et al., 1999).
Scholarly Significance
Given the cultural capital young, Black students have (see Quince, 2022), it is important that teachers continue learning about and talking with Black students and their families on what they know and do at home. These conversations should shift from learning about students’ interests (though, this is important), to learning about students’ CCW. This shift in perspective highlights students’ assets and can lead to teachers enacting asset-based pedagogies like CRP better. For example, using CRP could mean Mrs. S would help students build their sociopolitical consciousness if she drew on the cultural capital students like Lauren had on issues they’re interested in.
Naming and incorporating Black students’ cultural capital in schools is important because Black students are often reminded that their lives or thoughts don’t matter. Black students need to see and hear that they bring value to spaces and starting with what they know and do at an early age can shift Black students’ classroom experiences. Equally important, teachers need to know how to incorporate students’ cultural capital—including what it does not look like. There is a difference between capturing students’ interests and incorporating their cultural capital. This study adds to the body of literature that shares that teachers have good intentions and want to engage students in their classrooms, but may not recognize that teaching about culture (Sleeter, 2012) such as what Mrs. S did in advisory and incorporating students’ interests is drastically different than embedding students’ cultural capital into classroom learning. Literature shares that many educators recognize the issue in the “foods and festival” model (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Ladson-Billings & Dixson, 2021). But this study highlights that knowing Black students’ CCW is another way to expand what more teachers need to know about students to deepen their practice and aid in Black students’ academic success.
The cost of ignoring Black students’ cultural capital is far too high, given the outpour of deficit narratives seen in the media and in news outlets. As educators, we need to consistently challenge deficit narratives of Black students in much more substantive ways—which will reflect how serious we take Black students’ lives. In addition, by highlighting and utilizing Black students’ cultural capital in their learning, students will begin to leverage their own strengths and speak to them using language, including naming the forms of cultural capital they possess. There is power in language—and what we say and do not say will ultimately impact Black
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students’ confidence, reassurance, and their learning experiences for generations to come. In a world where Black lives’ values are constantly being put on the forefront, fostering an inclusive, rigorous space and at an early age is far too costly to ignore.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
ORCID iD
Christine L. Quince https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9565-0609
Note
1. All proper nouns, including student names, teachers, locations and schools are pseudonyms.
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Author Biography
Christine L. Quince is an Assistant Professor in the School of Education and Counseling Psychology at Santa Clara University. Dr. Christine L. Quince received her Ph.D. from the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor. In her research, Dr. Quince examines the pedagogical decisions teachers make and how their decisions incorporate Black students, their home culture, and community knowledge. Dr. Quince’s research is aimed towards helping educators critique their practice, shift towards an asset-orientation of Black students, and improve the academic success of Black students.
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Week 3 750bArticles Black–White Summer Learning Gaps Week 3 Zip File.pdf
Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis Volume 37, Issue 1, March 2015, Pages 50-69 © 2014 AERA, Article Reuse Guidelines https://doi.org/10.3102/0162373714534522
Black–White Summer Learning Gaps: Interpreting the Variability of Estimates Across Representations
David M. Quinn
Abstract The estimation of racial test score gap trends plays an important role in monitoring educational equality. Documenting gap trends is complex, however, and estimates can differ depending on the metric, modeling strategy, and psychometric assumptions. The sensitivity of summer learning gap estimates to these factors has been under-examined. Using national data, I find Black–White summer gap trends ranging from a significant relative disadvantage for Black students to a significant relative advantage. Preferred models show no overall gap change the summer after kindergarten, but Black students may make less summer math growth than White students with similar true spring scores. In estimating gap trends, researchers must recognize that different statistical models not only carry unique assumptions but also answer distinct descriptive questions.
Keywords summer setback, summer loss, Black–White test score gap, gap trends, achievement gap, gap measurement
The estimation of racial test score gap trends plays an important role in monitoring educational equality. Gap trend estimation is complex, however, and estimates can differ depending on the test metric, modeling strategy, consideration of measurement error, and assumptions made about the interval nature of the test scale (Bond & Lang, 2013; Ho, 2009). Given the high stakes, it is crucial that researchers who are describing test score gap trends do so carefully and reasonably, as policymakers are likely to take reported gap trends at face value.
In practice, however, researchers do not always examine the sensitivity of gap trend estimates to psychometric assumptions or make explicit how modeling choices affect the interpretation of results. One area in which more clarity is needed along these dimensions is the study of racial disparities in summer learning. Black–White differences in summer learning may help explain the gap growth seen over students’ school careers (e.g., Heyns, 1987; Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998), but current evidence on summer gap trends is mixed. Some apparent discrepancies in results may be due to cross-study diversity in modeling strategies.
Researchers have estimated Black–White summer gap trends using various methods and have reached different conclusions (e.g., Cooper, Nye, Charlton, Lindsay, & Greathouse, 1996; Murnane, 1975; Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998). Even researchers who have used the same publicly available, nationally representative data set—the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten class of 1998–1999 (ECLS-K)—have not all reported the same math gap trend (e.g., Burkam, Ready, Lee, & LoGerfo, 2004; Downey, von Hippel, & Broh, 2004). Although the divergent findings in the ECLS-K studies call attention to the influence that methodological
Harvard Graduate School of Education
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and psychometric factors have over gap trend estimates, no systematic investigation has been conducted to reveal how sensitive summer gap trend estimates are to a range of reasonable representations. In this article, I report the results of such an investigation.
I find that Black–White summer gap trend estimates diverge, with estimates ranging from a significant relative summer disadvantage for Black students (compared with White students) to a significant relative summer advantage for Black students. Estimates are most affected by modeling strategy and assumptions about measurement error. Given the effect of modeling strategy, it is important that researchers documenting gap trends recognize that different models not only require unique statistical assumptions but also answer distinct descriptive questions. This contrasts the approach taken in prior summer gap trend literature, in which the interpretive differences across models are not explicitly considered. When choosing among plausible gap trend representations, we must go beyond purely statistical considerations; we must clearly define our parameter of interest and examine the values and substantive assumptions that might prompt interest in subtly different gap trend parameters.
I begin by providing motivation for examining Black–White summer gap trends along with an overview of past research. I then describe the methodological and psychometric factors that influence gap trend estimates, which motivate this study’s research questions. Next, I describe the strategies for answering these research questions and present gap trend estimates under a range of reasonable representations. Finally, I discuss the lessons these results suggest for researchers estimating gap trends, as well as their contributions to our understanding of Black–White summer learning gaps.
Background
Why Study Black–White Summer Gap Trends?
At school entry, large math and reading test score gaps exist between Black and White students, and most data suggest that these gaps widen as students progress through the elementary grades (see Reardon & Robinson, 2008; Reardon, Valentino, & Shores, 2012, for reviews). Such “gap growth” has been observed when operationalized through repeated cross-sectional comparisons of the same students over time (e.g., Fryer & Levitt, 2004, 2006) and through gap estimates that condition on students’ test scores from a prior year (e.g., Reardon, 2008a, 2008b). Racial differences in summer learning may help explain such gap growth; however, evidence on Black–White gaps in summer learning has been mixed.
Heyns (1987) argued that “the entire racial gap in reading achievement is due to . . . ‘small differences’ in summer learning” (p. 1158). In contrast, Cooper et al. (1996) concluded in their meta-analysis that the Black– White reading gap did not grow over the summer. The role of summer vacation in Black–White math gap trends has been similarly contested, with studies reaching the conflicting conclusions that the math gap widens over the summer (Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998), that the math gap does not change over the summer (Cooper et al., 1996; Murnane, 1975), and that Black students’ math skills improve more over the summer than do White students’ math skills (Ginsberg, Baker, Sweet, & Rosenthal, 1981 and Klibanoff & Haggard, 1981, as cited in Cooper et al., 1996).
The most recent nationally representative evidence on these questions comes from the ECLS-K. Specifically, the ECLS-K provides data on the summer between kindergarten and first grade. Researchers have used various methods to estimate summer gap trends using this data set. Table 1 reports the findings from these studies, organized by modeling strategy.
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As seen in Table 1, none of the ECLS-K studies found a significant summer gap trend for reading. The one study (Burkam et al., 2004) that found a significant Black–White summer math gap trend detrimental to Black students is also the only study that used a change score model with a pretest covariate (a model which is equivalent to regressing fall score on spring score—Werts & Linn, 1970). Although most of these studies adjust for a number of control variables, the variation in math gap trend estimates is not simply the story of a gap trend disappearing when more covariates are added. For example, Burkam et al. (2004) found a significant math gap trend while controlling for socioeconomic status (SES); yet Fryer and Levitt (2004) reported a non-significant gap trend while making unadjusted cross-sectional comparisons. This raises the suspicion that summer gap trend estimates are sensitive to modeling choices—or to the way that the gap trend question is operationalized—and provides motivation for the present study.
Adjusted Versus Unadjusted Black–White Gap Estimates
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The common use of SES-related covariates in studies of racial summer gap trends raises questions about the roles of adjusted versus unadjusted gap estimates. Many of the early studies on racial summer learning gaps effectively controlled for SES by employing economically homogeneous samples (Cooper et al., 1996). In later studies, researchers explicitly included SES measures in their models (e.g., Alexander, Entwisle, & Olsen, 2001; Entwisle & Alexander, 1992). In this article, however, I estimate unadjusted gap trends for the following reasons.
First, as discussed above, this article is motivated in part by the possibility that differences in summer learning explain the persistence, and possible growth, of Black–White test score gaps. The studies that document gap growth typically report unadjusted gaps, making raw summer gap trends the appropriate comparison. More substantively, interest in unadjusted gap trends stems from the very fact that the omitted covariates likely represent the mechanisms responsible for the gaps in the first place. Black–White inequalities in SES-related measures are the legacy of slavery and racism in the United States (Wilson, 2009), and it is important to acknowledge the full extent of their impact. While multivariate analyses can provide evidence about the mechanisms behind test score gaps, the task of explaining gaps should be kept conceptually distinct from the task of describing them; by blurring the lines between description and explanation, we risk glossing over or understating the racial element of inequality.
Why Might Summer Learning Differences Exist?
Entwisle, Alexander, and Olson (2000) proposed the “faucet theory” to explain summer gap trends. According to this theory, the “resource faucet” is on for all students during the school year, but over the summer, students from disadvantaged backgrounds lose access to many resources that remain available to more advantaged students. These may be material or financial resources which, among other things, enable access to cognitively stimulating summer activities; or they may be human capital resources such as parental education (Borman, Benson, & Overman, 2005). Some researchers have argued that differences in the quality and quantity of students’ summer enrichment activities are explained by unequal access to material resources (Chin & Phillips, 2004), whereas others have argued that upper- and middle-class parents proactively “cultivate” their children’s cognitive development while lower-class parents do not (Cheadle, 2008; Lareau, 2011).
Describing Test Score Gap Trends
Recent methodological work has emphasized that gap trends can be sensitive to the choices that researchers make in modeling the gap trend, selecting among test scales, making assumptions about the interval nature of the test scale, and addressing (or not addressing) measurement error in the test (Bond & Lang, 2013; Ho, 2009). This study examines the sensitivity of Black–White summer math and reading gap trends to a range of reasonable choices along these dimensions.
Modeling. In the substantive literature, researchers often emphasize the statistical considerations relevant to choosing a gap trend modeling strategy without explicit discussion of how the interpretation of the parameter estimate changes across models (e.g., Burkam et al., 2004; Downey et al., 2004; Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998). In the context of gap trend measurement, different modeling strategies should be understood as answering conceptually distinct descriptive questions. When results differ across estimation strategies, then, these “discrepancies” can be understood as answers to different questions. This section describes these differences.
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“Change in gaps” and “differences in changes” measures To examine how racial test score gaps change from Time 1 to Time 2 within a stable sample of students, we could calculate the difference between the gaps at each time point (the “change in gaps” or ΔG—Ho, 2009) or compare the average test score change from Time 1 to Time 2 for each group (the “difference in changes” or ΔT—Ho, 2009). When using an unstandardized test metric, both methods yield the same result. However, because unstandardized gaps are often difficult to interpret, standardized gaps are more commonly reported. With such measures, the choice of standard deviation unit “is both judgmental and consequential” (Ho, 2009, p. 209).
A natural choice for the ΔG method is to standardize each cross-sectional gap by the pooled time-specific standard deviation unit:
ΔGES = GES2 − GES1 = X a2 − X b2
S(a2,b2) −
X a1 − X b1
S(a1,b1) ,
where a and b index the racial group, 1 and 2 index the time point, and S(at,bt) is the pooled standard deviation across groups at time t (Ho, 2009). A natural choice for the ΔT method is to standardize each group’s test score change by the standard deviation pooled across time within group:
ΔTES = TESa − TESb
= X a2 − X a1
S(a1,a2) −
X b2 − X b1
S(b1,b2) ,
where S(a1,a2) is the pooled standard deviation for group a across Time 1 and Time 2 (Ho, 2009). When the four standard deviations (a1, a2, b1, b2) are equal, ΔGES and ΔTES are equivalent. If the four
standard deviations are not equal, potentially unintuitive results may follow. For example, if the difference in group means is equal at each time point (i.e., if X a2 − X b2 = X a1 − X b1), the ΔGES measure will nevertheless suggest a widening gap if the variance is larger at Time 1 and will suggest a narrowing gap if the variance is larger at Time 2 (analogous results can occur for ΔTES). One can instead choose a single standard deviation for each denominator, such as the pooled standard deviation across time points and groups or the advantaged group’s standard deviation at Time 1; however, there is no clear universally applicable criterion for choosing a standard deviation unit (Ho, 2009).
Regressor variable models and change score models Gap trends can also be represented in a regression framework, using a “regressor variable” model or a “change score” model (Allison, 1990). In the regressor variable method, Time 2 scores are regressed on Time 1 scores along with a group indictor variable. In the context of a racial achievement gap, this model answers the question, “Do students of different races who share the same Time 1 score have different scores at Time 2, on average?” One benefit of the regressor variable model is that the Time 1 and Time 2 tests need not be on the same scale. This is particularly useful when gap trends are estimated over a long period of time, when the vertical scaling of a test is most questionable (McCaffrey, Lockwood, Koretz, & Hamilton, 2003).
If one can assume that the Time 1 and Time 2 tests share a common scale, a change score model can be fit. In a change score model, the outcome is the difference between a student’s Time 2 score and Time 1 score. In the context of racial achievement gaps, the change score model addresses the question, “Do students of different races make different amounts of growth over a given period of time, on average?” (Mullens, Murnane, &
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Willett, 1996). When unstandardized scores are used, change score models produce the same results as ΔT and ΔG.
In what is known as “Lord’s paradox” (Holland, 2005; Lord, 1967), the change score model and the regressor variable model can yield seemingly contradictory results when groups have different true mean scores at Time 1. Lord’s (1967) initial example of the phenomenon described a quasi-experimental study in which two non-equivalent groups showed no mean change on a measure from Time 1 to Time 2. While a change score model showed no group difference in change, a regressor variable model showed a group difference at Time 2, controlling for the Time 1 measure. To see how this can happen mathematically, consider that the coefficient on the group indicator in the change score model is Ya2 − Yb2 − (Ya1 − Yb1), where letters index groups and numbers index time points. In the regressor variable model, the coefficient on the group indicator is Ya2 − Yb2 − b(Ya1 − Yb1), where b is the regression coefficient for the Time 1 measure from the same model. Because of inherent instability in the measure of Y, b will usually fall between 0 and 1. Consequently, compared with the change score model, the regressor variable model will subtract out less from the group difference at Time 2 (Allison, 1990). This also illustrates that the change score model is equivalent to a regressor variable model in which the coefficient on the Time 1 measure is constrained to be 1 (Allison, 1990). In a quasi- experimental setting, resolving Lord’s paradox is a matter of choosing the model whose statistical assumptions most closely match reality. In a descriptive study, the resolution lies in recognizing that the models answer different questions.
Measurement Error. The effect of measurement error on gap trend estimates can best be understood by first considering that each person’s observed test score is a function of both his or her true score and an error term. The true score is defined as the individual’s expected score over many test administrations of equivalent test forms without effects of fatigue, memory, or learning or forgetting (Crocker & Algina, 1986). It follows from this formulation that the variance of observed test scores is equal to or greater than the variance of true scores. Consequently, mean group differences that are standardized by observed score standard deviation units will be smaller than mean group differences that are standardized by true score standard deviation units.
In a regressor variable model, the effect of measurement error in one predictor on the parameter estimate of another depends on the relationships among the variables. Sometimes adjusting for measurement error in one variable can reverse the sign of the coefficient for another covariate. Take a simple example with three variables: a Time 2 test score y, which is regressed on a race dummy variable x1 (1 = Black, 0 = White), and a Time 1 test score x2. The unstandardized slope for x1 (called b1 here) is given by the formula:
b1 = (ry1 − ry2r12)sy
(1 − r2 12)sx1
,
where r represents the Pearson correlation between the two indexed variables and s represents the standard deviation of the indexed variable. The sign of b1 depends on the signs of ry1 and ry2r12, and on whether ry1 is greater than or less than ry2r12. Imagine that Time 1 and Time 2 test scores have a correlation of .80 and that the race indicator has a correlation of −.28 with Time 1 scores and a similar correlation with Time 2 scores. In this case, given a product ry2r12 that is greater than −.28, b1 will be negatively signed; if the product of ry2r12 is less than −.28, b1 will be positively signed. Because adjusting for measurement error in the spring test disattenuates its correlation with race (i.e., makes the correlation more negative), adjusting for measurement error in the Time
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1 test could make the product ry2r12 less than −.28, thereby reversing the sign of the conditional gap estimate b1
. Without correction for measurement error, the regressor variable model answers the question, “Is there a
racial gap at Time 2 between students who share the same observed Time 1 score?” A model that corrects for measurement error replaces “observed Time 1 score” with “true Time 1 score.”
Test Metrics. Because each of the above gap measures is based on some mean difference between groups, each requires the assumption that the test metric is interval-scaled (Spencer, 1983). However, given that an achievement test is designed to measure a latent construct (e.g., one’s math or reading ability), it is not possible to completely confirm that any given scale measures the unobserved construct in equal intervals. If a test scale is not interval, the interpretation of a gap expressed in terms of mean differences is unclear because units do not correspond to the same “amount” of the construct at each point along the scale (Ballou, 2009). Furthermore, if we cannot know whether a test scale is interval, we have no basis on which to prefer one scale over another plausible non-linear transformation of the scale. This is problematic because non-linear transformations of scale may change the magnitude, or even the sign, of a test score gap (Ho, 2009; Spencer, 1983).
Variation in Black–White Gap Trend Estimates
Past work using the ECLS-K has shown how the above factors affect kindergarten school-year gap trend estimates. Reardon’s (2008a, 2008b) results demonstrate that over the kindergarten school year, the math gap could grow by .04 to .10 standardized units, depending on the metric and assumptions. Estimates of gap growth in reading over kindergarten have ranged from .01 (Reardon, 2008a) to .05 (Fryer & Levitt, 2004). Over the course of elementary school, cross-sectional gap comparisons (from fall of kindergarten to spring of fifth grade) demonstrate gap growth ranging from 0.15 to 0.35 standard deviation units for math and from 0.23 to 0.39 for reading (Reardon, 2008a). Depending on the test scale and assumed reliability of the kindergarten test, estimates of standardized fifth-grade spring gaps conditional on fall of kindergarten scores range from −.65 to −.24 for math and −.67 to −.35 for reading (Reardon, 2008a).
Summary and Research Questions
Test score gap trend estimates can differ depending on choices of modeling, test scale, and whether measurement error is accounted for. Given the role that these estimates play in policy and research, it is important that researchers are thoughtful about the gap trends estimates they report and explicit about their interpretations. Widening gaps over the summer may play a role in the growth of Black–White gaps over the elementary years, but research on Black–White summer gap trends has been mixed. The sensitivity of summer gap trend estimates to the above factors is not well understood, and differences in estimation methods may explain the mixed findings across studies. A methodological investigation in this area will allow for a more informed judgment on the substantive question of racial differences in summer learning.
In this paper I use data from the ECLS-K to ask, to what extent do black-white summer gap trend estimates differ by: (a) the modeling strategy, (b) the test metric, (c) the interval test scale assumption, and (d) the handling of measurement error?
I interpret the differences in results across models, discuss lessons for researchers addressing gap trends generally, and consider substantive implications regarding Black–White summer learning differences.
Method
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Sample
The ECLS-K followed a nationally representative sample of students from kindergarten to eighth grade. A random 30% subsample was chosen for Round 3 testing, during which most students were beginning the first grade. In this article, I use data from only non-Hispanic White students and non-Hispanic Black students and remove students without Round 2 (spring of Kindergarten) or Round 3 test scores, as well as students who attended year-round schools. In addition, to adjust test scores by test date (explained below), I remove students without information on their test administration date, school start/end date, or with implausible or extreme test dates (see Online Appendix A, available at http://jeb.sagepub.com/supplemental, for details; results from models using all students are similar and are available upon request).
Test Scales
For each wave of data collection in the ECLS-K, students were orally administered test questions in reading and math. To avoid floor and ceiling effects, students were first given a set of routing items that determined the difficulty of the test questions they would answer. Students’ latent ability θit was then estimated using a three- parameter item response theory (IRT) model. In recent data releases, the ECLS-K has included students’ θ scores, along with “scale scores,” which are a non-linear transformation of the θ scores estimating the number of items the student would have answered correctly had he or she been asked all test questions (Tourangeau, Nord, Lê, Sorongon, & Najarian, 2009). Although many researchers have used the scale scores for longitudinal analysis, this metric is not well-suited for comparing learning rates of students over time (Reardon, 2008b). In this metric, students’ scores—and their “distance” from other students—depend on the questions that happen to be included on the test and the difficulty of those questions for the sampled students (Reardon, 2008b). In contrast, if the IRT model assumptions hold, students’ θ estimates should not depend on the particular test questions or the abilities of other test-takers (Ballou, 2009). Although θ is my preferred test scale from a substantive perspective, I present results using both θ scores and scale scores to test the sensitivity of gap trend estimates.
Accounting for Test Date
As with most research on summer learning, one challenge with the ECLS-K data concerns the dates at which tests were administered. Although the purpose of testing students in the spring and fall was to measure summer learning, in actuality, these tests also capture some school-year learning. To adjust for this, I use projected test scores. Online Appendix A describes the projection method and Online Appendix B (available at http://jeb.sagepub.com/supplemental) includes results based on observed scores (in the preferred θ metric, results using observed scores show a pattern similar to that seen with projected scores).
Analytic Plan
I estimate Black–White math and reading summer gap trends using six approaches: (a) the change in gaps measure (ΔGES, employing multiple standardization methods), (b) the difference in changes measure (ΔTES, employing multiple standardization methods), (c) an ordinal change in gaps measure (ΔV ), (d) the regressor variable model (with and without accounting for measurement error), (e) local-standardization regression models (with and without accounting for measurement error), and (f) a change score model. All models incorporate the sampling weight C23CW0 and adjust standard errors to account for the multistage sampling design (results from models that instead cluster standard errors at the school level support the same inferences).
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“Change in Gaps” and “Difference in Changes” Measures. As described above, the “change in gaps” method compares the standardized Black–White gap in the fall of first grade to the standardized gap in the spring of kindergarten using the formula:
ΔGES = GES2 − GES1 = Bfall − Wfall
SDfallPooled −
Bspring − Wspring
SDspringPooled ,
where W represents the weighted White mean, B represents the weighted Black mean, and the standard deviations in the denominators are weighted and pooled for Black and White students (formulas for pooling standard deviations appear in Online Appendix C, available at http://jeb.sagepub.com/supplemental). When both of its component terms are negative, a negative ΔGES indicates that the cross-sectional Black–White gap is wider in the fall than in the spring, whereas a positive ΔGES indicates that the cross-sectional Black–White gap is narrower in the fall.
The “difference in changes” method compares the standardized summer growth for Black students to the standardized summer growth for White students using the formula:
ΔTES = TESB − TESW
= Bfall − Bspring
SDBlackPooled −
Wfall − Wspring
SDWhitePooled ,
where terms are as defined above. A negative ΔTES indicates that Black students’ scores tend to rise less over the summer than White students’ scores (or decline more), while a positive ΔTES suggests that Black students’ scores tend to rise more over the summer than White students’ scores (or decline less). I also examine whether these gap trends differ depending on the standardization unit. Methods for calculating the standard errors for ΔGES and ΔTES appear in Online Appendix C.
Interval Scale Assumption: The ΔV Measure. The V statistic is an ordinal gap measure that can be loosely interpreted as a scale-invariant effect size (Ho, 2009). It is estimated as
V = √2 Φ−1 (P (tb > tw)),
where Φ−1 is the inverse of the standard normal cumulative distribution function and P(tb > tw) is the probability that a randomly chosen Black student will have a higher score than a randomly chosen White student. Because V treats test scores as ordinal, it is invariant to monotonic scale transformations and does not require the interval scale assumption; it requires only the assumption that the test score distributions of the two groups can be transformed to normal (Ho, 2009). When the test score distributions of the two groups are normal, V equals Cohen’s d (Ho & Reardon, 2012).
While V represents a cross-sectional gap, a gap change can be represented as
ΔV = V2 − V1 = √2 Φ−1P((tb > tw))2 − √2 Φ−1P((tb > tw))1,
where the numerical subscripts represent the first and second time points (the methods for incorporating sampling weights and calculating ΔV standard errors are described in Online Appendix C).1
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Conditional Status Models.
Regressor variable models The regressor variable models take the general form:
Fi = f (Si) + δBi + ϵi,
where Fi is student i’s fall of first-grade test score, Si is student i’s spring of kindergarten score, f is some continuous function (with quadratic terms as needed), Bi is a dichotomous indicator for race (1 = student is Black, 0 = student is White), and ϵi is an error term. The spring and fall scores in these models are standardized using the spring mean and standard deviation (of the Black–White sample, using sampling weights). A negatively signed δ indicates that a Black student will have a lower predicted fall score than a White student with an identical spring score.2
Local standardization An assumption of the regressor variable model is that the mean fall Black–White difference is the same at each point along the spring test score distribution, as is the variance of fall scores. One method for relaxing these assumptions is to fit a model with locally standardized scores. Following Reardon (2008a, 2008b), I fit such models using scores obtained by dividing the sample along 25, 50, 75, and 100 quantiles (for comparison) based on students’ spring of kindergarten score (using only students from the analytic sample). Within each set of scores between quantiles, I standardize White students’ fall of first-grade scores to a weighted mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1. I then express Black students’ scores as their distance, in (weighted) local White standard deviation units, from the local White mean. Next, I use only data from Black students3 to fit the model:
Local_Falli = δlocal + γSi + ϵi.
In this model, the intercept δlocal represents the average fall difference between Black and White students with mean spring scores, expressed in standard deviation units of initially similar White students’ fall test scores.4
Change Score Regression Models. The change score regression models take the form:
ΔScorei = δ0 + δΔScoreBi + ϵi,
where ΔScorei is student i’s fall score minus student i’s spring score, and Bi and ϵi are as defined above. ΔScore is standardized to a weighted mean of 0 and standard deviation of one, which allows δΔScore to be interpreted as the average Black–White difference in standardized change scores. A negatively signed δΔScore
indicates that Black students make less growth over the summer, on average (or decline more), compared with White students.
Measurement Error. If the amount of measurement error in Si is known, it can be adjusted for in the regressor variable model. The ECLS-K psychometric manual (Rock, Pollack, & Hausken, 2002) reports the spring math and reading θ reliabilities as .94 and .95, respectively. However, these reliability estimates are based on internal item reliabilities, which only account for error due to item sampling; test–retest reliabilities are likely lower (Reardon, 2008a). While spring–fall correlations for projected test scores are close to .80 for math (.78 for scale scores, .80 for θ) and close to .90 for reading (.88 for scale, .86 for θ),5 these may not be reasonable reliability
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estimates due to the lengthy time period between tests. Specifically, these correlations will overestimate test reliability if students with higher true spring ability learn more over the summer compared with students with lower true spring ability and will underestimate reliability if students with higher true ability in the spring learn less over the summer than students with lower true spring ability (Reardon, 2008a). I therefore adjust for measurement error in the regressor variable models under a range of assumed reliabilities: .90, .80, and .70.
To adjust δ (from Model 3) for measurement error in Si, I use Kelley’s formula for estimating true scores (Kelley, 1947, as cited in Maassen, 2000):
τ̂Si = ρssSi + (1 − ρss)S .
Here, ρss is the assumed reliability of the test, Si is student i’s observed spring score, and S is the sample mean spring score. I apply this formula to spring scores separately for Black and White students (using the weighted Black or White mean). I then refit Model 3 using the measurement-error-adjusted spring score in place of the observed spring score. I also refit the local-standardization models (Model 4) using measurement error-adjusted spring scores as a predictor and new locally standardized fall scores as the outcome.
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Table 2 displays weighted descriptive statistics by race and testing season for the θ and scale score metrics, including both the observed scores and projected scores (which are used in the main analyses). Recall that both the spring and fall scores are standardized against the spring mean and standard deviation. As seen in the table, Black and White students experience a similar number of school days and summer vacation days between tests.
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Projected scores were highly correlated with observed scores (r = .99 for all tests, metrics, and test administrations; correlation matrices available on request). Spring gaps (calculated by regressing standardized projected scores on the Black indicator variable, not shown) were −.70 (θ) or −.65 (scale score) for math and −.53 (θ) or −.45 (scale score) for reading.
Gap Trend Estimates
Figures 1 and 2 display bar graphs of the math and reading gap trend estimates, respectively, across all models, metrics, and assumed reliabilities. As seen in the figures, gap trend estimates vary. Estimates for both outcomes
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change sign and significance levels, but the majority of math estimates are negative (suggesting a relative summer disadvantage for Black students), while the majority of reading estimates are positive.
Figure 1. Standardized Black–White summer math gap trend estimates across a range of reasonable representations; estimates differ in modeling strategy, test metric, assumptions about measurement error, and assumptions about the interval nature of the test scale. Note. Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Estimates are grouped by model and sorted by magnitude of theta gap trend. 25–100 Quant = conditional status local-standardization models using 25, 50, 75, or 100 quantiles of spring test for local standardization, as noted; Reg Var = regressor variable model; Reg Var, rel. = .70–.90: Regressor variable models with assumed spring test reliabilities of .70, .80, or .90; 75 Quant, rel = .70–.90: Local-standardization models based on 75 quantiles, assuming spring test reliabilities of .70, .80, or .90.
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Test Scale. As seen in Figures 1 and 2, for any given model, the preferred θ metric generally shows gap trends that are somewhat less favorable to Black students than those in the scale score metric. Changing the test scale sometimes changes the sign or statistical significance of an estimate, though never both at once. Here, choice of metric seems to matter somewhat more for reading than for math; while the effect of metric is relatively modest in many models, the most extreme example (see Table 4) shows a conditional reading θ gap that is roughly 5 times the size of the corresponding scale score gap.
Modeling Strategy and Interval Scale Assumption.
ΔGES, ΔTES, and ΔV Table 3 displays the ΔGES, ΔTES, and ΔV math and reading gap trend estimates. For ΔGES and ΔTES, I present results using the θ and scale score metrics with different standardization units (recall that ΔV is invariant to monotonic scale transformations, resulting in equivalent ΔV gaps across scales). The math gap trends are generally negatively signed and small in magnitude, whereas the reading gap trends are generally positively signed and small in magnitude. At .08, the reading scale score ΔGES (with standard deviation pooled across groups) is much larger than the other reading gap trends, and is the only statistically significant estimate. The ordinal ΔV gap trend estimates (−.02 for math; +.02 for reading) are similar to their respective θΔGES gap trend estimates using scores standardized by the pooled across-group, within-time standard deviations. This is not surprising, given that the θΔGES distributions are close to normal.
Figure 2. Standardized Black–White summer reading gap trend estimates across a range of reasonable representations; estimates differ in modeling strategy, test metric, assumptions about measurement error, and assumptions about the interval nature of the test scale. Note. Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Estimates are grouped by model and sorted by magnitude of theta gap trend. 25–100 Quant = conditional status local-standardization models using 25, 50, 75, or 100 quantiles of spring test for local standardization, as noted; Reg Var = regressor variable model; Reg Var, rel. = .70–.90: Regressor variable models with assumed spring test reliabilities of .70, .80, or .90; 75 Quant, rel = .70–.90: Local-standardization models based on 75 quantiles, assuming spring test reliabilities of .70, .80, or .90.
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Conditional status and change score models Table 4 presents the gap trend estimates from the regression framework: the conditional status models (regressor variable and local standardization) and the change score models. These models demonstrate an instance of Lord’s paradox: The regressor variable model estimates differ from the change score model estimates. The change score models show that Black and White students make statistically equivalent math growth over the summer (−.07, p = .30), whereas the regressor variable models show that a Black student is expected to have a lower fall math score than a White student who shares the same spring score (θ gap = −.18, p < .001). Similarly for reading, the regressor variable model shows a negatively signed, marginally significant conditional gap (θ gap = −.06, p = .10), whereas the change score model gives a positively signed, non-significant growth difference (.03, p = .65).
For both math and reading, the locally standardized conditional gap estimates are the largest. Within subject, estimates are similar across the range of quantile bands for a given metric. In reading, the conditional gap estimates range from a statistically significant −.16 (p = .03) in the θ metric to −.03 (p = .69) in the scale score metric. For math, locally standardized conditional gap estimates (which are all statistically significant) range from −.18 to −.32 across metrics and number of quantile bands.
Adjusting for Measurement Error. Table 5 presents the conditional gap estimates with adjustments made for measurement error in spring scores. I include results under a variety of reliability assumptions: 1.0 (replicating estimates from Table 4), .90, .80, and .70. These results show that both the sign and significance of the conditional fall gaps are sensitive to assumptions about spring test reliability. As assumed reliabilities decrease, conditional math gap estimates become positively signed and marginally significant (in the scale score metric); conditional reading gap estimates become positively signed and statistically significant (in both metrics).
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Table 6 provides conditional gap estimates under a range of assumed reliabilities using locally standardized test scores (shown here for 75 quantiles; results from other bandwidths are similar). The same pattern from Table 5 appears, but more pronounced; here, conditional math gap estimates range from a significant −.26 (using θ scores and perfect reliability) to a significant +.24 (using scale scores and reliability of .70). Conditional reading gaps range from a significant −.16 (using θ scores and perfect reliability) to a significant +.30 (using scale scores and reliability of .70).
Discussion
This study addressed the question, “To what extent do Black–White summer gap trend estimates differ by (a) the modeling strategy, (b) the test metric, (c) the interval test scale assumption, and (d) the handling of measurement error?” Results show that summer gap trend estimates differ in direction, magnitude, and statistical significance across various reasonable representations. While relatively little of the overall variation
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in gap trend estimates stemmed from the test metric in this case, metric sometimes switched the sign or statistical significance of an estimate from a given model (though never both at once, and more often for reading than for math). By comparing the ΔV gap trend estimates to the ΔGES estimates, we see that ordinal and interval test scale assumptions generally yield similar results with these metrics, particularly for θ. Estimates varied the most under different modeling strategies (e.g., change score models vs. regressor variable models) and assumed test reliabilities.
The sign-switching of summer gap trend estimates across models and metrics contrasts Reardon’s (2008a, 2008b) findings regarding kindergarten school-year gap trends, in which spring gaps were always larger than fall gaps. While Reardon’s estimates of fifth-grade gaps conditional on kindergarten score consistently showed significant gaps unfavorable to Black students, the absolute differences between his gap estimates assuming perfect reliability and those assuming a reliability of .70 are quite similar to the absolute differences in estimates I found across analogous models for the summer. Furthermore, I found that conditional fall gaps were generally larger than ΔGES summer gap trends, which parallels Reardon’s findings regarding gap trends from fall of kindergarten to spring of fifth grade. I therefore focus the discussion on these issues that seem to matter most: modeling and measurement error.
Modeling Strategy
These summer gap trends demonstrate an instance of Lord’s paradox: For both math and reading, change score models yield small and non-significant learning gaps, whereas conditional gap models (unadjusted for measurement error) yield larger and statistically significant (for math) or marginally significant (for reading) fall gaps. How should we make sense of this?
In a descriptive study, we must frame the problem differently from how previous discussions of Lord’s paradox have. Lord (1967) and other scholars (Allison, 1990; Holland, 2005; Rubin, Stuart, & Zanutto, 2004; Wainer, 1991) have discussed the paradox in the context of estimating the causal effect of some intervention in a non-experimental setting. In such situations, researchers ask questions such as “What is the causal effect of treatment X on outcome Y?” (as in Allison, 1990) or “Does the causal effect of the treatment on outcome Y differ by membership in group X?” (as in Lord, 1967). In both cases, the researcher addresses a single causal question and must decide which model is best suited for answering that question. The articles cited above help researchers choose the model that best fits their context by describing each model’s assumptions.
In a study such as the present one, such guidance is less relevant. The goal here is not to estimate the causal effect of some treatment, but rather to describe an achievement gap trend. It is therefore more instructive to think of the models as answering two different questions and to consider precisely how the descriptive statements that each model supports differ (Holland, 2005; Wainer, 1991).
Because these models answer different questions in a descriptive context, their results are not contradictory (as they may be in a quasi-experimental setting). As described above, the change score models address the question, “On average, do Black and White students make different amounts of academic growth over the summer?” The results from these models support the descriptive statement that Black and White students make statistically equivalent academic growth over the summer. When assuming a common test scale across time, the question addressed by the regressor variable models can be phrased as: “On average, do Black and White students with identical spring scores make different amounts of academic growth over the summer?” Leaving measurement error aside for the moment, the results from these models support the statements that on average, Black students make less math growth over the summer than White students who shared the same spring math
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score, and that Black students’ reading growth is lower by a marginally significant amount compared with White students with identical spring reading scores. In the context of estimating a test score gap trend, we should choose the model that answers the descriptive question of interest.
Different contexts and different interests may call for different descriptive questions. Under certain conditions (e.g., when the initial test score distributions are identical by race), the point will be moot because both models will support the same conclusion. However, outside of such conditions, a recommendation for one model over the other must be informed by an ethical argument for a particular conception of equality. Are we interested in “unconditional equality” or “conditional equality”? That is, would we be satisfied with a situation in which, overall, Black and White students make the same amount of academic progress over the summer, even if, when restricting the comparison to Black and White students of similar initial skill, Black students make less growth than White students? This is not a question that statistical theory can answer, and arguing for a particular theory of equality is beyond the scope of this article. Nevertheless, for researchers estimating gap trends, it is important to be precise when interpreting gap trend estimates and to acknowledge that different values give rise to different questions, which are answered by different models, which may have different implications.
The Effect of Addressing Measurement Error
If observed scores were of greater interest than true scores, we could take the above descriptive statements about conditional fall status as our final conclusions. While observed scores may be of more interest under some circumstances, true scores are arguably of greater interest in the present study. Here, the motivation is to understand how racial inequalities in particular types of academic knowledge and skills develop or are maintained. From the conditional models, we therefore hope to learn whether fall gaps exist between Black and White students who had the same true level of knowledge and skill in the spring, as opposed to learning whether fall gaps exist between Black and White students who simply earned the same score on a particular set of items during a particular test administration. Consequently, measurement error related to item sampling, test occasion, and test administrator should all be removed from spring test scores before fitting the conditional models. Unfortunately, we do not have reliability estimates that account for all of these factors.
If we were to take the spring–fall test correlations as test–retest reliability estimates, we would conclude that no fall math gap exists between Black and White students with similar spring true scores, and that Black students may have higher spring reading scores than White students with similar true spring scores. This conclusion would also be supported in the presence of a “Matthew effect” (Stanovich, 1986), in which students with higher true ability learn more over the summer compared with students with lower true ability (because under a Matthew effect, spring–fall correlations would overestimate test reliability). However, if students with lower true spring ability learn more over the summer compared with those with higher true spring ability, the results reported here would support the conclusion that conditional fall math gaps exist that are unfavorable to Black students, while conditional fall reading gaps probably do not exist. Empirically, it is true that students’ projected spring θ scores are negatively correlated with their spring–fall change scores (r = −.27 for math, r = −.22 for reading), but it is not possible to determine the extent to which this simply reflects regression to the mean.
The volatility of gap estimates under different assumptions about test reliability highlights the importance of test makers providing reliability estimates that go beyond internal consistency reliability. These results also demonstrate the importance of testing the sensitivity of gap trend estimates to different reliability assumptions.
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Substantively, what do these analyses teach us about Black–White summer learning gaps? The cross-sectional math and reading gaps appear to be no larger in the fall of first grade compared with the spring of kindergarten, and this result is robust to different assumptions about the interval nature of the test scales. There also appears to be no difference, on average, in the amount of math or reading growth made by Black and White students during the summer following kindergarten. This remains true for reading when we condition on spring scores, but Black students may make less math growth than White students with the same spring true score. However, this math result hinges on untestable reliability assumptions. Collectively, these results do not provide evidence that summer learning differences contribute to the growth in cross-sectional Black–White gaps across the elementary school years. However, the conditional fifth-grade math gap seen between Black and White students with similar kindergarten math skills may be partly due to differential summer math growth between Black and White students who begin the summer with the same math skills.
Overall Gap Trends. Given that out-of-school experiences seem to lead to large Black–White gaps prior to school entry (Brooks-Gunn, Klebanov, Smith, Duncan, & Lee, 2003; Fryer & Levitt, 2004; Phillips, Brooks- Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, & Crane, 1998), we might expect the same processes to operate over summer break. Why then do unconditional gaps appear not to grow over the summer? One possibility drawn from developmental theory is that students experience a “sensitive period” (Knudsen, 2004) prior to school entry, during which their academic development is particularly responsive to their environments. Before kindergarten, the developmental trajectories of Black and White students may depart at a more accelerated rate than during the summer after kindergarten. Yet even if the pre-kindergarten gap growth rate were to continue over the summer after kindergarten, we may not be able to detect summer gap growth simply due to the relatively brief time period. For example, if we assume that Black and White students’ trajectories begin to diverge at 9 months of age (as shown in Fryer & Levitt, 2013), this would mean that the gaps observed at the beginning of kindergarten would have developed over approximately 60 months. Using a rough linear interpolation, the expected gap growth over a summer break of 2.5 months would be small (approximately 0.03 θ standard deviation units of growth for math and 0.02 for reading, according to calculations based on observed fall of kindergarten ECLS-K gaps).6 Gap trends of this size would likely not be statistically detectable in the ECLS-K (in fact, this math interpolation is close to the non-significant math θΔGES estimate reported in Table 3).
Conditional Gaps. If it is true that Black students make less math growth over the summer than White students with the same spring true score, then why would the same not hold for reading? Many researchers argue that school environments have more influence over students’ math scores than their reading scores, which are more influenced by non-school environments (e.g., Burkam et al., 2004; Cooper et al., 1996; Murnane, 1975). If much of students’ reading ability is determined by their non-school environments, this may mean that Black and White students with the same spring reading skills also experience similar non-school environments (at least along the dimensions relevant to literacy development) and consequently make similar summer reading growth. In contrast, similar true spring math scores for Black and White students may not necessarily imply similar non- school environments.
Connection to Prior Research. These results are compatible with a methodological explanation for the discrepancies in summer math gap trend estimates found in previous analyses of ECLS-K. Consistent with the collection of previous studies in which growth models yielded small, non-significant gap trends, the change score model here showed no average difference in summer math or reading growth by race. The math results
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from the regressor variable models here accord with the finding from the one previous study using the regressor variable method (Burkam et al., 2004), which produced the only significant gap trend from earlier ECLS-K studies.
Future Research
Research is needed on summer gap trends in the later grades, when higher level math content is more susceptible to summer loss (Cooper et al., 1996). The field would also benefit from evidence on whether gap trend patterns differ by sub-domains within each content area, such as number sense and problem-solving in math or comprehension and decoding in reading. Past research suggests that procedural skills are more susceptible to summer loss than conceptual understanding (Cooper et al., 1996), and that social class differences in math performance are seen more in problem-solving skills than computation skills (Entwisle & Alexander, 1990). It is important to understand how these factors may play out with summer racial test score gap trends. To draw conclusions about differences by sub-domain, however, we need tests that support those inferences, which the ECLS-K tests do not (Koretz & Kim, 2007).
Conclusion
These results have shown that various reasonable models and assumptions support substantively different conclusions about Black–White summer gap trends. Given the important role that gap trend estimates play in educational policy and research, researchers examining gap trends must be thoughtful about the methods they use and the assumptions they make. Policymakers and practitioners are likely to take gap trend estimates at face value and to make different decisions depending on the trends reported to them. While researchers clearly must weigh statistical and psychometric considerations when deciding how to estimate and present gap trend statistics, it is equally important that researchers recognize how the questions addressed by various approaches differ, and to be explicit about how modeling choices affect the interpretation of results. Often it will be instructive to look at gap trends from a variety of perspectives, but whether researchers present a single gap trend statistic or several, they must clearly describe and defend the question their gap trend statistic answers and consider how the implications may shift if the question was posed differently.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Andrew Ho, James Kim, Richard Murnane, Felipe Barrera-Osorio, Celia Gomez, and three anonymous reviewers for comments on drafts of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Research for this article was supported by the Dean’s Summer Fellowship at the Harvard Graduate School of Education.
Notes
1. I use the rocfit routine in Stata to estimate each cross-sectional V gap, with the “cut” number set to 20.
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2. In models not presented here, I included an interaction between Si and Bi to test whether the size of the conditional fall gap differed in different regions of the spring test score distribution; this term was not significant in any models.
3. Reardon (2008a) explained that White students’ regression line is a horizontal line through the origin; they are therefore not included in the regression.
4. In this model, the parameter γ (not presented in the results) expresses the extent to which the conditional fall gap changes with each standard deviation change in spring kindergarten score. Consistent with the results described in Note 2, this term was not significant in any model.
5. Empirically, spring–fall projected score correlations are similar for Black and White students. Math θ: r = .78 for both groups; reading θ: r = .83 for Black students, .86 for White students.
6. Reading: fall K gap (−0.47) divided by 60, multiplied by 2.5 ≈ −0.02; math: fall K gap (−0.66) divided by 60, multiplied by 2.5 ≈ −0.03.
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Author
DAVID M. QUINN is a doctoral student at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. His research interests relate to measuring, explaining, and ending educational inequity; he is particularly interested in how teachers and teaching practice can improve student learning and close achievement gaps.
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Week 3 750bArticles “Where I Can Breathe”_ Examining the Impact of the Current Racial Climate on Black Students’ Choice to Attend Historically Black Colleges and Universities week 3 Zip File.pdf
Journal of Black Studies Volume 52, Issue 8, November 2021, Pages 795-819 © The Author(s) 2021, Article Reuse Guidelines https://doi.org/10.1177/00219347211039833
Article
“Where I Can Breathe”: Examining the Impact of the Current Racial Climate on Black Students’ Choice to Attend Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Janelle L. Williams1, Robert T. Palmer 2, and Brandy J. Jones3
Abstract While some in the higher education community have used anecdotal evidence to argue that Black students were attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) because of the broader racial climate due to Donald Trump’s rise as a political figure, few studies have provided empirical evidence to support this notion. Therefore, in this current study, we interviewed 80 Black students, who were engaged in the college search process in 2016 to 2018 to understand to what extent, if any, did the racial climate under Trump’s presidency influence their choice to enroll in HBCUs. Data were collected in the Fall 2018 and Spring 2019 from across four diverse HBCUs. Findings indicate that the racial climate under President Trump played a salient role in participants’ selection of HBCUs. Implications for research and practice are provided for both HBCUs and PWIs.
Keywords HBCUs, college choice, racial climate, Black students
The founding of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) is linked to de jure racism that was grounded in the fabric of the United States in the 19th century (Gasman, 2013; Gasman et al., 2010; Smith, 2017). Since their inception, the academic integrity of these institutions has been questioned (Jencks & Riesman, 1967) and some have argued that HBCUs are relics of the past (Riley, 2010). Though HBCUs were established to provide access to postsecondary education for Black students, as a result of legislative and institutional initiatives (e.g., the Civil Rights Act of 1964; Higher Education Act of 1965; Affirmative Action), an increased number of Black students have opted to attend other institutional types such as predominantly White institutions (PWIs) (Gasman et al., 2010) as well as for-profit institutions (Delisle, 2017). More
1Associate Dean of Graduate Studies & Extended Learning at Widener University and a Visiting Scholar in the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ, USA 2Howard University, Washington, DC, USA 3Rutgers Center for Minority-Serving Institutions, New Brunswick, NJ, USA
Corresponding author(s): Robert T. Palmer, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, School of Education, Howard University, 2400 Sixth Street NW, Washington, DC 20059, USA. Email: [email protected]
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specifically, while a majority of Black students were enrolled in HBCUs until the early 1970s, Anderson (2017) noted that desegregation, rising incomes, and the availability of financial aid, created more college options for Black students, resulting in a decline of Black students attending HBCUs. In fact, Gasman (2013) noted in the 1950s, Black students comprised nearly 100% of the enrollment of HBCUs. Nevertheless, she posited that in 2011, Black students made up 80% of the undergraduate enrollment of HBCUs (Gasman, 2013). Many have argued that because less Black students were enrolling in HBCUs, some HBCUs were actively recruiting non- Black students to remain financially viable (Association of Governing Boards Universities and Colleges, 2014; Palmer & Maramba, 2015a; Schexnider, 2017; Snipes & Darnell, 2017; Wiltz, 2016).
However, the narrative regarding the student enrollment at HBCUs has shifted with the rise of Donald Trump as a political opponent and his subsequent win of the presidential election (Williams & Palmer, 2019). Specifically, with his emergence as a political leader, racism that was once subtle started to reverberate throughout many cities in this country and on college campuses (Harris, 2018; Garibay et al., 2020; Pratt, 2016; Smith, 2017). Many sources credit Trump’s rhetoric of sexism, racism, and xenophobia during campaign rallies and on social media as one factor to the heightened racism within the U.S. (Boghani, 2020; Garibay et al., 2020; Williamson & Gelfand, 2019; Williams & Palmer, 2019). Villarreal (2020) explained, hate crimes spiked to their highest rates in 28 years under the administration of Donald Trump. University leaders and scholars have posited that because Trump has emboldened many White Americans to be unapologetic in their display of racism, this served as the catalyst for an increase in racial assaults against minoritized students at PWIs (Harris, 2018; Kimbrough, 2016; Garibay et al., 2020; Smith, 2017). As a result, pundits in higher education have speculated that this have prompted more Black students to enroll in HBCUs. In fact, between 2016 and 2018, news outlets have explained that HBCUs were experiencing an “enrollment renaissance,” as many Black colleges were receiving a record-breaking number of applications and enrollment from Black students since Donald Trump campaigned and was elected president (Harris, 2018; Smith, 2017).
Given that many news outlets in higher education were using anecdotal evidence to indicate that the broader racial climate under Donald Trump were propelling an increase number of Black students to apply and attend HBCUs, the purpose of this study was to examine this from an empirical perspective. Specifically, this study sought to understand how the racial climate under Donald Trump may have influenced Black students to enroll in HBCUs. While not offering a formal definition of what comprises the racial climate under Trump, research has shown that the 21st century racial climate in the U.S. is reflective of a growing sense of pessimism concerning race relations, a heightened public display of “police brutality toward Black people, and growing empirical evidence of the implicit anti-Black racial bias that exists in U.S. society. Simultaneously, this climate reflects the growing strength of movements for racial justice and the fight against anti-Blackness, including the Black Lives Matter movement” (George Mwamgi et al., 2018, p. 456). This study was guided by the following question: (1) How has the broader racial climate influenced Black students’ decision to choose an HBCU? Findings from this study have implications for both HBCUs and PWIs. To situate this study in the extant literature, the subsequent section of this article will review literature on the college choice process. This article will specifically include literature on Black students’ choice of selecting an HBCU.
Review of Literature
The College Choice Literature on HBCUs
Research has shown that there are several factors that serve as the impetus for Black students to attend HBCUs. Astin and Cross (1981) identified three aspects undergirding Black students’ desire to enroll in HBCUs. These
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include the following: (1) family and personal relationships with those who attended HBCUs; (2) encouragement from teachers; and (3) and the academic reputation of the school. McDonough et al. (1997) contributed to this conversation by conducting a quantitative study on Black students to understand their motivation to attend historically Black colleges. Results from their study indicated that the religion of the student, the school’s academic reputation, and relatives, influenced Black students’ decision to attend an HBCU.
Similar to previous research, in a qualitative study with 70 Black high school students, Freeman (1999) explored students’ consideration to matriculate into an HBCU. In one way, findings from her study reinforced the notion of how having access to someone such as a relative could motivate Black students to attend an HBCU. However, in another way, findings from her study were particularly salient because they underscored how cultural isolation and a desire to seek knowledge and empowerment from the Black culture were linked to Black students’ choice to enroll in an HBCU. In this regard, Freeman and Thomas (2002) posited that the more disconnected Black students are from their cultural heritage, the more inclined they are to attend an HBCU. Conversely, they speculated that the more familiar Black students are with their cultural heritage, the more likely they are to attend a PWI in order to share their culture with other racial and diverse communities. More recently, Williams (2017) and Johnson (2019) explored factors that serve as the linchpin for Black students’ choice of an HBCU. In particular, Johnson (2019), who collected qualitative data from 48 alumni across 20 HBCUs, found that racial isolation and positive interaction with HBCU students, served as a motivation for the participants in her study to select an HBCU.
While research has provided insight into factors that propel Black students to attend HBCUs, some research has highlighted factors that deter Black students from attending HBCUs. Specifically, in a study that Palmer et al. (2010) conducted with 20 Black students at a PWI, participants were asked about their familiarity and consideration to enroll in HBCUs. While all participants discussed being aware of HBCUs, they shared their reluctance to attend Black colleges because they perceived them as “party schools.” They also thought that a PWI would equip them with a better education and posited that HBCUs were lacking in diversity, which they surmised would disadvantage them because they would not be prepared for the global economy. Interestingly, participants in Freeman’s (1999) study who attended predominantly Black high schools expressed similar concerns about how the lack of diversity at HBCUs might be a liability upon graduating because they indicated that HBCUs were not reflective of the real world.
In sum, the literature on Black students’ choice of an HBCU has discussed various factors that encourage students to enroll in HBCUs. These factors include relationships with current HBCU students and alumni, interactions with teachers, the school’s academic reputation, and the need to seek cultural nourishment. Despite this, this body of literature has not discussed the ways in which the broader racial climate has influenced Black students’ selection of an institution. In general, literature has emphasized how race and discrimination impact the college experiences of Black students on the campuses of PWIs (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013; Solorzano et al., 2000; Suarez-Balcazar et al., 2003; Yosso et al., 2009). Moreover, some research has shown how Black and non-Black students experience the campus climate of HBCUs (Allen, 2016; Mobley & Johnson, 2019; Palmer & Maramba, 2015b). For example, research has illustrated that while non-Black students have positive relationships with Black faculty (Allen, 2016), they have reported unpleasant encounters with some Black students (Palmer & Maramba, 2015a), experienced isolation, and desire diverse representation of faculty on campus as well as in recruitment material (Allen, 2016). Despite this, there is a dearth of research, particularly as it relates to the college choice literature, that has investigated how the broader racial climate may have fueled Black students’ inclination to enroll in HBCUs. This current study addresses this gap.
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Methodology. This qualitative study was guided by a social constructivism approach. A social constructivism epistemology emphasizes the researcher working closely with the participants in their natural environment to understand their socially constructed view of reality (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Four HBCUs were involved in this study. One HBCU was a private research university, located in the Mid-Atlantic region, known as University A. The second HBCU was a public research university in the Mid-Atlantic region, known as University B. The third HBCU was a private research institution located in the South, known as University C. The fourth HBCU was a public comprehensive university located in the Southeastern region, known as University D. Table 1 provides details about each of the HBCUs.
Similar to some HBCUs, these four institutions experienced an increase in applications and enrollment between 2016 and 2018 (Smith, 2017). For example, in 2016, University A noted a 32% increase in new applicants, while University B experienced a 109% increase. Moreover, in 2017, University C reported a 47% increase and University D observed a 70% increase. Specifically, we conducted the study at these HBCUs for two critical reasons. First, they differed from each other by size, Carnegie Classification, and geographic location. Second, given that we had relationships with gatekeepers at these institutions, we conducted interviews on these campuses out of convenience. Convenience sampling is the process by which a researcher selects a site or study participants because of easy access (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Participants
Once we identified the institutions for this study, our gatekeepers sent information about the study to potential participants, which directed them to an online demographic questionnaire. The purpose of this questionnaire was to ensure that students met the criteria for this study, which included self-identifying as Black/African American and entering an HBCU during Fall 2017 or 2018. While 372 students across the institutions responded to the online demographic survey, 292 met the criteria and were contacted to schedule an in-person interview. Of the 292 who met the criteria, we were able to schedule interviews with 80 participants whose schedules aligned with our availability on campus. All interviews were conducted face to face on the respective campus in which participants attended.
Data were collected, during the Fall 2018 and Spring 2019 semesters, when all participating students were freshmen or sophomores. Precisely, 43 were freshmen and 37 were sophomores. We limited the study to freshmen and sophomores because they were actively engaged in the college search process during the time Trump was campaigning for the presidency. Seventy of the participants were women and 10 were men. Age of the participants ranged from 18 to 23 and they were from states and districts, such as California, Washington,
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D.C., Louisiana, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, and Texas. Additional information about participants’ origin of region can be found in Table 2. A small number (e.g., 18) of participants were first-generation college students, 48 attended predominantly White high schools and 32 attended predominantly Black high schools. The participants’ majors included, but were not limited to, Animation and Filmmaking, Biology, Computer Science, Chemistry, and Engineering.
Data Collection
We conducted one face-to-face, in-depth interview, which ranged from 50 to 65 minutes in length, with each individual participant. As an incentive and recruitment method, all participants received a $10 gift certificate for their participation. Prior to beginning these interviews, participants signed a consent form, which allowed them to engage in the study. They also completed a demographic survey, which helped to contextualize salient factors that influenced participants’ selection of an HBCU. During interviews, we asked participants questions about their educational background. To some extent, emphasis was placed on their time and experiences in the PreK- 12 system, primarily high school. However, many of the questions explored their choice of an HBCU and their academic and social experience at Black colleges and universities.
Many of the questions were open-ended. Some examples of questions include: (a) How has the current political climate and race relations influenced your decision to choose an HBCU? (b) To what extent did the election of Donald Trump factor into your decision to attend an HBCU? (c) What does it mean to identify as Black at this HBCU? (d) How would you describe the culture at this HBCU and do you feel included or excluded? and (e) For some students who might feel excluded, what advice would you provide to HBCU administrators to help them facilitate a more inclusive campus environment for all students? We recorded observations regarding the participants’ responses to questions and their willingness to engage in the interview. Specifically, notes were made of participants’ body language, including their non-verbal affirmations.
Researchers’ Positionality
For any qualitative study, it is important to discuss how the position of the researcher influences data collection, analysis, and interpretations (Jones et al., 2014). This research was conducted by one Black male and one Black woman; one was affiliated with an HBCU and the other was affiliated with a PWI when data were collected.
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Another Black woman worked with the two researchers on the data analysis for this current study. She attended a PWI for her undergraduate and graduate degree, whereas the two primary researchers attended an HBCU for different parts of their college experiences. Specifically, the Black male completed his graduate education at an HBCU and the Black female earned her baccalaureate degree from an HBCU.
As individuals who attended, were affiliated with, and/or conducted research on HBCUs, our identities and experiences, may have created a unique lens and position to understand the contemporary experiences of Black students in a familiar context. Though our experiences and research may have helped us better understand the contextual environment of HBCUs, they may have biased how we structured the questions and our interpretation of the data. Nevertheless, we allowed the findings to emerge independent of our biases. Member checking and peer debriefers also helped to make certain that the findings were reflective of the participants’ voices.
Data Analyses
In analyzing the data, we used constant comparative analysis on research notes, observations, and interview transcripts to identify recurring or unique topics. Constant comparative analysis engages the researcher in a process of collecting and analyzing the data at the same time, which results in the identification of emerging themes. Specifically, as we collected the data, we listened to the audio files, before having them professionally transcribed, and read through our notes to help form initial themes. We also used ATLAS-ti. (6.0), to organize, manage, and code the data. We used open coding to analyze the data line by line in order to identify themes. The line-by-line coding allowed for themes to emerge from the data and to become aggregated into response patterns (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Subsequently, we then reconnected the data after open coding to further develop themes and categories. In presenting the findings, we have provided excerpts from the participants’ responses to preserve the essence of their voices. To maintain the anonymity and the confidentially of participants, we used pseudonyms, which we assigned to each participant after completing their interviews.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
We employed several techniques presented by Jones et al. (2014) to ensure the credibility of the study. Specifically, we provided thick description so readers can decide the extent to which the findings of the study might be transferable to similar settings. In addition, we engaged in member checking by returning the transcribed interviews to all participants so they could review transcriptions for accuracy and clarity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Moreover, we asked participants to review our interpretations of the data. Participants’ feedback was used to enhance the integrity of the data and preserve the authenticity of their voices (Jones et al., 2014).
Finally, we used feedback from two peer debriefers, who are established researchers on HBCUs to ensure credibility. These debriefers were provided with raw transcripts from a selected number of participants. To this end, they engaged the researchers in a series of ongoing discussions regarding the tentative meanings made of the participants’ experiences throughout the research process (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). We found this process helpful because not only were the debriefers able to check for potential biases, but they also provided feedback that helped to strengthen the analysis and findings.
Limitations. There are several limitations in this study. This current study involves 80 participants from across four HBCUs of different sizes, missions, and institutional types (e.g., public vs. private). Therefore, the
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participants’ perspectives are not meant to be representative of all Black students enrolled in HBCUs. Another limitation is that the institutions included in this study were selected out of convenience because of the relationships we had with gatekeepers. This might have impacted the current findings in several ways. First, our relationships with the gatekeepers, and their familiarity with the study, might have led them to recruit students who may have been vocal about how the racial climate shaped their decision to attend an HBCU. To this end, perhaps if we had selected different institutions where we lacked relationships with gatekeepers, this might have led to different or more nuanced findings.
Finally, in this study, we interviewed both freshmen and sophomores who were engaged in the college search process during the emergence of Donald Trump as a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination and who was eventually elected president. It is quite possible had we interviewed only freshmen or sophomores, findings in this study may have been somewhat different because the dynamics surrounding the central phenomenon under investigation may have been slightly different when freshmen were applying to colleges as opposed to when sophomores were applying. For example, perhaps racial tensions might have been more pronounced when participants who were freshmen were searching for colleges compared to sophomores.
Findings. Three themes were identified that reflect participants’ perspectives about choosing to enroll in HBCUs during 2016 to 2018. The first theme, Admitted, Not Accepted at PWIs, discusses participants’ experiences of feeling ignored or unwelcomed by some PWIs on college tours or Accepted Students’ Days by students, staff, and in some cases, faculty. In the same way, the second theme, Safe or Sorry, emphasizes that while participants were excited to leave home, and in some cases, leave the state, they were concerned about their safety due to the color of their skin. Media depictions of racial tensions on college campuses and some institutional responses left students uneasy. The last theme, Black & Proud, delineates how Black culture, family legacy, and a sense of Black pride served as the catalyst for participants to attend HBCUs.
“Admitted, But Not Accepted at PWIs”
Almost all (e.g., 68) participants shared experiences of being admitted into PWIs yet feeling they would not be accepted or fit in on campus. In fact, participants gave a collective definition of both words. Admitted, for the participants, was a formality as a result of applying and meeting or exceeding admission requirements. Acceptance, for the participants, was much more involved and tempered by the climate of the campus as displayed through interactions with the current students, staff, and faculty members. For example, Zora, a freshman from Dallas, Texas, majoring in Political Science at University A, expressed:
During and after the election, I was getting into arguments with White students all the time when I was in high school. I mean, it started senior year/middle of junior year. It was surprising because I didn’t know how people who I thought were my friends felt about certain topics. I started to feel like I was in danger, like I was way more in danger than I actually thought. . . I really got to see people behind what they try to present as, especially some people who claim themselves as democrats or liberals and things like that. I just felt like they [White people] don’t have my back. It was kind of like the same view I had with Stanford [University] and Dallas Baptist [University]. I was accepted, but they didn’t want me. Even touring the campus felt tense, like they could definitely do without me; they probably really don’t want me there at all. That’s exactly why I had to go to an HBCU.
Similar to Zora, other participants shared experiences where they encountered racism from White teachers and microaggressions from White peers in high school. They emphasized they did not want to replicate the same experience in college. Almost 50% of the participants took part in college visits at both PWIs and HBCUs, and Accepted Students’ Day before making their final decision about the college they would ultimately attend. In
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many cases, time spent on and around campus was the ultimate deciding factor. For example, Uva, a sophomore from Philadelphia, PA majoring in Communications & Filmmaking at University C, shared:
I grew up in the heart of North Philly very close to Temple [University], so that was my dream school. There was no doubt in my mind that’s where I was going and when I got in, you couldn’t tell me nothing! I was all but set to attend Temple until I went to their Accepted Students’ Orientation. When I got there, the vibe was off. Most of the students were White or Asian, there were only like five other Black students in my cohort. The whole day I felt invisible, I really didn’t see any Black people on campus other than the security. Still, I was going to attend Temple, until I went to [University C] for their Accepted Day. Honestly, I only went because I wanted to take a trip, but when I got to campus, my whole perspective changed. From the moment I got to campus, people were greeting me and my mom, giving us assistance, I even left with 3 friends. The vibe at [University C] changed my whole process and probably my life. I don’t regret my choice at all.
Like some of the other participants, Jessica, a sophomore from New Jersey City, NJ majoring in Business at University B, indicated that the tone of her high school changed completely during the campaign and subsequent election of Trump. Specifically, she explained
At the school I went to a few of the White kids were saying that they were voting for Trump and they fully supported him. I just was like this is interesting because these people that you call your friends like you sit beside Mexicans but he’s saying he’s going to build a wall. But these are your friends; how are they your friends? So, it’s like you fully support him but also are friends with these people. I don’t understand that. So, it caused some tension in the classrooms for sure, especially the day going to school when we found out that he was elected. It was like a rainy day and some of us were really sad and then other people are really happy. It was just such a contrast. There were kids who were sitting in the classroom happy while other kids were crying, like literally crying. I was just like I don’t like this. I don’t like how this is. Then also when he was elected, we saw a shift kind of in some Caucasian Americans who were at first more neutral and then suddenly they’re like hating, they’re performing hate crimes and hate speech and all of this. I’m just like is this real?
Jessica articulated that while she applied to both PWIs and HBCUs, she first attended a PWI because she received a full scholarship. However, she later decided to transfer to University B the second semester of her freshman year because she experienced racism. In making the decision, while some of her credits transferred over, she had to sacrifice her scholarship and was forced to take out loans to support her education. She continued:
Honestly, it happened the spring semester of my first year, but I was just like I didn’t know how this was going to work. I had already been there. I didn’t know how credits were going to transfer, different things, and that was kind of scary because I like I had a scholarship there and that was really keeping me there. I’m honestly a very optimistic person and I like stepped out on fate and transferred to University B because I knew like some of the experiences I had wouldn’t have happened at an HBCU.. . . I feel like if we’re going to school it’s because we believe the job that we’re going to get, our career, is going to pay off the loans. If it doesn’t then why am I going to school? So, I just feel like whatever I do, I’m going to work my hardest and I’m going to get everything paid off.
Similarly, Barbara, a freshman from Columbus, Ohio, majoring in Communication Journalism, at University C, indicated that while she applied and was admitted into PWIs and HBCUs, the behavior of some of her White classmates in high school, after Donald Trump was elected, encouraged her to attend an HBCU. She noted:
So, one thing was the day after he got elected some kid was walking through the hallways with like a big old Make America Great Again flag on his back like it was nothing. It was obviously extremely offensive, and stuff and he just didn’t care. He was just like it doesn’t matter. So, our Black History Month program was a little bit after that
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obviously. There was just so much going on where it was going to get cancelled between snow days and stuff like that. People were really tripping like, ‘why do we even need a Black History Month program, why not a White History Month program and stuff like that.’ You could just tell that people really think like this. People really think that the history of Black people as a whole and stuff like that aren’t important enough to be shared with the White or with students in general. That was what did it for me obviously. Like I knew I had to go to an HBCU.
This theme highlights the fact that many participants did apply and were admitted into PWIs. However, because of racism in their high schools, that escalated with the election of Donald Trump, or due to their perception that they would not be embraced by institutional agents, they decided not to enroll. In some cases, when they did enroll, they decided to transfer to an HBCU because were seeking a sense of belonging. Specifically, participants at all four institutions discussed experiences of being admitted into PWIs, but not feeling accepted. The Mid-Atlantic schools (University A and C) represented the highest number of participants who expressed this perspective, with 19 and 18, respectively. However, University B, with 16, and University D with 15, were not too far behind.
“Safe or Sorry”
While participants shared general excitement about leaving home for an extended period, they also expressed concern about their safety and well-being based on their identity and skin color. Exactly half or 40 participants across the four institutions raised concerns and discussed the complexities of being Black on a predominately White campus and in a predominately White community. Participants described how this could mean life and or death in certain instances. Jada, a freshman from Mountain Brook, Alabama, majoring in business at University B, illustrated her experience by sharing the following:
I remember watching the news one night and saw a riot or protest was happening near a [PWI] here in Alabama. A threat was made against Black and Muslim students. The school responded with a message for the Black and Muslim students to hide and not come outside. I remember thinking to myself, just where exactly would I hide at that mostly White school [if I were enrolled]. And why is that the response, hide? That story stayed with me as I applied to schools. I actually only applied to HBCUs because A, I was definitely getting out of Alabama but also B, I would not be the student sticking out at a Black school, sad to say, but I felt safer going to a Black college.
The media’s depiction of how the school in Alabama responded to the threat against minoritized students left Jada feeling frustrated and played a critical role in her decision to attend an HBCU. Other participants shared Jada’s perspective and added that there is a perceived safety and support at an HBCU. Many felt that they would feel more comfortable being on an HBCU campus as a Black student and believed having peers and instructors that looked like them could be beneficial to their overall college experience. Their perceptions were reinforced by media coverage of inclusion/exclusion based on identity, such as race and gender. Brandon, a freshman business major, from Crown Heights, New York at University A, said:
Going to school these days is considered a crime by some people. Did you hear about the Black girl at Yale, who was almost arrested for being Black in her dorm? . . . I’d rather be safe than sorry, literally, both physically, emotionally, and experience-wise. I am paying for an education and an experience. I don’t want to regret my choice later because I am being harassed because I’m Black. I am here to learn, not be a punching bag or an object of ridicule. And honestly, I feel like it could be worst for me. I am a 6’1 Black male, not sure if campus safety would have even given me a chance to explain, not that I should have to. That wouldn’t happen here at [University A]. Campus safety wouldn’t be called just because I am Black in the dorm.
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Brandon’s story highlighted an intersection of race and gender. His interactions with society as a 6’1 Black man in America made him vulnerable to the perceptions that the dominant society tend to harbor about Black men. For participants like Brandon and Jada, safety was a top priority and a strong contributing factor in their decision to choose an HBCU.
This theme underscores how a feeling of lack of safety on the campuses of PWIs served as the impetus for participants to enroll in HBCUs. Participants at University A and University C had the highest and lowest number of participants who expressed concern about safety, 14 and 9, respectively. Ten participants at University B and 7 at D discussed the role of safety as a salient aspect in their college choice process.
“Black & Proud”
Participants discussed concepts that centered on Black identity and Black culture. More particularly, participants talked about how their individual identity and culture also contributed to their interest in pursuing postsecondary education at an HBCU. Though the average age of participants was 20 years old, they discussed wanting to break away from the marginalization of being “Black,” by choosing a space, where, at least for a brief period in time, they would be in the majority. Participants also indicated that since education in America is rooted in Eurocentric ideology, attending an HBCU provided them with a safe space to not only become familiar with Black culture but to celebrate Black excellence. For example, Camryn, a sophomore from Chicago, Illinois, majoring in English with a minor in African American Literature at University A, shared:
. . . where else in America can you really say out loud, I’m Black and I’m proud without being viewed as racist? I am proud to be Black but that doesn’t make me anti-White. I grew up reading Black stories by Black writers. My parents said it was important for me to understand that everything isn’t just White or Eurocentric based. When I found out some of my favorite writers attended [University A], I knew I had to apply. When I got in, it was a surreal feeling to know I would walk the same campus these great women and possibly live in the same dorms. Now that I am here, I can’t imagine going anywhere else. Everywhere I go Black excellence is displayed in the halls, the dorms, classrooms, everywhere. Honestly, it was overwhelming at first, but then I realized it is okay to be Black & proud here, but that’s not the case everywhere, unfortunately.
Camryn was not the only student who viewed HBCUs as an incubator for Black talent and excellence. Many of the participants shared similar stories. In addition, some participants also discussed how a familial generational legacy of attending HBCUs and learning about the ways in which these institutions cultivated a sense of Black pride facilitated their desire to attend an HBCU. For example, 32 participants shared they were either second or third generation HBCU students. Martin, a sophomore from Jackson, Mississippi, majoring in Kinesiology and Sports Medicine at University D, shared:
I come from a long line of HBCU graduates on both sides of my family. My mom went to Grambling State University and my dad went to Southern University. Most of my aunts and cousins went to Jackson State or Alcorn, so that became like my top schools, I also applied to Prairie View A & M. I applied to all HBCUs because I wanted to continue the tradition. I loved the idea of going to the same school as someone in my family. They all spoke of how their schools shaped their lives, taught them to take pride in being Black, and how they made lifelong friends. I wanted to be a part of that.
In sum, participants were motivated to matriculate into an HBCU because they provided a space to become familiar with Black culture and Black excellence. Participants also noted that being in safe space where they were able to celebrate their authentic selves and hearing stories from family about how HBCUs facilitated a sense of Black pride, served as critical factors for them to attend an HBCU. In this sense, some of the
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participants who elected to attend an HBCU were legacies. In total, participants from University D had the most legacies, with 15 and University A was a close second with 12.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to largely understand how the racial climate under Donald Trump may have encouraged more Black students to choose to enroll in HBCUs. Three themes emerged for this current study. In this first theme, participants explained how experiencing racial microaggressions in high school and learning about the political views of their White friends when Donald Trump was discussing policy-centered topics, such as immigration and the need to build a border wall during his campaign rallies in a divisive way, motivated them to apply to HBCUs. In fact, many participants attended predominantly White high schools and were juniors or seniors, in the early stages of their college search process, when Trump inserted himself in the political spotlight. Though a majority of participants applied to PWIs and were admitted, visiting the campuses of these schools reinforced the feeling of racial isolation some experienced at their predominantly White high schools during the presidential election cycle, which made them question their sense of belonging at these institutions.
While this first theme contextualizes how the racial climate during Trump’s political ascendancy facilitated participants’ desire to enroll in HBCUs, in some ways, this finding is akin to Johnson’s (2019) work on Black students’ choice of an HBCU. Specifically, similar to the participants in this current study, participants’ in Johnson’s study underscored how feeling racially isolated propelled them to attend an HBCU. There are differences, however, between participants in Johnson’s study and in this current study. While participants in both studies were asked to reflect on their college choice process, participants in her study were HBCU alumni, who graduated well over 10 or 20 years ago, and participants in this current study were experientially not too far removed from their college search process. Moreover, some participants in this current study shared that this sense of racial isolation manifested from attending Accepted Students’ Day hosted by the PWIs. This experience made them question their fit at these institutions after observing the lack of diversity among students and faculty and not feeling welcomed by institutional agents. This sentiment was reflected across participants at the four institutions.
The second finding from this current study emphasized how concerns about physical safety on the campuses of PWIs strongly factored into the participants’ decision to attend an HBCU. Specifically, participants indicated that racially fueled protests on or near PWIs coupled with racial profiling that was highlighted in the media on college campuses made them choose an HBCU because they knew they would not be subjected to racially based harassment. In a few cases, participants did enroll in PWI after receiving a scholarship, but after a semester or two they transferred to an HBCU because of racial issues. Recent research that has investigated how the current racial climate has impacted the campus experiences of Black students at PWIs supports participants’ narratives about racism on campus at PWIs (George Mwamgi et al., 2018). Specifically, this research has shown that Black students felt that their White peers perceived Blackness through a sense of fear, interacted with them through a stereotypical lens, and engaged in subtle and blatant forms of racism. This finding caused the researchers to note institutions of higher education do not exist in a vacuum, “but rather are part of communities and individual external commitments and macrosystems or the contextual forces outside the institution” (as cited in Hurtado et al., 2012, p. 49). Other researchers have noted since the 2016 presidential election, there seems to have been an increase in racial incidences on college campuses, that includes cultural appropriation, blackface, and swastikas (Garibay et al., 2020).
Interestingly, while the college choice literature on Black students’ selection of an HBCU has not explicitly discussed the role that Black students’ perception of campus safety played in their interest in enrolling in
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HBCUs, the literature on HBCUs has documented in the ways in which these institutions provide a safe environment for Black students (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Kim, 2002; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Mobley, 2017; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013; Walker, 2018). For example, research has shown that HBCUs provide a campus climate that empowers Black students to be their holistic selves (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Gasman et al., 2010; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Seifert et al., 2006; Walker, 2018). These environments are free of racism and promote racial uplift as well as the psychosocial development of Black students (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013). Taken together, research has illustrated that HBCUs provides a safe haven where Black students feel like they matter by the faculty, staff, administrators, and other students (Mobley, 2017). While this concern about institutional safety was shared across participants at the four institutions, it was most pronounced among the participants at University A and less of a focus for participants at University D. We are not sure why there was a difference in this response among the participants across the four institutions. We can say, however, that though the institutions in this study were diverse in terms of missions, institutional designations, and geographic locations, they all enrolled students from across the country.
In the final theme, participants in this current study discussed attending HBCUs because they allowed them to become familiar with Black culture and to experience Black excellence. They also discussed how relationships with a family member served as the impetus for their enrollment in these institutions. These findings have been supported by research on Black students’ choice to attend in an HBCU. Specifically, research from Freeman (1999) revealed that Black students are more likely to enroll in an HBCU because they have a desire to learn about Black culture. Moreover, research from others (e.g., Astin & Cross, 1981; McDonough et al., 1995), along with Freeman (1999), has found a connection between relationships with personal relatives, such as a family member and HBCU attendance for Black students. This sentiment in terms of attending an HBCU because of personal relationships with family was more prevalent among participants at Universities A and D.
In sum, while some of the findings from this current overlap with some of the extant literature on reasons Black students’ attend HBCUs, the findings have also extended this literature by highlighting the linchpin between how participants’ concerns about their physical safety was one of the factors inextricably linked to their decision for choosing an HBCU. To this end, findings from this study have validated how the current racial climate positively impacted Black student enrollment in HBCUs.
Implications for Future Research and Practice
There are several implications that can be drawn from this current study. Given that we selected the institutions in this current study out of convenience due to the personal connections we had we gatekeepers, as noted, this might have biased the process gatekeepers engaged in to help us recruit participants for this study. Therefore, future research on this topic should include a wider spectrum of HBCUs that is guided by a sampling approach that differs from the one in this current study. This approach might result in findings that are similar, different, or more nuanced than the ones in the current study.
Moreover, though most of the participants in this current study were women, the findings did not differ based on participants’ gender. However, given that there was a gender imbalance among the participants in this study, future research that examines the ways in which the racial climate or other factors, for example, that impact Black student enrollment in HBCUs should be more intentional to try to recruit an equal number of men and women participants. In this current study, we did not place an emphasis on the participants’ gender as we worked with gatekeepers to recruit participants. In hindsight, we wish we had been more intentional on doing
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this because we would be in a better position to discern differences between participants’ gender. This would have allowed us to be more cognizant of the intersection between race and gender among participants.
Finally, there is a need for a deeper exploration on the role that the high school of Black students have on their college choice process, particularly as it relates to broader contextual factors, such as the racial climate, that might have implications for the experiences of students on college campuses. Specifically, research from Freeman (1999) has shown that Black students who attend a predominantly Black high school are more likely to attend an PWI whereas Black students enrolled in a predominantly White high school tend to be more inclined to attend an HBCU. In this current study, though 48 participants attended predominantly White high schools and 32 attended predominantly Black high schools, many participants attended HBCUs because of the racial climate. Consequently, more attention needs to be paid to how broader factors in society, such as the racial climate, among other aspects, may influence the college choice process for Black high school students.
The findings from this current study also have several implications and recommendations for HBCUs and PWIs. First, findings from this study indicates the continued importance of HBCUs to the American higher education landscape. Some have questioned whether HBCUs are outdated or have outlived their purpose. Findings from this study have showcased the relevance of HBCUs in that they not only equip Black students with strong academic skills, but they also provide them with a safe space that acts as a bulwark against racism. To this end, HBCUs will always be invaluable to the system of higher education in America.
The second implication for HBCUs from this study is for these institutions to be more intentional of highlighting the safe haven they provide to Black students. This can be done on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Many students are now using social media to learn more about colleges before they apply. In fact, many participants in this current study reported looking at the videos of current HBCU students on YouTube to get a better perspective of the student experience at these institutions before applying. While HBCUs frequently discuss the ways in which they facilitate academic development among Black students, they should be equally deliberate in underscoring the safe haven they provide to Black students. Similar to this point, HBCUs should work to ensure that all students feel safe on their campuses. Without a doubt, as discussed, a preponderance of evidence has shown that HBCUs provide a supportive and safe campus for Black students. However, this level of support and safety may vary depending on the students’ race or intersectional identities. For example, research has shown that respectability politics that defines the ethos of HBCUs have impeded upon students’ self-expression (Harper & Gasman, 2008; Njoku et al., 2017) and have further marginalized those with “oppressed identities,” such as gay and gender nonconforming Black males (Mobley & Johnson, 2019, p. 886).
Aside from for recommendations for HBCUs, this study also has recommendations for PWIs. For example, since some participants shared experiences of feeling unwelcomed on the campuses of PWIs during Accepted Students’ by institutional officials, campus officials should consider doing the following to make future Black students feel welcomed. Strongly encourage faculty, staff, and administrators to engage in implicit bias training annually. The reason these individuals should participate in such training on an on-going basis is because being aware of how implicit bias facilitates stereotyping and leads to decision-making based on prejudice is not going to be accomplished in one training. Students across the campus should also be encouraged to engage in such training.
In addition to these trainings, PWIs should occasionally conduct a campus climate survey, publicize the findings with the campus community, and work on an action plan to make campus inclusive for all based on the findings of the survey. These steps will communicate to current and prospective students that PWIs have a vested interest in improving the campus climate for all students, particularly those who may feel marginalized.
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Moreover, PWIs should also be intentional to encourage open dialogue on campus about how the current racial climate and other facets occurring in the larger society, such as police brutality, might impact the experiences of Black students on campus. These discussions will provide an educational experience for those on campus who may not be as engaged about how the current racial climate has affected the campus experience of Black students. Furthermore, these conversations may also signify to current and prospective Black students that the institution cares about how the broader society is affecting their campus experience, which may mitigate a sense of loneliness that some Black students feel when racial issues occur in the boarder context of society.
Finally, PWIs should strive to recruit and retain more Black faculty and administrators and increase their enrollment of Black and other minoritized students. Oftentimes, when higher education institutions focus on recruiting Black faculty, the attrition for these faculty members is high because institutions do not provide a supportive environment for these faculty. More problematic perhaps is that some universities cite a pipeline problem for the reasons they are not able to diversify their faculty. Increasing the enrollment of Black and other minoritized students is also important because these students will have others on campus with whom they can identify, which will help to foster a sense of community. This will help to abate a sense of loneliness participants expressed in this current study that stemmed from racial isolation and engender opportunities for cultural engagement. If PWIs maximize the opportunity to create meaningful cross-racial interaction and dialogue through programmatic and other initiatives, this will help to challenge racial stereotypes and facilitate a powerful learning environment for all students (Hurtado et al., 1999).
Conclusion
Since they were founded, HBCUs have played a vital role in American higher education. Though some have questioned the academic integrity of these schools and others have questioned their relevance, findings from this current study have helped to emphasize the value of HBCUs. Not only do these institutions help to promote academic growth and development for Black students, but they also provide a space haven, which allow Black students to blossom academically and socially to their fullest potential. Given the racial climate of this country, Black students have sought refuge in HBCUs out of concerns for their safety and to have an overall positive college experience.
Findings from this study also adds to the college choice literature focused specifically on HBCUs by highlighting how external factors, such as the racial climate, can impact Black students’ institutional selection. While many participants in this current study applied and were accepted into PWIs, visits to these campuses made them reassess their decision, because to a large extent, the climate of these campuses mirrored the environment of their predominantly White high schools that manifested when Trump emerged as a political leader. The findings of this study are important and provides critical implications and recommendations for both HBCUs and PWIs to help their recruitment of prospective Black students.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was made possible by a grant from the Association for the Orientation, Transition, and Retention in
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Higher Education. Funding for this study was made possible by the NODA Catalyst Grant. Additional financial support was provided by the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at Rutgers University.
ORCID iD
Robert T. Palmer https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1299-8376
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Author Biographies
Janelle L. Williams is Associate Dean of Graduate Studies & Extended Learning at Widener University and a Visiting Scholar in the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ, USA.
Robert T. Palmer is chair and professor in the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in the School of Education at Howard University.
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Brandy J. Jones is Associate Director for Communications and Strategy for the Rutgers Center for Minority Serving Institutions
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