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Volume 20, 2018 - Issue 5 Public Integrity
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ARTICLES
Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
&Imane Hijal-Moghrabi Meghna Sabharwal Pages 459-477 | Published online: 16 Feb 2018
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Abstract
This article tracks the evolution of ethics in American public administration from the
inception of the �eld in the late nineteenth century to the present, and employs the
ethical lens to address some of the current pressing problems (e.g., immigration,
climate change, and e-surveillance). The study acknowledges the fact that ethics has
not evolved in a vacuum. Ever since the Progressive Era, various forces—social,
political, legal, as well as technological—have greatly shaped the evolution of ethics,
with every era injecting its opportunities and challenges, as well as its dictating values.
This article highlights the continuity of ethics in public administration, by arguing that
administrative ethics has not been static as it evolved over the years; it has evolved not
by omission but by addition, in re�ecting the changing reality of every age.
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by o ss o but by add t o , e ect g t e c a g g ea ty o e e y age.
Keywords: administrative ethics American public administration ethical challenges ethical development
This article tracks the evolution of ethics in American public administration from the
inception of the �eld in the late nineteenth century to the present, and employs the
ethical lens to address some of the current pressing problems (e.g., immigration,
climate change, etc.). The study acknowledges the fact that ethics in American public
administration has not evolved in a vacuum. Ever since the Progressive Era, various
forces—social, political, legal, as well as technological—have greatly shaped the
evolution of ethics, with every era injecting its opportunities and challenges, as well as
its dictating values.
In de�ning ethics as the rigorous re�ection and articulation of morality, this article
promises insights into how to approach normative and moral questions in public
organizations. The newness of this study lies not in the threads used, because much
has been written on ethics in the relevant literature, but in addressing some of the
ethical concerns and challenges that have not been given due attention in PA
scholarship. This study is important to various audiences. Students of public
administration will �nd in it a concise summary of how ethics in public administration
has evolved over the years. Practitioners will gain insights into how to approach ethical
issues in the twenty-�rst century.
This article is organized into three main sections and a conclusion. The �rst section
provides a historical overview of the evolution of ethics in public administration from
the Progressive Era to the present, highlighting the dictating ethical values of every era.
The second section sheds light on some of the ethical challenges that public
organizations face today. The third section provides a guide for public managers on
how to manage ethics today. The conclusion re�ects on the evolution and continuity of
ethics in public administration.
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et cs pub c ad st at o .
THE EVOLUTION OF ETHICS IN AMERICAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
The evolution of ethics in Public Administration can be subdivided into six main eras:
(1) the Progressive Era; (2) the New Deal and Post–Second World War Era; (3) the Civil
Rights Era; (4) The Post-Watergate Era; (5) the Reinventing Government Era; and (6) the
Current Era of the New Governance.
The Progressive Era (Late Nineteenth–Early Twentieth Century)
The Pre-Progressive Era—also known as the Jacksonian Era—created the need for
�ghting corruption and for �nding ways and means to improve government
performance. To this end, the Progressive reforms of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries aimed at transforming public administration into a
professionalized, businesslike endeavor. These e�orts were translated by the passage
and implementation of the Pendleton Act of 1883, which laid down the foundations of
a depoliticized, merit-based civil service; by Woodrow Wilson’s claim to separate
administration from politics by making government “less unbusinesslike” (Wilson,
1887), and by the adoption of scienti�c management principles (Taylor, 1912/2007).
Accordingly, in the Progressive Era, the main concern of scholars and practitioners was
how to improve organizational performance by running government more like a
business. Widely adopted performance strategies were then based on scienti�c
management principles of �xed standards and instrumental rationalization of work
processes (Taylor, 1912/2007) as well as on managerial principles and skills (Gulick &
Urwick, 1937), thus leaving little room for politics, error in judgment, and other ethical
concerns. As such, public administrators endlessly sought to improve organizational
performance by pursuing the holy trilogy of e�ciency, e�ectiveness, and economy. It
was assumed that doing what one was told by organizational superiors in the most
e�cient way possible amounted to ethical administration. Thus, questions of ethics
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e c e t ay poss b e a ou ted to et ca ad st at o . us, quest o s o et cs
were not separated from performance, as they were guided by the Wilsonian legacy of
neutral competency—of getting the job done (Menzel, 1997, p. 224).
However, this does not imply that the Progressives did not give ethical judgment a due
regard (Goodnow, 1900/2007; Taylor, 1912/2007; Wilson, 1887). In fact, the movement
of the late 1890s and early 1920s was morally charged and, therefore, �rst and
foremost, about ethical judgment. For Wilson, the emphasis on running government as
a business was by its very nature a moral statement as it meant to decrease the
in�uence of politics and machine corruption on administration. Moral judgment is very
often (although sometimes) implicitly behind the organizational or management
approach in various stages of the history of public administration.
The New Deal and the post–WWII Era (1930s–1950s)
In the New Deal Era, e�orts to rationalize government that had started in the
Progressive Era were institutionalized by the passage of the Administrative
Reorganization Act of 1939, which sought to control the federal administration by
centralizing all executive powers in the hand of the Presidency. Scienti�c and
managerial principles continued to be applied widely. However, with the expansion of
the government machinery to �nd solutions to societal problems that emanated from
the Great Depression, federal action emerged as the blueprint for e�ciency, which
would emphasize rules rather than men, and competence rather than favoritism.
Unlike the Wilsonian professional who was expected to act “with vigor” (Wilson, 1887),
in Weberian bureaucracy, rules governed behavior and regulations guided all actions.
Routine meant applying the rule to the case. The bureaucratic personality type was
that of an ethically neutral, rationalistic expert, incapable of emotion and devoid of
will, who was supposed to act “without sympathy or enthusiasm” (Thompson, 1975).
Thus, ethical administration was tantamount to following orders of legitimate
organizational superiors in the most e�cient way possible.
The rise of the welfare state after the Great Depression and WWII had its serious
implications for the theory and practice of public administration. The Wilsonian
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p cat o s o t e t eo y a d p act ce o pub c ad st at o . e so a
politics-administration dichotomy, which reigned supreme as the dogma of the �eld in
the preceding decades, lost its viability by the end of WWII. It was found impossible to
rationalize government processes simply by applying business principles. Government,
after all, cannot be run like a business (Appleby, 1959/2007; Dahl, 1947; Waldo,
1948/2007). This new reality required more use of administrative judgment in decision-
making. Accordingly, scholars started to acknowledge the problems of morality that
press hard upon individual public administrators, emphasizing the rudimentary
awareness of those administrators of their public responsibilities (Appleby, 1959/2007;
Bailey, 1964).
Intellectual debates in mid-century contributed to the ethical development in public
administration. Two remarkable debates are the Finer-Friedrich debate of the early
1940s (Finer, 1941; Friedrich, 1940) and the Simon-Waldo debate of the late 1940s. The
Finer-Friedrich debate summarized the ethical discourse on what promotes
administrative responsibility and moral behavior. The Simon-Waldo debate was mainly
over the fact-value distinction and the role and purpose of the practice and study of
public administration. In short, Waldo (1948/2007) disputed Herbert Simon (1947)’s
belief in e�ciency as the central concept in the �eld of administrative science on the
ground that e�ciency is not a value-neutral concept. In his Administrative State, Waldo
argues that administrative study is concerned “with thinking and valuing,” where
“valuing implies morality” (Waldo, 1948/2007, p. 171). Furthermore, Waldo regarded
the belief in e�ciency as a value-neutral concept as “a major obstacle to the
development of democratic administration” (Waldo, 1948/2007, p. 171). It is worth
noting that Waldo is a key �gure in public administration’s continuing quest for an
intellectual identity and the precursor of the New Public Administration movement in
the late 1960s.
Despite the shift in public administration scholarship, e�orts to rationalize public
administration did not stop. The rise of the welfare state and the unprecedented
growth in government spending necessitated the introduction of new strategies to
control costs and improve performance. This propagated the use of generic
management methods, such as strategic planning, systems-based approaches, and the
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a age e t et ods, suc as st ateg c p a g, syste s based app oac es, a d t e
application of metrics to administration and budgeting. However, most of these
rationalization e�orts were short-lived.
The Civil Rights Era (1960s–Early 1970s)
In the 1960s, the American society dramatically changed and became increasingly
more complicated. The federal government expanded, accordingly, in size and
expenditures. While liberals may view this expansion as a necessity to meet the
demands of the changing society, conservatives would regard this growth as
unnecessary. The aftermath of the Civil Rights Movement brought democratic
principles to the scene which con�ict with, and even contradict, the rationalization of
public administration. Accordingly, the principle of standardization of service provision
that served the society so well in the past had di�culty responding to “a diverse
citizenry and its di�erential needs and preferences,” thus contradicting the democratic
principles of fairness and social equity, and begging the question “when should we
treat people di�erently to be fair and when must we treat them the same?” (Cooper,
2004, p. 403). While the principle of standardization sought to assure that all people
are provided with the same services on equal basis, the principle of social equity
requires that the services be tailored to meet the needs of the di�erent segments of
society. An example would be providing handicapped with special services including
parking spaces and other accommodations.
As such, changes that took place in the societal and legal environment of public
organizations rendered the concept of the ethically neutral bureaucrat, who was
supposed to provide standardized services to all the constituents of society, obsolete.
Bureaucracy came under �re for being too large, ine�cient, rigid, and unresponsive to
changes in its environment. Both Public Administration and business scholars started
to denounce bureaucracy (Downs, 1967) and foretell its impending death (Bennis,
1965, 1966, 1967a, 1967b/2007; Bennis & Slater, 1968; G. Frederickson, (1971/2007).
Hence, de-bureaucratization was proposed in the 1960s and the 1970s, mainly by the
advocates of New Public Administration (NPA), not as a way to rationalize government,
but as a means to make government “more equitable and more responsive” (Cooper,
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but as a ea s to a e go e e t o e equ tab e a d o e espo s e (Coope ,
2004; G. Frederickson, 1971/2007; H.G. Frederickson, 1990, 1993, 1997; Menzel, 2003)
to the increasing and diverse demands of society.
It was the NPA that brought ethics into the scene to become the heart of public
administration (H.G. Frederickson, 1993, 1997). NPA scholars drove home the
importance of social equity and the inescapable fact of administrative discretion,
which broke open the old assumption about simple obedience to orders imposed
from above in the bureaucracy. It was a result of this NPA perspective that the �eld of
administrative ethics emerged in the 1970s and with it the need for teaching morality
in public administration schools (Rohr, 1978; Wake�eld, 1976). With NPA, stewardship
has become the spirit of the day, as NPA scholars attempted to establish a moral base
for public administration by injecting new values of equity, civic virtue, and
benevolence into the �eld (H.G. Frederickson, 1993, 1997).
The Post-Watergate Era (Mid-1970s–1980s)
The Watergate scandal opened a new chapter in American public administration,
bringing public service ethics to the forefront. Both elite and popular consensus
agreed that something had to be done to restore trust in government. Several e�orts
were taken to foster ethical conduct in the public service. In 1978, the Ethics in
Government Act was signed into law by President Carter in an attempt to commit
federal employees to moral standards of behavior that are required and expected of
public o�cials.
In 1984, the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) adopted an ethics code
designed to promote the public service as an honorable profession. A few years later,
the teaching of ethics found a niche in public administration/a�airs schools, with the
National Association of Schools of Public A�airs and Administration (NASPAA)
incorporating new language into its curriculum standards, urging public administration
programs to “enhance the student’s values, knowledge, and skills to act ethically and
e�ectively” (cited in Menzel, 1997, p. 225).
This initiative came in response to the recognition by several scholars of the
importance of teaching ethics in schools of public administration to prepare students
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po ta ce o teac g et cs sc oo s o pub c ad st at o to p epa e stude ts
and practitioners of public administration to assume their role in government (Rohr,
1978; Wake�eld, 1976). This recognition is based on the assertion that public o�cials
are not neutral individuals who are supposed to carry out unquestioningly the orders
of their superiors and blindly to apply the policies of the organizations they serve; they
are rather moral subjects, who are supposed to exercise independent moral judgment
(Rohr, 1978; Thompson, 1985).
The 1980s marked the beginning of a new rationalization wave that accompanied the
sweeping changes in the political and economic arena. E�orts associated with this
wave aimed at reducing the size of government, improving productivity, cutting costs,
and promoting e�ciency and service provision. Privatization, outsourcing, and
contracting out government services became the new currency.
Several strategies for improving performance were adopted between the 1970s and
the late 1980s, varying between quality improvement, privatization, outsourcing, and
total quality management. Nevertheless, none of these strategies were proven
e�ective in improving government performance, and government continued to be
criticized for being too big, too bloated, ine�cient, and unproductive (Osborne &
Gaebler, 1992).
The Reinventing Government Era (1990s–2000)
E�orts to rationalize government continued vigorously in the 1990s. Improving
governance has become the motto for every government ever since 1992. The new
paradigms of Reinventing Government (Gore, 1993) and New Public Management (Light,
1997; Osborne & Gaebler, 1992; Ott & Goodman, 1998; Pollitt & Bouckaert, 2000)
sought to introduce private sector values, techniques, and practices into the public
sector in an attempt to improve public service performance and to restore public trust
in government. As such, the businesslike model emphasizes e�ciency, productivity,
high performance, customer service, improved capacity, and accountability for results,
as a remedy to the ills of government (Barzelay, 1992; Gore, 1993; Osborne & Gaebler,
1992).
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99 ).
E�orts to rationalize government under NPM brought back performance and e�ciency
to the forefront, while at the same time sought to promote transparency and to
improve trust in government. However, e�ciency under the NPM model goes beyond
our understanding of e�ciency in traditional public administration. Traditionally,
e�ciency, as the relationship between production inputs and outputs, was mainly
used to eliminate waste and improve central control over the administrative
machinery, e�ciency under NPM relates to cost e�ectiveness and maximization of
outputs over inputs, which can be achieved by changing how public services are
delivered (Hood, 1991; Osborne & Gaebler, 1992). Under the new businesslike model,
“performance” and “results” gained currency in public organizations. Improving
performance has become the primary remedy to the “performance de�cit” that
government was believed to su�er from (Behn, 2003; Kamensky, 1996; Moynihan &
Pandey, 2010). To this end, objective measures of organizational and individual
performance have been introduced into federal, state, and local governments to track
and measure the extent to which public organizations are achieving their desired
objectives (Brudney, Hebert, & Wright, 1999; Kearney & Berman, 1999).
In short, the new market model perceives public organizations as business
corporations run by entrepreneurs, whereby o�cials are supposed to respond to
performance targets set by managers (Hood, 1991). This model promised to enhance
transparency, promote accountability, and increase �exibility by reducing planning,
regulations, and procedures.
With its emphasis on transparency and accountability, NPM is thought to give ethics in
public organizations a due regard (Christensen & Laegreid, 2001; Pollitt & Bouckaert,
2000). Opponents of NPM (G. Frederickson & Ghere, 2013; H. G. Frederickson, 1993,
1996, 1999; Gilman, 1999). However, the entrepreneurial model (Osborne & Gaebler,
1992) raised a number of ethical concerns that might undermine the public ethos by
sacri�cing the democratic norms of equity and by making the incidences of unethical
behavior more likely to occur (G.Frederickson & Ghere, 2013; Koltho�, Huberts, & Van
den Heuvel, 2006). Proponents, on the other hand, emphasized the importance of
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de eu e , 006). opo e ts, o t e ot e a d, e p as ed t e po ta ce o
“evidence-based ethical performance regimes” as “part of NPM discourse” (Lawton,
2008, p. 53). These regimes focus on codes of conducts for public o�cials as well as
contractors, protocols for procurement, ethical training, and transparency in decision
making (Lawton, 2008). Hood (1991, p. 15) argues that broadly speaking, NPM
“assumes a culture of public service honesty as given. Its recipes, to some degree,
removed devices instituted to ensure honesty and neutrality in the public service in
the past (�xed salaries rules of procedures, permanence of tenure, etc.).”
The Current Era: The New Governance
In the past two decades, a new form of governance has emerged simultaneously to
NPM, representing a paradigm shift “from hierarchy to hierarchy” (O’Leary, 2015)—
from traditional bureaucracies to network arrangements—in policymaking and service
delivery (H.G. Frederickson, 2004; Kettl, 1993; O’Toole, 1997a, 1997b; Rhodes, 1994,
1996, 1997; Salamon, 2002; Sørensen, 2002). Hence, most of public services that were
solely provided by government are now provided by network arrangements that cut
across public, private, and nonpro�t sectors, in which nongovernmental and quasi-
governmental entities became equally responsible for policy outcomes and service
delivery (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Rhodes, 1994, 1996, 1997). In this sense, the new
governance denotes a change not only in the meaning and the traditional boundaries
of government, but also in the manner by which society is being governed (Stoker,
1998).
Public Administration scholars variously refer to this “newly emerging paradigm in
public administration” (H.G. Frederickson, 2004, p. 5) as the “new governance”
(Osborne, 2006), “governing without government” (Peters & Pierre, 1998; Rhodes,
1994, 1996, 1997), “the hollow state” (Milward & Provan, 2003; Peters, 1994; Rhodes,
1994), “third-party government” (Salamon, 2002), “collaborative public management”
(Agrano�, 2006; Agrano� & McGuire, 2001, 2003; McGuire, 2006; McGuire, & Agrano�,
2001), and “self-organizing and interdependent networks” (O’Toole, 1997a, 1997b),
which are alternatives rather than a hybrid of markets and traditional hierarchies
(Osborne, 2006; O’Toole, 1997a; Rhodes, 1996). Under these arrangements,
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(Osbo e, 006; O oo e, 99 a; odes, 996). U de t ese a a ge e ts,
government still relies on outside agencies, but now under the form of stronger
partners rather than contractors (Considine & Lewis, 2003).
This new paradigm has emerged as “an innovative response” (Keast, Mandell, Brown, &
Woolcock, 2004) to meet the pressing and growing demands of society. As such,
network arrangements were developed as arenas for collaboration, where private,
public, nonpro�t, voluntary organizations, as well as the citizenry come together and
coordinate e�orts and resources to �nd solutions to societal problems that “cannot be
achieved—or achieved easily—by a single organization” (McGuire, 2006, p. 33). The
ultimate objectives of these networks are to improve government performance in
terms of both policy outcomes and service delivery, to restore trust in government,
and to make government more responsive to the needs of its constituents.
Some scholars fear that network arrangements, because of their self-governing
nature, may deviate from the public service ethos (Rhodes, 1994, 1996, 1997). Other
scholars, however, see the emergence of a new public service ethos, resulting from the
strategic interaction between public, private, and nonpro�t sectors that synthetically
blends together elements of both the traditional PA ethos and the entrepreneurial
ethos of NPM (Osborne, 2006; Stoker, 2006).
The concept of the New Public Service (NPS) was advanced by Denhardt and Denhardt
(2000), who viewed NPS as “a movement built on work in democratic citizenship,
community and civil society, and organizational humanism and discourse theory” (p.
549). Central to the NPS is the primary role played by the public servant in helping
citizens articulate and meet their shared interests rather than attempting to control or
steer society (Denhardt & Denhardt, 2000, p. 549).
The new public service ethos is rooted in both public sector virtues of honesty,
integrity, impartiality, and community service, and in private sector entrepreneurial
values of competition, performance, customer satisfaction, consumer choice, and
�exibility (Stoker, 1998). In this sense, substituting horizontal network structures for
traditional hierarchies should not be understood as a departure from the traditional
virtues of integrity, liberty, fairness, and equity that form the bedrock of democratic
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virtues of integrity, liberty, fairness, and equity that form the bedrock of democratic
governance.
Aldridge and Stoker (2002) identify �ve elements that characterize the new public
service ethos: Performance culture, commitment to accountability, a capacity to
support universal access,, responsible employment practices, and contribution to the
community well-being. Rhodes (1997) refers to adaptability and �exibility as key virtues
of the new governance. Alter and Hage (1993) emphasize adaptive e�ciency to
indicate the interorganizational adaptation associated with “quality, �exibility, and
innovativeness” (p. 39). Likewise, Bardach (1998, p. 232) points out to a “culture of a
joint-problem solving” that re�ects “an ethos that values equality, adaptability,
discretion, and results.” This ethos also aims to overcome hierarchy, stability,
obedience, procedures.
Similarly, trust among stakeholders is an ethical value that is of paramount importance
to the proper functioning of collaborative arrangements (Klijn, Edelenbos, & Steijin,
2010). In this sense, collaboration is more about enhancing trust than about reaching
an agreement. Trust facilitates learning, information sharing, and the development of
social capital. Accountability is another moral value in the new governance. However, it
goes beyond the vertical accountability in traditional hierarchies. In network
governance, accountability has a strategic orientation. It is more about managing
expectations than about answerability (Acar, Guo, & Yang, 2008).
Table 1 summarizes the evolution of ethics in American public administration since the
inception of the �eld. As depicted in Table 1, each era brought along with it new values
to be adhered to in addition to the already existing values. However, the values that
were maintained across the di�erent eras (whether moral or not) were not static
themselves. For instance, e�ciency is a value cherished by all eras; however in each
era, it has a di�erent connotation. In the Progressive era, e�ciency had a moral
implication, as it was thought of as a means to reduce waste and eliminate corruption.
In the New Deal era, e�ciency acquired a managerial aspect: it was pursued as a
means to control the federal bureaucracy. Under NPA in the 1960s and 1970s, social
equity was advocated as a normative value and a new pillar in public administration
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equ ty as ad ocated as a o at e a ue a d a e p a pub c ad st at o
(G. Frederickson, 1971/2007; H.G. Frederickson, 1990, 1993). Social and economic
conditions necessitated more than technical and allocative e�ciency. Distributive
e�ciency was a need to ensure that resources were allocated in a way to provide
services that meet the needs of a diverse population. With the NPM, allocative and
technical e�ciency were brought back to the forefront, but this time as a means to
maximize outputs and improve performance. Under the New Governance, e�ciency
acquired a broader connotation. It now relates to interorganizational adaptation
associated with “quality, �exibility, and innovativeness” (Bardach, 1998, p. 39).
ETHICAL CHALLENGES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
The world has entered a new millennium that can be best characterized as the age of
globalization and rapid changes. This new reality has transformed and integrated
societies, economies, and governments into a “global society,” and brought along with
it new challenges that require public managers as well as employees to frequently use
their ethical judgement. This article highlights three of these ethical challenges: (1) the
increased use of electronic surveillance, (2) illegal immigration, and (3) climate change.
The �rst issue addresses the employer-employee relationship. The second addresses
community, by highlighting the relationship between administration and those it
serves. The third addresses sustainability, by emphasizing the relationship between
administration and humanity as a whole. Figure 1 illustrates the three dimensions of
ethics that these challenges necessitate.
FIGURE 1 Dimensions of ethical challenges.
TABLE 1 The Evolution of Ethics in Public Administration
CSV Display Table
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Perhaps, the most remarkable change that societies around the globe have been
witnessing in the past few decades is the widespread use of information and computer
technologies (ICTs) that revolutionized our ways of interaction and communication.
This technological revolution—or what Luciano Floridi (2014) calls the “Fourth
Revolution”—has ushered an unparalleled era in history—an era of boundless change,
mobility, and possibilities for both individuals and organizations (Hijal-Moghrabi &
Sabharwal, 2017). The use of ICTs has dramatically changed the way by which
governments and their employees work, and presented both opportunities and ethical
challenges to public organizations.
Related to the widespread use of ICTs in the workplace is the idea of electronic
surveillance. As de�ned by West and Bowman, surveillance at work refers to the “use
of electronic technology to instantaneously and continuously collect, store, and report
the behavior of employees” (West & Bowman, 2016, p. 629). Surveillance technologies
comprise computer log-in and activity reports, entry card swipes, video recording of
sta� comings and goings, and printer and photocopy details. They also include
�ngerprints, facial recognition, and iris scans, as well as smart cards that are used to
control access to facilities (West & Bowman, 2016, p. 630).
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co t o access to ac t es ( est & o a , 0 6, p. 630).
Proponents of electronic surveillance perceive this type of surveillance as a means to
gather information about employees’ work capacity and performance. They further
argue that organizations have a valid reason to monitor and track employees in the
workplace in an attempt to curtail theft, protect secrets, control costs, reduce
absenteeism, maintain workplace safety, ensure security, and avoid information leaks
(Mujtaba, 2003; Sarpong & Rees, 2014; West & Bowman, 2016).
Opponents, on the other hand, argue that monitoring and surveillance make
employees in the work place more visible, traceable, and vulnerable, and may further
upset the employer-employee relationship by giving more power to employers at the
expense of the employee (Vorvoreanu & Botan, 2000). Opponents also argue that
tracking employees’ data and activities may pose legal and ethical concerns for
employees. They see monitoring as an invasion to privacy, conceiving of privacy as a
basic moral right and as an important social issue (Alder, Schminke, Noel, & Kuenzi,
2008, Martin & Freeman, 2003).
The challenge is how to balance con�icting values of e�ciency gain, fairness, privacy,
and cost-e�ectiveness—how to enhance transparency without violating privacy, and
provide legal protections to assure fair treatment to employees within public
organizations. This is particularly true in at-will state agencies where employees can be
terminated for any reason, no matter how trivial it is (West & Bowman, 2016).
By the same token, electronic surveillance raises ethical concerns about the use and
dissemination of employees’ information, also referred to as information ethics.
Because “data are leaky, and they escape in unexpected ways, be it through errors,
hacks, or whistle-blowing” (Boyd & Crawford, 2012, p. 1666), protecting employees’
information is of paramount concern. Any routine mishap of information may result in
unintended consequences and misguided decisions that would negatively a�ect not
only the employer-employee relationship, but also the organization as a whole
(Rosenberg, 2010).
Illegal Immigration
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Illegal immigration is one of the more divisive issues facing American society today.
The authority to regulate immigration is initially the jurisdiction of the federal
government. However, after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the federal government
required state and local governments to assist with the enforcement of federal
immigration law. While many states and localities show the willingness to cooperate,
many cities and local governments refused to assist, by adopting instead what is
known as sanctuary or noncooperation policies (Bilke, 2009).
Through executive orders, departmental policies, local resolutions, or city ordinances,
these sanctuary cities, generally, forbid local law enforcement o�cers to inquire about
immigration status or report illegal immigrants to federal authorities, except in the
case of serious o�enses (Bilke, 2009, p. 65). Many of these cities went to the extent to
provide illegal aliens within their jurisdictions with local membership (including a
municipal identi�cation card) and the right to participate in local communities (Villazor,
2010).
Proponents of sanctuary cities and open border policies argue that sanctuary laws or
ordinances seek to maintain community bonds and family unity, as well as they aim to
protect all members within their respective communities. Opponents, on the other
hand, fear that sanctuary cities become a safe haven for undocumented immigrants
who are also criminals, who may �ock to these cities because they trust that they will
be neither reported to federal authorities nor deported for entering the country
illegally. What makes things worse is that many juvenile defendants are released
without notifying federal law enforcement. For instance, in 2008, as many as 185
youths who were engaged in serious drug-related crimes were shielded under the San
Francisco’s sanctuary city policy (Villazor, 2010).
Sanctuary laws and ordinances not only put sanctuary local governments in
confrontation with the federal government and with their respective states to a lesser
extent, but they also raise ethical and moral concerns. These cities tend to protect
illegal immigrants and provide them with local bene�ts and privileges at the expense
of the rights and life of local citizens/taxpayers. In the famous case of the Bologna
family, the City of San Francisco failed to protect its citizens from an undocumented
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a y, t e C ty o Sa a c sco a ed to p otect ts c t e s o a u docu e ted
immigrant who was also a criminal. In this incident, which took place in 2008, an illegal
immigrant, Edwin Ramos, who is allegedly a member of the dangerous Mare
Salvatrucha, or “MS-13” gang, shot to death Anthony Bologna and two of his three sons
(Villazor, 2010).
The ethics in question, here, is that of community ethics, which emphasizes the
trustworthy relationship between local governments and the community they are
supposed to serve. Local government employees, in general, and law enforcement
o�cers, in particular, represent the interests of their constituents and, hence, have an
ethical obligation not only to serve but also to protect and care about their local
citizens.
Climate Change
Climate change is one of the most critical problems facing not only the United States,
but the world in general as well. Climate change is a great threat to people and the
ecological systems on which they depend (Dunlap & Brulle, 2015). For the past three
years, opponents of climate change policies, as championed by fossil fuel companies,
businesses, and free-market fundamentalists, have been successful in preventing
government action on climate change by framing the debate in a way that emphasized
the economy (high cost, loss of jobs, decrease in GDP, etc.) while ignoring the moral
issues that emanate from it. The debate around climate change would be radically
transformed if it were perceived and framed as a moral problem.
In this sense, high-emitting nations (including the United States) have a moral
obligation to nations and people most vulnerable to climate change impact—that is,
they have an obligation not to cause harm to health and ecosystems (Jorgenson, Schor,
Knight, & Huang, 2016) Hence, the U.S. federal, state, and local governments, as well as
businesses and corporations that emit high levels of greenhouse gases (GHG) are
required to reduce these to a safer volume within the global emissions context.
Public administrators at all levels of government, more speci�cally at the local level,
have an ethical responsibility, not only toward their immediate community, but also
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a e a et ca espo s b ty, ot o y to a d t e ed ate co u ty, but a so
toward the global community as a whole. When carrying out environmental policies,
they should weigh their actions and decisions taking into account the possible harm
that may result from these actions or decisions. Likewise, public managers and
employees, at the local level have a further duty to raise awareness and help educate
civil society and businesses about the urgent need to decrease GHG emissions.
On June 1, 2017, President Trump took the decision to withdraw from the Paris climate
agreement. While some elected o�cials applauded this decision, others (including
governors and mayors of large cities) vowed to pursue climate policies without the
federal government. (Popovich & Schlossberg, 2017). Although these local actions may
put these local governments in confrontation with the federal government and their
respective states if they are supportive of federal environmental policies, they could be
perceived as ethical/moral. The moral question here highlights the relationship
between governments and humanity as a whole, not only the immediate community.
The ethics in question is that of sustainability, which highlights moral obligations to
future generations with respect to the environment.
In short, the new reality brought about by globalization and rapid change implies that
the traditional role of public managers, despite its importance, is not enough to meet
the challenges the new age calls for. Public mangers do not act or behave in isolation
of their environment, whether internal/organizational or local and global environment.
Public mangers, today, should think locally, but act globally. When carrying out policies
or making decisions, they should take into account the possible impact and
consequences of their actions and decisions on both the micro and the macro level.
This, ultimately, necessitates that public administrators develop new sets of
knowledge, skills, and culture; assume new responsibilities; and uphold ethical/moral
values that the new age necessitates.
MANAGING ETHICS IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: GUIDELINES FOR PUBLIC MANAGERS
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In today’s turbulent world, ethical issues exist in a complex environment with
con�icting ideas and unclear rules. Ethics and issues of “right” and “wrong” have been
concerns of society for as long as societies have existed. Public administrators are
faced with di�cult choices every day, concerning ethical decisions. Ethical
considerations are paramount to public administrators since they exercise great
discretion in in�uencing and implementing policy decisions that either bene�t or harm
impacted parties. As such, ethically mature organizations embrace ethics as a routine
obligation of the organization. Promoting and sustaining ethical cultures in which
ethical attitudes, ethical behaviors, and ethical conducts are the norm is the
responsibility of every public manager, whether in a traditional hierarchy or in the
heterarchy of the New Governance.
In the past few decades, there has been an increased interest in ethics management as
a means to promote more ethical organizations (Lawton, 1998; Maesschalck, 2004;
Menzel, 2012; Petrick & Quinn, 1997). This need has emerged partly in response to the
NPM reforms that emphasize competition and entrepreneurship, and partly in
response to changes in societal values. Citizens, today, want more say in the provision
of public services and a horizontal, rather than vertical, form of accountability
(Maesschalck, 2004).
Ethics management, whether in terms of compliance or integrity, is the responsibility
of every manager. Ethics management distinguishes between two approaches to
promote ethics in organizational settings: compliance and integrity—also referred to
as the “low road” and the “high road” approaches (Rohr, 1978). This distinction
originates from the Finer-Friedrich debate in the 1940s, with compliance emphasizing
external control as a means to promote employee ethical behavior, and with integrity
underscoring internal control as re�ected in moral judgment and moral character.
These two approaches do not—and should not be regarded—as a dichotomy. Both
should be taken into consideration in managing ethics in public organizations (Cooper,
2012). Compliance can be achieved either through ethics training, also referred to as
compliance and value-oriented ethics programs (Weaver & Treviño, 1999; West,
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co p a ce a d a ue o e ted et cs p og a s ( ea e & e o, 999; est,
Berman, West, & Berman, 2004), or through the adoption of a code of ethics,
identifying legal and illegal actions, ethical and unethical conducts, and appropriate
and inappropriate behaviors. Integrity, on the other hand, can be enhanced through
integrity training, which is often conceived of as a promising tool to promote
employees’ integrity in public as well as private organizations.
Scandals and high pro�le cases of corruption often disgust citizens toward the public
sector. Adhering to ethical codes and providing training on a regular basis is necessary
(Bowman & Knox, 2008). If organizations are expected to act ethically, ethical values
have to be part and parcel of the organizational culture (Cayer & Sabharwal, 2016).
After all, promoting greater integrity in the public service restores trust in government
which, in turn, enhances administrative capacity (Denhardt, 2002) and, ultimately,
improves organizational performance.
CONCLUSION
This study tracks the evolution of ethics in American public administration since the
inception of the �eld in the Progressive Era to the current era of the new governance.
This evolution shows that public administrative ethics, as Cooper (2001) contends, has
demonstrated its sustainability and centrality to the �eld of public administration. This
article argues that administrative ethics has not been static. It has been shaped by
several environmental factors that guided its governing values. However, it has
evolved not by omission but by addition. Looking at the ethics of the present, today,
we can discern di�erent, even con�icting, ethical values that have been cherished by
traditional public administration and NPM, coexisting side by side. This denotes the
continuity of ethics in public administration.
In short, di�erent types of ethics have existed and continue to exist alongside each
other for at least some period. For example, the so-called Weberian/traditional ethics
was not over when NPM arrived, and traditional hierarchy has not been completely
replaced by new governance heterarchy. All this leads us to conclude that
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ep aced by e go e a ce ete a c y. t s eads us to co c ude t at
administrative ethics is not a passing fad. Dwight Waldo observed several decades ago
that public administration will continue to play an important role, whether directly or
indirectly. It will continue to re�ect the state of the art, even if that art changes.
Administrative ethics, being the heart of public administration, will continue to re�ect
the changing reality of that art.
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
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https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 56/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 57/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 58/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 59/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 61/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 65/67
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Home All Journals Public Integrity List of Issues Volume 20, Issue 5 Ethics in American Public Administration ....
11/3/21, 2:47 PM Full article: Ethics in American Public Administration: A Response to a Changing Reality
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https://www-tandfonline-com.proxy1.ncu.edu/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2017.1419053 67/67
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