Analyze uses of your mobile phone that connect you to other people

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Chapter 5

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6166-0.ch005

Mobile Technologies and Gender Rituals

ABSTRACT

This chapter explores the implications of mobile technologies on gender through the lens of gender ritu- als. While maintaining social order and social roles, rituals also legitimate key category differences, ideologies, and inequalities. The increasing convergence of media and content in mobile devices, and the blurring of the spaces for work, family, and leisure amidst the landscape of globalization and mo- bility have important implications for the enactment of rituals, and in the performance of gender. The chapter discusses this mutual shaping of gender rituals and mobile technologies through a case study of the Philippines, with some broad implications for other contexts. The study finds that the personal- ization, mobility, and multitude of applications afforded by mobile devices offer many opportunities for the exploration of new possibilities for subjectivity that challenge particular gender stereotypes and restrictions while simultaneously affirming particular gender rituals. While exploring the implications of the mobile device on gender in a developing society, the chapter in turn highlights the importance of culturally embedded rituals in shaping and understanding the mobile device’s place in society.

INTRODUCTION

This chapter explores the implications of mobile communication on gender and culture through the lens of rituals. Although a global technology, the mobile device has been shaped by local socio- cultural adaptations and its pervasive adoption has been accompanied with risk, opportunity, and adaptation. Moreover, with the increasing convergence of media and content facilitated by smartphones, the blurring of the spaces for work,

family, and leisure has important implications on gender roles. The analysis of the implication of mobile media on the “maintenance of gender restrictions” or in the “liberation” of people from gender norms, can be understood with reference to specific gender expectations embodied in “ritu- als”. While maintaining social order, rituals also legitimate certain key category differences and inequalities (Couldry, 2003; Ling, 2007). The social implications of mobile technology on gender can be observed in multiple sites and across varied

Cheryll Ruth R. Soriano De La Salle University, Philippines

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social spaces, and can be interpreted as affirming, challenging, or reconstructing gender rituals.

The present study builds on existing works that have investigated the relationship between mobile phones and rituals (Ling, 2007, 2008; Hoflich & Linke 2011; Doron, 2012; Soriano, Lim, & Rivera, forthcoming). The study focuses on the Philippine context as a case study, although the social, political and economic implications will find resonances in other contexts. While exploring the implications of the mobile phone on gendering in a developing society, the paper in turn highlights the importance of culturally-embedded rituals and relationships in shaping the mobile phone’s place in society.

Mobile technology has experienced an explo- sive growth globally, illustrated by its emergence as a primary form of telecommunication. The number of mobile subscriptions globally has increased steadily over the years, from 2.7 billion in 2006, to approximately 6.8 billion in 2013 (ITU, 2013). This rise is sharpest in developing countries, where mobile cellular subscription increased from 1.6 billion in 2006 to 5.2 billion in 2013 (ITU, 2013). In the Philippines, where mobile subscription has reached almost 90% of the population, the local adoption of mobile technology has been profound, as mobile phones evolved from a lifestyle gadget for the rich into a technology that has important social, developmental, political and spiritual roles woven into the daily lives of the citizens. This broad reach is driven by the availability of low-cost phones, as well as prepaid, “sachet” (purchase of mobile credit at very small denominations) and “unlimited” promotions from telecommunication companies and Internet service providers. The labeling of the Philippines as the “sms capital of the world” (Mendes, Alampay, Soriano et al., 2007; Nagasaka, 2007) amidst a state of relative poverty and economic development makes it a compelling case for the analysis of mobile technology and societal interactions. Moreover, although gender divide (as with the digital divide), has been found to be especially large in low income countries, a

Lirneasia study found that this was hardly evident in the Philippines, with the ratio of mobile access between men and women at 1:1 (Zainudeen, Iqbal, & Samarajiva, 2010). However, the differences in uses of the mobile phone between males and females was statistically significant, prompting the question of how gender rituals influence the differential use of mobile devices, and in turn, how the continued prominence of mobile media in this locale has implications on gender rituals. The availability of cheap, locally assembled android phones such as Cherry Mobile and MyPhone offered from US $40 per unit, as well as other low-cost tablets from China and Malaysia allowed the reach of smart devices with Internet and social networking capability to a broader segment of the population, reaching various economic classes and genders. While exploring the implications of the mobile device on gendering in a developing society, the paper in turn highlights the importance of culturally-embedded rituals and relationships in shaping the mobile phone’s place in society.

GENDER RITUALS

Ritual

The term ritual refers to a type of symbolic ex- pressive activity constructed of multiple behav- iors that occur in a fixed, episodic sequence and that tend to be repeated over time (Rook, 1985, p. 252; Salamone, 2010). Previous analyses of rituals restricted ritual experience to religious and mystical contexts, thereby focusing on special ritual events that marked a person’s significant life passages, such as baptism, circumcision, coming out parties, graduation, marriage, or death. And yet, in everyday life, people also participate in a variety of ritualized activities at home, work, and play, both as individuals and as members of some larger community. Bringing Durkheim’s notion of rituals to analyze everyday interactions, Goffman (1967) explored rituals as small scale, individually

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authored interactions and everyday actions that shape the everyday sense of social order. More- over, instead of seeing rituals as dictated merely by structures and institutions, Goffman’s lens saw people as responsible for the actual staging and participation in a ritual interaction (Ling, 2007). Following Goffman’s articulation of Durkheim’s concept of a ritual in the everyday, Ling (2007) argued that mobile communication facilitates the re-enactment of such everyday rituals beyond co- present situations.

But what are the functions of rituals? Rituals define the “right way of doing things” and make symbolic statements about the social order (Rook, 1985). A number of public rituals are viewed as contributing to social cohesion (Ling, 2007), for binding a nation through symbolic nationalistic practices, and also as a means of regulating social conflict (Levy & Zaltman, 1975). Advancing a critical position, Couldry (2003) sees rituals as rights of institutions, which, while maintaining social order, also institute as natural and legitimate certain key category differences, ideologies, and inequalities. This essentially shifts the emphasis of ritual analysis from mere questions of meaning towards questions of power (Couldry, 2003, p. 12) that are embedded, maintained, or communicated through rituals. Rituals work because they repro- duce categories and patterns of thought that bypass explicit belief through their repetitive form. Thus, it is their ritualized form that enables them to be successfully reproduced without being exposed to questions about their content (Couldry, 2003).

Gender Rituals in the Philippines

Gender “is a social construction and representa- tion” (Fortunati, 2009, p. 23) and needs to be defined by its “economic and social functionality in respect to the whole system” (p. 24). Follow- ing Butler’s (1993) theorization, gender is not a primary or ‘real’ category, but an attribute that is performed and shaped by social rules and the continued transformations that the social con-

struction of femininity or masculinity undergoes (Soriano, et al., forthcoming). Scholars have argued that gender is heavily shaped by cultural rituals, and rituals in turn, are defined by gender roles (Salamone, 2010; Siapera, 2012; Parrenas, 2001, 2005; Aquiling-Dalisay, Nepomuceno-Van Heugten, & Sto. Domingo, 1995; De Castro, 1995; Gonzales-Rosero, 2000). Considering Couldry’s (2003) conceptualization of rituals – that they af- firm social order, naturalize arbitrary boundaries, and institute and reproduce categories and patterns of behavior, it becomes necessary to look at how gender is constructed, challenged or transformed through repetitive social behaviors.

Gender formulations and the concepts of femininity and masculinity have had a dramatic evolution throughout Philippine history. Scholars agree that pre-Spanish societies across the islands were culturally egalitarian, but that demarcations across gender lines may have existed anyway when it came to housework or community work (Gon- zales-Rosero, 2000, p. 42; Quindoza-Santiago, 2010, p.109; Angeles, 2001, p.17). Where the di- visions were drawn, however, remain ambiguous. Dramatic changes were brought during colonial times, shifting the role of women from public to private spheres (Gonzales-Rosero, 2000, pp. 44), through new differentiations of roles and duties according to new economic, political, religious and social systems.

Examining the “Spanish rulebooks” imple- mented during the Spanish colonization, Camacho (2010) found that they serve as windows into the cultural practices and underlying values influenc- ing gender roles. The rulebooks were written and directed to the mothers of the house as scripts for how daughters and sons ought to be raised in accor- dance with particular values and role expectations. For example, modesty and chastity topped the list of expected feminine behavior, which included “in- terior quiescence, fostered piety, and the cultural practice and value of domesticity.” (Camacho, 2010, p. 298) This classification of roles and the predominance of the related virtues intended to

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prepare women to develop an integral focus on the home and family. Domestic housework has also become so gendered that the hired help are usually always women (Gonzales-Rosero, 2000, p. 51). The reliving of such rituals in the present has been argued:

The normative ideal of reduced engagement (of females) with a wider world, particularly in regard to males (depending on women’s socioeconomic status), continuous subjection to male authority, and limited options to develop talents other than those related to home, education, and personal service, were colonial realities… Today the femi- nine ideal studied here does not remain a thing of the past but still resonates in the present… (Camacho, 2010, pp. 312-313)

The differentiation of roles and responsibili- ties assigned to men and women historically gave rise to the re-articulation of such well- entrenched gender roles and expectations in contemporary contexts. As children, females are expected to play bahay-bahayan (playhouse) and are taught how to take on household and nurturing responsibilities at a young age. On the other hand, it would be more acceptable for boys to play outdoors. In the earlier years, only males are encouraged to go to school, in preparation for their being the breadwinners of the house. Specifically for families with limited financial capabilities, girls are trained to conduct domestic responsibilities and are discouraged from going to school “because they will get married anyway and become domestic managers”. While young girls are at home, it is normal for young men to go out and belong to a barkada, or a group of friends who live in the same community or go to the same school. They hang out and participate in social activities like drinking, smoking, and encouraging each other to find girls to court or have sex with. De Castro (1995) describes it as a rite of passage for young men to realize aspects of their masculinity. The same cannot be said for women who partake in the same vices; women are

expected to abide by the same gendered virtues that were indicated in the Spanish rulebooks. The same double standard exists when it comes to maintaining relationships: having two spouses or romantic partners implies a strong sense of masculinity in men; the same multiple partners would imply promiscuity in women (Angeles, 2001). Such ritualized gender distinctions are invoked in everyday life, household dynamics, and even in gift-giving (i.e. matchboxes and toy guns for boys, baby dolls or toy-kitchenette for girls).

Other studies explain the role of religion in the formation of gender rituals. In the Philippines, folk Christianity sees the mother or the woman as the central node that brings together not only the family, but the entire society. With Jesus’ mother, Mary, as the model of Christian faith, the Filipina is expected to possess certain quali- ties such as kindness, piety, obedience, modesty, chastity, care and virtue (Libed, 2010; Soriano et al., forthcoming). As a result of gendered socialization through religious institutions, most Filipino women have adopted this Marian image (i.e. charity, purity) into their roles as wives or daughters (Aguilar, 1998; Camacho, 2010, pp. 304-305). Similar gender rituals define the role of women in other countries such as in India (Doron, 2012) and Japan (McVeigh, 2004), as well as in Latin America (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila, 1997; Carling, Menjivar, & Schmalzbauer, 2012) where women are identified as “good wives and moth- ers”, characteristic of the maternal materialism well- entrenched within national consciousness.

In the dawn of a globalized and digitized world, more recent studies have explored how such gender norms and expectations are carried over or challenged in the present day (Parreñas, 2005; Cabanes & Acedera, 2012; Madianou & Miller, 2011; Tadeo-Pingol, 1999). Over time, women have adopted bolder roles. Philippine President Corazon Aquino became a feminist role model for Philippine women, inspiring the participation of women in other important realms of society such as the workforce and politics (Komisar, 1987;

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Libed, 2010; Dela Cruz, 1988). Other challenges to traditional gender norms have been globaliza- tion and labor migration. The increasing number of Filipinas migrating to foreign lands as migrant workers led to the shift in the role of women from homemakers to economically active, transnational women (Soriano et al., forthcoming). Data shows the increasing feminization of migrant labor in the Philippines: in 1992 there were 129,000 Filipina female workers worked overseas versus 130,725 males, compared to 208,278 females versus 77,850 males in 2002 (POEA, 2012). This feminization of labor is also observed in other developing countries (Hjorth, 2009; Wajcman, Bittman, & Brown, 2008; Parreñas, 2005, 2001).

Connected to this is the reversal of traditional expectations of the male as the breadwinner and the woman as in charge of domestic matters. In the Philippines, a masculine society with well- entrenched gender roles, the impact of overseas labor migration of mothers is greater in terms of its impact towards the reversal of the “father’s traditional role of breadwinning and the mother’s traditional role of nurturing” (Cabanes & Acedera, 2012; Parreñas, 2005; Soriano et al.,forthcoming). Other studies found that despite the evolving picture of the Filipino family, various factors still end up limiting fundamental changes in power structures and gender relations as mothers are found to take on the role of both breadwinning and nurturing (Parreñas, 2005, 2001; Madianou & Miller, 2011). Migrant working mothers also carry over particular gender expectations towards their children. For example, they tend to trust their daughters with the responsibility of financing daily expenses in their absence (Parreñas, 2005). Daughters are assumed to be more responsible and capable of showing restraint because they are not expected to actively have barkadas (group of friends) or vices. As women, they are expected to echo qualities of their mothers – caring, self-sacri- ficing, oriented towards domestic work (Angeles, 2001, p. 23). Other studies explored the societal changes brought about by the emergence of busi-

ness process outsourcing (BPO) in the Philippines (Cabrera-Balleza, 2005). BPOs in the city and those that operate at night have also challenged women to move from suburbs and rural areas to the city, breaking domestic bonds and duties in the process (Cabrera-Balleza, 2005, p.145).

Queers and Cultural Rituals

Philippine society might seem as one of the “LGBT-friendly” societies in Asia. The Philip- pines allowed the formation and candidature of an LGBT political party, purportedly the only in Asia. The first Gay Pride Parade in the region was also organized in the Philippines in 1994, which inspired similar Pride Parades in other parts of the region (Garcia L., 2008). However, despite such developments, LGBTs continue to be the objects of ridicule (Austria, 2007) and the branding of LGBTs as ”immoral” or “threat to the youth” reflects the prejudice that many sectors hold towards the LGBT community (Soriano, 2014). Such prejudice also translates to physical violence and hate crimes towards the community (Philippine LGBT Crime Watch, 2012).

Garcia JNC (2000, pp. 267-268), argued that it is important to be reminded that sexual and gender subjectivity is locally and socially constructed. In the Philippines, these fall between religious and secular registers, a Filipino “psycho-spirituality” (Garcia JNC, 2008; Dumdum, 2010). Understand- ing of the self is strongly embedded in the teach- ings of folk Catholicism and it is for this reason that the lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender is conflicted on the exercise of sexuality, because the church, seen as the moral authority, only ac- cepts union between a man and a real woman under the norms of procreation (Soriano, 2014). Being gay, lesbian, transsexual, or transgender therefore transgress traditional gender categories of male and female. Moreover, as queers grow up in societies where homosexuality is loathed and mocked, a homosexual growing up in this society begins to loathe himself or herself and adopts

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a negative view of being queer, thereby hiding activities such as partner seeking or associations with other queers (Austria, 2007, Garcia JNC, 2008; Soriano, 2014). Such characteristics also create stereotypes on the roles and actions that LGBTs can take in society.

MOBILE DEVICES AND GENDER RITUALS

Previous sociological works on mobile commu- nication and mediated rituals identified instances wherein mobile devices mediate ritual interactions that dictate a sense of social order and solidar- ity within a locale (Ling, 2008; Dobashi, 2005; Silverstone & Hirsch, 1992; Katz & Aakhus, 2002; Hjorth, 2009; Ito, Okabe, & Matsuda, 2005).First, the ways we communicate over the phone, greet each other, and chat with our friends and families via mobile devices represent ritual interaction (Ling, 2008, p. 167). For example, Ito et al. (2005) described how the Japanese use sms – mediated ritualized interaction in a dating context; and Pertierra (2006) argued that ritual- ized greetings also underlie the introduction of strangers in mobile chat lounges. These imply the importance of exploring how such ritualized interactions over the mobile device are gendered. Moreover, according to Ling (2008, pp.170-171),

After meeting and establishing contact and exchanging mobile phone numbers the nascent couple engages in a more or less SMS-based court- ship. In this period the form of the interaction is highly scripted in that the messages are carefully written and edited. This indirect form of interaction is calculated to allow the individuals to carefully work through their utterances and to cover over some of the pitfalls that might weigh heavily in the nascent period of the romance.

Secondly, seeing ritual interaction as “the glue holding society together”, mobiles devices

facilitate a “connected presence” (Licoppe, 2004; Ling, 2007) where they are used through small, constant messages and talks that create an illu- sion of presence. In this way, the moderate use of mobile devices may facilitate an active social life that can contribute to the maintenance of social ties (Ling & Haddon, 2003). Connected here is the ritual function of mobile phones in the amplification of collectivist cultures and in facilitating new modes of cooperation and social cohesion (Campbell & Kwak, 2010; Burrell, 2010; Sreekumar, 2011). Linked to this notion of rituals as facilitating social cohesion and family com- munication, mobile devices have been argued to facilitate a “full-time intimate sphere” (Matsuda, 2005). The mobile phone, for example, is used by women predominantly for “performing intimacy” with significant others so as to hold together the family and the community by building and maintaining relationships (Wajcman et.al, 2008, pp. 646-647). In the context where mothers may be physically distant, as in the Philippines where many women leave the country to seek work overseas, the concept of “remote mothering” over the mobile phone serves as the women’s tool in continually maintaining family cohesiveness re- gardless of physical absence. On the other hand, other studies have pointed out how the excessive use of mobile devices connected to the Internet can be detrimental to social interactions, thereby undermining connectedness (Nie, 2001; Turkle, 2011). Other works have found that this connected presence represents a spillover between work and family, which has been found to have a negative effect on family satisfaction, especially for women (Wajcman et.al, 2008).

Third, the mobile phone enacts ritualized roles. Studies have found that women’s uses of the mobile phone fit the spheres of activity and interests traditionally designated to them, such as taking responsibility for the emotional and mate- rial needs of husbands and children, the elderly, the handicapped, or the sick (Zainudeen et al., 2010), while men used phones for work or business

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(Huyer, Hafkin, Ertl & Dryburgh, 2006). The mo- bile device also facilitates women’s performance of well-entrenched domestic responsibilities, such as the micro-coordination of schedules and household tasks (Brown, Harper, & Green, 2002; Wajcman et al., 2008; Ling & Haddon, 2003; Rakow, 1992; Dobashi, 2005). Such arrangement of small, practical, and daily logistics underlie a mother and her family’s daily ritual, for example, arranging the children’s meals and other daily requirements, doing household chores, helping the family deal with health and safety, or paying family bills. A study in India (Doron, 2012, p. 422) found evidence on the uses of the mobile phone to promote gender rituals, whereas “for men, the mobile phone was a tool for work, communication with friends and relatives, and for entertainment, while for the women the mobile was viewed as a tool for ‘basic conversations’… the woman’s phone should be used only to communicate with her natal kin and husband,” which again connects to women’s ritualized roles as nurturers of the home (Doron, 2012, p. 422). In the same study, an Indian woman was prevented from visiting her ill husband in the hospital because she “is able to speak with the husband on the household mo- bile”. This restriction in the young wife’s physical movement (as mediated by the mobile phone) is in consonance with cultural classifications of gender roles where women, especially young wives, are expected to focus inside the household (420-422).

While the above studies assert that mobile phones function within the traditional gendered division of labor, others present it as a potential site of power struggle, or as a source of liberation from gender norms and restrictions (Lemish & Cohen, 2005, p. 512), where ritualized roles and expectations are transgressed (Pertierra, 2006; Pertierra, Ugarte, & Pingol, 2012). Some studies have found that while mobile phones contribute to the maintenance of patriarchal gender roles, in other contexts, they were found essential for broad- ening the women’s social space, leisure, and other forms of personal gratification, thereby allowing

greater possibilities in the performance of gender subjectivity (Wearing, 1999; Rivera, Walton, & Sreekumar, 2012; Hjorth, 2009). Studies have further argued that the emergence of the mobile phone has been accompanied by the increased subversive appropriation of the technology by the active female user (Pertierra, 2006).

Previous works have explored the relationship between queer subjectivities and the Internet (Pul- len, 2010; Brickell, 2012; O’Riordan, 2007; Nip, 2004; Austria, 2007; Berry, Martin, & Yue, 2003). However, the implication of mobile media to the performance of queer subjectivity is relatively understudied. Nonetheless, some of the insights advanced in studies probing online communication and queer performativity can be useful, especially with the integration of Internet applications into mobile devices. For example, it has been argued that the Internet offers a key site in which queer subjectivities and collectives can be constructed (Pullen, 2010). Internet spaces, and the social practices embedded in them, coupled with mobil- ity, constitute social life (Crampton, 2003, p. 3) as we become who we are through our interactions in these kinds of spaces (Brickell, 2012, p. 30). The use of the personal gadget such as the mobile device may facilitate the exploration of queer subjectivity beyond the ritualized gender binary of male/female and its accompanying expectations (Hjorth, 2003). For example, aside from facilitat- ing an intensified self-exploration of one’s interests and seeking partners, consuming online gay and lesbian erotica, which can be facilitated by mobile Internet, is an important resource for young people to learn about their own sexuality and connect with others who share the same interest. These sites can work to produce “specific sexualities, desires and modes of pleasure” for the LGBT community, which may not have been previously acceptable due to gender norms (Brickell, 2012, p. 40). Moreover, as males, females, or queers publicly reconstitute their sexualities using mobile Internet, they also resist regulative aspects of power and pre-existing social and gender inequalities.

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Mobile devices can also facilitate the formation and maintenance of queer communities and social ties that can allow members to find belonging and establish connections to advance particular social and political causes (Gross, 2003; Pullen, 2010; O’Riordan, 2007; Soriano, 2014). The intercon- nectivity facilitated by mobile Internet enables the swift exchange of queer ideologies and networks across distant spaces, allowing queer individuals “to experience something of a queer community”, and obtain advice and information about a variety of queer issues (Fraser, 2010, p. 31; Nip, 2004; Castells, 2010). These communicative spaces also serve as venues for expression and belong- ing even for those still “in the closet” (Gross, 2003; Pullen, 2010) or those who have “come out” but uncomfortable with public expression of their sexuality (Soriano, 2014). Nonetheless, like the offline world, the use of mobile devices for accessing Internet sites provides vehicles for heterosexism and other forms of prejudice.

CHANGES, CHALLENGES, CHANCES

This section discusses findings from a qualitative pilot study on mobile phone use and meanings for Filipino men, women, and queer. The dis- cussion focuses upon ethnographic interviews with adult mobile users aged 25 and above and a focus group with mobile phone users aged 15-24 conducted between June to October 2013. Adult research participants were selected for in-depth interviews because they are in a good position to reflect on the changes in the enactment of gender rituals across time. The interviews were loosely structured, allowing the stories to spontaneously unfold (Mischler, 1986). They began with “grand tour” questions (Spradley, 1979), for example, “What do you use your mobile phone for?” be- cause preliminary interviews showed that asking direct questions on gender rituals did not generate rich responses primarily because respondents

did not realize the enactment of such rituals in the first place. The use of mobile devices for the performance of gender rituals were embedded in the participants’ narratives of everyday use of their mobile devices. I coded the data and created descriptive analysis matrices (Miles & Huber- man, 1994) to explore how their uses of mobile devices reflect the reinforcement or challenging of gender rituals identified in the literature. New categories were developed for insights divergent from previous literature. The data is discussed in the succeeding section according to emergent themes. The quotes have been translated from a mix of Filipino and English. The names of the respondents have been changed.

As shown in the paper’s historical analysis of gender rituals, certain gender norms in the Phil- ippines have become prescriptive. A mismatch between expectation and performance can merit social consequences, for example, a girl aggres- sively introducing herself to a potential male partner can be branded as pakawala (promiscuous) or pokpok (prostitute) because she is expected to maintain purity, chastity, and meekness, reserv- ing herself to the man who will win her heart by wooing her. Similarly, the concept of gay men or women openly exploring partners publicly would be frowned upon because it is an inappropriate gender performance based on predominantly Catholic standards. The pilot narratives explored in this chapter locates the role of mobile phones in undermining or changing these discourses. Here, I explore the idea that technology may help people overcome both bodily and societal limitations that allow for a broader range of gender performance and subjectivity.

Mobile Devices and Gender Rituals of Courtship and Romance

The emergence of mobile phones has brought about interesting changes in the ritual of courting and relationship between couples. A male govern- ment employee, Andrew, narrated that nowadays,

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girls seem to have more courage to initiate the expression of their feelings towards men. He also emphasized that girls seem emboldened by the mobile phone to pursue the men whom they like. Drew explains that it has been a norm in the Philippines for women to wait to be courted by men. “Men have to woo the woman, sometimes the man even has to woo the entire family, right? I think it was very rare for women to do the first move. But now that has changed, sometimes you will get a text message from someone that she likes you.” Drew thinks that the mediated form of communication gives women the courage to initiate the act because “it’s less embarrassing” in comparison to doing it face to face. Drew also narrated how girls in romantic relationships seem to have become more persistent:

When a boy texts the girl, okay, that’s it, the boy does not really expect an immediate response. But the girl expects an immediate response from the boy. It even becomes the cause of a lover’s quarrel. It’s very common. The girlfriend would say, ‘I texted you but you did not reply’. It’s as if you no longer care about her when you fail to reply immediately. Because it is much faster to communicate, and the mobile phone is a hand held device. So a girl would expect that the guy has no reason not to respond because the mobile phone is handheld.

Andrew further explained that texting for ro- mantic couples follows a particular routine. “First there would be the morning text, ‘good morning’, or ‘how was your sleep?’. Then during lunch, something like, ‘have you had your lunch?’, and then in the afternoon or merienda (snack), and then of course, at night. It does not matter what you text, sometimes it is just an emoticon.” He added that either the boy or girl would initiate, but the girl would often initiate the texting. Such ritualized interactions amongst couples support the notion of connected presence, where it is not

the content but the maintenance of constant con- nection that is important (Pertierra, 2007).

The narrative points out the phone’s role in increasing the women’s capability to take a more active role in courtship and romantic relationships. From the narrative, we see the changing landscape of female romantic expression, which the mobile device is deemed instrumental in facilitating. This finding also runs parallel to Pertierra’s ear- lier findings on how “numerous women chatters ranging from self-professed virgins to the isolated girlfriends and wives of OCWs (Overseas Contract Workers) welcome these modes of communication as rare opportunities to reject patriarchal con- straints and develop their sexual personas” (2006, p. 86). Other studies also found that the mobile phone had increased women’s role in looking for partners, a vital aspect of their ritualized life, as they use their mobile phones to ring a wide circle of connections in the search for suitable grooms (Tenheunen, 2008, p. 524; Nagasaka, 2007, p. 118-120). Another study by Doron (2012, p. 428) found that the mobile phone allowed Indian women to take part in “illicit” nightly conversa- tions with their partners, which is a way for them to “temporarily escape the restrictions imposed on couples prior to marriage.” This shows that women’s engagement in such activities over their mobile phones allow them to express themselves as active, desiring individuals.

However, mobile technologies of romance and pleasure appear to simultaneously empower and threaten their users, especially women. In some instances, chat lounges and “sex-texting” are apparently ridden with scammers or some new participants run the risk of unknowingly iden- tifying their identities. In the age of intensified commercialism, mobile phones are also used to contact and promote girls and women involved in sex and tourism, thereby reinstating their role as mere providers of pleasure. Mobile devices are also used to harass women and to distribute videos taken for private purposes. Instances of publicity of ‘sex videos’ taken conspicuously via

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the mobile devices has also had more detrimental effect to the woman than the man involved, again because of traditional expectations for women to avoid engaging in “promiscuous sexual acts” (Gurumurthy, 2010).

Mobile Devices and Expression of Gender Identity

Aesthetics of the Mobile Device

Studies of mobile use by the youth (Green & Singleton, 2007; Ling & Donner, 2010) found that mobile devices represent the display or expres- sion of the self, which also reflect the adoption of traditional gender ideologies in contemporary life. For example, the aesthetic decoration of the mobile phone is shaped by pre-identified gender expectations (e.g. colorful or fancy phone casing for girls, sleek black or silver for boys). This is supported by interviews with younger male and female mobile phone users. The female users showed their phones with generally pink, purple, or white casings embellished with various deco- rations. Representing ritualized images of social interaction, their phones also contained many photographs of their ‘selfies’ with their friends, family, or pets. The males, on the other hand, use casings with colors culturally attributed to males, such as blue, black, or green. The same is not articulated, however, by older users, where the males or females did not seem to care much about the color or aesthetic aspect of the mobile device. One adult female respondent mentioned that her iPhone is not confined to ‘girly colors’ and she can play around with colors of her phone depending on her mood. However, although not concerned with the visual appeal of their phones, the adult male respondents noted their aspiration for the devices with sophisticated features and capabilities.

An interesting finding amongst some mar- ried users of mobile devices is that the phone is shared between couples, particularly for those who

maintain home-based businesses. This then influ- ences the “neutral look” of some of the devices, contrary to previous studies of how female devices were heavily decorated while male devices took on “masculine” designs or colors. For example, a respondent, Shiela, narrated that she and her husband share the phone. Shiela appears to be financially capable of buying her own phone, but because they work in the same business and live in the same house, “there really is no need” for her to own a separate mobile phone. “It’s re- ally James who uses the cellphone. Uhm, in fact I don’t use the phone often. Even for our friends, James contacts them for both of us, because we basically have the same set of friends. So we just have one number and our friends know that. If my friends have a message for me, sometimes I just ask him to respond for me. So we just share the phone”. This shared nature of the mobile device for the couple implies that the phone does not represent any particular gender identity, unlike the younger users.

Gendered Rituals of Leisure and New Avenues for Self-Expression

Leisure, as experienced through mobile devices also appear to be altering gender norms, not only in terms of the availability of “gender-neutral” games, but the personalized and mobile nature of these devices allows the playing of games which traditionally would be considered as oriented to- wards another gender. Toys represent depictions of lived reality as well as gender rituals—as baby dolls and pink toy houses represent women’s nur- turing and child-rearing roles; toy guns, swords, and matchboxes signify men’s role as the pillar of strength, speed, or security. In the Philippines where gender norms place a demarcation on the games that males and females play, gender- neutral games, and the freedom to play games that transgress gender expectations present an initial step in challenging pre-imposed categories of gendered life.

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For example, Arvin, an IT executive, believes that gaming and social networking using a personal gadget such as the smartphone or tablet allows males, females, and queers to express themselves in ways that go beyond acceptable norms. He nar- rated that contradictory to norms where specific leisure activities are prescribed for each gender, the nature of mobile engagement facilitates the exposure to and eventual involvement in ‘gender- neutral’ games. Many of his childhood games and toys are highly gender differentiated. For example, he recalled that playing with dolls or plastic kitchen toys are culturally prescribed for girls. Boys found playing them would instantly be branded as bakla (gay) or are forewarned, “Baka maging bakla ka!” (you might turn into a homosexual). Similarly, girls are not encouraged to play with toy guns (will make them violent) or bikes (they might lose their virginity). On the other hand, Candy Crush or Plants vs Zombies are ”gender neutral” and are played by both men and women. Mobile gaming also allows males to explore games that may be socially unacceptable for them to play otherwise. For example, Arvin explained that he would be able to play the mobile games “Hair Salon” or “Cooking Mama” without being ostracized; when he was a child, it would have been unacceptable for him to play with kitchen or hair salon-related toys. “In the first place, these plastic toys were often produced in pink, yellow, or red colors and therefore would be off-limits to boys!” Such conditioning of “acceptable gender behavior” even in the context of play facilitated the self-disciplining of social actors of their own preferences and actions that are carried over into adulthood. According to Arvin, he observes that mobile gaming also gives women, men and queer the capability to explore gaming themes that previously would have been “assigned” for a particular gender,

Temple Run is like an Indiana Jones game, an adventure game, while DOTA is a violent game. I think girls would traditionally not play that kind

of game, but now, people of any gender would play it. And there are male and female avatars one can choose from. It’s the mobility, privacy, and also the ease of access to these games. For example, would you go to a physical store and buy a hair-curler-toy? Of course not, there is too much effort, but because I can easily download or play it anytime without divulging my identity or gender, then I will download it. So it does not care whether I am a girl or a boy or a gay. I think that changed it. Now you are not limited by the norms on what you can play.

Other respondents also argued that in the recent times it is important to break gender lines whether in terms of games or domestic respon- sibilities. Moreover, whereas traditional leisure opportunities for women are limited, my interviews confirmed earlier findings that mobile gaming allows women, specifically working mothers, to enjoy leisure at “no-where places” and “no-when times” (Caronia, 2005, p.97), such as watching over the baby’s sleeping or waiting for the food to cook. However, in these instances, such window for the challenging of gender norms co-exists with deeply entrenched gender roles.

Arvin’s narrative points out that the complex nature of the mobile phone as being simultaneously “personal”, “shared”, and “mobile” facilitate this transgression of gender divisions in the context of play. Although those games can be played in computers, the personalized nature of mobile phones allows greater ease in self-exploration, while the mobility gives one the flexibility on when to exercise leisure. For example, I would play any game when I’m bored or when I’m waiting. Sometimes that allows me to explore any game in the gadget”. Yet, although the mobile phone has the capability to be “personalized” in the Philip- pines, there are instances when the mobile phone is “shared”. This sharing of the phone, Arvin explains, creates the possibility for exposure to broad interests and options. For example, because he shares his mobile phone to his 4-year old niece,

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it becomes more acceptable to download games such as Cooking Mama and Hair Salon. Yet, this also implies that although he considers the phone “personal”, there remains a subconscious guilt of downloading “games for girls”, which is explained by the need to justify having to download such games. Arvin also narrated that some of his office colleagues give smartphones to their male and female children for ‘sharing’, and this helps break pre-set boundaries of what games each child can play, regardless if their parents would dictate the playing of “gender-specific games”.

Contrary to the notion of “shared mobile de- vices” is the “highly personal” device. An interest- ing insight shared by young female respondents is the active use of their mobile devices as their “diaries on the go”. These respondents explained that they have been accustomed to documenting life events, day-to-day emotions or thoughts in their devices, which they are unable to express towards other people. Carla narrated, “I write anything, like when I feel good or when I’m really upset about something or someone, it’s just easier to write them in my iPhone”. Another participant explained that writing in her “personal” mobile device feels safer and more spontaneous, “at the time that I’m feeling happy or angry, I can write it in my personal notes or tweet about it, so that I don’t forget”. She narrated that she also used to have a paper diary but writing in her device feels more personal and safe than writing on a physical paper diary which she does not carry at all times and which can be seen by anyone just lying around the house. When I probed whether the mobile phone cannot be found lying around the use, she quipped, “No! I always hold on to my phone, no?!” Another common use by young females of their device is watching or creating YouTube videos and expressing their interests through creative works such as writing blogs or fan fiction. One respondent shared that she has written hundreds of fan fiction (her primary leisure activity), many of them about her K-pop idols, through her iPod touch. She writes fiction everyday which, as she

narrates, has many followers. When asked why she opts to write using her mobile device, she explained that the personal computer is shared in her home and her personal mobile device allows her to write freely without fear of being judged by her mom or siblings. These narratives show how the mobile device has created new oppor- tunities for young women to express themselves and explore their identities through this “highly personal” device.

Maintenance and Development of Social Networks

The mobile phone has been found to be an integral player facilitating a sense of belonging. The role of mobile devices in the maintenance and develop- ment of social ties that facilitate the construction of gender identity has dominated past literature on mobile communication. Findings from this study found support for this, particularly in the context of members from the LGBT community who are able to find new opportunities to meet new partners and friends through mobile applications:

In this conservative Catholic country, how could a gay person broadcast the search for a partner in a restaurant or a public place? It is not always easy to identify another gay in a bar or public place. My gay friend told me about the app Grindr, which allows the easy identification of a gay in a public space... Finally, it has become much easier for gays to find friends or partners.

The above quote points out that the smart- phone’s mobility and multitude of applications creates various possibilities for LGBTs to express their gender identity and build social networks in the context of a predominantly conservative culture. The term, ‘finally’ is used to emphasize a history of repression and challenge amongst the LGBT community to openly find opportunities for association and belonging.

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In the same way, mobile devices are actively used across genders to socialize with friends and relatives, exemplifying its role in creating a sense of place and community. Across age, but most es- pecially among the younger females, respondents shared that the mobile device’s primary use is for the maintenance of social ties, allowing them to share hobbies, interests, likes, photographs, vid- eos, games, gossip, and news with relatives and friends. This supports previous findings, such as in Yoon’ s ethnography in Seoul (2003), which showed how rituals of socialization and familial relationships were reenacted through practices of mobile phone use. This also runs parallel with Horst and Donner’s (2006, p. 133-136) findings in the Caribbean wherein the ability to be connected and obtain a source of comfort through shared interests, hobbies, and even gossips becomes a source of comfort for women and a sense of ful- fillment. Moreover, in Pertierra’s research (2006, pp. 77-95) both males and females, married and unmarried, visit chat lounges using their mobile devices out of a sense of isolation or boredom.

Mobile Devices and Performance of Ritualized Gender Roles

Previous studies have argued that women have been found to feel emancipated by the enhanced connectivity facilitated by the mobile phone, while at the same time burdened by the responsibilities enabled by such perpetual connectivity (Lim & Soon, 2010). Findings from this study show that women do not seem to recognize the burden of connectivity. As their nurturing responsibilities are ingrained to their consciousness, the mobile phone is deemed an important tool to continually perform these responsibilities, despite physical or geographic barriers, while at the same time enabling them to insert opportunities for play, work, or socialization. For example, with three grown-up children, Connie, a 69 year old retired Professor, uses her old Nokia phone mainly for coordinating her family’s day-to-day activities.

One of Connie’s sons has a major medical illness and lives with her, together with his daughter and wife in Laguna, a province close to Manila. Her other children, now grown-ups, live in separate apartments in Makati city. Connie spends the week moving from her family’s home to her daughter’s apartment. She stays with her at some days dur- ing the week and spends the rest in Laguna. “So the cellphone is very important because when I am in Makati, I would text and check on my son and my granddaughter. When I am in Laguna, I would check on my son and daughter in Makati.” I probed what she normally texts them about:

Many things. Random things. Sometimes, schedul- ing my visits, sometimes about dishes that I can bring or about their clothes…because I prepare their clothes. Sometimes, I would make sure that the dogs are well-taken cared of when I am away. Sometimes, I text my other son about the medi- cal routines or say hello to my granddaughter. Sometimes, I text our relatives to look after our old house, or I would exchange text messages with my old students and co-teachers.

Connie thinks that mobile phones have em- powered women significantly. However, Connie’s narrative shows that although her phone is deemed primarily for the performance of her nurturing role as mother, it also allows her to socialize with former students and friends, an experience shared by other adult women interviewed who use their mobile devices to connect with friends from church, old friends from college, or distant relatives despite primarily using the phone to support their role as domestic managers.

Mobile Devices and Reversal of Ritualized Gender Roles

In the context of families where wives work overseas, Tadeo-Pingol (1999, p. 22) argued that men are forced to negotiate their sense of mas- culinity and role as husbands or fathers amidst

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social and cultural expectations. In the case study below, Roland’s narrative shows that the assumed reversal of traditional gender roles facilitated by the overseas labor migration of Filipina wives and mothers, in reality, coincides with the enactment of gender rituals.

Roland maintains a small family business and his wife is a care-giver in Dubai. Roland mentions that he is thankful that the mobile phone allows the cheap and constant communication between his family and his wife. Often, he and the kids would use the app Viber to message or call his wife over the phone, and this free application allows the family to discuss with her various issues from the mundane to the important ones. Roland narrated that during the initial months of his wife’s place- ment overseas, she would text him every time to give household-management related instructions. “Yes, she would text everything, from reminding me about the children, to budgeting, to what is the good brand of laundry detergent.” Roland explained that he was not really annoyed by such reminders. Instead, he is appreciative that he gets guidance on what to do because his wife knows the home-related matters best. “We have always been sharing household responsibilities, but I was also surprised at the many details that need to be considered. It can be very tiring. But I don’t want her to be bothered too much because she also has many responsibilities there.” But now, his wife’s calls and messages are more about checking on the conditions of the family, the kids’ school per- formance, and the family budget. Roland laughed when he said that he thinks his wife trusts him now about the household responsibilities. Con- trary to previous findings (Cabanes & Acedera, 2012), Roland did not seem to have expressed a huge concern over his new responsibility as a home-maker and about being instructed by his wife to perform household responsibilities over the mobile phone. “Of course at first it was a bit uncomfortable, but my wife is lucky to have found a job there. It’s not easy to get a good paying job these days.”

The phenomenon of left-at-home fathers who perform the mother’s role in the home (Cabanes & Acedera, 2012), is becoming common in light of increased migration of Philippine mothers. The study also affirmed earlier findings wherein wives use the phone to contact their husbands for guid- ance about domestic management. In this instance, it would seem that although the myth of the male breadwinner is challenged, the myth of the female homemaker is retained. This narrative shows that the re-enactment of women’s roles can be seen side by side their capability to control, direct, question, or guide their husbands, especially in household management, which can be already considered as a significant challenge to traditional gender norms in the Philippine context. As in the case of Roland, he does not question his role in maintain- ing the household as a consequence of his wife’s overseas work because he perceives manhood as a fulfillment of duties, regardless if these duties are gendered, and the wife seems to be able to support the husband in the performance of these “new duties” through constant communication. Such arrangements present opportunities for the challenging of what constitutes “mothering” and “fathering” and allows husbands and wives to mutually negotiate their roles given present-day realities.

Some respondents shared that the males of the house have become more active in searching for domestic-related information such as recipes, alternative medicine, or family illnesses though mobile applications. Other respondents shared that the task of grocery shopping may have become more distributed between couples since the arrival of the mobile device, as wives may sms the men or males may sms their wives to pick up grocery items depending on whoever is available. Although some married respondents narrated that their hus- bands “learned how to cook” through smartphone applications, this did not mean that the husband has taken over the full responsibility for cooking within the household and reversed particular role expectations in the household.

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SOCIAL, CULTURAL, AND ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS

Social Implications

There has been concern that the use of mobile tech- nologies is increasingly facilitating individualism rather than strengthening of social ties (Turkle, 2011). As mobile devices with a multitude of applications continue to play a prominent role in people’s lives, the sustained media consumption facilitated by mobile devices may alienate users and undermine important social relations. This critique of the social implications of technolo- gies runs parallel to Putnam’s concern about how technology operates to fragment social capital (Hjorth, 2009). In the Philippines, however, the mobile device is still actively utilized for main- taining and building social ties. For women in particular, the mobile device is used predominantly for socialization and “performing intimacy” with significant others so as to hold together the fabric of the family and the community by building and maintaining relationships (Wajcman, et.al., 2008, pp. 646-647).

The unique characteristic of mobile engage- ment emerging from the study, its personal yet ‘shared’ nature, facilitates the transgression of cer- tain gender expectations and blurring of divides. Activities such as expressing oneself, enjoying the exploration of romantic partners, or exploring ‘gender neutral’ forms of play challenge gender norms and facilitates the performance of alterna- tive gender subjectivities, thereby transforming gender into more fluid categories (Siapera, 2012, p.180). The mobile phone also seems to create a screen that provides women the confidence to express themselves, whether to a potential lover, a partner, or an aggressor. A female respondent mentioned that she considers the mobile phone as a security device, because based on what she sees in the news, women have been saved from dangerous situations using their mobile phones.

Mobile-mediated dating and social networking is also utilized by the LGBT community to identify each other stealthily, and this could prove helpful in the Philippines where LGBT relationships are still considered taboo or where LGBTs are in dan- ger of being victims of hate crime. It also makes it easy for those ‘in the closet’ to interact with other LGBTs in their immediate localities. Such actions challenge the limits and strict adherence to traditional gender conventions and allow for more playful gender performances and subjectivities to take place. However, some have also raised concern about the kind of gay culture that applica- tions such as Grindr might be shaping– hook ups vs. relationships, promiscuity, or apathy towards larger LGBT causes (Yiannopoulus, 2010), which may reproduce stereotypes and prejudices about the LGBT community. For women, on the other hand, while the capability of finding partners and expressing one’s sexuality may be facilitated by the personal nature of the mobile phone, previous studies have shown how this can be used for pros- titution or pornography which may also reproduce the misconstrued notion of women as primarily sexual objects (Gurumurthy, 2010).

Economic Implications

Mobile devices allow women to pursue the per- formance of their domestic obligations while expanding their opportunities for work or main- tenance of a career. This includes women who migrate overseas to work, comforted by the fact that mobile phones can allow them to continually establish “perpetual contact” (Katz & Aakhus, 2002) with their families, while becoming eco- nomically productive actors. Studies found that women feel empowered by this economic capa- bility, particularly as Filipinos overseas are able to transfer money directly to family back in the Philippines through their mobile devices (Madi- anou & Miller, 2011). However, others argue that although women are empowered economically, they retain a level of submission to their husbands

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and continually perform their domestic obliga- tions, sometimes despite the availability of help from back home (Parreñas, 2005; Madianou & Miller, 2011). Thus, although economic roles are challenged, gender rituals remain where women are mothers or daughters first and need to perform their domestic obligations or keep the household together (Soriano, et al., forthcoming).

The uses of the mobile phone, and the percep- tion of the value of the mobile phone to some of the respondents are heavily shaped by the roles traditionally expected of them. This is character- ized by the elderly mother who uses the mobile phone to assert her role as the family’s domestic manager, the overseas mother who attempts to perform her role as mother and wife through the mobile phone despite her physical absence, or testimonials of women that they are able to find more time for themselves because the mobile phone facilitates ease in the performance of their work and domestic obligations. These affirm the role of women as vanguards of the domestic front, despite the changing roles that they play in the economic front. Other studies have explored the dilemmas of working mothers who find mobile connectivity as both comforting yet burdensome as it stretches the performance of domestic duties beyond the home and even in the place of work (Madianou & Miller 2011; Cabanes & Acedera, 2012; Parreñas, 2001; Katz & Aakhus, 2002; Soriano et al., forthcoming). Yet, my interviews showed that Filipino women do not really recog- nize such “perpetual contact” as a bane, seeing their nurturing responsibility as natural and a given, they are relieved by the mobile’s capability to allow them to perform their obligations, side by side the use of the mobile device for leisure, social networking, or other work obligations.

Moreover, the rise of small scale mobile en- terprises such as mobile credit auto-loading or “mobile money services” which is very popular all around Metro Manila and in smaller provin- cial towns has also allowed many home-based women to earn a living. Such auto-load shops

are incorporated into small village stores that sell “sachets” of everything, from shampoo to mayonnaise, to mobile phone credit (Mendes et al., 2007). Home-based mothers, who perceive the need to look after the home and children or who are unable to find formal employment, are thus aided by the mobile device as they become economically productive actors and participate in home-based business. Across all genders, the mobile device is used both for social and economic functions, such as looking for jobs and business opportunities, or finding cheap alternatives for particular products and services.

Political Implications

Equality in access to mobile devices pertains to equal opportunities for using the device for social or political expression. The role of mobile devices for political purposes also coincides with the political climate and the degree of tolerance for political expression (Hermanns, 2008). Since the election of former President Corazon Aquino in 1986, women have enjoyed a more active role in Philippine politics. Not only as direct politicians or candidates for government office, women are also active leaders of social movements, activist organizations, non-government organizations, and lobby groups. In all these activities, mobile devices equip women with tools to communicate their respective advocacies and perform their expected roles.

Mobile devices have also played an active role in coordinating the political campaign of the Philippine LGBT political party, Ladlad. In May 2010 and 2013, Ladlad, a national LGBT political party of lesbian, gays, bisexuals, and transgenders ran for the nationwide party list elections, which will give the community a seat in lawmaking. Although the community failed to obtain the required number of votes to secure a seat, leaders and members of the community have shared the active use of mobile devices and the Internet in the process of political mobilization

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(Soriano, 2014). The value of mobile Internet for queer mobilization is congruent with the findings of Pullen (2010) in the United States, as well as Nip (2004) in the context of ‘queer sisters’ and electronic bulletin boards in Hongkong, and Lichterman’s study among African-American queers (1999). Such spaces, “facilitate ‘solidarity- building’… identity groups may well need a safe space to talk in angry unison about, to cry about, injustices perpetrated on one’s ‘own people,’ without fearing rebuke…” (Lichterman, 1999, p. 135). Mobile connectivity also expanded the space for the sharing and discussion of queer is- sues, which allowed individual queers to act in solidarity with others of similar experiences. In the case of Ladlad, handy and powerful mobile devices allowed the leaders to organize the cara- vans and campaigns across the Philippine islands, while facilitating the members in joining in the conversation and helping in the coordination of campaign-related events (https://www.facebook. com/angLadlad). Members located in the various provinces also texted and posted updates of the campaigns in their Facebook and Twitter pages. With promotions from mobile and internet service providers for cheap unlimited access to social networking sites as well as calls and sms, LGBT organizers with limited funding were able to mobilize a collective force, including those who are uncomfortable with public expression of their identity and support to the cause.

CONCLUSION

The implications of technology on society may be understood through dichotomous oppositions: public/private; site of inequality / site of empow- erment. Technology engagement, however, needs to be seen not just either as a site for domination or freedom but instead as containing patterns of relations and rituals that are nuanced and complex. This chapter examined the question of rituals and gender performance as mediated by the use of

the mobile device. This approach to the under- standing of the implication of mobile devices in society seeks to situate the relevance of mobile technologies in influencing everyday gendered practices, while emphasizing that its use is also heavily influenced by cultural rituals. Although the paper focuses on the Philippines as case study, both the approach and the findings can be related and compared to the mutual shaping of mobile devices and gender rituals globally.

This paper adopts the concept of gender as an identity that is constructed rather than one we are born with (Siapera, 2012, p. 179), gener- ated and consolidated as a process of repetition and reiteration (Butler, 1993). Gender identities continue to acquire meaning through the various personal and social activities mediated by the mobile phone everyday as it helps the constitu- tion of people as social subjects. As we establish ourselves through social networking, gaming, sms, or calls, our gender identities are constructed out of these individual interactions in everyday life. Such construction plays an important part in the ongoing self-shaping of particular gender sub- jectivities, and also in challenging gender norms.

The case studies showed that mobile devices are embedded in culturally valued relations, with the mobile device functioning as a site through which gender roles are maintained and negotiated. The maintenance and negotiation simultaneously occur through various ritualized interactions. Women are able to simultaneously perform their domestic roles while expanding their traditional social networks, performing leisure or work activities, or exploring their personal interests. Members of the LGBT community are also aided by their mobile devices for self-expression, find- ing partners, and forming social and political collectives. Mobile devices also facilitated the transgression of some gender boundaries in the rituals of leisure, romantic relationships, as well as the undermining of traditional lines that socially, economically, and politically limit the construction of gender identity. However, such “transgressive”

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activities are continually enacted within the context of continuing gender ideologies that have been constructed within gender rituals that foster ties, impose obligations and acceptable practices, and which work to moderate social order and relation- ships. The transgression of gender boundaries of play, for example, is performed in the context of the mobile phone’s “shared” nature, a unique so- cial arrangement influenced by strong family ties underlying Filipino culture. Secondly, although the phone helps expand the woman’s economic possibilities, this is performed in the context of gender rituals -- where overseas Filipinas are still expected to perform or manage the same domestic obligations, and where they feel obliged to continually perform their ritualized nurturing roles for their families over the mobile device. Third, as more women use the mobile device to find space for leisure and social activities, this is negotiated by their roles as household manager or nurturer of children. Fourth, as a woman is seen emboldened by the mobile phone to pursue a potential partner or become an active, desiring individual, it still exists within the context of the need for the acceptance of such female persona by the male partner or the broader society.

An awareness of the ritualized scripting of mobile devices is a useful exercise in understand- ing the complex implications of mobile devices in society, as well as the changes, challenges, and chances for alternative gender performance. As we have seen from the findings, mobile com- munication helps to simultaneously erode and reinforce old gender categories and hierarchies, as the mobile device allows its subjects to experi- ment with socially, economically, or politically transformative relations of gender and sexuality.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

Gender: A social construction and representa- tion, an attribute that is performed and shaped by social rules and the continued transformations, such as being male or female.

Gender Ritual: Refers to symbolic activities that in their repetitive form construct gender norms and ideologies within a particular locale.

Ladlad: A political party of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgenders in the Philippines. The translation of ‘ladlad’ is to ‘unfurl a cape used to cover one’s body as a shield. It means to come

out of the closet, to assert one’s human rights as equal to that of other Filipinos’ (Ladlad, website).

Prepaid: A payment scheme for mobile services for which credit is purchased (through prepaid cards) in advance of service use.

Ritual: Refers to a type of symbolic expres- sive activity constructed of multiple behaviors that occur in a fixed, episodic sequence and that tend to be repeated over time. Rituals shape the everyday sense of social order and identify the ‘right way of doing things’ in a locale.

Sachet Marketing: Refers to promotions that allow the purchase and exchange of items (includ- ing mobile credit) at small denominations, usually offered in small variety stores in rural and urban localities and villages.

Spanish Rulebooks: Pertain to documents written and directed to the mothers of the house during the Spanish period in the Philippines as scripts for how daughters and sons ought to be raised in accordance with particular values and role expectations.

Transnational Mothering: Pertains to the performance of mothers’ nurturing responsibilities from geographically distant locations, normally performed by overseas working mothers.