Unit 7.1 Discussion: Reactions to Survivors

Stereotypes about men and women are especially dangerous because they affect every one of us. To expect all men to be successful, strong, athletic, brave leaders places an impractical burden on them. To expect all women to be sweet, submissive, pretty, and born with a natural love of housekeeping places tremendous pressure on them to conform.

A Perspective

Sexism is “the belief that innate psychological, behavioral, and/or intellectual differences exist between women and men and that these differences connote the superiority of one group and the inferiority of the other” (Mooney, Knox, & Schacht, 2017, p. 321).

Prejudice involves negative attitudes and prejudgments about a group.  Discrimination is the actual treatment of that group’s members in a negative or unfair manner. Aspects of diversity directly affect how individuals function and interact with other systems in the social environment. The aspect of diversity addressed here is gender. First, the concepts of gender, gender identity, and gender expression will be addressed. Then, because men in our society have traditionally held the majority of positions of power, a large portion of this chapter will focus on the state and status of women as victims of sexism.

9-1 Define Gender, Gender Identity, Gender Expression, and Gender Roles

LO 1

This chapter will explore various aspects of what it’s like to be male or female. It will also address differential and sometimes discriminatory treatment based on gender. In an overly simplistic view of the world, one might think that a person is either a male or a female—period. As you will see, the concept of gender is much more complex than you might initially think. First, let’s define our basic terms.

According to the American Psychological Association (2011),  gender is defined as “the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture associates with a person’s biological sex. Behavior that is compatible with cultural expectations is referred to as gender-normative; behaviors that are viewed as incompatible with these expectations constitute gender nonconformity.”

Gender is becoming a complicated concept. Researchers and educators are challenging the binary view of gender (being categorically defined as only male or female), recognizing instead that other genders have been recognized, such as genderqueer or intergender (Mooney, Knox, & Schacht, 2017: Hyde & DeLamater, 2017).

The title of this chapter includes gender identity and gender expression.  Gender identity is a person’s internal psychological self-concept of being either male or female, or possibly some combination of both (Gilbert, 2008).  Gender expression concerns how we express ourselves to others in ways related to gender that include both behavior and personality.

Gender roles are “the attitudes, behaviors, rights, and responsibilities that particular cultural groups associate with our assumed or assigned sex” (Yaber & Sayad, 2016, p. 124).

Gender-role socialization is the process of conveying what is considered appropriate behavior and perspectives for males and females in a particular culture.

We will differentiate the concepts of gender and sex.  Sex “refers to the biological distinction between being female and being male, usually categorized on the basis of the reproductive organs and genetic makeup” (McCammon & Knox, 2007, p. 606). Sex, then, focuses on the biological qualities of being male or female; gender emphasizes social and psychological aspects of femaleness or maleness. The following section will explore how we can think theoretically about gender and its implications.

9-2 Discuss the Social Construction of Gender

LO 2

We can look at the concept of gender in many ways. One conceptual framework that fits well with a social work perspective is the  social constructionist approach (Bay-Cheng, 2008; Kondrat, 2008). Social construction is “the process by which people’s perception of reality is shaped largely by the subjective meaning that they give to an experience … From this perspective, little shared reality exists beyond that which people socially create. It is, however, this social construction of reality that influences people’s beliefs and actions” (Kendall, 2013, p. 14). In other words, how people think about situations as they interact with others becomes what is real to them. It’s easy to view the world around us as a physical fact. However, social construction reveals that “we also apply subjective meanings to our existence and experience. In other words, our experiences don’t just happen to us. Good, bad, positive, or negative—we attach meanings to our reality” (Leon-Guerrero, 2011, p. 9).

A positive aspect of the social constructionist approach is that it incorporates the concept of human diversity, a major focus in social work. People learn how they’re expected to behave through their interactions with others around them. People’s behavior will differ depending on the vast range of circumstances in which they find themselves. Therefore, human diversity should be accepted and appreciated.

Lorber and Moore (2011) note that gender is one’s “legal status as a woman or man, usually based on sex assigned at birth, but may be legally changed. Gender status produces patterns of social expectations for bodies, behavior, emotions, family and work roles. Gendered expectations can change over time both on individual and social levels” (p. 5). At least three major points are stressed in these comments. First, gender is a legal status, usually determined at birth, that can be changed. Second, gender status results from social expectations. Therefore, the makeup of gender is determined by the social context in which a person lives. Third, expectations for how people of each gender are supposed to act can change over time, depending on the expectations of people around them.

the differences between females and males are not based in some biologically determined truth. For example, in the nineteenth century, affluent white women in the United States were expected to stay at home once their pregnancies were apparent (a period called “confinement”) and to be treated as infirm for weeks after delivery. Enslaved women, in contrast, worked until going into labor and resumed work shortly afterward. The impact of pregnancy and childbirth on a woman’s physical capacities was constructed differently depending on social categories other than her sex …

But social construction … refers to the social practice of perceiving and defining aspects of people and situations inconsistently, to force our observations to fit our social beliefs. Thus, before the women’s movement (which started in the late 1960s), the scoring of vocational tests, taken by people to determine what careers they might best follow, was done with two answer keys—one for females and one for males. Even if your answers were identical to those of someone of the other sex, the vocational advice was different.

For a more dramatic example, the very notion that all humans can be clearly and without argument categorized as female or male is a social construction. Some people have chromosomal patterns associated with one sex, and they have primary (genital) sex characteristics or secondary (e.g., facial hair) sex characteristics, or both, associated with the other [as a later section addresses]. Some people have genitalia that are not clearly what our culture labels either “male” or “female.” These variations in people’s biological characteristics are more common than our cultural beliefs suggest …

Because so many social statuses have gendered expectations attached to them, people may often find themselves, one way or another, feeling marginal to some sphere of their social lives. This affects the way that they perform their roles and the ways that others interact with them, affecting how they are able to perform their roles. They will have to put more energy into establishing their credentials in each position to be treated as a legitimate occupant of it by others. If the veteran is a woman returning to military service, in some ways she will be marginalized; both male veterans and nonveteran females feel that she is somehow not a “regular” member of their own category. If you have read the last sentence believing that times have changed, go to your local post office and look at the forms for registering for the Selective Service. Men must register, and women cannot. (pp. 3–5)

9-3 Examine the Complexities of Gender, Gender Identify, and Gender Expression

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As stated previously, gender is not a simple concept. Consider the following story (Colapinto, 2007).

Frank and Linda, both raised in religious families on farms, met in their mid-teens and married when they were ages 20 and 18, respectively. Making a move to an urban area, Frank got what he regarded as a great job. The couple soon joyfully discovered they were expecting twins. Much to their delight, identical twins John and Kevin were born to them on August 22, 1965.

But when the twins were 7 months old, Linda noticed that their foreskins were closing, making it hard for them to urinate. Then pediatrician explained that the condition, called phimosis, was not rare and was easily remedied by circumcision. Linda and Frank then sought to remedy the condition through surgery.

But early the next morning [after surgery], they were jarred from sleep by a ringing phone. It was the hospital. “There’s been a slight accident,” a nurse told Linda. “The doctor needs to see you right away.”

Appalled and frantically worried, Frank and Linda visited a range of specialists. They were told that it might be possible to construct a structure from skin grafts, but that this penis would neither look like nor function like a normal penis. Its only useful purpose would be urination. Frank and Linda foresaw a bleak and dismal future for John who would always be very different and would never really experience a normal life.

Finally, Frank and Linda came into contact with a charismatic famous physician who was just beginning to conduct transsexual surgery. Remember that the state of practice was unfamiliar and primitive compared to what can be accomplished medically and surgically today. This physician urged the couple to undertake corrective surgery to change John’s gender to female as soon as possible. He stressed that gender identity becomes firmly established by age 30 months. Frank and Linda, who only had sixth-grade educations, reflect later on their lack of understanding. They didn’t comprehend that this procedure had never really been performed on an otherwise normal baby before and that such surgery was indeed experimental. Friends and family raised serious questions. But, constantly faced with the poor baby’s deformity, they hoped for the best and decided to proceed.

In 1967 at age 22 months, John “underwent surgical castration” (p. 10). Medical records indicate that the operating physician “slit open the baby’s scrotum along the midline and removed the testes, then enclosed the scrotal tissue so that it resembled labia. The urethra was lowered to approximate the position of the female genitalia, and a cosmetic vaginal cleft was made by forming the skin around a rolled rub of gauze during healing” (p. 10).

Over the next years, Frank and Linda desperately tried to make John, now called Joan, act like a female and develop a female gender identity. The famous physician who persuaded them to have the surgery done in the first place advised them neither to talk about it nor to inform Joan about her real biological gender. Joan’s parents tried to make her wear feminine clothing and play with girls’ toys. However, Joan persistently remained a tomboy, clearly preferring the masculine dress and behavior demonstrated by her brother Kevin. By kindergarten Joan, her peers, and her teacher know that she was “different.” Joan couldn’t identify exactly what this difference was, but she knew she didn’t feel like a girl. She continued to experience interpersonal difficulties throughout grade school.

Joan was given female hormones beginning at age 12. By age 14, “the drugs were in competition with her male endocrine system, which, despite the absence of testicles, was now in the full flood of puberty—a fact readily apparent not only in her loping walk and the angular manliness of her gestures, but also in the dramatic deepening of her voice, which, after a period of breaking and cracking, had dropped into its current rambling register. Physically, her condition was such that strangers turned to stare at her” (p. 18).

At this point, Joan decided that she would henceforth live life the way she chose. She wore masculine clothing, refused to fuss with her hair, and urinated standing up. She “transferred to a technical high school, where she enrolled in an appliance-repair course. There she was quickly dubbed Cave-woman and Sasquatch and was openly told, ‘You’re a boy’ ” (p. 18).

Frank finally explained to Joan/John, at age 14, what had happened and about really being a biological male. After the initial shock, Joan/John’s reaction was pure relief. Suddenly, his life, feelings, and behavior all began to make sense to him.

Joan’s decision to undergo a sex change was immediate. She changed her name to John and demanded male-hormone treatments and surgery to complete her metamorphosis back from girl to boy. That fall, he had his breasts surgically excised; the following summer, a rudimentary penis was constructed. The operation was completed one month prior to his 16th birthday. (p. 19)

When John was 21, he had another operation that provided him with a penis that appeared much more realistic. Nerve transplants provided some sensation.

At 23, John met a woman three years older than himself who already had three children. They married when John was 25, and he adopted her children.

Eventually, John came forward and spoke out against sex reassignment surgery on young children. He shared how devastatingly difficult it had made many years of his life. His hope was to prevent the procedure from being performed on other unknowing innocents.

Very unfortunately, John killed himself in 2004 when he was 38.

Money (1987) proposed that gender is a complex concept involving six physical and two psychological variables:

1. Gender designated by chromosomes, XX for females and XY for males

2. Presence of testes or ovaries

3. Prenatal response in gender and brain development to the presence of testosterone for males and to the lack of it for females

4. Presence of internal organs related to reproduction, including the uterus, fallopian tubes, and vagina in females, and the seminal vesicles and prostate in males

5. Appearance of the external genitals

6. Hormones evident during puberty (estrogen and progesterone in the female, testosterone in the male)

7. Gender assigned at birth (“It’s a boy!” or “It’s a girl!”)

8. Gender identity, a person’s internal psychological self-concept of being either a male or a female

It is estimated that 1 out of every 1,500 to 2,000 babies born has some combination of physical characteristics demonstrated by both sexes (Crooks & Baur, 2014; Intersex Society of North America [ISNA], 2008a; National Institutes of Health [NIH], 2013a). Reasons include having “an atypical combination of sex chromosomes or as a result of prenatal hormonal irregularities” (Crooks & Baur, 2014, p. 120). For example, Klinefelter’s syndrome is a sex chromosome disorder in which males are born with an extra X chromosome, resulting in an XXY designation; “the Y chromosome triggers the development of male genitalia, but the extra X prevents them from developing fully” (Carroll, 2013b, p. 86). Results include a feminized body appearance, low testosterone levels, small testicles, and, possibly, infertility (Lee, Cheng, Ahmed, Shaw, & Hughes, 2007). Treatment may involve testosterone therapy.

Another example of contradiction in physical gender is a genetic female who as a fetus is exposed to excessive androgens (a class of male hormones); as a result she develops external genitals that resemble a male’s (Crooks & Baur, 2014). Her clitoris is enlarged enough to resemble a penis and the labia (folds of tissue around the vaginal entrance) may converge and resemble a scrotum (the pouch that holds the male testes) (Carroll, 2013b; Crooks & Baur, 2014). When diagnosed at birth, cosmetic surgery can often be performed to “feminize” the person’s genitalia.

There are many other examples of people who have some mixture of male and female predisposition and configuration of reproductive structures. Such a person is referred to as  pseudohermaphrodite or  intersex (Carroll, 2013b, p. 86).

Gender-role stereotypes persist despite the complexity of gender.

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In order to understand and assess human behavior, one must be aware of the pressures that gender-based stereotypes have on people. Social workers need to understand how human diversity affects behavior. Gender is one critical type of diversity. Gender-based differences and stereotypes will be examined within the contexts of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.

9-4aChildhood

Carroll (2013b) comments:

What is masculine? What is feminine? Not too long ago, the answers would have seemed quite obvious: men naturally have masculine traits, meaning they are strong, stable, aggressive, competitive, self-reliant, and emotionally undemonstrative; women are naturally feminine, meaning they are intuitive, loving, nurturing, emotionally expressive, and gentle. Even today, many would agree that such traits describe the differences between the sexes. These gender stereotypes, however, are becoming less acceptable as our culture changes.  Masculinity and  femininity refer to the ideal cluster of traits that society attributes to each gender. (p. 90)

Who do you feel best embody ideal masculine and feminine traits today? As an adolescent, whom did you look up to and why? To what extent did these people serve as role models? How did you alter your behavior in response to them and their behavior? To what extent do you feel that improving insight into yourself and your own behavior can provide better understanding of other people’s behavior?

For example, Sharon and Dick, who were both professionals in their late 30s, married late and chose to have no children. They lived in a tiny duplex for several years to save money so that they might buy a new home. Finally, they made it. They had saved enough, and it was moving day. They asked Dick’s parents to help them move. That was a big mistake. For years, Sharon and Dick had both worked long hours outside the home. They had divided the housework up by room. Sharon had the kitchen, the extra bedroom, which was her office, and the bathroom to keep clean; Dick had their bedroom and the living room as his domain. When the large pieces of furniture were moved out, Sharon made the mistake of walking into the bedroom, Dick’s domain, as Dick’s father was sweeping large dust balls around the floor. He barked abrasively at Sharon, “You better not let your new house get this dirty! This is disgusting!” Sharon’s father-in-law, and the world at large, made housecleaning Sharon’s responsibility and burden because she was the wife. Any uncleanliness was clearly considered her fault, even though she had never been the least bit domestically oriented. Housework had always bored her to tears.

A third disadvantage that women may experience based on gender-role stereotypes is the potential stress generated from the demands of being beautiful and attractive (Yarber & Sayad, 2013). Bartky (2007) explains:

There is something obsessional in the preoccupation of many women with their bodies, although the magnitude of the obsession will vary somewhat with the presence or absence in a woman’s life of other sources of self-esteem and with her capacity to gain a living independent of her looks. Surrounded on all sides by images of perfect female beauty … in modern advertising … of course we fall short … Whose nose is not the wrong shape, whose hips are not too wide or too narrow? …

It is a fact that women in our society are regarded as having a virtual duty “to make the most of what we have” … [I]t is within our power to make ourselves look better—not just neater and cleaner, but prettier, and more attractive. What is presupposed by this is that we don’t look good enough already, that attention to the ordinary standards of hygiene would be insufficient, that there is something wrong with us as we are. Here, the “intonations of inferiority” are clear: Not only must we continue to produce ourselves as beautiful bodies, but the bodies we have to work with are deficient to begin with. (p. 56)

Men, too, experience lack of freedom and negative consequences from gender-role stereotyping. At least three repercussions result. First, men are expected to be doers who are competent, aggressive, and successful (Shaw & Lee, 2012; Yarber & Sayad, 2016). As a result, they are pressured to succeed in a career, be it engineering, crime scene investigation, real estate sales, dentistry, or some other avenue of achievement. A man holding a job with lesser status is often thought to be a lesser person.

A second negative impact on men of gender-role stereotyping is the pressure not to express emotions (Crooks & Baur, 2014; Yarber & Sayad, 2016). Men are taught that they should not cry, and that they should be strong and decisive. They should especially withhold any emotional demonstrations associated with weakness, such as depression, fear, and sadness (Crooks & Baur, 2014). Intimacy may be more difficult for men than women, perhaps because of how they were socialized. This may relate to the idea that displaying emotion shows weakness. Therefore, revealing true intimate feelings may be seen as a sign of weakness to be avoided.

A third negative consequence of gender-role stereotyping for men involves the fact that their average lifespan is significantly less than that of women. For instance, white females live an average of almost five years longer than white males, and African American females about six years longer than their male counterparts (U.S. Department of Health & Human Service, 2015).

The ongoing problem for both men and women is that gender stereotypes pressure people to conform. They don’t allow much room for individuality and creativity. If we become more flexible and gender stereotypes dissolve, maybe people will be more objective in assessing themselves and not feel pressured to be something they’re not. Abolishing gender stereotypes may give us all the freedom to develop more realistic expectations and to live the way we choose.

Sigelman and Rider (2012) summarize a number of current findings:

· Sometimes females display better verbal skills than males in some areas at some ages, but differences are so small they often don’t matter (Arden & Plomin, 2006; Galsworthy, Dionne, Dale, & Plomin, 2000; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013).

· Males display a better grasp of spatial manipulation and understanding (“for example, arranging blocks in patterns or identifying the same figure from different angles”) (Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Sigelman & Rider, 2012, p. 384). Differences in some areas surface in childhood, and some discrepancies continue into adulthood (Johnson & Bouchard, 2007; Kaufman, 2007). Note that training can enhance spatial manipulation skills for both women and men (Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013).

· In the past, males scored higher than females on standardized math tests. However, currently males and females perform similarly on such tests, although girls get better grades in math classes (Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Kenney-Benson, Pomerantz, Ryan, & Patrick, 2006; Lachance & Mazzocco, 2006; U.S. Department of Education, 2005).

· Some studies indicate that females are better at remembering things than their male counterparts, although possibly only in some areas, such as recalling where items are placed (Johnson & Bouchard, 2007; Voyer, Postma, Brake, & Imperato-McGinley, 2007).

So, what really is true? The debate continues. At its core is the nature–nurture controversy. To what extent are such abilities innate, and to what extent are they the result of the differential treatment of boys and girls? The important thing is not to make assumptions regarding an individual’s ability on the basis of gender.

9-5bCommunication Styles

Another area in which differences between males and females are evident is in verbal and nonverbal communication style (Sapiro, 2003; Shaw & Lee, 2012). Shaw and Lee (2012) explain:

Feminine, speech differs from masculine speech in that the latter involves more direct interruptions of other speakers. Listening to real people talking, we find that although men and women interrupt at about the same rate in same-sex conversations (women interrupting women, and men interrupting men), in mixed groups men interrupt other speakers more than women do, and men are more likely to change the subject in the process, whereas women tend to interrupt to add to the story with their own experiences and thoughts. Although there are cultural differences around interruptions, it is clear that who interrupts and who gets interrupted is about power …

[F]eminine speech and masculine speech fulfill different functions. Feminine speech tends to work toward maintaining relationships, developing rapport, avoiding conflict, and maintaining cooperation. Masculine speech, on the other hand, is more likely oriented toward attracting and maintaining an audience, asserting power and dominance, and giving information. (pp. 179–180)

Women tend to be better than men at understanding nonverbal cues and reading other people’s emotions (Hall, 1998; Hyde & DeLamater, 2017). In general, women are in better touch with their emotions and the feelings of others.

Although many of these differences in communication styles are subtle and minor, in combination they mean a lot. Many of women’s most salient issues involve unfairness and victimization due to sexism. To begin to examine the issues and to initiate change, some of the foundations of sexism need to be understood. Changes in these behaviors, when they’re all considered together, may bring about significant adjustments in gender-role expectations and the distribution of power.

Ethical Question 9.2

Perhaps an even more striking finding is that women earn less than men even when they’re in the same occupation. Census data reinforce the gender gap in earnings (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Women in management, business, and financial occupations earn a median full-time, year-round salary of 72 percent of what their male counterparts earn. Similarly, women in professional and related occupations earn less than 70 percent of what men earn. Female physicians “are still overwhelmingly found in certain specialties as pediatrics, dermatology, and public health work, and less likely to be found in surgical specialties, orthopedics, and more entrepreneurial positions … Female physicians on the average earned approximately 36 percent less than what male physicians made … Similarly, female lawyers are less likely to be in criminal law and are more likely to practice family law and make about 80 percent of male lawyers’ salaries” (Shaw & Lee, 2012, pp. 409–410).

Women also have less direct political power in terms of the actual number of political offices they hold. As of this writing, 104 women are serving in the U.S. Congress, making up 19.4 percent (Center for American Women and Politics [CAWP], 2016). (This reflects an increase of 11 positions or 2.5% since 2010.) Of these 104 women, 20 are U.S. senators, making up 20 percent of the 100 senators. The remaining 84 serve in the House of Representatives, making up 19.3 percent of the 435 U.S. representatives. Note that Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, a Democrat from California, became the first woman Speaker of the House, and is currently minority leader. Even though the number of women holding national public office does not approach their proportion of the total population (51%) (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2016), women have made some progress over past decades.

Women tend to do a bit better in state governments. For example, although in late 2016, only 6 of the 50 state governors, or 12 percent, were women, women made up 76, or 24.4 percent, of the 312 statewide elective executive offices (including governors, lieutenant governors, attorney generals, various commissioners, and other such officials). In 2016, the United States had the first women as candidates for president (Hillary Clinton and Dr. Jill Stein). Positive changes appear to be occurring in how women are being valued in our society, but more work needs to be done. People who hold important political positions have significant power and control over other people’s lives.

Hillary Clinton was the first woman in the United States to be nominated for President by a major political party.

9-8 Examine Sexual Harassment

LO 7

Ann’s male boss states that if she doesn’t have sex with him, she won’t make it through her 6-month probationary period. She really needs the job. She doesn’t know what to do.

Harry really needs to get a good grade in his course with Dr. Getsom, a female professor, in order to keep his scholarship and stay in school. So far he has a D in the course. When he goes to see Dr. Getsom, she likes to touch him a lot and acts very friendly. Last Thursday she said she would “see what could be done about helping him with his grade” if they’d start dating. He feels trapped. He doesn’t know what to do.

One of the other financial assistance workers in the county social services department really annoys Buella. The man is constantly telling dirty jokes about women. Additionally, he whistles at any woman under 25 who passes his desk.

Sexual harassment is a serious form of sex discrimination that affects business, industrial, academic, and public work environments. According to available data, the highest number of sexual harassment complaints filed with the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was 30.356 in 2017; in 2015, the figure was 26.396 (EEOC, 2016a).

Sexual harassment is illegal. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlaws discrimination on the basis of sex as well as race. Legal precedents have been established that include sexual harassment as a form of sex discrimination (EEOC, 2010a). In 1991, the Civil Rights Act “was amended to allow juries to award compensatory and punitive damages” to people seeking legal action concerning sexual harassment in employment-related civil cases  (Ahmad, 1998, p. 61). Additionally, individual state laws can prohibit sexual harassment and provide legal recourse to victims.  Title DC of the Higher Educational Amendments of 1972 specifically prohibits sex discrimination on university campuses. Finally, individual agencies, organizations, or universities may have established policies prohibiting sexual harassment.

9-8aThe Definition of Sexual Harassment

The EEOC (2014a) defines  sexual harassment as follows: “Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal and physical conduct of a sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when this conduct explicitly or implicitly affects an individual’s employment, unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work performance, or creates an intimidating, hostile, or offensive work environment.”

Sexual harassment occurs when a female employee is made to tolerate the regular touching of her arms, waist, neck, or buttocks by her male supervisor in order to ensure that she gets good supervisory reviews. Sexual harassment exists when a female administrative assistant is pressured to become sexually involved with the vice-president she works for if she wants to keep her job. Sexual harassment also is evident when a male college professor likes to touch young male students in suggestive ways and refers to them as “pretty boys.”

Sexual harassment almost always involves elements of unequal power and coercion. Sometimes it involves promising a victim a reward or threatening a punishment on the basis of the victim’s sexual cooperation. Other times it involves becoming overly and inappropriately personal with a victim, either by sharing intimacies or prying into the victim’s personal life.

Although most victims are women, sexual harassment can be directed at either males or females. In 2015, some 17 percent of complaints filed with the EEOC were filed by males (EEOC, 2016b). Therefore, sexual harassment can be considered a human rights issue. A member of either gender may be the victim of harassing, offensive behavior of a sexual nature. For example, consider the case of Joseph Oncale, who filed a sexual harassment suit against Sundowner Offshore Services, a Houston firm that drills for oil in the Gulf of Mexico. The following describes the situation:

Oncale had worked on offshore rigs before (and does today), but says he never encountered such abusive treatment as when he signed on with Sundowner in 1991. He claims, for instance, that three male coworkers held him down in a shower and shoved a bar of soap between his buttocks. One of them threatened rape, he says. He quit and later was found to have posttraumatic stress. (Cloud, 1998, p. 55)

One example of same-gender harassment involves harassment of gay and lesbian people. They can be targets of inappropriate sexual advances, threats, and promises whether such overtures involve someone of the same gender or the opposite gender.

Sexual harassment can also take place when verbal remarks make the work or academic atmosphere offensive or stifling. Sexual remarks that are not related to the work at hand can interfere with productivity and performance. For example, female students might be forced to endure derogatory remarks from a male instructor that focus on women’s anatomy or on their inferior ability. Or female employees might force themselves to tolerate a male supervisor’s annoying behaviors. These might include his constant reference to women as “girls,” his comments that “it must be that time of month” whenever a woman is moody, his remarks about how he likes “his girls” to wear short skirts, and his placing of pictures of naked women on the office bulletin board. Any of these behaviors disrupts a positive, productive working environment.

9-8bStrengthening the Definition: A Macro-System Response

A U.S. Supreme Court decision in late 1993 reinforced the seriousness of a hostile and offensive working environment as one aspect of sexual harassment (Kaplan, 1993; Sachs, 1993). Teresa Harris waited six years for the Supreme Court to hear her case after filing a sexual harassment case against her former employer, Charles Hardy, president of a Nashville truck rental company. Harris had been a rental manager in Hardy’s employ. She accused Hardy of asking her and other female employees to retrieve coins out of his front pants pocket, suggesting that Harris “accompany him to the local Holiday Inn to negotiate her raise,” and “regularly [responding] to her with remarks like, ‘You’re a woman; what do you know?’ ” (Sachs, 1993, p. 44). He also “called her a ‘dumb ass woman’ ” and “suggested she won an account by having sex with a client” (Kaplan, 1993, p. 34).

Although lower courts found that Hardy’s behavior toward Harris “was not so severe as to be expected to seriously affect her psychological well-being,” the Supreme Court unanimously ruled in her favor (Sachs, 1993, p. 44). Justice Sandra Day O’Connor wrote on behalf of the Court that it rejected the former “psychological injury” standard courts typically upheld. In prior cases, people filing charges had to prove that they had suffered severe psychological injury in order to win cases and collect damages (Kaplan, 1993). This standard makes that unnecessary. Now “an employer has broken the law if a ‘reasonable person’ would find the workplace so filled with sexual improprieties that it had become a hostile and abusive environment” (Sachs, 1993, p. 44).

The U.S. Supreme Court has made other rulings that determine appropriate “parameters of behavior in the school or workplace” (Lavelle, 1998, p. 30). The three relevant cases involved “a lifeguard who was threatened and assaulted with vulgarities by her supervisors; a sales agent who was urged to submit to the sexual demands of a boss who could make life ‘very hard or very easy’ for her; and a 14-year-old student accosted by a teacher who visited her home on the pretext of returning a book” (Lavelle, 1998, p. 30). The three rules established by these cases both facilitate a complainant’s ability to file and win a sexual harassment lawsuit and provide some protection for companies that develop strong prevention and disciplinary programs.

The first rule is that an employee can successfully claim sexual harassment even though she has been treated well on the job. This contrasts with the old rule that dictated that “to prove harassment, a worker has to show that because she resisted sexual advances she was punished in terms of salary, assignments or promotions” (Lavelle, 1998, p. 30).

The second established principle is that a manager can be held accountable for a harasser’s action if the company does not have a strong system of handling harassment issues. This deviates from the prior rule that a manager is probably not held responsible for a harasser’s behavior if he “isn’t informed that one of his employees is harassing other workers” (Lavelle, 1998, p. 31). In short, it is now management’s job to know about and handle harassment problems.

9-8cThe Extent of Sexual Harassment

An accurate profile of when, where, how, and to whom sexual harassment occurs does not exist. However, some surveys suggest that it is quite prevalent in a variety of venues including the workplace and educational settings (Rathus, Nevid, & Fichner-Rathus, 2014; Renzetti et al., 2012).

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

There is some indication that up to 70 percent of all working women have experienced sexual harassment (Shaw & Lee, 2012). Renzetti and her colleagues (2012) reflect:

Women in all types of occupations, from mining … to law enforcement …, experience sexual harassment on the job. Some researchers maintain that sexual harassment is especially pervasive in male-dominated jobs, regardless of whether the jobs are white-collar or blue-collar, because harassment may serve as a means for male workers to assert dominance and control over women who otherwise would be their equals …, although women in these fields may remain silent about the pervasive sexual harassment they experience in order to keep peace with their coworkers …

Temporary workers appear to be at high risk of sexual harassment … Immigrant women who hold low-wage factory and agricultural jobs are also frequent victims of sexual harassment … These women are particularly vulnerable because they often do not understand U.S. employment laws or their rights as workers, they may speak little or no English, and they have little or no job mobility. (pp. 229–230)

Sexual Harassment in Educational Settings

One survey of 1,965 students published by the American Association of University Women found that almost half (48%) of students in grades 7 through 12 had experienced sexual harassment; a majority of students (87%) indicated that sexual harassment experiences affected them negatively (Hill & Kearl, 2011). Hill and Kearl (2011) elaborate:

Sexual harassment is part of everyday life in middle and high schools … Verbal harassment (unwelcome sexual comments, jokes, or gestures) made up the bulk of the incidents, but physical harassment was far too common. Sexual harassment by text, e-mail, Facebook, or other electronic means affected nearly one-third (30 percent) of students. Interestingly, many of the students who were sexually harassed through cyberspace were also sexually harassed in person. Girls were more likely than boys to be sexually harassed by a significant margin (56 percent versus 40 percent).

Girls were more likely than boys to be sexually harassed both in person (52 percent versus 35 percent) and via text, e-mail, Facebook, or other electronic means (36 percent versus 24 percent). This finding confirms previous research showing that girls are sexually harassed more frequently than boys … and that girls’ experiences tend to be more physical and intrusive than boys’ experiences … Being called gay or lesbian in a negative way is sexual harassment that girls and boys reported in equal numbers (18 percent of students).

Witnessing sexual harassment at school was also common. One-third of girls (33 percent) and about one-quarter (24 percent) of boys said that they observed sexual harassment at their school in the 2010-11 school year. More than one-half (56 percent) of these students witnessed sexual harassment more than once during the school year. While seeing sexual harassment is unlikely to be as devastating as being the target of sexual harassment, it can have negative effects such as reducing students’ sense of safety. Witnessing sexual harassment at school may also “normalize” the behavior by bystanders.

College students also experience sexual harassment. Hill and Silva (2005) report on a “nationally representative survey of undergraduate college students commissioned by the American Association of University Women”:

Male and female students are nearly equally likely to be sexually harassed on campus. Female students are more likely to be the target of sexual jokes, comments, gestures, or looks. Male students are more likely to be called gay or a homophobic name.

Sexual harassment is a serious problem. Despite the lack of a definitive profile of its occurrence, sexual harassment occurs frequently in a variety of employment and educational settings.

Effects of Sexual Harassment

Negative psychological effects of sexual harassment include “fear of retaliation, fear of not being believed, feelings of shame and humiliation, a belief that nothing can or will be done, and a reluctance to cause problems for the harasser. In many ways, a woman who reports sexual harassment is viewed as a troublemaker or whistle-blower and is treated accordingly” (Renzetti et al., 2012; Stout & McPhail, 1998, p. 196). Harassed women may become “nervous, irritable, depressed, and exhibit other symptoms of posttraumatic stress” (Renzetti et al., 2012, p. 230).

Hill and Silva (2005) comment on the effects of sexual harassment for women in college:

Female students are more likely [than their male counterparts] to be upset by sexual harassment and to feel embarrassed, angry, less confident, afraid, worried about whether they can have a happy relationship confused or conflicted about who they are, or disappointed in their college experience. Female students are also more likely to change their behavior in some way as a result of the experience. For example, more than half of female victims avoid the person who harassed them or avoid a particular building or place on campus. Female victims are more likely to find it hard to pay attention in class or have trouble sleeping as a result of sexual harassment.

Sexual harassment can result in victim humiliation and fear.

Erin Patrice O’Brien/The Image Bank/Getty Images

Women also report various physical reactions to sexual harassment. These include “chronic neck and back pain, upset stomach, colitis and other gastrointestinal disorders, and eating and sleeping disorders” (Renzetti et al., 2012, p. 230).

Because of its distressing effects, many women try to ignore sexual harassment. In reality, the vast majority of sexually harassed women do not file a complaint (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2013; Renzetti et al., 2012; Stout & McPhail, 1998).

Sexual harassment incurs financial costs as well. Over the past decade, many millions of dollars have been awarded in federal sexual harassment suits (EEOC, 2010b). Additional costs for the federal government include job turnover costs such as hiring and training new employees, costs due to absenteeism and increased health problems, and reduced worker productivity due to emotional stress. The personal and emotional costs placed on the victims themselves cannot even be measured.

Confronting Sexual Harassment

Victims of sexual harassment have several routes available to them. Alternatives include ignoring the harassing behavior, avoiding the harasser, or asking the harasser to stop (Martin, 1995; Rogers & Henson, 2007). The most common approach women choose is to ignore the harasser, which has limited effect in the long run; asking the harasser to stop, although more difficult, may be more effective (EEOC, 2010a; Rogers & Henson, 2007).

Avoiding the harasser is another option. A severe shortcoming of this approach is that the victim is the one who must expend the effort. The ultimate avoidance measure is quitting the job or dropping the class in order to avoid contact with a sexual harasser. This is the least fair (and potentially most damaging) alternative for the victim. Further, it does nothing to reeducate the harasser, prevent harassment from recurring, or prepare the victim to deal with it in subsequent incidents.

There are several other ways to help victims confront sexual harassment. In many cases, using these strategies will stop harassment. First, a victim needs to know his or her rights. A call to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the federal agency designated to address the issue of sexual harassment, is helpful. The EEOC will provide necessary information about the individual’s rights and the appropriate procedures to follow for filing a formal complaint.

Many states have laws that make sexual harassment illegal. Such states often have agencies or offices that victims may call for help and information. Organizations and agencies also have specific policies against sexual harassment. Filing a formal complaint through established procedures is often an option.

As mentioned previously, most victims choose not to pursue the formal complaint route. Some victims fear reprisal or retaliation; others don’t want to be labeled troublemakers. Still others don’t choose to expend the time and effort necessary in carrying out a formal process. Most victims simply want the harassment to end so that they can work peacefully and productively.

In addition to knowing your rights, the following suggestions can be applied to most situations in which sexual harassment is occurring (New Media Learning, 2007; Rathus et al., 2014; Sandler, 2008).

1. Confront your harasser. Tell the harasser which specific behaviors are unwanted and unacceptable. If you feel you cannot handle a direct confrontation, write the harasser a letter. It is helpful to criticize the harasser’s behavior rather than the harasser as a person. The intent is to stop the harassment and maintain a pleasant, productive work environment. There is also the chance that the harasser is not aware that his or her behavior is offensive. In this case, giving specific feedback is frequently effective.

2. Be assertive. When giving the harasser feedback, look him or her directly in the eye. Look as though you mean what you’re saying. Don’t smile. Rather, look the harasser directly in the eye, stand up straight, adopt a serious expression, and calmly state, “Please stop touching me by putting your arms around me and rubbing my neck. I don’t like it.” This is a serious matter. You need to get a serious point across.

3. Document your situation. Record every incident that occurs. Note when, where, who, and what was said or done, what you were wearing, and any available witnesses. Be as accurate as possible. Documentation does not have to be elaborate. Simple handwritten notes that state the facts will suffice. It is also a good idea to keep copies of your notes in another location.

4. Talk to other people about the problem. Get support from friends and colleagues. Sexual harassment often erodes self-confidence. Victims do not feel they are in control of the situation. Emotional support from others can bolster self-confidence and give victims the strength needed to confront sexual harassment. Frequently, sharing these problems with others will also allow victims to discover they’re not alone. Corroboration from other victims will not only provide emotional support, but will also strengthen a formal complaint if that option needs to be taken sometime in the future. We have already established that telling someone with decision-making power is important in the event a suit is filed.

5. Get witnesses. Look around when the sexual harassment is occurring and note who can observe it. Talk to these people and solicit their support. Try to make arrangements for others to be around you when you anticipate that sexual harassment is likely to occur.

6. Follow the established complaint procedure. Ultimately, you have the right to work or be educated in a harassment-free environment. You have the options of using the complaint procedure established by the organization or filing a sexual harassment complaint with the EEOC. It is “unlawful to retaliate against an individual for opposing employment practices that discriminate based on sex or for filing a discrimination charge” (EEOC, 2008a).

A  sexual assault involves “a wide range of victimizations, separate from rape or attempted rape. These include attacks or attempted attacks generally involving unwanted sexual contact between victim and offender” (BJS, 2013). A sexual assault may entail the use of force or the verbal threat of force. Unwanted “grabbing or fondling” are sexual assaults (BJS, 2013).

Throughout their lives, the fear of assault and rape lingers in the minds of women. It is an act of violence over which they may feel they have neither control nor protection. Several aspects of sexual assault and rape will be addressed here to give an understanding of the effects on women and how women might best cope with the fact that rape exists. Note that we will refer to people who have survived sexual assault as survivors, not victims. Instead of focusing on a woman’s weakness, which the word victim implies, we will use the term survivor to emphasize a woman’s survival strengths.

9-10aIncidence of Rape

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (2014) reported 83,425 rapes in 2011; 93 percent of these were completed and 7 percent attempted. One study found that 20 percent of female college students said “they had been forced to have sexual intercourse, most often by someone known to them” (Brener, McMahon, Warren, & Douglas, 1999; Kelly, 2008, p. 458). Another long-term study found that almost 70 percent of college women reported having experienced some type of forced sexual interaction since age 14 (McCammon & Knox, 2007; O’Sullivan, 2005). A range of studies indicate that a woman has a 14 to 25 percent chance of being raped sometime during her life (Hyde & DeLamater, 2017; Koss, 1993). It is estimated that the number of rapes being reported is only 12 to 28 percent of those actually committed (Crooks & Baur, 2014).

A social worker counsels a rape survivor.

9-10bTheoretical Views of Rape

There are at least three theoretical perspectives on why rape occurs (Albin, 1977; Baron & Straus, 1989; Hyde & DeLamater, 2017; Ward, 1995; Zurbriggen, 2010): victim precipitation of rape, the psychopathology of rapists, and the feminist perspective. The intent is not to state winch one is the best theory but to present three different ways of conceptualizing rape.

Victim-Precipitated Rape

This perspective assumes that the survivor is actually to blame for the rape—that the woman “asked for it.” Perhaps she was wearing provocative clothing or subconsciously desired to be raped.

An unfortunate example of how destructive this perspective can be is provided by a young female student who came to her instructor seeking help for her friend. Her friend, age 18, had attended a local festival the previous summer. The woman somehow got separated from her friends and found herself talking and flirting with two men about age 20. Because it was a hot July day, the woman was wearing a halter top and jeans. Suddenly, before she realized what had happened, the men shoved her into a car and swept her away to a city apartment. There they raped her throughout the night.

The next morning the men put her into the car and dropped her off at the festival entrance. In terror and tears, she called her father and, sobbing, explained what had happened. His response was, “I told you not to ask for it. Why do you have to dress like that?” The woman was crushed.

This father had adopted the victim-precipitated view of rape. He immediately assumed it was his daughter’s fault. Unfortunately, the young woman did not recover very well. What she needed from her father was support and help. What she got was blame. Six months later, the young woman found herself terrified of men. Her reaction was so extreme that on the following New Year’s Eve at midnight, she could not bear to watch people give each other New Year’s kisses. She rushed from the room crying.

The instructor listening to the story strongly suggested that the young rape survivor get counseling help. She needed to work through her feelings and put the blame where it belonged, on her attackers.

Many male students have also found the victim-precipitated view offensive. The implication is that men are animalistic and cannot control their own impulses. Various men have indicated that they find this you-know-how-men-are point of view as degrading as women might find the you-know-how-women-are perspective. Neither perspective takes into account individual differences or personal morals and values.

Rapist Psychopathology

A second theoretical perspective concerns rapist psychopathology. This view proposes that the rapist is emotionally disturbed or mentally unbalanced. He rapes because he is sick. This view places virtually none of the blame on society or on social attitudes.

The Feminist Perspective on Rape

The feminist perspective emphasizes that rape is the logical reaction of men who are socialized to dominate women (Rosenthal, 2013). Rape is seen as a manifestation of men’s need to aggressively maintain power over women. It has little to do with sexuality. Sexuality only provides a clear-cut means for exercising power. Rape is seen as a consequence of attitudes toward women that are intimately intertwined throughout the culture. The feminist perspective sees rape as a societal problem, rather than only an individual one.

Both aggressors and survivors are brought up to believe that sexual aggression is natural (Crooks & Baur, 2014; Herman, 1984). As a result, survivors often blame themselves. The rationale is that they should have expected to be raped. They should have been prepared or have done something to prevent it.

An analogous situation concerning self-blame is the example of a woman who has her purse snatched while shopping on a Saturday afternoon. If the self-blame concept were applied, it would follow that the woman would blame herself for the incident. She would chastise herself by saying that she never should have taken her purse with her to shop in the first place. Maybe she should shop only through the home-shopping channel from now on. Of course, taking that course of action would be absurd. It was not the woman’s fault. It was the purse snatcher who broke the law. He is the one who should be held responsible.

9-10cCommon Myths about Rape

Various myths about rape need to be examined and corrected. Women need accurate information in order to make responsible decisions. They need to learn what types of conditions and circumstances prompt rape so that they can be avoided.

One myth is that rapes tend to occur in dark alleys. Although some circumstances such as hitchhiking or walking home alone in the dark tend to increase the chances of being raped, many rapes occur in a woman’s own residence (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2013; Yarber & Sayad, 2016).

In cases occurring indoors, especially in their own homes, survivors are very likely to know the rapist. This presents a problem because people tend to feel safe when they’re in their own homes with a person they know. However, knowledge of this fact is important if it helps people be more cautious.

One incident emphasizes the importance of caution. A 20-year-old female student sheepishly approached her instructor and finally blurted out that she had been raped at a party the past Saturday night. Although it was not in her home, it was in the home of a good friend. Apparently, people attending the party were drinking and not concerning themselves with the noise level. The student found herself talking with a young male lawyer while sitting on the bed in one of the bedrooms. Suddenly, the lawyer closed and locked the door. He pinned her to the bed and began to rape her. She was awestruck that this could be happening. Although he was not a good friend, he was an acquaintance. They shared several mutual friends. After all, he was even a lawyer. She resisted to the best of her ability. She was too ashamed to scream.

As she was talking about the incident several days later, her main concern was what her friends would think about her if they ever found out. Although she dreamed about getting revenge, she didn’t want to jeopardize her reputation. As she continued to relate her story, her instructor discussed her feelings, the potential physical ramifications, and possible legal alternatives. Her instructor also helped the student gain a more objective perception of the incident. It was especially important for this survivor to place the blame where it belonged—on the rapist. Finally, her instructor referred her to counseling to give her a chance to work out and deal with the feelings about such a horrible experience.

Another myth is that only strangers are potential rapists (Greenberg et al., 2014; Rosenthal, 2013; Yarber & Sayad, 2016). According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, 57 percent of sexual assaults and rapes were committed by someone the survivor knew, and 20 percent of perpetrators were intimate partners (Catalano, Smith, Snyder, & Rand, 2009). Acquaintance or date rapes have become common occurrences, particularly on college campuses.

The  sadistic rapist is motivated to assault in order to live out his sexual and aggressive fantasies. He gains gratification from restraining, torturing, or humiliating the victim by focusing on where she is most vulnerable—her sexuality. The sadistic rapist may resemble the angry rapist except for three things. First, he often does considerably more planning to orchestrate an attack designed to live out a specific fantasy. Second, the sadistic rapist derives gratification from hurting the victim. Third, anger may or may not be involved. The category under which a perpetrator falls depends to some extent on the amount of sadism, on the one hand, and anger, on the other, that is expressed during the assault.

Note that there is considerable variation in individual rapists. People, their motivations, and their behaviors are complex. Often, the categories of rapists overlap (McCabe & Wauchope, 2005).

Date Rape

As previously mentioned, women are in danger of being raped by someone they know and in a place where they feel safe. On college campuses, approximately 80 percent of rapes are perpetrated by someone known to the victim (Greenberg et al., 2014). It seems that many men feel that it is appropriate, expected, or at least tolerable to try to force women to have sex with them. Dates provide the perfect opportunity. Unfortunately, the vast majority of date rapes go unreported.

“Alcohol and/or drugs are often involved in date rapes … Men who believe in rape myths are more likely to see alcohol consumption as a sign that females are sexually available” (Yarber & Sayad, 2016, p. 580).

Another dynamic of date rape involves the misconception that although her words say “No, no,” her eyes say “Yes, yes” (Greenberg et al., 2014; Rosenthal, 2013; Yarber & Sayad, 2016). In other words, there is a mythical idea that women love being raped, that they “really want it.” There’s also the idea that “she shouldn’t have started it or let it go so far if she wasn’t ready to go all the way.” These misconceptions trap women. Women can’t win under these conditions. On the one hand, there’s the idea that “all she needs is a good,” which implies that all women really want to have their animal sexual drives released by sex with a “good” man. So, the man, of course, is expected to try to release these imprisoned sexual drives. Women, in return, are expected to respond and to participate in some kind of sexual interaction with men they really care about. However, date-rape dynamics lead men to think that once a woman becomes involved in the developing sexual interaction, she loses her right of choice to stop. She’s expected to finish what she has allowed to start.

McCammon and Knox (2007) report one college student’s experience:

Last spring, I met this guy and a relationship started which was great. One year later, he raped me. The term was almost over and we would not be able to spend much time together during the summer. Therefore, we planned to go out to eat and spend some time together.

After dinner we drove to a park. I did not mind or suspect anything for we had done this many times. Then he asked me into the back seat. I got into the back seat with him because I trusted him and he said he wanted to be close to me as we talked. He began talking. He told me that he was tired of always pleasing me and not getting a reward. Therefore, he was going to “make love to me” whether I wanted to or not. I thought he was joking, so I asked him to stop playing. He told me he was serious, and after looking at him closely, I knew he was serious. I began to plead with him not to have sex with me. He did not listen. He began to tear my clothes off and confine me so that I could not move. All this time I was fighting him. At one time, I managed to open the door, but he threw me back into the seat, hit me, then he got on me and raped me. After he was satisfied, he stopped, told me to get dressed and stop crying. He said he was sorry it had to happen that way.

He brought me back to the dorm and expected me to kiss him good night. He didn’t think he had done anything wrong. Before this happened, I loved this man very much, but afterward I felt great hatred for him. (p. 529)

Since then the young woman’s life has changed. She no longer trusts men as she used to. She avoids intimacy with her current boyfriend because her memories are too painful. The boyfriend wants to know what’s wrong. She won’t tell him because he knows the guy who did it.

Ethical Question 9.4

Counseling survivors of rape involves three major stages (Collier, 1982). First, the counselor or social worker needs to provide the survivor with immediate warmth and support (Hyde & DeLamater, 2014). The survivor needs to feel safe; she needs to feel free to talk. She needs to ventilate and acknowledge her feelings before she can begin to deal with them. To the extent possible, the survivor should be made to feel she is now in control of her situation. She should not be pressured to talk, but rather encouraged to share her feelings.

Although it is important for the survivor to talk freely, it is also important that she not be grilled with intimate, detailed questions. She will have to deal with enough of those if she reports the incident to the police.

Frequently, the survivor will dwell on what she could have or should have done. It is helpful to emphasize what she did right. After all, she is alive, safe, and physically not severely harmed. She managed to survive a terrifying and dangerous experience. It is also helpful to indicate that she reacted normally, as anyone else in her situation would most probably have reacted. This does not mean minimizing the incident. It does mean objectively talking about how traumatizing and potentially dangerous the incident was. One other helpful suggestion for dealing with a rape survivor is to help her place the blame where it belongs—on the rapist. He chose to rape her. It was not her doing.

The second stage of counseling involves eliciting support from others. This support may include that of professional resources such as local rape crisis centers as well as support from people who are emotionally close to the survivor. Doege (2002) tells the story of Alice, a survivor of an exceptionally brutal rape by two men, and explains how difficult it was for her to deal with her friends’ negative reactions:

“Why are all my friends acting so weird?” Alice wondered in the weeks after the attack. “I need to talk about this, but they can’t.”

One close friend, a male coworker, went on a three-day drinking binge after learning what happened. Months later, he still was deeply troubled and prone to occasional sullen periods when they were together.

Another friend—one she had been planning to meet the night she had been abducted—learned about the rapes the next day, and didn’t talk to Alice again for 10 months. (p. 3L)

Sometimes those close to the survivor need to be educated. They need to know that what the survivor needs is warmth and support, and to feel loved. They must understand that she needs to talk about her feelings when she’s ready. Questions that emphasize her feelings of self-blame (such as why she didn’t fight back or why she was wearing a low-cut blouse) should be completely avoided.

The third stage of counseling involves rebuilding the survivor’s trust in herself, in the environment around her, and in her other personal relationships. Rape weakens a woman. It destroys her trust in herself and in others. This stage of counseling needs to focus on the survivor’s objective evaluation of herself and her situation. Her strong points need to be clarified and emphasized so that she can gain confidence in herself.

The survivor also needs to look objectively at her surrounding environment. She cannot remain cooped up in her apartment for the rest of her life. It is impractical and unfair. She can take precautions against being raped, but needs to continue living a normal life.

Finally, the survivor needs to assess her other personal relationships objectively. Even though she was intimately violated by one aggressor, it has nothing to do with the other people in her life. She needs to concentrate on the positive aspects of her other relationships. She must not allow the fear and terror she experienced during that one horrible incident to color and taint other relationships. She must clearly distinguish the rape from her other relationships.

A raped woman may initially want to talk with another woman. However, it might also be beneficial to talk to men, including those close to her. It is important for the survivor to realize that not all men are rapists. Sometimes there is a male partner. His willingness to let the survivor express her feelings, and in return offer support and empathy, may be the most beneficial thing that can be done for her.

Reporting to the Police

A study conducted by the University of Kentucky Center for Research on Violence Against Women (2011) reported the following findings:

· A national study estimates only 37 percent of reported rapes are prosecuted.

· 18 percent of prosecuted rape cases end in a conviction …

· The criminal justice system can often deter women from continuing their cases due to secondary victimization. Women may be retraumatized by having to repeatedly tell their story and detailed investigations by law enforcement may make survivors feel like they are not believed …

· Prosecutors often only take cases they can win, for rape cases many factors may be considered. Often cases are unwittingly approached with rape myths and stereotypes about race, class, gender, and the deservingness of rape victims.

· Research shows that even when charges are filed, the legal system often downgrades or drops felony rape charges for guilty pleas on other crimes. This often does not feel like justice for survivors since the offender never has to admit or acknowledge that his actions were rape.

Rape prosecution laws vary greatly from one state to another (Rosenthal, 2013). States can make progressive changes in their sexual assault prosecution laws to improve the situation for survivors (Greenberg et al., 2014). They can make the survivor’s past sexual history inadmissible for presentation in court. When such information is introduced, it can serve to humiliate and discredit the survivor. More progressive laws can impose stricter penalties that focus on the amount of harm done to the survivor and the amount of force used in the assault, instead of how hard the survivor tried to fight off the assault. Additionally, laws should allow a wife to prosecute her husband for sexual assault when he forces sexual relations on her.

Despite the potential difficulties in reporting a rape, if the survivor does not report it, the rapist will not be held responsible for his actions. A rape survivor needs to think through the various alternatives that are open to her and weigh their respective positive and negative consequences in order to come to this often difficult decision.

In the event that a survivor decides to report, she should not take a shower. Washing will remove vital evidence. However, survivors often feel defiled and dirty, and it is a logical initial reaction for them to want to cleanse themselves and try to forget that the rape ever occurred. In counseling situations, it’s important to emphasize the reason for not washing immediately.

Reporting a rape should be done within 48 hours at the absolute latest. The sooner the rape is reported and the evidence gathered, the better the chance of being able to get a conviction.

Medical Status of the Victim

A third major issue that rape survivors need to address is their medical status following the assault. At some point, the survivor needs to attend to the possibility of pregnancy. She should be asked about this issue at an appropriate time and in a gentle manner. She should be encouraged to seek medical help both for this possibility and for screening for sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. The negative possibilities should not be emphasized. However, the survivor needs to attend to these issues at some point. And the survivor should, of course, be urged to seek immediate medical care for any physical injury.

Ethical Question 9.5

Some of the myths about battered women include the following (Barnett, Miller- Perrin, & Perrin, 2011):

· Battery is rare and infrequent.

· Battered women aren’t really hurt that badly.

· Beatings and other abuses just happen; they aren’t a regular occurrence.

· “Battered women ‘ask for it’” (p. 34).

· Intimate partner violence only occurs in lower-class families.

White, Donat, and Bondurant (2009) comment on the incidence of violence toward women in intimate relationships:

The greatest threat to adult women is from their intimate partners; for men, the greatest threat is from other men. Women are more likely to be physically or sexually assaulted by an intimate partner than by a stranger. It is estimated that 2 to 3 million women are assaulted by male partners in the United States each year and that at least half of these women are severely assaulted … As many as 21% to 34% of women will be assaulted by an intimate partner during adulthood. Further, it is estimated that 33% to 50% are also the victim of partner rape. Studies have shown that 22% to 40% of the women who seek health care at clinics or emergency rooms are victims of battering.

Intimate violence may escalate resulting in homicide. Approximately 66% of family violence deaths are women killed by their male partners; over 50% of all murders of women are committed by current or former partners. In contrast, only 6% of male murder victims are killed by wives or girlfriends. (pp. 126–127)

The situation in Canada is also frightening with regard to both battering and sexual assault. Ann Jones (2008) reports:

Statistics Canada attempted to find out by interviewing 12,300 women nationwide in the most comprehensive study of violence, against women ever undertaken. The results were worse than expected. They showed violence against women to be far more common than earlier, smaller scale studies had indicated. They revealed that more than half of Canadian women (51 percent) have been physically or sexually assaulted at least once in their adult lives. And more than half of those women said they’d been attacked by dates, boyfriends, husbands, friends, family members, or other men familiar to them. One in ten Canadian women, or one million, had been attacked in the past year. (p. 483)

In the vast majority of heterosexual partner-abuse cases, men abuse women (Barnett et al., 2011; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Papalia & Martorell, 2015). Although some women abuse their male partners, the dynamics in these cases are often different. Because women are generally smaller and weaker than men, they are much more likely to experience serious harm than men (Davis, 1995; Gibbs, 1998; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Renzetti et al., 2012). Men are generally bigger and stronger than women and can thus expend greater force. Intimate partner violence also occurs in same-sex couples.

Renzetti and her colleagues (2012) propose that the motivations of men and women who participate in battering differ. Men tend to use violence as a means of control or when they feel their authority has been questioned. Women, on the other hand, tend to use violence in self-defense or when they fear being attacked (Barnett, Lee, & Thelan, 1997; Dobash, Dobash, Cavanagh, & Lewis, 1998; White et al., 2009).

Victims of intimate partner violence don’t like to be beaten. They may initially experience “shock, disbelief, and denial, followed by terror, then attempts to reestablish the level of safety previously believed to have existed, followed by depression with intermittent inner-directed rage and outbursts of anger” (Barnett et al., 2011; Harway, 1993, p. 38). Women go to domestic violence programs for help to stop the beatings and maintain their marriages.

9-11aThe Abusive Perpetrator

A series of traits tend to characterize men who batter their female partners. They are likely to adhere to common masculine gender-role stereotypes, such as not displaying emotion or sensitivity to others, because they perceive these as reflecting weakness (Shaw & Lee, 2012). Batterers likely feel it’s important to maintain male dominance in society and to keep women under control; “gender-based violence against women is still widely considered normal, acceptable, and justifiable” (Barnett et al., 2011; Sapiro, 1999, p. 191; Shaw & Lee, 2012).

Batterers may be insecure and jealous, which results in their lashing out viciously when threatened and trying to isolate their partner (Carlson, 2008; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013). The consequence can be serious injury for a female partner, and even murder (Basile & Black, 2011).

Although intimate partner violence occurs in all classes and at all socioeconomic levels, stress from job loss or poverty, or emotional distress such as depression, can contribute to the potential for violence (Basile & Black, 2011; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013). Even family holidays such as Thanksgiving and Christmas can initiate enough stress to trigger abusive incidents (Bennett, 1995; Davis, 1995; Sapiro, 1999). It can also be “very stressful for some men to have wives with higher-status occupations because the men have learned that they are supposed to be superior to their wives” (Sapiro, 1999, p. 191). Alcohol use is linked to violent episodes (Basile & Black, 2011; Carlson, 2008; Mooney, Knox, & Schacht, 2013; Renzetti et al., 2012; Walker, 2009).

9-11bThe Battering Cycle

Three basic phases tend to characterize battery in an intimate relationship (Barnett et al., 2011; Davis, 1995; Walker, 1979, 2009; Women’s Resource Center, 2013). In the first phase, stress and tension build up. The woman tries to make things okay and avoid confrontations. There may be a few minor abusive incidents.

Battering usually occurs during the second phase of the battering cycle, the explosion. It is preceded by a phase of building tension and followed by a phase of making up.

James W. Porter/Corbis/Getty Images

The second phase in the battering cycle is the explosion. This is when the battering occurs. It is generally the shortest of the three phases, but it may last for up to several days.

The third phase involves making up. Once the man’s tension has been released, he adamantly states that he is truly sorry for what he has done. He swears he will never do it again. The battered woman relents and believes him. He is forgiven and all seems well—until the cycle of violence begins again.

9-11cWhy Does She Stay?

Women stay in the violent environment for many reasons. Many women who seek help from shelters, and even initiate separation through the courts, eventually return to their abusive home situations as the cycle of violence progresses. The reasons why they remain or return include economic dependence, lack of self-confidence, lack of power, fear of the abuser, guilt, feeling isolated with nowhere to go, fear for their children, and love.

Economic Dependence

Lack of Self-Confidence

Domestic violence involves not only physical abuse but also sexual abuse and psychological abuse (Papalia & Martorell, 2015; Shaw & Lee, 2012). Psychological abuse may entail regular tirades by battering men who criticize and blast survivors with derogatory remarks. Bit by bit, such treatment eats away at women’s self-esteem and shrinks self-confidence. Perpetrators tend to claim that their female partners couldn’t survive without them, and after an extended period of time, many of these women start to believe them. In some ways, psychological abuse is similar to the brainwashing of war prisoners (Davis, 1995).

It takes initiative and courage to muster the self-confidence required to leave a painful situation and strike out for the unknown. The unknown is frightening. At least if the domestic violence survivor remains in the home, she knows she has a place to stay. Often, it takes five to seven attempts at leaving an abuser before a survivor permanently succeeds (Doege, 2002).

Lack of Power

A battered woman views herself as having significantly less power in her relationship with an abusive man than does a woman with a partner who is nonviolent (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2013; Walker, 2009). Battered women see their relationships as almost completely dominated by the perpetrator. Batterers’ systematic regimen of intimidation, criticism, and violence places women in a vulnerable and difficult position. However, it should be noted that even in the face of such adversity, which for many is daily torture, these woman utilize their strengths. Burstow (1992) explains:

They are not simply submitting, even where submission is key and even though submission is expectable and blameless. They are also making active and critical decisions about how to cope and survive on a moment-to-moment basis. They are deciding to hide certain things. They are deciding to duck. They are deciding not to duck. They are each in her own way also resisting. They are actively and passively resisting violation, whether that resistance takes the form of numbing themselves so that they will not feel the pain, finding ways of avoiding the abuser’s ire, or saying no. (p. 153)

Fear of the Abuser

It is logical for a battered woman to fear brutal retaliation by the perpetrator if she leaves him (Barnett et al., 2011; Basile & Black, 2011; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Papalia & Martorell, 2015; Shaw & Lee, 2012). A man who has dealt with stress by physical brutality might do so again if his female partner leaves him. The battered woman might even fear death at the hands of an abandoned male partner. One myth is that battered women stay in their relationships because they like being beaten. This is not true. For reasons discussed here, they tolerate their circumstances in order to survive.

The following excerpt from a novel titled The Woman Who Walked into Doors describes what it’s like to be under an abusive partner’s thumb:

For seventeen years. There wasn’t one minute when I wasn’t afraid, when I wasn’t waiting. Waiting for him to go, waiting for him to come. Waiting for the fist, waiting for the smile. I was brainwashed and brain dead, a zombie for hours, afraid to think, afraid to stop, completely alone. I sat at home and waited. I mopped up my own blood. I lost all my friends, and most of my teeth. He gave me a choice, left or right; I chose left and he broke the little finger on my left hand. Because I scorched one of his shirts. Because his egg was too hard. Because the toilet seat was wet. Because because because. He demolished me. He destroyed me. (Doyle, 1996, pp. 176–177, cited in Chornesky, 2000, pp. 491–492)

Guilt

Many victims of intimate partner violence feel it is their own fault that they are abused (Barnett et al., 2011; Shaw & Lee, 2012). They tend to believe in men being the dominant decision makers and leaders of the family, and that women should be submissive and obedient. To some extent this guilt may be due to their husbands telling them that they’re to blame for causing trouble. Perhaps because of their low self-esteem, it’s easy for them to be critical of themselves. Their beliefs in traditional gender-role stereotypes may cause them to wonder how they have failed in their nurturant role of wife.

Battered women often try to keep the facts of their battering a secret. They may feel isolated from friends and family (Papalia & Martorell, 2015; Renzetti et al., 2012; Shaw & Lee, 2012). Frequently, the perpetrator strongly discourages his female partner’s interactions with friends and family. He criticizes them. He makes it as difficult as possible for her to communicate with them. He gradually gets her to cut others off. When the abuser becomes everything to the survivor, losing him means that she will be all alone.

Fear for Her Children

A battered woman usually fears for her children’s safety. First, she might be worried about her ability to support them financially on her own (Basile & Black, 2011; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013; Renzetti et al., 2012). Second, she may firmly adhere to the belief that children need a father. She may think that a father who abuses his wife is better than no father at all. Third, she may even fear losing custody of her children. The abuser may threaten to take them away from her. She may have little knowledge of the complicated legal system and may believe that he can and will do it.

Love

Many victims of intimate partner violence still feel love or emotional attachment to their abusive husbands (Barnett et al., 2011; Basile & Black, 2011). Many who seek help would prefer to remain in their relationships if the battering could be stopped (Chornesky, 2000; Hyde & Else-Quest, 2013). Walker (1979) cited one older woman’s reactions to the death of her husband, who had battered her throughout their 53-year marriage. The woman stated, “We did everything together … I loved him; you know, even when he was brutal and mean … I’m sorry he’s dead, although there were days when I wished he would die … He was my best friend … He beat me right up to the end … It was a good life and I really do miss him.”

Some recommend that it is crucial for police to take such situations seriously and follow through on existing laws (Lemon, 2002). One group of experts on domestic violence recommends that police “comply with four major strategies:

· (a)

identify the primary aggressor,

· (b)

execute a proarrest or mandatory arrest policy,

· (c)

gather evidence at the scene for use in prosecutions, and

· (d)

arrange for a temporary restraining or no-contact order” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 274, 2011; Healey, Smith, & O’Sullivan, 1998).

Jones (2008) expresses a negative view of how many battering situations are handled:

In the short run, the most effective way to protect women and children, save lives, and cut down violence is to treat assault as the crime it is: to arrest batterers and send them to jail.

Usually, that’s not what happens. Right now, most batterers suffer no social or legal consequences at all for their criminal behavior. Although police in most states and localities are now authorized to arrest batterers, many police departments still don’t enforce the law. If police do make arrests, prosecutors commonly fail to prosecute. And if batterers are convicted, judges often release them—or worse, order them into marital counseling with the women they’ve assaulted. Many men are required to attend a few weekly sessions of a therapeutic support group where they shoot the breeze with other batterers, after which their crime is erased from the record books … The average batterer taken into custody by police is held less than two hours. He walks away laughing at his victim and at the police as well. (p. 486)

On the other hand, many police departments, despite their previous reluctance, are taking an increasingly active interest in addressing family violence (Barnett et al., 2005; Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2013). Because of the seriousness of the issue and the high potential for fatality and injury, they are acknowledging that something must be done. For example, training programs targeting domestic violence are being developed for police and other personnel working with battered women (Renzetti et al., 2012). One thrust of these programs is the development of specialized interpersonal skills for dealing with such situations. Some police departments have made significant progress by developing “specialized police units” to address such domestic violence situations (Barnett et al., 2011, p. 394).

Kirk and Okazawa-Rey (2013) reflect on the current state of policy initiatives:

Forty years ago there were no U.S. laws concerning domestic violence. Now there is a growing, if uneven, body of law, mainly at the state level, including protection orders that prohibit the abuser from coming near or contacting the woman and her children. (p. 271)

Some states have implemented mandatory arrest laws under which police must remove people who have been violent. Such laws allow “judges to exert some control over perpetrators. Judges may, for example, compel offenders to seek treatment, place them under probation, or take other actions,” such as removing the batterer from the home in order to avoid harm to the partner and children (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 276). The effectiveness of such laws is currently under debate. Others have raised concerns over inappropriate judicial behavior, lack of judicial training, and judges’ failure to follow sentencing guidelines (Barnett et al., 2011).

Numerous other suggestions have been made for improving policy and empowering victims of intimate partner violence (Barnett et al., 2005, 2011). First, legislatures should require training about domestic violence for everyone involved in the criminal justice system. Second, laws prohibiting the carrying of weapons by perpetrators should be established and upheld. Survivors should be made to feel as safe as possible. Third, communities should develop and fund legal services, with attorneys having an expertise in domestic violence issues, to help survivors negotiate the complex legal system. Fourth, in potentially violent and dangerous situations, restraining orders should not only be issued, but should also be enforced to enhance a survivor’s safety. Fifth, schools, communities, and society in general should “change the lingering patriarchal practices that undermine female … victims’ opportunities to lead violence-free lives” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 280).

Highlight 9.5

Stalking

Individuals who leave relationships may be faced with stalking by their ex-partners. Someone who is stalking you may repeatedly call your phone, text you, drive by your home, sit outside your place of employment, follow you, write messages on your social media platforms, or any other action that may harass or frighten another individual (NCVC, 2013; U.S. Department of Health, 2015). In 2010, a woman and her ex-husband were found dead after she had allegedly been stalked by her husband following her filing for divorce. She reported to her attorney that she had found a GPS device implanted in her car and that her husband had followed her to work and threatened her (Valencia, 2010). Although most stalking perpetrators are men, women can also be perpetrators (NCVC, 2013). In Orlando, Florida, a male reported being stalked by his ex-fiancé (Allen, 2015). He reported his ex-fiancé drove by his house, sent hundreds of text messages to him and his new girlfriend, and threatened violence for over a year (Allen, 2015).

The Violence Against Women’s Act (VAWA) of 1994 was updated in 2013 to address stalking. VAWA defined stalking as traveling to a place with the “intent to kill, injure, harass, or intimate another person, and in the course of, or as a result of such travel or presence engages in conduct that …1) places that person in reasonable fear of the death of” that person or an immediate family member of that person or 2) “causes, attempts to cause or would be reasonably expected to cause substantial emotional distress to a person” (NCVC, 2013). In addition, stalking was identified as using the mail or any “interactive computer service or electronic communication service” to engage in “conduct that places that person in reasonable fear of the death of or serious bodily injury to a person” … or “causes, attempts to cause, or would be reasonably expected to cause substantial emotional distress to a person” (NCVC, 2013). VAWA also set up grants to help develop policies about stalking, to provide legal assistance for those affected by stalking, and enhance education about stalking (NCVC, 2013).

Individuals who are being stalked need to be encouraged to contact the local police department, keep all documentation of the stalking incidences, find a safe place to go if in immediate danger, get a restraining order, and tell important people in their life about what is occurring (U.S. Department of Health, 2015).

Epstein (1999) discusses a case in which the criminal justice system failed.

Over a year’s time, two different police departments responded to 22 calls from Karen and Richard Graves’s residence. None of the police officers involved was aware of any of the previous calls. Although Richard seriously injured Karen by hitting her with the baby’s car seat, stomping on her ear, and assaulting her, several different judges set aside six different warrants for Richard’s arrest. Karen and Richard appeared before 10 different judges (none of whom had any notification of previous cases and rulings) at 16 hearings in the local family and criminal courts.

Three different judicial officers at eight separate hearings heard Karen’s petitions for divorce, custody, and child support. Richard participated in three separate court-ordered counseling programs for alcohol and drug abuse and anger management. Advocates from four different agencies (e.g., child protective services) addressed various problems the couple had, but none of the agencies communicated with any of the others.

Ethical Question 9.6

There are endless possibilities for innovative types of services that domestic violence programs can provide. “Transitional housing programs are designed to help survivors and their children as they make the transition from a domestic violence shelter to a more permanent residence. Such housing often is provided in apartment units where women can live for a set period of time or until they can obtain permanent housing” (Sullivan & Gillum, 2001, p. 253). Other innovative resources include “intervention services to abused pregnant teens and their children; a comprehensive program of age-appropriate activities for preschool children; services to meet the educational needs and goals of teenage residents; … bilingual English/Spanish services; … employment assistance; … and substance abuse prevention and education” (Sullivan & Gillum, 2001, p. 253).

Counseling Strategies for Empowerment

The following are some basic suggestions gathered from a range of sources regarding how social workers and counselors can help victims of intimate partner violence (Burstow, 1992; DePorto, 2003; Petretic-Jackson & Jackson, 1996; Register, 1993; Walker, 2009).

The Initial Interview

A victim of intimate partner violence is probably very anxious during her initial meeting with a social worker or counselor. She may be worried about what to say. The counselor should try to make the survivor as comfortable as possible and emphasize that she doesn’t have to talk about anything she doesn’t want to.

The survivor may also feel that the counselor will be judgmental and critical. It is important that the counselor put personal feelings aside and not pressure the battered woman into any particular course of action. This may be especially difficult when the counselor has strong feelings that the survivor should leave the abusive situation. A basic principle is that it is the woman’s decision as to what she will choose to do. In those cases in which the survivor chooses to return home, it may be useful for the counselor to help her clarify the reasons behind that decision.

Confidentiality may also be an issue for the battered woman. She may be fearful of the abuser’s finding out that she is seeking help and of his possible retaliation. The counselor needs to assure her that no information will be given to anyone without her consent. In the event that the survivor does need a place to go, it should be made clear to her that shelter is available.

The survivor may show some embarrassment at being a “battered woman.” The label may make her feel uncomfortable. The counselor should make an effort to downplay any embarrassment by emphasizing that the woman is a survivor of victimization and that her situation has nothing to do with her character or with her intrinsic human value.

Offer Support

A battered woman has probably been weakened both physically and emotionally. She needs someone to empathize with her and express genuine concern. She needs some time to sit back, experience some relief, and think.

Encourage Expression of Feelings

Many battered women will display a range of emotional reactions, including helplessness, fear, anger, guilt, embarrassment, and even doubts about their sanity. The counselor needs to encourage the survivor to get all of these emotions out in the open. Only then will she be able to deal with them. The counselor can then help the survivor to look objectively at various aspects of her situation and help get control of her own life.

Focus on Strengths

One aspect of counseling that is easy to forget is focusing on the survivor’s strengths. A battered woman will probably be suffering from low self-esteem. She probably needs help in identifying her positive characteristics.

Furnish Information

Review Alternatives

A battered woman may feel trapped. She may be so overwhelmed that alternatives other than surviving in her abusive situation may not even have occurred to her. Her alternatives may include returning to the marriage, getting counseling for both herself and her partner, temporarily separating from him, establishing other means of financial support and independent living conditions for herself, or filing for divorce.

A battered woman is often overwhelmed and confused. One of the most helpful things a counselor can do is to help her sort through her various problems. A survivor cannot do everything at once. However, she can begin getting control of her life by addressing one issue at a time and making decisions step by step.

Establish a Safety Plan

One other important counseling technique is helping the survivor establish a safe plan of action. She needs to clearly understand and define what she chooses to do. This choice may include formulating major goals such as divorcing her husband. It may involve setting smaller subgoals such as developing a list of existing day-care centers she can call to find out about available child-care options.

Advocate

An advocate can seek out information for a survivor of domestic violence and provide her with encouragement. An advocate can also help the survivor get in touch with legal, medical, and social service resources and find her way through bureaucratic processes. Perhaps, an even more critical aspect of advocacy involves changing legal macro systems, as discussed earlier.

9-12 Identify Means of Empowering Women

LO 11

Social workers can help women regain their sense of having power and of being in control of their lives. The “personal traits that have clearly been shown to relate positively to measures of self-esteem or subjective well-being are the same for women as for men; and include assertiveness, independence, self-responsibility, and efficacy, characteristics typically included in the stereotype of masculinity” (Lott, 1987, p. 277). Social workers can help women build up their self-confidence and self-esteem. Positive qualities can be identified and emphasized. Social workers can help women recognize the various alternatives available to them and evaluate the pros and cons of each. Decision-making and problem-solving skills can be taught. Success at using such skills breeds more success. Once women have learned the process of making their own decisions and solving their own problems, they can apply these skills to more decisions and more problems. This can help to build their feelings of being in control.

Social workers can teach women about assertiveness and how to develop assertiveness skills. They can provide practice situations and guide their female clients through more effective ways of handling difficult or uncomfortable situations. Assertiveness improves personal interactions, which in turn builds confidence.

Social workers can also encourage women to express their anger instead of holding it in. The real causes and targets of their anger can be identified. Once causes are recognized, social workers can “help the client learn to deal with anger directly through verbal and nonverbal communications styles, negotiation, confrontation, alliances and networks, compromises and resoluteness” (Collier, 1982, p. 277). Women can be helped to address the situations that cause their anger. If a woman is angry with her spouse, she can be taught how to express her feelings effectively so that whatever is happening to cause the anger can be changed.

Finally, social workers can encourage women to take care of themselves. The qualities they like about themselves can be nurtured. Women can learn that they have the right to their own time for themselves and to participate in activities they enjoy.