Unit 4 Written Assignment

Unit 1.1: The Sociological Perspective

1-1Putting Social Life into Perspective

LO 1

Define sociology and explain how it can contribute to our understanding of social life.

Sociology  is the systematic study of human society and social interaction. It is a systematic study because sociologists apply both theoretical perspectives and research methods (or orderly approaches) to examinations of social behavior. Sociologists study human societies and their social interactions to develop theories of how human behavior is shaped by group life and how, in turn, group life is affected by individuals.

To better understand the scope of sociology, you can compare it to other social sciences, such as anthropology, psychology, economics, and political science. Like anthropology, sociology studies many aspects of human behavior; however, sociology is particularly interested in contemporary social organization, relations, and social change. Anthropology primarily concentrates on the study of humankind in all times and spaces. It focuses on both traditional and contemporary societies and the development of diverse cultures. Closest to sociology is cultural anthropology—the comparative study of cultural similarities and differences that looks for patterns in human behavior, beliefs, and practices that are typical in groups of people. By contrast, psychology primarily focuses on internal factors relating to the individual in its explanations of human behavior and mental processes, such as how the human mind thinks, remembers, and learns. Social psychology is most akin to sociology because social psychologists examine how we perceive ourselves in relation to the rest of the world and how this affects our choices, behavior, and beliefs. Sociology specifically focuses on external social factors, such as the effects of groups, organizations, and social institutions on individuals and social life. Although sociology examines all major social institutions, including the economy and politics, the fields of economics and political science concentrate primarily on a single institution—the economy or the political system. Topics of mutual interest to economics and sociology include issues such as consumerism and debt, which can be analyzed at global, national, and individual levels. As you can see from these examples, sociology shares similarities with other social sciences but offers a distinct approach for gaining greater understanding of our social world.

1-1aWhy Should You Study Sociology?

Sociology helps you gain a better understanding of yourself and the social world. It enables you to see how the groups to which you belong and the society in which you live largely shape behavior. A  society  is a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations, such as the United States, Mexico, or Nigeria. Many changes are occurring in the twenty-first century. Many societies have not only dominant cultural groupings and expectations but also many smaller groupings that have their own unique cultural identities. Migration and interdependence have shifted the meaning of society in the twenty-first century.

Examining the world order helps us understand that we are all affected by global interdependence—a relationship in which the lives of all people everywhere are intertwined closely and any one nation’s problems are part of a larger global problem. Environmental problems are an example. People throughout the world share the same biosphere. When environmental degradation, such as removing natural resources or polluting the air and water, takes place in one region, it may have an adverse effect on people around the globe.

You can make use of sociology on a more personal level. Sociology enables us to move beyond established ways of thinking, thus allowing us to gain new insights into ourselves and to develop a greater awareness of the connection between our own “world” and that of other people. Sociology provides new ways of approaching problems and making decisions in everyday life. For this reason, people with knowledge of sociology are employed in a variety of fields that apply sociological insights to everyday life (see  Figure 1.1 ).

Figure 1.1Fields That Use Social Science Research

In many careers, including jobs in health and human services, business, communication, academia, and law, the ability to analyze social science research is an important asset.

Source: Based on Katzer, Cook, and Crouch, 1991.

Sociology promotes understanding and tolerance by enabling each of us to look beyond intuition, common sense, and our personal experiences. Many of us rely on intuition or common sense gained from personal experience to help us understand our daily lives and other people’s behavior. Commonsense knowledge guides ordinary conduct in everyday life. However, many commonsense notions are actually myths. A myth is a popular but false notion that may be used, either intentionally or unintentionally, to perpetuate certain beliefs or “theories” even in the light of conclusive evidence to the contrary.

By contrast, sociologists strive to use scientific standards, not popular myths or hearsay, in studying society and social interaction. They use systematic research techniques and are accountable to the scientific community for their methods and the presentation of their findings. Whereas some sociologists argue that sociology must be completely value free—free from distorting subjective (personal or emotional) bias—others do not think that total objectivity is an attainable or desirable goal when studying human behavior. However, all sociologists attempt to discover patterns or commonalities in human behavior. When they study consumerism, such as regional spending habits or credit card abuse, for example, they look for recurring patterns of behavior in individuals and groups. Consequently, we seek the multiple causes and effects of social issues and analyze the impact of the problem not only from the standpoint of the people directly involved but also from the standpoint of the effects of such behavior on all people.

1-1bThe Sociological Imagination

LO 2

Identify what is meant by the sociological imagination.

Do you wonder how your daily life compares to what other people are doing? Our interest in Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and other social media sites reflects how fascinated we are by what other people are thinking and doing. But how can you really link your personal life with what is going on with other people in the larger social world? You can make an important linkage known as the sociological imagination.

Sociological reasoning is often referred to as the  sociological imagination —the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society (Mills, 1959b). The sociological imagination is important to each of us because having this awareness enables us to understand the link between our personal experiences and the social contexts in which they occur. Each of us lives in a society, and we live out a biography within some historical setting. Throughout your life, you contribute to the shaping of society and to its history, even as you are made by society and the historical events that take place during your lifetime. The sociological imagination will enable you to grasp the relationship between history at the societal level and your own biography at the individual level. It also helps you distinguish between personal troubles and social (or public) issues. Personal troubles are private problems that affect individuals and the networks of people with whom they associate regularly. As a result, individuals within their immediate social settings must solve those problems. For example, one person being unemployed or having a high level of credit card debt may be a personal trouble. Public issues are problems that affect large numbers of people and often require solutions at the societal level (Mills, 1959b). Widespread unemployment and extensive consumer debt are public issues. The sociological imagination helps us place seemingly personal troubles into a larger social context, where we can distinguish whether and how personal troubles may be related to public issues. Let’s compare the two perspectives by looking at overspending.

Overspending as a Personal Trouble

Have you heard someone say, “He has no one to blame but himself” for some problem? In everyday life we often blame people for “creating” their own problems. Although individual behavior can contribute to social problems, our individual experiences are often largely beyond our own control. They are determined by society as a whole—by its historical development and its organization. If a person sinks into debt because of overspending or credit card abuse, other people often consider the problem to be the result of the individual’s personal failings. However, thinking about it this way overlooks debt among people in low-income brackets who have no other way than debt to acquire basic necessities of life such as food, clothing, and housing. By contrast, at middle- and upper-income levels, overspending takes on a variety of meanings typically dictated by what people think of as essential for their well-being and associated with the so-called “good life” that is so heavily marketed and flaunted by high-end consumers. But across income and wealth levels, larger-scale economic, political, and social problems may affect the person’s ability to pay for consumer goods and services (Figure 1.2).

Figure 1.2

Because of an overreliance on credit, many Americans now owe more than they can pay back. This couple is signing up for debt consolidation, a somewhat controversial process that may help them avoid bankruptcy.

altrendo images/Getty Images

Overspending as a Public Issue

Let’s apply the sociological imagination to the problem of overspending and credit card debt by looking at it first as a public issue—a societal problem. In 2015 consumer debt in the United States added up to more than $1.26 trillion for student loans, $8.36 trillion for mortgages, and $1.1 trillion for auto loans. Debt on credit card balances alone was more than $729 billion. (El Issa, 2016.)

Sociologically speaking, why do you think this is considered to be a public issue? Consumerism is a way of life in the United States and most nations around the world. Through media and popular culture, people are continually encouraged to buy goods and services that they do not necessarily need. They are bombarded with more and more choices, and many items they own, such as smartphones and tablets, are declared outdated and obsolete not long after they purchase them. A shiny new device is available for them to purchase, and the rapid cycle of buy-and-replace continues into the future. Marketing and advertising encourages people to “buy now and pay later.” The credit card industry stands ready to help people buy what they want and sometime more than they can pay off. Card users are encouraged by credit card companies to carry large balances on their cards, pay high interest rates month after month, and transfer balances to newly issued cards. Spending and overspending are encouraged by the values of society. Similarly, government policies and laws may favor credit card issuers over individual credit card holders when it comes to rights pertaining to debt collection and the handling of lawsuits. The sociological imagination is useful for examining such issues because it integrates microlevel (individual and small-group) troubles with macrolevel (larger social institutions and social forces) issues on a global basis.

1-2The Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination

LO 3

Describe how we can develop a global sociological imagination.

How is it possible to think globally when you live in one location and have been taught to think a certain way? Although we live in one country and rely heavily on Western sociological theory and research, we can access the world beyond the United States and learn to develop a more comprehensive global approach for the future. One way we can do this is to reach beyond studies that have focused primarily on the United States to look at the important challenges that we face in a rapidly changing world. These issues range from political and economic instability to environmental concerns, natural disasters, and terrorism. We can also examine the ways in which nations are not on equal footing when it comes to economics and politics (see Figure 1.3).

Figure 1.3The World’s Economies in the Twenty-First Century

High-income, middle-income, and low-income countries.

Photos: © Cengage Learning. Photos, left to right: John Berry/Syracuse Newspapers/The Image Works; Gable/Alamy; philipbigg/Alamy.

The world’s  high-income countries  are nations with highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administrative, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and personal income. Examples include the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, and the countries of Western Europe.

As compared with other nations of the world, many high-income nations have a high standard of living and a lower death rate because of advances in nutrition and medical technology. However, everyone living in a so-called high-income country does not necessarily have these advantages.

In contrast,  middle-income countries  are nations with industrializing economies, particularly in urban areas, and moderate levels of national and personal income. Examples of middle-income countries include the nations of Eastern Europe and many Latin American countries.

Low-income countries  are primarily agrarian nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income. Examples of low-income countries include many of the nations of Africa and Asia, particularly the People’s Republic of China and India, where people typically work the land and are among the poorest in the world. However, generalizations are difficult to make because there are wide differences in income and standards of living within many nations (see Chapter 9, “Global Stratification”).

Throughout this text we will continue to develop our sociological imaginations by examining social life in the United States and other nations. The future of our nation is deeply intertwined with the future of all other nations of the world on economic, political, environmental, and humanitarian levels.

Whatever your race/ethnicity, class, sex, or age, are you able to include in your thinking the perspectives of people who are quite different from you in experiences and points of view? Before you answer this question, a few definitions are in order. Race is a term used by many people to specify groups of people distinguished by physical characteristics such as skin color. Ethnicity refers to the cultural heritage or identity of a group and is based on factors such as language or country of origin. Class is the relative location of a person or group within the larger society, based on wealth, power, prestige, or other valued resources. Sex refers to the biological and anatomical differences between females and males. By contrast, gender refers to the meanings, beliefs, and practices associated with sex differences, referred to as femininity and masculinity. Although these terms sound very precise, they often do not have a precise meaning and are, instead, social constructions that people use to justify social inequalities. When we refer to something as a “social construction,” we mean that race, ethnicity, class, and gender do not really indicate anything apart from the social meaning that people in a given society confer on them. However, the result is that we may—either intentionally or unintentionally—privilege some categories of people over others who are placed in disadvantaged or subordinate positions. In sum, a “social construction of reality” occurs when large numbers of people act and respond as if these categories exist in reality instead of being socially created.

1-3The Development of Sociological Thinking

LO 4

Describe the historical context in which sociological thinking developed.

Throughout history, social philosophers and religious authorities have made countless observations about human behavior. However, the idea of observing how people lived, finding out what they thought, and doing so in a systematic manner that could be verified did not take hold until the nineteenth century and the social upheaval brought about by industrialization and urbanization.

Sociology in Global Perspective

Global Walmartization: From Big-Box Stores to Online Supermarkets in China

Did you know that:

· Walmart has more than 11,500 stores worldwide and that more than half of all Walmart stores worldwide are located outside the United States?

· In China, Walmart operates 420 stores, including supercenters, neighborhood markets, and Sam’s Clubs, and many more facilities are being built?

· Walmart serves the rising middle class in China and continues to be a major player in the credit card business in China?

Although most of us are aware that Walmart stores are visible in virtually every city in the United States, we are less aware of the extent to which Walmart and other big-box stores are changing the face of the world economy as megacorporations such as this expand their operations into other nations and into the credit card business.

An exciting aspect of studying sociology is comparing our own lives with those of people around the world. Global consumerism, as evidenced by the opening of a Walmart Supercenter in Shanghai, China, provides a window through which we can observe how issues such as shopping and credit affect all of us. Which aspects of this photo reflect local culture? Which aspects reflect a global cultural phenomenon?

Top Photo Corporation/Alamy

The strategic placement of Walmart stores both here and abroad accounts for part of the financial success of this retailing giant, but another U.S. export—credit cards—is also part of the company’s business plan. Credit cards are changing the way that people shop and how they think about spending money in emerging nations such as China. For example, Walmart China continues to aggressively seek both shoppers and credit card holders. By encouraging people to spend money now rather than save it for later, corporations such as Walmart gain in two ways:

· (1)

people buy more goods than they would otherwise, thus increasing sales; and

· (2)

the corporation whose “brand” is on the credit card increases its earnings as a result of the interest the cardholder pays on credit card debt.

The motto for the original Walmart credit card in China was “Maximizing value, enjoying life,” and this idea encouraged a change in attitude from the past, when—regardless of income level—most residents of that country did not purchase items on credit or possess a credit card. Introduction of the credit card brought a corresponding surge in debt in China. This change has been partly attributed to aggressive marketing of goods and services by transnational retailers, but it also relates to credit card companies encouraging consumers to “buy now, pay later.”

Throughout this course, you will see that many issues we discuss, such as consumerism and globalization, have positive and negative effects on people’s daily lives. Global consumerism, whether in big-box stores or through credit cards or electronic commerce, provides a window through which we can observe how an issue such as shopping affects all of us. Among the poor and those who have been most hard-hit by difficult economic times, the lack of ability to purchase basic necessities is a central litmus test for analyzing quality of life and social inequality. Among persons in the middle classes, purchasing power is often used to determine social mobility (the ability to move into) or social stability (the ability to stay on) the middle rungs of a society’s ladder of income and wealth. Among persons in the upper classes, high rates of luxury consumerism are often seen as an outward sign of “having it all,” but such behaviors reveal much more than this from a sociological perspective. As you look around you, what important social issues do you think are revealed by what people purchase? Or why they buy specific items and not others?

Reflect & Analyze

· Are people in the United States unique in how we view consumerism? In how we view Walmart and other big-box stores? What do you think?

Sources: Based on Walmart, 2014; and Walmart China, 2014.

Industrialization  is the process by which societies are transformed from dependence on agriculture and handmade products to an emphasis on manufacturing and related industries. This process occurred first during the Industrial Revolution in Britain between 1760 and 1850, and was soon repeated throughout Western Europe. By the mid-nineteenth century, industrialization was well under way in the United States (Figure 1.4). Massive economic, technological, and social changes occurred as machine technology and the factory system shifted the economic base of these nations from agriculture to manufacturing: textiles, iron smelting, and related industries. Many people who had labored on the land were forced to leave their tightly knit rural communities and sacrifice well-defined social relationships to seek employment as factory workers in the emerging cities, which became the centers of industrial work.

Figure 1.4

As the Industrial Revolution swept through the United States beginning in the nineteenth century, children being employed in factories became increasingly common. Soon social thinkers began to explore such new social problems brought about by industrialization.

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division [LC-DIG-nclc-02949]

Urbanization  is the process by which an increasing proportion of a population lives in cities rather than in rural areas. Although cities existed long before the Industrial Revolution, the development of the factory system led to a rapid increase in both the number of cities and the size of their populations. People from very diverse backgrounds worked together in the same factory. At the same time, many people shifted from being producers to being consumers. For example, families living in the cities had to buy food with their wages because they could no longer grow their own crops to eat or to barter for other resources. Similarly, people had to pay rent for their lodging because they could no longer exchange their services for shelter.

These living and working conditions led to the development of new social problems: inadequate housing, crowding, unsanitary conditions, poverty, pollution, and crime. Wages were so low that entire families—including very young children—were forced to work, often under hazardous conditions and with no job security. As these conditions became more visible, a new breed of social thinkers tried to understand why and how society was changing.

1-4The Development of Modern Sociology

At the same time that urban problems were growing worse, natural scientists had been using reason, or rational thinking, to discover the laws of physics and the movement of the planets. Social thinkers started to believe that by applying the methods developed by the natural sciences, they might discover the laws of human behavior and apply these laws to solve social problems. Historically, the time was ripe because the Age of Enlightenment had produced a belief in reason and humanity’s ability to perfect itself.

1-4aEarly Thinkers: A Concern with Social Order and Stability

LO 5

Discuss why early social thinkers were concerned with social order and stability.

Early social thinkers—such as Auguste Comte, Harriet Martineau, Herbert Spencer, and Emile Durkheim—were interested in analyzing social order and stability, and many of their ideas have had a dramatic and long-lasting influence on modern sociology. The first of these, Auguste Comte, focused primarily on continuity in societies, but his theorizing also highlights how societies contain forces for change as well.

Auguste Comte

The French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857) coined the term sociology from the Latin socius (“social, being with others”) and the Greek logos (“study of”) to describe a new science that would engage in the study of society. Even though he never actually conducted sociological research, Comte is considered by some to be the “founder of sociology.” Comte’s theory that societies contain social statics (forces for social order and stability) and social dynamics (forces for conflict and change) continues to be used in contemporary sociology. In fact, we can trace the origins of applied sociology (which focuses on social change and intervention) to the 1850s, when Comte divided sociology into two areas: theories of stability (social statics) and the practice of social interventionism (social progress and development). Although many contemporary social theorists and researchers participate in academic studies and influence public debate through their writing and presentations, applied sociologists are practitioners and social activists who adapt sociological thinking to real-life situations (typically outside academic settings) and help formulate social policy that may promote social change (Perlstadt, 2007).

Auguste Comte (1798–1857) (oil on canvas), Etex, Louis Jules (1810–1889)/Temple de la Religion de l’Humanite, Paris, France/The Bridgeman Art Library

Comte stressed that the methods of the natural sciences should be applied to the objective study of society. He sought to unlock the secrets of society so that intellectuals like him could become the new secular (as contrasted with religious) “high priests” of society. For Comte, the best policies involved order and authority. He envisioned that a new consensus would emerge on social issues and that the new science of sociology would play a significant part in the reorganization of society.

Comte’s philosophy became known as  positivism —a belief that the world can best be understood through scientific inquiry. He believed that positivism had two dimensions:

· (1)

methodological—the application of scientific knowledge to both physical and social phenomena—and

· (2)

social and political—the use of such knowledge to predict the likely results of different policies so that the best one could be chosen.

Social analysts have praised Comte for his advocacy of sociology and his insights regarding linkages between the social structural elements of society (such as family, religion, and government) and social thinking in specific historical periods. However, a number of contemporary sociologists argue that Comte contributed to an overemphasis on the “natural science model” and focused on the experiences of a privileged few, to the exclusion of all others.

Harriet Martineau

Comte’s works were made more accessible for a wide variety of scholars through the efforts of the British sociologist Harriet Martineau (1802–1876). Until fairly recently, Martineau received no recognition in the field of sociology, partly because she was a woman in a male-dominated discipline and society. Not only did she translate and condense Comte’s works, but she was also an active sociologist in her own right. Martineau studied the social customs of Britain and the United States, analyzing the consequences of industrialization and capitalism. In Society in America (1962/1837), she examined religion, politics, child rearing, slavery, and immigration, paying special attention to social distinctions based on class, race, and gender. Her works explore the status of women, children, and “sufferers” (persons who are considered to be criminal, mentally ill, handicapped, poor, or alcoholic).

Spencer Arnold/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Martineau was also an advocate of social change, encouraging greater racial and gender equality. She was also committed to creating a science of society that would be grounded in empirical observations and be widely accessible to people. She argued that sociologists should be impartial in their assessment of society but that it is entirely appropriate to compare the existing state of society with the principles on which it was founded. Martineau believed that a better society would emerge if women and men were treated equally, enlightened reform occurred, and cooperation existed among people in all social classes (but led by the middle class).

Herbert Spencer

Unlike Comte, who was strongly influenced by the upheavals of the French Revolution, the British social theorist Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) was born in a more peaceful and optimistic period in his country’s history. Spencer’s major contribution to sociology was an evolutionary perspective on social order and social change. Evolutionary theory helps to explain how organic and/or social change occurs in societies. According to Spencer’s Theory of General Evolution, society, like a biological organism, has various interdependent parts (such as the family, the economy, and the government) that work to ensure the stability and survival of the entire society.

Spencer believed that societies develop through a process of “struggle” (for existence) and “fitness” (for survival), which he referred to as the “survival of the fittest.” Because this phrase is often attributed to Charles Darwin, Spencer’s view of society is known as  social Darwinism —the belief that those species of animals, including human beings, best adapted to their environment survive and prosper, whereas those poorly adapted die out. Spencer equated this process of natural selection with progress because only the “fittest” members of society would survive the competition.

Critics believe that Spencer’s ideas are flawed because societies are not the same as biological systems; people are able to create and transform the environment in which they live. Moreover, the notion of the survival of the fittest can easily be used to justify class, racial–ethnic, and gender inequalities.

Emile Durkheim

French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) stressed that people are the product of their social environment and that behavior cannot be understood fully in terms of individual biological and psychological traits. He believed that the limits of human potential are socially based, not biologically based.

© Bettmann/Corbis

In his work The Rules of Sociological Method (1964a/1895), Durkheim set forth one of his most important contributions to sociology: the idea that societies are built on social facts.  Social facts  are patterned ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that exist outside any one individual but that exert social control over each person. Durkheim believed that social facts must be explained by other social facts—by reference to the social structure rather than to individual attributes.

Durkheim observed that rapid social change and a more specialized division of labor produce strains in society. These strains lead to a breakdown in traditional organization, values, and authority and to a dramatic increase in  anomie —a condition in which social control becomes ineffective as a result of the loss of shared values and of a sense of purpose in society. According to Durkheim, anomie is most likely to occur during a period of rapid social change. In Suicide (1964b/1897), he explored the relationship between anomic social conditions and suicide, a concept that remains important in the twenty-first century.

Durkheim’s contributions are so significant that he is considered to be one of the crucial figures in the development of sociology as an academic area of study. He is one of the founding figures in the functionalist theoretical tradition, but he also made important contributions to other perspectives, particularly symbolic interactionism. Later in this chapter, we look at these theoretical approaches.

Although critics acknowledge Durkheim’s important contributions, some argue that his emphasis on societal stability, or the “problem of order”—how society can establish and maintain social stability and cohesiveness—obscured the subjective meanings that individuals give to religion, work, and suicide. From this view, overemphasis on structure and the determining power of “society” resulted in a corresponding neglect of agency (the beliefs and actions of the actors involved) in much of Durkheim’s theorizing.

1-4bDiffering Views on the Status Quo: Stability or Change?

LO 6

Identify reasons why many later social thinkers were concerned with social change.

Together with Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Georg Simmel, Durkheim established the direction of modern sociology. We will look first at Marx’s and Weber’s divergent thoughts about conflict and social change in societies and then at Georg Simmel’s microlevel analysis of society.

Karl Marx

In sharp contrast to Durkheim’s focus on the stability of society, German economist and philosopher Karl Marx (1818–1883) stressed that history is a continuous clash between conflicting ideas and forces. He believed that conflict—especially class conflict—is necessary in order to produce social change and a better society. For Marx, the most important changes are economic. He concluded that the capitalist economic system was responsible for the overwhelming poverty that he observed in London at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution (Marx and Engels, 1967/1848).

North Wind/North Wind Picture Archives

In the Marxian framework, class conflict is the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class. The capitalist class, or bourgeoisie, is those who own and control the means of production—the tools, land, factories, and money for investment that form the economic basis of a society. The working class, or proletariat, is those who must sell their labor because they have no other means to earn a livelihood. From Marx’s viewpoint, the capitalist class controls and exploits the masses of struggling workers by paying less than the value of their labor. This exploitation results in the workers’ alienation—a feeling of powerlessness and estrangement from other people and from oneself. Marx predicted that the working class would become aware of its exploitation, overthrow the capitalists, and establish a free and classless society.

LO 7

Discuss how industrialization and urbanization influenced the theories of Max Weber and Georg Simmel.

Overall, Marx’s ideas are still influential in contemporary societies where alienation is viewed as a pressing problem and where social movements call people’s attention to large economic disparities brought about by the emergence of global capitalism. Marx specifically linked alienation to social relations that are inherent in the production side of capitalism. Because of his emphasis on the negative effects of production under capitalism, social scientists for many years focused primarily on problems associated with production and social organization in industrial societies. However, some theorizing and research have shifted to the issue of rampant global consumerism. The effects of consumerism are examined on both the macrolevel and the microlevel. At the macrolevel, there is concern about issues such as environmental degradation and national debt. At the microlevel, studies often focus on why individuals and families spend more money than they can afford in hopes of finding personal happiness, gaining approval of others, and elevating their own social importance. Industrialization and urbanization were not only important influences in production but also in how societies consume, and this is reflected in the works of Max Weber and Georg Simmel.

Max Weber

German social scientist Max Weber (pronounced VAY-ber) (1864–1920) was also concerned about the changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution. Although he disagreed with Marx’s idea that economics is the central force in social change, Weber acknowledged that economic interests are important in shaping human action. Even so, he thought that economic systems were heavily influenced by other factors in a society.

© Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Unlike many early analysts who believed that values could not be separated from the research process, Weber emphasized that sociology should be value free—research should be done scientifically, excluding the researcher’s personal values and economic interests. However, Weber realized that social behavior cannot be analyzed by purely objective criteria, so he stressed that sociologists should employ verstehen (German for “understanding” or “insight”) to gain the ability to see the world as others see it. In contemporary sociology, Weber’s idea is incorporated into the concept of the sociological imagination (discussed earlier in this chapter).

Weber was also concerned that large-scale organizations (bureaucracies) were becoming increasingly oriented toward routine administration and a specialized division of labor, which he believed were destructive to human vitality and freedom. According to Weber, rational bureaucracy, rather than class struggle, is the most significant factor in determining the social relations between people in industrial societies. From this view, bureaucratic domination can be used to maintain powerful (capitalist) interests in society. As discussed in Chapter 6 (“Groups and Organizations”), Weber’s work on bureaucracy has had a far-reaching impact.

Weber also provided important insights on the process of rationalization, on religion, and on many other topics. In his writings, Weber was more aware of women’s issues than many of the scholars of his day. Perhaps his awareness at least partially resulted from the fact that his wife, Marianne Weber, was an important figure in the women’s movement in Germany.

Sociology & Social Policy

Online Shopping and Your Privacy

Motorcycle jacket for kid brother on the Internet—$300

Monogrammed golf balls for dad on the Internet—$50

Vintage smoking robe for husband on the Internet—$80

Not having to hear “attention shoppers”—not even once—priceless.

The way to pay on the Internet and everywhere else you see the MasterCard logo: MasterCard.

—MasterCard advertisement (qtd. in Manning, 2000: 114)

Clearly, this older advertisement for MasterCard taps into a vital source of revenue for companies that issue credit cards: online customers. Earlier, we mentioned that industrialization and urbanization were important historical factors that brought about significant changes in social life. Today, social life has changed as the Internet has become an integral part of our daily lives, including how we gather information, communicate with others, shop, and view our privacy.

Shopping online raises important questions: Who is watching your online activity? How far do companies go in “snooping” on those who visit their websites? Companies that sell products or services on the Internet are not required to respect the privacy of shoppers. According to the American Bar Association (2012), “When you buy something online, that company collects information about you. The information it collects is not necessarily limited to what the company needs to process your order….” This means the seller may collect data on which site pages you visit, which products you buy, when you buy them, and where you ship them. Then the seller may share the information with other companies or sell it to them. Some websites have privacy policies but still insert cookies, data stored on a user’s computer that tell the site’s owner where you go and what you do on the site. Sometimes, the site owner records your e-mail address and begins sending you messages about that company’s products, whether you have asked to receive them or not. It is possible, but sometimes not easy, to “unsubscribe” from these mailings.

Do you feel comfortable shopping online? Do you care if retailers use your private information for their own purposes? Why or why not?

© Odua Images/ Shutterstock.com

To offset people’s fears of invasion of privacy or abuse of their credit card information, corporations reassure customers that they are not being tracked and that it is safe to give out personal information online. However, the American Bar Association (ABA) advises caution in Internet interactions. According to the ABA, consumers using a credit card for an online purchase should find out if their credit card number will be kept on file by the seller for automatic use in future orders. Many online merchants offer the option to “keep” or “not keep” such information in their database, but they generally encourage consumers to let them keep it because it allegedly makes future transactions so much faster and easier. Online shoppers should find out what information the seller is gathering about them, how this information will be used, and whether they can “opt out” of having this information gathered (American Bar Association, 2012). If you think that you are being “watched” when you browse or make purchases online, you probably are!

Reflect & Analyze

· Are you responsible for protecting your own privacy online, or should federal law require that companies obtaining information about you let you know exactly what data they are collecting and why? How can sociology make us more aware of key social policy issues—such as this—that affect our everyday life?

Source: Based on American Bar Association, 2012.

Georg Simmel

At about the same time that Durkheim was developing the field of sociology in France, the German sociologist Georg Simmel (pronounced ZIM-mel) (1858–1918) was theorizing about the importance of social change in his own country and elsewhere. Simmel was also focusing on how society is a web of patterned interactions among people ( Figure 1.5 ). In The Sociology of Georg Simmel (1950/1902–1917), he described how social interactions are different based on the size of the social group. According to Simmel, interaction patterns differ between a dyad (a social group with two members) and a triad (a group with three members) because the presence of an additional person often changes the dynamics of communication and the overall interaction process. Simmel also developed formal sociology, an approach that focuses attention on the universal social forms that underlie social interaction. He referred to these forms as the “geometry of social life.”

The Granger Collection, New York

Figure 1.5

According to the sociologist Georg Simmel, society is a web of patterned interactions among people. If we focus on the behavior of individuals only, we miss the underlying forms that make up the “geometry of social life.”

Bill Reitzel/Plush Studios/Blend Images/Getty Images

Like the other social thinkers of his day, Simmel analyzed the impact of industrialization and urbanization on people’s lives. He concluded that class conflict was becoming more pronounced in modern industrial societies. He also linked the increase in individualism, as opposed to concern for the group, to the fact that people now had many cross-cutting “social spheres”—membership in a number of organizations and voluntary associations—rather than the singular community ties of the past.

Simmel’s contributions to sociology are significant. He wrote more than thirty books and numerous essays on diverse topics, leading some critics to state that his work is fragmentary and piecemeal. However, his thinking has influenced a wide array of sociologists, including the members of the “Chicago School” in the United States.

1-4cThe Beginnings of Sociology in the United States

From Western Europe, sociology spread in the 1890s to the United States, where it thrived as a result of the intellectual climate and the rapid rate of social change. The first departments of sociology in the United States were located at the University of Chicago and at Atlanta University, then an African American school.

The Chicago School

The first department of sociology in the United States was established at the University of Chicago, where the faculty was instrumental in starting the American Sociological Society (now known as the American Sociological Association). Robert E. Park (1864–1944), a member of the Chicago faculty, asserted that urbanization has a disintegrating influence on social life by producing an increase in the crime rate and in racial and class antagonisms that contribute to the segregation and isolation of neighborhoods (Ross, 1991). George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), another member of the faculty at Chicago, founded the symbolic interaction perspective, which is discussed later in this chapter.

Jane Addams

Jane Addams (1860–1935) is one of the best-known early women sociologists in the United States because she founded Hull House, one of the most famous settlement houses, in an impoverished area of Chicago. Throughout her career, she was actively engaged in sociological endeavors: She lectured at numerous colleges, was a charter member of the American Sociological Society, and published a number of articles and books. Addams was one of the authors of Hull-House Maps and Papers, a groundbreaking book that used a methodological technique employed by sociologists for the next forty years. She was also awarded a Nobel Prize for her assistance to the underprivileged. In recent years, Addams has received greater recognition from contemporary sociologists because of her role as an early theorist of social change who influenced later feminist theorists and activists.

AP Images

W. E. B. Du Bois and Atlanta University

The second department of sociology in the United States was founded by W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) at Atlanta University. He created a laboratory of sociology, instituted a program of systematic research, founded and conducted regular sociological conferences on research, founded two journals, and established a record of valuable publications. His classic work, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1967/1899), was based on his research into Philadelphia’s African American community and stressed the strengths and weaknesses of a community wrestling with overwhelming social problems. Du Bois was one of the first scholars to note that a dual heritage creates conflict for people of color. He called this duality double-consciousness—the identity conflict of being both a black and an American. Du Bois pointed out that although people in this country espouse such values as democracy, freedom, and equality, they also accept racism and group discrimination. African Americans are the victims of these conflicting values and the actions that result from them. The influence of Du Bois continues to grow in contemporary studies of inequality, social justice, and the need for change in race/ethnic and class relations in the United States and worldwide.

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division [LC-DIG-ggbain-07435]

1-5Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives

LO 8

Compare and contrast contemporary functionalist and conflict perspectives on social life.

Given the many and varied ideas and trends that influenced the development of sociology, how do contemporary sociologists view society? Some see it as basically a stable and ongoing entity; others view it in terms of many groups competing for scarce resources; still others describe it based on the everyday, routine interactions among individuals. Each of these views represents a method of examining the same phenomena. Each is based on general ideas about how social life is organized and represents an effort to link specific observations in a meaningful way. Each uses a  theory —a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. Each theory helps interpret reality in a distinct way by providing a framework in which observations may be logically ordered. Sociologists refer to this theoretical framework as a perspective—an overall approach to or viewpoint on some subject. Three major theoretical perspectives have been predominant in U.S. sociology: the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives. Other perspectives, such as postmodernism and globalization, have emerged and gained acceptance among social thinkers. Before turning to the specifics of these perspectives, we should note that some theorists and theories do not fit neatly into any of these perspectives. Although the categories may be viewed as oversimplified by some people, most of us organize our thinking into categories and find it easier for us to compare and contrast ideas if we have a basic outline of key characteristics associated with each approach (see the Concept Quick Review at the end of this section).

Concept Quick Review

The Major Theoretical Perspectives

Perspective	Analysis Level	View of Society
Functionalist	Macrolevel	Society is composed of interrelated parts that work together to maintain stability within society. This stability is threatened by dysfunctional acts and institutions.
Conflict	Macrolevel	Society is characterized by social inequality; social life is a struggle for scarce resources. Social arrangements benefit some groups at the expense of others.
Symbolic Interactionist	Microlevel	Society is the sum of the interactions of people and groups. Behavior is learned in interaction with other people; how people define a situation becomes the foundation for how they behave.
Postmodernist	Macrolevel/Microlevel	Societies characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications bring into question existing assumptions about social life and the nature of reality.

1-5aFunctionalist Perspectives

Also known as functionalism and structural functionalism,  functionalist perspectives  are based on the assumption that society is a stable, orderly system. This stable system is characterized by societal consensus, whereby the majority of members share a common set of values, beliefs, and behavioral expectations. According to this perspective, a society is composed of interrelated parts, each of which serves a function and (ideally) contributes to the overall stability of the society. Societies develop social structures, or institutions that persist because they play a part in helping society survive. These institutions include the family, education, government, religion, and the economy. If anything adverse happens to one of these institutions or parts, all other parts are affected, and the system no longer functions properly.

Talcott Parsons and Robert K. Merton

Talcott Parsons (1902–1979), perhaps the most influential contemporary advocate of the functionalist perspective, stressed that all societies must meet social needs in order to survive. Parsons (1955) suggested, for example, that a division of labor (distinct, specialized functions) between husband and wife is essential for family stability and social order. The husband/father performs the instrumental tasks, which involve leadership and decision-making responsibilities in the home and employment outside the home to support the family. The wife/mother is responsible for the expressive tasks, including housework, caring for the children, and providing emotional support for the entire family. Parsons believed that other institutions, including school, church, and government, must function to assist the family and that all institutions must work together to preserve the system over time (Parsons, 1955).

Pictorial Parade/Archive Photos/Getty Images

Functionalism was refined further by Robert K. Merton (1910–2003), who distinguished between manifest and latent functions of social institutions.  Manifest functions  are intended and/or overtly recognized by the participants in a social unit. In contrast,  latent functions  are unintended functions that are hidden and remain unacknowledged by participants (Figure 1.6). For example, a manifest function of education is the transmission of knowledge and skills from one generation to the next; a latent function is the establishment of social relations and networks. Merton noted that all features of a social system may not be functional at all times; dysfunctions are the undesirable consequences of any element of a society. A dysfunction of education in the United States is the perpetuation of gender, racial, and class inequalities. Such dysfunctions may threaten the capacity of a society to adapt and survive.

Figure 1.6

Shopping malls are a reflection of a consumer society. A manifest function of a shopping mall is to sell goods and services to shoppers; however, a latent function may be to provide a communal area in which people can visit friends and enjoy an event.

St Petersburg Times/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

Applying a Functional Perspective to Shopping and Consumption

How might functionalists analyze shopping and consumption? When we examine the part-to-whole relationships of contemporary society in high-income nations, it immediately becomes apparent that each social institution depends on the others for its well-being. For example, a booming economy benefits other social institutions, including the family (members are gainfully employed), religion (churches, mosques, synagogues, and temples receive larger contributions), and education (school taxes are higher when property values are higher). A strong economy also makes it possible for more people to purchase more goods and services. By contrast, a weak economy has a negative influence on people’s opportunities and spending patterns. For example, if people have “extra” money to spend and can afford leisure time away from work, they are more likely to dine out, take trips, and purchase things they might otherwise forgo. However, in difficult economic times, people are more likely to curtail family outings and some purchases.

Clearly, a manifest function of shopping and consumption is purchasing necessary items such as food, clothing, household items, and sometimes transportation. But what are the latent functions of shopping? Consider, shopping malls, for example: Many young people go to the mall to “hang out,” visit with friends, and eat lunch at the food court. People of all ages go shopping for pleasure, relaxation, and perhaps to enhance their feelings of self-worth. (“If I buy this product, I’ll look younger/beautiful/handsome/sexy, etc.!”) However, shopping and consuming may also produce problems or dysfunctions. Some people are “shopaholics” or “credit card junkies” who cannot stop spending money; others are kleptomaniacs, who steal products rather than pay for them.

The functionalist perspective is useful in analyzing consumerism because of the way in which it examines the relationship between part-to-whole relationships. How the economy is doing affects individuals’ consumption patterns, and when the economy is not doing well, political leaders often encourage us to spend more to help the national economy and keep other people employed.

1-5bConflict Perspectives

According to  conflict perspectives , groups in society are engaged in a continuous power struggle for control of scarce resources. Conflict may take the form of politics, litigation, negotiations, or family discussions about financial matters. Simmel, Marx, and Weber contributed significantly to this perspective by focusing on the inevitability of clashes between social groups. Today, advocates of the conflict perspective view social life as a continuous power struggle among competing social groups.

Max Weber and C. Wright Mills

As previously discussed, Karl Marx focused on the exploitation and oppression of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie. Max Weber recognized the importance of economic conditions in producing inequality and conflict in society, but he added power and prestige as other sources of inequality. Weber (1968/1922) defined power as the ability of a person within a social relationship to carry out his or her own will despite resistance from others, and prestige as a positive or negative social estimation of honor (Weber, 1968/1922).

C. Wright Mills (1916–1962), a key figure in the development of contemporary conflict theory, encouraged sociologists to get involved in social reform. Mills encouraged everyone to look beneath everyday events in order to observe the major resource and power inequalities that exist in society (Figure 1.7). He believed that the most important decisions in the United States are made largely behind the scenes by the power elite—a small clique of top corporate, political, and military officials. Mills’s power elite theory is discussed in Chapter 14 (“Politics and Government in Global Perspective”).

Figure 1.7

This multimillion-dollar penthouse is an example of conspicuous consumption. What examples of conspicuous consumption do you see in your community?

© Deniseus/ Shutterstock.com

The conflict perspective is not one unified theory but one with several branches. One branch is the neo-Marxist approach, which views struggle between the classes as inevitable and as a prime source of social change. A second branch focuses on racial–ethnic inequalities and the continued exploitation of members of some racial–ethnic groups. A third branch is the feminist perspective, which focuses on gender issues.

The Feminist Approach

A feminist theoretical approach (or “feminism”) directs attention to women’s experiences and the importance of gender as an element of social structure. This approach is based on a belief in the equality of women and men and the idea that all people should be equally valued and have equal rights. According to feminist theorists, we live in a patriarchy, a system in which men dominate women and in which things that are considered to be “male” or “masculine” are more highly valued than those considered to be “female” or “feminine.” The feminist perspective assumes that gender is socially created and that change is essential in order for people to achieve their human potential without limits based on gender. Some feminists argue that women’s subordination can end only after the patriarchal system becomes obsolete. However, feminism is not one single, unified approach; there are several feminist perspectives, which are discussed in Chapter 11 (“Sex, Gender, and Sexuality”).

Applying Conflict Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption

How might advocates of a conflict approach analyze the process of shopping and consumption? A contemporary conflict analysis of consumption might look at how inequalities based on racism, sexism, and income differentials affect people’s ability to acquire the things they need and want. It might also look at inequalities regarding the issuance of credit cards and access to “cathedrals of consumption” such as mega shopping malls and tourist resorts (see Ritzer, 1999: 197–214).

However, one of the earliest social theorists to discuss the relationship between social class and consumption patterns was the U.S. social scientist Thorstein Veblen (1857–1929). In The Theory of the Leisure Class (1967/1899), Veblen described early wealthy U.S. industrialists as engaging in conspicuous consumption—the continuous public display of one’s wealth and status through purchases such as expensive houses, clothing, motor vehicles, and other consumer goods. According to Veblen, the leisurely lifestyle of the upper classes typically does not provide them with adequate opportunities to show off their wealth and status. In order to attract public admiration, the wealthy often engage in consumption and leisure activities that are both highly visible and highly wasteful. Examples of conspicuous consumption range from Cornelius Vanderbilt’s 8 lavish mansions and 10 major summer estates in the Gilded Age to a contemporary $85 million mansion formerly owned by the Spelling family in Los Angeles, which has 56,500 square feet, 14 bedrooms, 27 bathrooms, and a two-lane bowling alley, among many other luxurious amenities. By contrast, however, some of today’s wealthiest people engage in inconspicuous consumption, perhaps to maintain a low public profile or out of fear for their own safety or that of other family members.

You Can Make a Difference

Thinking less about Things and More about People

We must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, militarism and economic exploitation are incapable of being conquered.

—Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., April 1967 (qtd. in Postman, 2011)

Almost fifty years ago, Dr. King encouraged people to find fulfillment in social relationships with other people rather than in new technologies or in making more money. Since King’s era, the United States has had periods of economic boom and bust, accompanied by unparalleled consumerism. Many analysts believe that consumerism and constant pressures to “buy, buy, buy more!” have created financial havoc for many individuals and families. We are continually surrounded by advertisements, shopping malls, and online buying opportunities that set in front of us a veritable banquet of merchandise to buy. However, shopping that gets out of hand is a serious habit that may have lasting psychological and economic consequences. If we are aware of these problems, we may be able to help ourselves or others avoid hyperconsumerism.

Do you know the symptoms of compulsive overspending and debt dependency? Consider these questions:

· Do you or someone you know spend large amounts of time shopping or thinking about going shopping?

· Do you or someone you know rush to the store or to the computer for online shopping when feeling frustrated, depressed, or otherwise “out of sorts”?

· Do you or someone you know routinely argue with parents, friends, or partners about spending too much money or overcharging on credit cards?

· Do you or someone you know hide purchases or make dishonest statements—such as “It was a gift from a friend”—to explain where new merchandise came from?

These students are spending a day of service, helping to build a home. Many colleges and universities have similar service days to help their communities. What projects could you and your peers undertake?

Stan Rohrer/Alamy

According to economist Juliet Schor (1999), who has extensively studied the problems associated with excessive spending and credit card debt, each of us can empower ourselves and help others as well if we follow simple steps in our consumer behavior. Among these steps are controlling desire by gaining knowledge of the process of consumption and its effect on people, helping to make exclusivity uncool by demystifying the belief that people are “better” simply because they own excessively expensive items, and discouraging competitive consumption by encouraging our friends and acquaintances to spend less on presents and other purchases. Finally, Schor suggests that we should become educated consumers and avoid use of shopping as a form of therapy. By following Schor’s simple steps and encouraging our friends and relatives to do likewise, we may be able to free ourselves from the demands of a hyperconsumer society that continually bombards us with messages indicating that we should spend more and go deeper in debt on our credit cards.

How might we think more about people? Some analysts suggest that we should make a list of things that are more important to us than money and material possessions. These might include our relationships and experiences with family, friends, and others whom we encounter in daily life. Are we so engrossed in our own life that we fail to take others into account? Around school, are we so busy texting or talking on our cell phone that we fail to speak to others? During holidays and special occasions, do we make time for friends and loved ones even if we think we have “better” things to do?

Other suggestions for thinking about others might include looking for ways, small and large, to help others. Small ways to help others might be opening a door for someone whose hands are full, letting someone go before us in a line or while driving in traffic, or any one of a million small kindnesses that might brighten someone else’s day as well as our own. Large ways of helping others would include joining voluntary organizations that assist people in the community, including older individuals, persons with health problems, children who need a tutor or mentor, or many others you might learn of from school organizations, social service agencies, or churches in your area. Are you up to the challenge? Many who have tried thinking less about things and more about people highly recommend this as a life-affirming endeavor for all involved.

Source: Schor, 1999.

Conspicuous consumption has become more widely acceptable at all income levels, and many families live on credit in order to purchase the goods and services that they would like to have. According to conflict theorists, the economic gains of the wealthiest people are often at the expense of those in the lower classes, who may have to struggle (sometimes unsuccessfully) to have adequate food, clothing, and shelter for themselves and their children. Chapter 8 (“Class and Stratification in the United States”) and Chapter 9 (“Global Stratification”) discuss contemporary conflict perspectives on class-based inequalities.

1-5cSymbolic Interactionist Perspectives

LO 9

Identify key differences in contemporary symbolic interactionism and postmodernist perspectives on social life.

The conflict and functionalist perspectives have been criticized for focusing primarily on macrolevel analysis. A  macrolevel analysis  examines whole societies, large-scale social structures, and social systems instead of looking at important social dynamics in individuals’ lives. Our third perspective, symbolic interactionism, fills this void by examining people’s day-to-day interactions and their behavior in groups. Thus, symbolic interactionist approaches are based on a  microlevel analysis , which focuses on small groups rather than large-scale social structures.

We can trace the origins of this perspective to the Chicago School, especially George Herbert Mead and the sociologist Herbert Blumer (1900–1986), who is credited with coining the term symbolic interactionism. According to  symbolic interactionist perspectives , society is the sum of the interactions of individuals and groups. Theorists using this perspective focus on the process of interaction—defined as immediate reciprocally oriented communication between two or more people—and the part that symbols play in communication. A symbol is anything that meaningfully represents something else. Examples include signs, gestures, written language, and shared values. Symbolic interaction occurs when people communicate through the use of symbols—for example, a ring to indicate a couple’s engagement. But symbolic communication occurs in a variety of forms, including facial gestures, posture, tone of voice, and other symbolic gestures (such as a handshake or a clenched fist).

Symbols are instrumental in helping people derive meanings from social interactions (Figure 1.8). In social encounters each person’s interpretation or definition of a given situation becomes a subjective reality from that person’s viewpoint. We often assume that what we consider to be “reality” is shared by others; however, this assumption is often incorrect. Subjective reality is acquired and shared through agreed-upon symbols, especially language. If a person shouts “Fire!” in a crowded movie theater, for example, that language produces the same response (attempting to escape) in all of those who hear and understand it. When people in a group do not share the same meaning for a given symbol, however, confusion results: People who do not know the meaning of the word fire will not know what the commotion is about. How people interpret the messages they receive and the situations they encounter becomes their subjective reality and may strongly influence their behavior.

Figure 1.8

Sporting events are a prime location for seeing how college students use symbols to convey shared meanings. The colors of clothing and the display of the school logo emphasize these students’ pride in their school.

Joe Robbins/Getty Images

Applying Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption

Sociologists applying a symbolic interactionist framework to the study of shopping and consumption would primarily focus on a microlevel analysis of people’s face-to-face interactions and the roles that people play in society. In our efforts to interact with others, we define any situation according to our own subjective reality. This theoretical viewpoint applies to shopping and consumption just as it does to other types of conduct. For example, when a customer goes into a store to make a purchase and offers a credit card to the cashier, what meanings are embedded in the interaction process that takes place between the two of them? The roles that the two people play are based on their histories of interaction in previous situations. They bring to the present encounter symbolically charged ideas, based on previous experiences. Each person also has a certain level of emotional energy available for each interaction. When we are feeling positive, we have a high level of emotional energy, and the opposite is also true. Every time we engage in a new interaction, the situation has to be negotiated all over again, and the outcome cannot be known beforehand.

In the case of a shopper–cashier interaction, how successful will the interaction be for each of them? The answer to this question depends on a kind of social marketplace in which such interactions can either raise or lower one’s emotional energy. If the customer’s credit card is rejected, he or she may come away with lower emotional energy. If the customer is angry at the cashier, he or she may attempt to “save face” by reacting in a haughty manner regarding the rejection of the card. (“What’s wrong with you? Can’t you do anything right? I’ll never shop here again!”) If this type of encounter occurs, the cashier may also come out of the interaction with a lower level of emotional energy, which may affect the cashier’s interactions with subsequent customers. Likewise, the next time the customer uses a credit card, he or she may say something like “I hope this card isn’t over its limit; sometimes I lose track,” even if the person knows that the card’s credit limit has not been exceeded. This is only one of many ways in which the rich tradition of symbolic interactionism might be used to examine shopping and consumption. Other areas of interest might include the social nature of the shopping experience, social interaction patterns in families regarding credit card debts, and why we might spend money to impress others.

1-5dPostmodern Perspectives

According to  postmodern perspectives , existing theories have been unsuccessful in explaining social life in contemporary societies that are characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications. Postmodern social theorists reject the theoretical perspectives we have previously discussed, as well as how those theories were created (Ritzer, 2011).

Postmodern theories are based on the assumption that large-scale and rapid social change, globalization, and technology are central features of the postmodern era. Moreover, these conditions tend to have a harmful effect on people because they often result in ambiguity and chaos. One evident change is a significant decline in the influence of social institutions such as the family, religion, and education on people’s lives. Those who live in postmodern societies typically pursue individual freedom and do not want the structural constraints that are imposed by social institutions. As social inequality and class differences increase, people are exposed to higher levels of stress that produce depression, fear, and ambivalence. Problems such as these are found in nations throughout the world.

Postmodern (or “postindustrial”) societies are characterized by an information explosion and an economy in which large numbers of people either provide or apply information, or are employed in professional occupations (such as attorneys and physicians) or service jobs (such as fast-food servers and health care workers). There is a corresponding rise of a consumer society and the emergence of a global village in which people around the world instantly communicate with one another.

Jean Baudrillard, a well-known French social theorist, has extensively explored how the shift from production of goods to consumption of information, services, and products has created a new form of social control. According to Baudrillard’s approach, capitalists strive to control people’s shopping habits, much like the output of factory workers in industrial economies, to enhance their profits and to keep everyday people from rebelling against social inequality (1998/1970). How does this work? When consumers are encouraged to purchase more than they need or can afford, they often sink deeper in debt and must keep working to meet their monthly payments. Consumption comes to be based on factors such as our “wants” and our need to distinguish ourselves from others. We will return to Baudrillard’s general ideas on postmodern societies in Chapter 3 (“Culture”).

Postmodern theory opens up broad new avenues of inquiry by challenging existing perspectives and questioning current belief systems. However, postmodern theory has also been criticized for raising more questions than it answers.

Applying Postmodern Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption

According to some social theorists, the postmodern society is a consumer society. The focus of the capitalist economy has shifted from production to consumption: The emphasis is on getting people to consume more and to own a greater variety of things. As previously discussed, credit cards may encourage people to spend more money than they should, and often more than they can afford (Ritzer, 1998). Television shopping networks, online shopping, and mobile advertising and shopping devices make it possible for people to shop around the clock without having to leave home or encounter “real” people. As Ritzer (1998: 121) explains, “So many of our interactions in these settings … are simulated, and we become so accustomed to them, that in the end all we have are simulated interactions; there are no more ‘real’ interactions. The entire distinction between the simulated and the real is lost; simulated interaction is the reality” (see also Baudrillard, 1983).

For postmodernists, social life is not an objective reality waiting for us to discover how it works. Rather, what we experience as social life is actually nothing more or less than how we think about it, and there are many diverse ways of doing that. According to a postmodernist perspective, the Enlightenment goal of intentionally creating a better world out of some knowable truth is an illusion. Although some might choose to dismiss postmodern approaches, they do give us new and important questions to think about regarding the nature of social life.

The Concept Quick Review reviews all four of the major sociological perspectives. Throughout this book we will be using these perspectives as lenses through which to view our social world.

1-6Looking Ahead: Are Theory and/or Practice in Your Future?

One of the themes of Sociology in Our Times is that we live in a world that is constantly changing. Some people might argue that sociological theory has not changed sufficiently to adequately describe these social changes. Others believe that newer perspectives, such as postmodernism and globalization, adequately address the changes and continuities we are seeing today. Now it is time for you to consider how useful sociology and its theories might be to you not only in this course but in the future.

As previously discussed, the sociological imagination will help you gain a better understanding of yourself, other people, and the larger social world. We have discussed consumerism as an example of sociological inquiry in this chapter because it is a reflection of both social continuity and change in our nation and world. Consumerism is underpinned by power relationships, and studying it reveals how economic structures such as capitalism have an inescapable influence on all aspects of our lives. Today, consumerism is a rapidly growing area of inquiry in both academic and applied sociology. Jobs in applied sociology include project managers, urban development specialists, human rights officers, case managers, health planners, research coordinators, and a myriad of other careers in which sociological thinking and research can help people gain a better understanding of their work, clients, and pressing social issues facing their organizations.

Studying consumerism reveals something very important about sociology: Theory for its own sake is useless. We need to explore ways that theory can provoke thought and debate. What are the practical implications for theory in the social world? Practical sociological knowledge can be divided into five roles, one or more of which you might have in the future:

1. The decision maker who uses social science to shape public policy decisions.

2. The educator who teaches sociology to students.

3. The commentator and social critic who writes for the public through books, articles, and blogs and other social media.

4. The researcher for clients who works with public or private organizations (such as health care institutions or mental health groups).

5. The consultant who works for specific clients to answer questions or solve problems that are of interest to that client. (based on Zetterberg, 2002/1964)

People in roles 4 and 5 are classified as applied sociologists.

The “pure” sociology of the past has been joined by those who engage in applied sociology and public sociology. In the twenty-first century, public sociology aims to engage nonacademic audiences—such as people in grassroots environmental organizations or neighborhood activist groups—in informed public discussions through which both sides gain a better understanding of public issues (Burawoy, 2005).

If you are thinking about how to use sociology in your own life, it is exciting to realize that there are a variety of paths you might follow, using academic and nonacademic applications of what you are learning in this course. The future of the sociological perspective may be linked to your future as well!

Chapter Review

Chapter Review Q & A

· LO1What is sociology, and how can it contribute to our understanding of social life?

Sociology is the systematic study of human society and social interaction. We study sociology to understand how human behavior is shaped by group life and, in turn, how group life is affected by individuals. Our culture tends to emphasize individualism, and sociology pushes us to consider more-complex connections between our personal lives and the larger world.

· LO2What is meant by the sociological imagination, and how can it be used?

The sociological imagination helps us understand how seemingly personal troubles, such as debt or unemployment, are actually related to larger social forces. It is the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society.

· LO3How can we develop a global sociological imagination?

We must reach beyond past studies that have focused primarily on the United States to develop a more comprehensive global approach for the future. It is important to have a global sociological imagination because the future of this nation is deeply intertwined with the future of all nations of the world on economic, political, and humanitarian levels.

· LO4What was the historical context in which sociological thinking developed?

The origins of sociological thinking as we know it today can be traced to the beginnings of industrialization and urbanization, trends that increased rapidly in the late eighteenth century and attracted the attention of social thinkers.

· LO5Why were many early social thinkers concerned with social order and stability?

Early social thinkers—such as Auguste Comte, Harriet Martineau, Herbert Spencer, and Emile Durkheim—were interested in analyzing social order and stability because they were concerned about the future of the nations in which they lived. Order and stability seemed functional for everyone’s well-being in a rapidly changing world, and as such, many of these early sociologists’ ideas had a dramatic influence on consensus and order perspectives in contemporary sociology. Auguste Comte coined the term sociology to describe a new science that would engage in the study of society. Comte’s works were made more accessible for a wide variety of scholars through the efforts of the British sociologist Harriet Martineau. Herbert Spencer’s major contribution to sociology was an evolutionary perspective on social order and social change. Durkheim argued that societies are built on social facts, that rapid social change produces strains in society, and that the loss of shared values and purpose can lead to a condition of anomie.

· LO6Why were many later social thinkers concerned with social change?

In sharp contrast to Durkheim’s focus on the stability of society, German economist and philosopher Karl Marx stressed that history is a continuous clash between conflicting ideas and forces. He believed that conflict—especially class conflict—is necessary in order to produce social change and a better society. Although he disagreed with Marx’s idea that economics is the central force in social change, German social scientist Max Weber acknowledged that economic interests are important in shaping human action.

· LO7How did industrialization and urbanization influence theorists such as Weber and Simmel?

Weber was concerned about the changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution and the influences these changes had on human behavior. In particular, Weber was concerned that large-scale organizations were becoming increasingly oriented toward routine administration and a specialized division of labor, which he believed were destructive to human vitality and freedom. Whereas other sociologists primarily focused on society as a whole, Simmel explored small social groups and social life in urban areas, arguing that society is best seen as a web of patterned interactions among people.

· LO8What are key differences in contemporary functionalist and conflict perspectives on social life?

Functionalist perspectives assume that society is a stable, orderly system characterized by societal consensus. Conflict perspectives argue that society is a continuous power struggle among competing groups, often based on class, race, ethnicity, or gender.

· LO9What are key differences in contemporary symbolic interactionism and postmodernist perspectives on social life?

Interactionist perspectives focus on how people make sense of their everyday social interactions, which are made possible by the use of mutually understood symbols. From an alternative perspective, postmodern theorists believe that entirely new ways of examining social life are needed and that it is time to move beyond functionalist, conflict, and interactionist approaches.

Unit 1.2: Sociological Research Methods

Sociological Research Methods

CH.2

2-1Why Sociological Research Is Necessary

LO 1

Explain why sociological research is necessary and how it challenges our commonsense beliefs about pressing social issues such as suicide.

Most of us rely on our own experiences and personal knowledge to help us form ideas about what happens in everyday life and how the world works. However, there are many occasions when our personal knowledge is not enough to provide us with a thorough understanding of what is going on around us. This is why sociologists and other social scientists learn to question ordinary assumptions and to use specific research methods to find out more about the social world.

Sociologists obtain their knowledge of human behavior through research, which results in a body of information that helps us move beyond guesswork and common sense in understanding society. The sociological perspective incorporates theory and research to arrive at a more accurate understanding of the “hows” and “whys” of human social interaction. Once we have an informed perspective about social issues, we are in a better position to find solutions and make changes. Social research, then, is a key part of sociology.

2-1aCommon Sense and Sociological Research

How does sociological research challenge your commonsense beliefs about an issue? Consider suicide, for example. Most of us have commonsense ideas about suicide. Common sense may tell us that people who threaten suicide will not commit suicide. However, sociological research indicates that this assumption is frequently incorrect: People who threaten to kill themselves are often sending messages to others and may indeed attempt suicide. Common sense may also tell us that suicide is caused by despair or depression. However, research suggests that suicide is sometimes used as a means of lashing out at friends and relatives because of real or imagined wrongs. Research also shows that some younger people commit suicide because they believe there is no way out of their problems, particularly when they are continually harassed or bullied by individuals whom they encounter daily.

Historically, the commonsense view of suicide was that it was a sin, a crime, and a mental illness. French sociologist Emile Durkheim refused to accept these explanations. In what is probably the first sociological study to use scientific research methods, he related suicide to the issue of cohesiveness (or lack of cohesiveness) in society instead of viewing suicide as an isolated act that could be understood only by studying individual personalities or inherited tendencies. In Suicide (1964b/1897), Durkheim documented his contention that a high suicide rate was symptomatic of large-scale societal problems. In the process he developed an approach to research that continues to influence researchers and help us look at suicide worldwide (see “Sociology in Global Perspective”). As we discuss sociological research, we will use the problem of suicide to demonstrate the research process.

Sociology in Global Perspective

Durkheim’s Classical Study of Suicide Applied to Twenty-First-Century Young People in India

The bond attaching [people] to life slackens because the bond which attaches [them] to society is itself slack.

—  Emile Durkheim , Suicide (1964b/1897)

Although this statement described social conditions accompanying the high rates of suicide found in late nineteenth-century France, Durkheim’s words ring true today as we look at contemporary suicide rates for young people in cities such as New Delhi, India. Suicide rates in India are highest in the 15–29 age category and are especially great among those living in the wealthier and more-educated regions of the nation (NDTV.com, 2012; Lancet, 2012).

Why might those living in large cities in India be more prone to suicide than those living in rural areas?

© Jeremy Richards/ Shutterstock.com

Doesn’t this seem unlikely? Many people think rural farmers facing poor harvests and high debt would have the highest risk of suicide; however, this has not proven true in India. At first glance, we might think that economic success and a good education would provide insurance against suicide because of the greater happiness and job satisfaction among individuals in cities such as New Delhi, as these individuals have gained new opportunities and higher salaries in recent years. However, this economic boom—including the more-open markets of India in the past twenty years—has not only created new opportunities for people; these changes have also contributed to rapid urbanization and weakened social ties. The result? Intensified job anxiety, higher expectations, and more pressure for individual achievement. Social bonds have been weakened or dissolved as people move away from their families and their community. Ironically, newer technologies such as cell phones and social networking sites have contributed to the breakdown of traditional family units as communication has become more impersonal and fragmented.

In addition, life in the cities moves at a much faster pace than in the rural areas, and many individuals experience loneliness, sleep disorders, family discord, and major health risks such as heart disease and depression (Mahapatra, 2007). In the words of Ramachandra Guha (2004), a historian residing in India, Durkheim’s sociology of suicide remains highly relevant to finding new answers to this challenging problem: “The rash of suicides in city and village is a qualitatively new development in our history. We sense that tragedies are as much social as they are individual. But we know very little of what lies behind them. What we now await, in sum, is an Indian Durkheim.”

Reflect & Analyze

· How does sociology help us examine seemingly private acts such as suicide within a larger social context? Why are some people more inclined to commit suicide if they are not part of a strong social fabric and have, at the same time, high job anxiety and intensive pressure to achieve?

Because much of sociology deals with everyday life, we might think that common sense, our own personal experiences, and the media are the best sources of information. However, our personal experiences are subjective, and much of the information provided by the media comes from sources seeking support for a particular point of view. The content of the media is also influenced by the necessity of selling advertisements based on readership, audience ratings, or the number of hits that a website receives.

We need to evaluate the information we receive because the quantity—but, in some instances, not the quality—of information available has grown dramatically as a result of the information explosion brought about by corporate and social media.

2-1bSociology and Scientific Evidence

In taking this course, you will be studying social science research and may be asked to write research reports or read and evaluate journal articles. If you attend graduate or professional school in fields that use sociological research, you will be expected to evaluate existing research and perhaps do your own. Hopefully, you will find that social research is relevant to the practical, everyday concerns of the real world.

Sociology involves debunking—the unmasking of fallacies (false or mistaken ideas or opinions) in everyday life, as well as official interpretations of society (Mills, 1959b). Because problems such as suicide involve threats to existing societal values, we cannot analyze these problems without acknowledging what values are involved. For example, we might ask a question like “Should assisted suicide be legal for terminally ill patients who wish to die?” We often answer questions such as this by using either a normative or empirical approach. The normative approach relies on religion, customs, habits, traditions, and law to answer questions. It is based on strong beliefs about what is right and wrong and what “ought to be” in society. However, some sociologists discourage the use of the normative approach and advocate instead using an empirical approach. The empirical approach attempts to answer questions through conclusions drawn from systematic collection and analysis of data. This approach is referred to as the conventional model, or the “scientific method,” and is based on the assumption that knowledge is best gained by direct, systematic observation. Two basic scientific standards must be met:

· (1)

scientific beliefs should be supported by good evidence or information, and

· (2)

these beliefs should be open to public debate and critiques from other scholars, with alternative interpretations being considered (Cancian, 1992).

2-1cThe Theory and Research Cycle

LO 2

Compare deductive and inductive approaches in the theory and research cycle.

The relationship between theory and research has been referred to as a continuous cycle, as shown in Figure 2.1 (Wallace, 1971). You will recall that a theory is a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. A theory attempts to explain why something is the way it is. Research is the process of systematically collecting information for the purpose of testing an existing theory or generating a new one.

Figure 2.1The Theory and Research Cycle

The theory and research cycle can be compared to a relay race; although all participants do not necessarily start or stop at the same point, they share a common goal—to examine all levels of social life.

Source: Adapted from Walter Wallace, The Logic of Science in Sociology. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1971.

The theory and research cycle consists of deductive and inductive approaches. In the deductive approach the researcher begins with a theory and uses research to test the theory. This approach proceeds as follows:

· (1)

theories generate hypotheses,

· (2)

hypotheses lead to observations (data gathering),

· (3)

observations lead to the formation of generalizations, and

· (4)

generalizations are used to support the theory, to suggest modifications to it, or to refute it.

To illustrate, if we use the deductive method to determine why people commit suicide, we start by formulating a theory about the “causes” of suicide and then test our theory by collecting and analyzing data (for example, vital statistics on suicides or surveys to determine whether adult church members view suicide differently from nonmembers).

In the inductive approach the researcher collects information or data (facts or evidence) and then generates theories from the analysis of that data. Under the inductive approach, we would proceed as follows:

· (1)

specific observations suggest generalizations,

· (2)

generalizations produce a tentative theory,

· (3)

the theory is tested through the formation of hypotheses, and

· (4)

hypotheses may provide suggestions for additional observations (see Figure 2.2).

Using the inductive approach to study suicide, we might start by simultaneously collecting and analyzing data related to suicidal behavior and then generate a theory. Researchers may break into the cycle at different points depending on what they want to know and what information is available.

Figure 2.2

Why do older African American men have a lower rate of suicide than white males of similar ages? Questions such as this often serve as the foundation for explanatory studies as sociologists attempt to understand and describe certain cause-and-effect relationships.

Yellow Dog Productions/Stone/Getty Images

Theory gives meaning to research; research helps support theory. Sociologists suggest that a healthy skepticism (a feature of science) is important in research because it keeps us open to the possibility of alternative explanations. Some degree of skepticism is built into each step of the research process.

2-2The Sociological Research Process

LO 3

Distinguish between quantitative research and qualitative research.

Not all sociologists conduct research in the same manner. Some researchers primarily engage in quantitative research, whereas others engage in qualitative research. With quantitative research, the goal is scientific objectivity, and the focus is on data that can be measured numerically. Quantitative research typically emphasizes complex statistical techniques. Most sociological studies on suicide have used quantitative research. They have compared rates of suicide with almost every conceivable variable, including age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, and even sports participation. “Understanding Statistical Data Presentations” explains how to read a table, interpret the data, and draw conclusions.

Understanding

Statistical Data Presentations

Are young males or females more likely to die violently? How do homicide, suicide, and firearm death rates (per 100,000 population) compare for males and females ages 15 to 19 in the United States? Sociologists use statistical tables as a concise way to present data in a relatively small space; Table 2.1 gives an example. To understand a table, follow these steps:

1. Read the title. From the title, “Rates (per 100,000 U.S. Population) for Homicide, Suicide, and Firearm-Related Deaths of Youths Ages 15–19, by Gender, 2015,” we learn that the table shows relationships between two variables: gender and three causes of violent deaths among young people in a specific age category.

2. Check the source and other explanatory notes. In this case the source is Child Trends Data Bank (2015). This data bank is a nonprofit research and policy center that researches issues pertaining to children and young people. The explanatory note in this table states that firearm deaths, which constitute a majority of teen homicides and suicides, may also include accidental deaths that are firearm related. This distinction is made in Table 2.1 because it is possible for “firearm-related death” to occur accidentally. However, firearms were the method of death in 88 percent of teen homicides and 42 percent of teen suicides in recent years.

3. Read the headings for each column and each row. The main column headings in Table 2.1 are “Method,” “Males,” and “Females.” The columns present information (usually numbers) arranged vertically. The rows present information horizontally. Here, the row headings indicate homicide, suicide, and firearm-related death. Based on the explanation above regarding firearm-related death, we know that some overlap exists between the first two categories—homicide and suicide—and the third, deaths that are firearm related.

4. Examine and compare the data. To examine the data, determine what units of measurement have been used. In Table 2.1 the figures are rates per 100,000 males or females in a specific age category. For example, the suicide rate is 13 per 100,000 population of males between the ages of 15 and 19 as compared with only 4 per 100,000 population of females in the same age category.

5. Draw conclusions. By looking for patterns, some conclusions can be drawn from Table 2.1:

1. Determining differences by gender. Males between the ages of 15 and 19 are more than three times more likely than females to die from suicide (13 compared with 4 per 100,000). Males in this age category are also more than six times more likely to die from homicide (11.0 compared to 2.0 per 100,000). And even more noteworthy, males are nearly eight times more likely to die from any firearm-related incident (either intentional or unintentional) than females of this age. As shown in Table 2.1, 17 per 100,000 males ages 15–19 died by firearms in 2014, compared with 2 per 100,000 females in that same age category.

2. Drawing appropriate conclusions. Males between the ages of 15 and 19 are much more likely than females in their age category to die violently, and many of those deaths are firearm related. Although not indicated in this table, it is important to note that differences by race and Hispanic origin are also significant. In 2015 the homicide rate for African American male teens was 46 per 100,000, more than 20 times higher than the rate for white male teens. The highest rate of suicide in the 15–19 age category was among American Indian males at 20 per 100,000. For more information, visit the Child Trends DataBank website.

Table 2.1

Rates (per 100,000 U.S. Population) for Homicide, Suicide, and Firearm-Related Deaths of Youths Ages 15–19, by Gender, 2014

Method	Males	Females
Homicide	11.0	2.0
Suicide	13.0	4.0
Firearm-Related Deaths	17.0	2.0

Source: Child Trends Data Bank, 2015.

With qualitative research, interpretive description (words) rather than statistics (numbers) is used to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships. An example of qualitative research is a study in which the researcher systematically analyzed the contents of the notes of suicide victims to determine recurring themes, such as a feeling of despair or failure. Through this study the researcher hoped to determine whether any patterns could be found that would help in understanding why people might kill themselves.

2-2aThe Quantitative Research Model

LO 4

List and briefly describe the steps in the quantitative research model.

Research models are tailored to the specific problem being investigated and the focus of the researcher. Both quantitative research and qualitative research contribute to our knowledge of society and human social interaction, and both involve a series of steps, as shown in Figure 2.3. We will now trace the steps in the “conventional” research model, which focuses on quantitative research. Then we will describe an alternative model that emphasizes qualitative research.

1. Select and define the research problem. When you engage in research, the first step is to select and clearly define the research topic. Sometimes, a specific experience such as having known someone who committed suicide can trigger your interest in a topic. Other times, you might select topics to fill gaps or challenge misconceptions in existing research or to test a specific theory (Babbie, 2013). Emile Durkheim selected suicide because he wanted to demonstrate the importance of society in situations that might appear to be arbitrary acts by individuals: In his time, suicide was widely believed to be a uniquely individualistic act. Durkheim emphasized that suicide rates provide better explanations of suicide than do individual acts of suicide. He reasoned that if suicide were purely an individual act, then the rate of suicide (the relative number of people who kill themselves each year) should be the same for every group regardless of culture and social structure. Durkheim wanted to know why there were different rates of suicide—whether factors such as religion, marital status, sex, and age had an effect on social cohesion.

2. Review previous research. Before you begin your research, it is important to review the literature to see what others have written about the topic. Analyzing what previous researchers have found helps to clarify issues and focus the direction of your own research. But when Durkheim began his study, very little sociological literature existed for him to review other than the works of Henry Morselli (1975/1881), who concluded that suicide was a part of an evolutionary process whereby “weak-brained” individuals were sorted out by insanity and voluntary death.

3. Formulate the hypothesis (if applicable). You may formulate a  hypothesis —a tentative statement of the relationship between two or more concepts. Concepts are the abstract elements representing some aspect of the world in simplified form (such as “social integration” or “loneliness”). As you formulate your hypothesis about suicide, you may need to convert concepts to variables. A variable is any concept with measurable traits or characteristics that can change or vary from one person, time, situation, or society to another. Variables are the observable and/or measurable counterparts of concepts. For example, “suicide” is a concept; the “rate of suicide” is a variable.

The most fundamental relationship in a hypothesis is between a dependent variable and one or more independent variables (see Figure 2.4). The  independent variable  is presumed to cause or determine a dependent variable. Age, sex, race, and ethnicity are often used as independent variables. The  dependent variable  is assumed to depend on or be caused by the independent variable(s) (Babbie, 2013). Durkheim used the degree of social integration in society as the independent variable to determine its influence on the dependent variable, the rate of suicide.

Figure 2.4Hypothesized Relationships between Variables

A causal hypothesis connects one or more independent (causal) variables with a dependent (affected) variable. The diagram illustrates three hypotheses about the causes of suicide. To test these hypotheses, social scientists would need to operationalize the variables (define them in measurable terms) and then investigate whether the data support the proposed explanation.

© Cengage Learning

Whether a variable is dependent or independent depends on the context in which it is used. To use variables in the contemporary research process, sociologists create operational definitions. An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, suppose that your goal is to earn an A in this course (Figure 2.5). Your professor may have created an operational definition by defining an A as earning an exam average of 90 percent or above (Babbie, 2013).

Figure 2.5

An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, the operational definition of an A may be an exam average of 90 percent or above. After college professors have established the grading requirements for a course, students seek to meet those expectations by performing well on examinations.

iStockphoto.com/Skynesher

Events such as suicide are too complex to be caused by any one variable. Therefore, they must be explained in terms of multiple causation—that is, an event occurs as a result of many factors operating in combination. What does cause suicide? Social scientists cite multiple causes, including rapid social change, economic conditions, hopeless poverty, and lack of religiosity (the degree to which an individual or group feels committed to a particular system of religious beliefs).

4. Develop the research design. In developing the research design, you must first consider the units of analysis and the time frame of the study. A unit of analysis is what or whom is being studied (Babbie, 2013). In social science research, individuals are the most typical unit of analysis. Social groups (such as families, cities, or geographic regions), organizations (such as clubs, labor unions, or political parties), and social artifacts (such as books, paintings, or weddings) may also be units of analysis. Durkheim’s unit of analysis was social groups, not individuals, because he believed that the study of individual cases of suicide would not explain the rates of suicide.

After determining the unit of analysis for your study, you must select a time frame for study: cross-sectional or longitudinal. Cross-sectional studies are based on observations that take place at a single point in time; these studies focus on behavior or responses at a specific moment. Longitudinal studies are concerned with what is happening over a period of time or at several different points in time; they focus on processes and social change. Some longitudinal studies are designed to examine the same set of people each time, whereas others look at trends within a general population. Using longitudinal data, Durkheim was able to compare suicide rates over a period of time in France and other European nations.

5. Collect and analyze the data. Your next step is to collect and analyze data. You must decide which population—persons about whom we want to be able to draw conclusions—will be observed or questioned. Then it is necessary to select a sample of people from the larger population to be studied. It is important that the sample accurately represents the larger population. For example, if you arbitrarily selected five students from your class to interview about the problem of bullying, they probably would not be representative of your school’s total student body. However, if you selected five students from the total student body by a random sample, they might be closer to being representative (although a random sample of five students would be too small to yield much useful data). In  random sampling , every member of an entire population being studied has the same chance of being selected. You would have a more representative sample of the total student body, for example, if you placed all the students’ names in a rotating drum and conducted a drawing. By contrast, in  probability sampling , participants are deliberately chosen because they have specific characteristics, possibly including such factors as age, sex, race/ethnicity, and educational attainment.

Figure 2.3Steps in Sociological Research

© Cengage Learning

For his study of suicide, Durkheim collected data from vital statistics for approximately 26,000 suicides. He classified them separately according to age, sex, marital status, presence or absence of children in the family, religion, geographic location, calendar date, method of suicide, and a number of other variables. As Durkheim analyzed his data, four distinct categories of suicide emerged: egoistic, altruistic, anomic, and fatalistic. Egoistic suicide occurs among people who are isolated from any social group. For example, Durkheim concluded that suicide rates were relatively high in Protestant countries in Europe because Protestants believed in individualism and were more loosely tied to the church than were Catholics. Single people had proportionately higher suicide rates than married persons because they had a low degree of social integration, which contributed to their loneliness. In contrast, altruistic suicide occurs among individuals who are excessively integrated into society. An example is military leaders who kill themselves after defeat in battle because they have so strongly identified themselves with their cause that they believe they cannot live with defeat. Today, other factors such as family conflict at home or extended periods of military service may also contribute to relatively high rates of suicide among U.S. military personnel (see “Sociology and Social Policy”). According to Durkheim, people are more likely to kill themselves when social cohesion is either very weak or very strong, and/or when nations experience rapid social change.

Sociology & Social Policy

Establishing Policies to Help Prevent Military Suicides

Grandpa, I just wanted to give you my thanks for being a great influence in my life.

—  Marine Corporal   Daniel O’Brien , who completed two tours of duty in Iraq, sent a note containing this statement to his grandfather prior to taking his own life (qtd. in Roberts, 2011).

We think that we are seeing a societal problem [in regard to suicides by military personnel], and frankly the Army is the canary in the mine shaft here.

—General  Ray Carpenter , commander of the Army National Guard, discussing how the incidence of suicide has continued to be a problem in most branches of the U.S. military (qtd. in Roberts, 2011)

Suicide is a nationwide problem, but it has grown as a special problem in the military, where it is now the leading cause of death, after accidents, among U.S. service members (Corr, 2014). Most suicides and suicide attempts occurred among service members stationed in the United States, and most suicides involved the use of a firearm.

Shocked by relatively high rates of both suicide and suicide attempts among members of the Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marine Corps, the U.S. Department of Defense and the executive branch of the U.S. government have encouraged all branches of the military to learn more about the sociological causes of suicide and to develop comprehensive suicide-prevention initiatives to help reduce the problem and support military service members around the globe. Efforts are being made to educate military leaders, service members, and family members about the risk factors for self-harm. Policies are being implemented to increase the availability of, and access to, mental health resources for individuals who cope with suicidal ideation and other psychological distress. Special initiatives have been established to destigmatize the process of seeking help from mental health professionals. Branches of the military, such as the Navy, are advising commanders to ask military personnel thought to be at risk of harming themselves to voluntarily turn over their personal firearms for temporary safekeeping (Reilly, 2014).

What unique social conditions do military personnel face that might contribute to suicide or other conditions such as depression and alcoholism?

Fabrizio Bensch/Reuters

Sociological issues are apparent in social policy pertaining to dealing with suicidal behavior in the military. According to a U.S. Army report (2012: 51),

Each potential suicide or attempted suicide is different with respect to contributing factors and triggering events. Each victim responds differently to pre-suicide stressors based on protective factors such as personal resilience, coping skills, and whether or not they are help-seeking.… To be sure, the Army has investigated numerous suicide cases that, in hindsight, seemed to present a clear trail of behavioral indicators that may have afforded leaders or others in the social circle an opportunity to respond.

Although no single cause can be identified for suicide, factors such as financial worries, relationship issues, legal trouble, substance abuse, medical problems, and posttraumatic stress are all thought to be associated with suicidal behavior among military personnel. Perhaps greater awareness and new social policies implemented by the military will help reduce this problem over time.

Reflect & Analyze

· How might lengthy wars and deployments away from home contribute to suicidal behavior among troops? Do you anticipate that military suicide rates might decrease in peacetime? Why or why not?

We have traced the steps in the “conventional” research process (based on quantitative research). But what steps do you think might be taken in an alternative approach based on qualitative research?

2-2bA Qualitative Research Model

LO 5

List and briefly describe the steps in a qualitative research model.

Although the same underlying logic is involved in both quantitative and qualitative sociological research, the styles of these two models are very different. As previously stated, qualitative research is more likely to be used when the research question does not easily lend itself to numbers and statistical methods (Figure 2.6). As compared to a quantitative model, a qualitative approach often involves a different type of research question and a smaller number of cases.

Figure 2.6

Sociological research has begun to look at issues such as what social factors might motivate individuals to take their own life in the process of committing a terrorist act.

AMINU ABUBAKAR/Getty Images

Although the qualitative approach follows the conventional research approach in presenting a problem, asking a question, collecting and analyzing data, and seeking to answer the question, it also has several unique features:

1. The researcher begins with a general approach rather than a highly detailed plan. Flexibility is necessary because of the nature of the research question. The topic needs to be explored so that we can know “how” or “what” is going on, but we may not be able to explain “why” a particular social phenomenon is occurring.

2. The researcher has to decide when the literature review and theory application should take place. Initial work may involve redefining existing concepts or conceptualizing how existing studies have been conducted. The literature review may take place at an early stage, before the research design is fully developed, or it may occur after the development of the research design and after the data collection has already occurred.

3. The study presents a detailed view of the topic. Qualitative research usually involves a smaller number of cases and many variables, whereas quantitative researchers typically work with a few variables and many cases.

4. Access to people or other resources that can provide the necessary data is crucial. Unlike the quantitative researcher, who often uses existing databases, many qualitative researchers generate their own data. As a result, it is necessary to have access to people and build rapport with them.

5. Appropriate research method(s) are important for acquiring useful qualitative data. Qualitative studies are often based on field research such as observation, participant observation, case studies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews, as discussed in the “Research Methods” section of this chapter.

How might qualitative research be used to study suicidal behavior? In studying different rates of suicide among women and men, for example, the social psychologist Silvia Canetto (1992) questioned whether existing theories and quantitative research provided an adequate explanation for gender differences in suicidal behavior and decided that she would explore alternate explanations. Analyzing previous research, Canetto learned that most studies linked suicidal behavior in women to problems in their personal relationships, particularly with members of the opposite sex. By contrast, most studies of men’s suicides focused on their performance and found that men are more likely to be suicidal when their self-esteem and independence are threatened. According to Canetto’s analysis, gender differences in suicidal behavior are more closely associated with beliefs about and expectations for men and women rather than purely interpersonal crises.

As in Canetto’s study, researchers using a qualitative approach may engage in problem formulation to clarify the research question and to develop questions of concern and interest to the research participants. To create a research design for Canetto’s study, you might start with the proposition that most studies may have attributed women’s and men’s suicidal behavior to the wrong causes. Next, you might decide to interview people who have attempted suicide by using a collaborative approach in which the participants suggest avenues of inquiry that the researcher should explore.

Although Canetto did not gather data in her study, she reevaluated existing research, concluding that alternative explanations of women’s and men’s suicidal behavior are justified from existing data.

In a qualitative approach the next step is collecting and analyzing data to assess the validity of the starting proposition. Data gathering is the foundation of the research. Researchers pursuing a qualitative approach tend to gather data in natural settings, such as where the person lives or works, rather than in a laboratory or other research setting. Data collection and analysis frequently occur at the same time, and the analysis draws heavily on the language of the persons being studied, not the researcher.

2-3Research Methods

How do sociologists know which research method to use? Are some approaches better than others? Which method is best for a particular problem?  Research methods  are specific strategies or techniques for systematically conducting research. We will look at four of these methods.

2-3aSurvey Research

LO 6

Explain what is meant by survey research and briefly discuss three types of surveys.

A  survey  is a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts. Surveys are the most widely used research method in the social sciences because they make it possible to study things that are not directly observable—such as people’s attitudes and beliefs—and to describe a population too large to observe directly (Babbie, 2013). Researchers frequently select a representative sample (a small group of respondents) from a larger population (the total group of people) to answer questions about their attitudes, opinions, or behavior.  Respondents  are persons who provide data for analysis through interviews or questionnaires. The Gallup, Harris, Roper, and Pew polls are among the most widely known large-scale surveys; however, government agencies such as the U.S. Census Bureau conduct a variety of surveys as well.

Unlike many polls that use various methods of gaining a representative sample of the larger population, the Census Bureau attempts to gain information from all persons in the United States. The decennial census occurs every 10 years, in the years ending in “0.” The purpose of this census is to count the population and housing units of the entire United States. The population count determines how seats in the U.S. House of Representatives are apportioned; however, census figures are also used in formulating public policy and in planning and decision making in the private sector. Statistics from the Census Bureau provide information that sociologists use in their research.

Let’s take a brief look at the most frequently used types of surveys.

Types of Surveys

Survey data are collected by using self-administered questionnaires, face-to-face interviews, and telephone or computer surveys. A  questionnaire  is a printed research instrument containing a series of items to which subjects respond. Items are often in the form of statements with which the respondent is asked to “agree” or “disagree.” Questionnaires may be administered by interviewers in face-to-face encounters or by telephone, but the most commonly used technique is the self-administered questionnaire. The questionnaires are typically mailed or delivered to the respondents’ homes; however, they may also be administered to groups of respondents gathered at the same place at the same time. For example, the sociologist Kevin E. Early (1992) used survey data collected through questionnaires to test his hypothesis that suicide rates are lower among African Americans than among white Americans because of the influence of the black church. Data from questionnaires filled out by members of six African American churches in Florida supported Early’s hypothesis that the church buffers some African Americans against harsh social forces, such as racism, that might otherwise lead to suicide. Studies subsequent to Early’s have also found that religious involvement and thoughts of looking to God for strength, comfort, and guidance are largely protective of suicidal thoughts and attempts among African Americans (see Taylor, Chatters, and Joe, 2011, for an example).

Survey data may also be collected by interviews (Figure 2.7). An  interview  is a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent questions and records the answers. Survey research often uses structured interviews, in which the interviewer asks questions from a standardized questionnaire. Structured interviews tend to produce uniform or replicable data that can be elicited time after time by different interviewers. For example, in addition to surveying congregation members, Early (1992) conducted interviews with pastors of African American churches to determine the pastors’ opinions about the extent to which the African American church reinforces values and beliefs that discourage suicide.

Figure 2.7

Conducting surveys and polls is an important means of gathering data from respondents. Some surveys take place on street corners; increasingly, however, such surveys are done by telephone, the Internet, or other means.

Paul Conklin/PhotoEdit

Interviews have specific advantages. They are usually more effective in dealing with complicated issues and provide an opportunity for face-to-face communication between the interviewer and the respondent. Although interviews provide a wide variety of useful information, a major disadvantage is the cost and time involved in conducting the interviews and analyzing the results. A quicker method of administering questionnaires is the telephone or computer survey. Telephone and computer surveys give greater control over data collection and provide greater personal safety for respondents and researchers than do personal encounters. In computer-assisted telephone interviewing (sometimes called CATI), the interviewer uses a computer to dial random telephone numbers, reads the questions shown on the video monitor to the respondent, and then types the responses into the computer terminal (Figure 2.8). The answers are immediately stored in the central computer, which automatically prepares them for data analysis. However, the respondent must answer the phone before the interview can take place, and many people screen their phone calls. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, online survey research has increased dramatically as software packages and online survey services have made this type of research easier to conduct. Online research makes it possible to study virtual communities, online relationships, social media interactions, and other types of computer-mediated communications networks around the world.

Figure 2.8

Computer-assisted telephone interviewing is an easy and cost-efficient method of conducting research. However, the widespread use of answering machines, voicemail, and caller ID may make this form of research more difficult in the twenty-first century.

Masterfile

Strengths and Weaknesses of Surveys

Survey research is useful in describing the characteristics of a large population without having to interview each person in that population. In recent years, computer technology has enhanced researchers’ ability to do multivariate analysis—research involving more than two independent variables. For example, to assess the influence of religion on suicidal behavior among African Americans, a researcher might look at the effects of age, sex, income level, and other variables all at once to determine which of these independent variables influences suicide the most or least and how influential each variable is relative to the others. However, a weakness of survey research is the use of standardized questions; this approach tends to force respondents into categories in which they may or may not belong. Moreover, survey research relies on self-reported information, and some people may be less than truthful, particularly on emotionally charged issues such as suicide. Some scholars have also criticized the way that survey data are used. They believe that survey data do not always constitute the “hard facts” that other analysts may use to justify changes in public policy or law. For example, survey statistics may overestimate or underestimate the extent of a problem and work against some categories of people more than others, as shown in Table 2.2.

Table 2.2

Statistics: What We Know (and Don’t Know)

Topic	Homelessness in the United States	Suicide in the United States
Research Finding	More than 550,000 people are officially identified as homeless in the United States.	More than 43,000 suicides occur in this country each year.
Possible Problems	How do we count “homelessness”? What problems do “homeless” individuals and families face?	Are suicide rates different for some categories of U.S. residents?
Explanation	The homeless are difficult to count, frequently attempting to avoid encounters with public officials and census takers.	It is difficult to know about racial and ethnic disparities in suicide rates: Census data tend to shift categories (such as Hispanic origin and white [non-Hispanic]) over time, making comparisons difficult, if not impossible.

As the examples in this table show, statistics provide certain insights into the prevalence of social issues such as homelessness and suicide but do not always provide the answer regarding the nature and extent of the problem. What other difficulties do researchers encounter when gathering data on people?

2-3bSecondary Analysis of Existing Data

LO 7

Compare research methods used in secondary analysis of existing data, field research, experiments, and triangulation.

In  secondary analysis , researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others. Existing data sources include public records, official reports of organizations and government agencies, and surveys conducted by researchers in universities and private corporations. Research data gathered from studies are available in data banks, such as the Pew Research Center, the Inter University Consortium for Political and Social Research, the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), and the Roper Public Opinion Research Center. Today, many researchers studying suicide use data compiled by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control (see Figure 2.9). Other sources of data for secondary analysis are books, magazines, newspapers, radio and television programs, websites, and personal documents. Secondary analysis is referred to as unobtrusive research because it has no impact on the people being studied. In Durkheim’s study of suicide, for example, his analysis of existing statistics on suicide did nothing to increase or decrease the number of people who actually committed suicide.

Figure 2.9National Suicide Statistics at a Glance

Age-adjusted suicide rate per 100,000 population per state.

Source: American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2016.

Analyzing Existing Statistics

Secondary analysis may involve obtaining raw data collected by other researchers and undertaking a statistical analysis of the data, or it may involve the use of other researchers’ existing statistical analyses. In analysis of existing statistics, the unit of analysis is often not the individual. Most existing statistics are aggregated: They describe a group. For example, Durkheim used vital statistics (death records) that were originally collected for other purposes to examine the relationship among variables such as age, marital status, and the circumstances surrounding the suicides of a large number of individuals.

In one study, K. D. Breault (1986) analyzed secondary data collected by government agencies to test Durkheim’s hypothesis that religion and social integration provide protection from suicide. Using suicide as the dependent variable and church membership, divorce, unemployment, and female labor-force participation as several of his independent variables, Breault performed a series of sophisticated statistical analyses and concluded that the data supported Durkheim’s views on social integration and his theory of egoistic suicide.

Analyzing Content

Content analysis  is the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life. Cultural artifacts are products of individual activity, social organizations, technology, and cultural patterns. Among the materials studied are written records (such as diaries, love letters, poems, books, and graffiti), narratives and visual texts (such as movies, television programs, websites, advertisements, and greeting cards), and material culture (such as music, art, and even garbage). Researchers may look for regular patterns, such as frequency of suicide as a topic on television talk shows.

Content analysis provides objective coding procedures for analyzing written material. It also allows for the counting and arranging of data into clearly identifiable categories (manifest coding) and provides for the creation of analytically developed categories (latent or open coding). Using latent or open coding, it is possible to identify general themes, create generalizations, and develop “grounded theoretical” explanations (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). As this explanation suggests, researchers use both qualitative and quantitative procedures in content analysis.

How might a social scientist use content analysis in research on why people commit suicide? Suicide notes and diaries are useful forms of cultural artifacts. Suicide notes have been subjected to extensive analysis because they are “ultrapersonal documents” that are not solicited by others and are frequently written just before the person’s death (Leenaars, 1988: 34). Many notes provide new levels of meaning regarding the individuality of the person who committed or attempted suicide. For example, some notes indicate that people may want to get revenge and make other people feel guilty or responsible for their suicide (Leenaars, 1988). Thus, suicide notes may be a valuable starting point for finding patterns of suicidal behavior and determining the characteristics of people who are most likely to commit suicide (Leenaars, 1988).

Strengths and Weaknesses of Secondary Analysis

One strength of secondary analysis is that data are readily available and inexpensive. Another is that, because the researcher often does not collect the data personally, the chances of bias may be reduced. In addition, the use of existing sources makes it possible to analyze longitudinal data (things that take place over a period of time or at several different points in time) to provide a historical context within which to locate original research. However, secondary analysis has inherent problems. For one thing, the researcher does not always know if the data are incomplete, unauthentic, or inaccurate.

2-3cField Research

Field research  is the study of social life in its natural setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play. Some kinds of behavior can be studied best by “being there”; a fuller understanding can be developed through observations, face-to-face discussions, and participation in events. Researchers use these methods to generate qualitative data: observations that are best described verbally rather than numerically (Figure 2.10).

Figure 2.10

Field research takes place in a wide variety of settings. For example, how might sociologists study the ways in which parents and their college-age children cope with change when the students first leave home and move into college housing?

© XiXinXing/ Shutterstock.com

Participant Observation

Sociologists who are interested in observing social interaction as it occurs may use  participant observation —the process of collecting systematic observations while being part of the activities of the group that the researcher is studying. Participant observation generates more “inside” information than simply asking questions or observing from the outside. For example, to learn more about how coroners make a ruling of “suicide” in connection with a death and to analyze what (if any) effect such a ruling has on the accuracy of official suicide statistics, the sociologist Steve Taylor (1982) engaged in participant observation at a coroner’s office over a six-month period. As he followed a number of cases from the initial report of death through the various stages of investigation, Taylor learned that it was important to “be around” so that he could listen to discussions and ask the coroners questions because intuition and guesswork play a large part in some decisions to rule a death as a suicide.

Case Studies

Most participant observation research takes the form of a case study, which is often an in-depth, multifaceted investigation of a single event, person, or social grouping. However, a case study may also involve multiple cases and is then referred to as a collective case study. Whether the case is single or collective, most case studies require detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of rich information such as documents and records and the use of methods such as participant observation, unstructured or in-depth interviews, and life histories. As they collect extensive amounts of data, the researchers seek to develop a detailed description of the case, to analyze the themes or issues that emerge, and to interpret or create their own assertions about the case. For example, the anthropologist Elliot Liebow “backed into” his study of single, homeless women living in emergency shelters by becoming a volunteer at a shelter. As he got to know the women, Liebow became fascinated with their lives and survival strategies and spent four years engaged in participant observation research that culminated in his book Tell Them Who I Am (1993).

Ethnography

An  ethnography  is a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years. Unlike participant observation, ethnographic studies usually take place over a longer period of time. For example, the sociologist Sudhir Venkatesh (2013) conducted more than a decade of research on New York City’s underground economy before writing his book Floating City: A Rogue Sociologist Lost and Found in New York’s Underground Economy (Figure 2.11). He observed and interviewed a wide array of people, many of whom were involved in illegal transactions. Among his participants were poor immigrants, drug bosses and dealers, prostitutes, businesspeople, socialites, and academics, all of whom had their own stories to tell. Based on his extensive ethnographic research, Venkatesh was able to describe in great detail how a vast underground economy serves to unite the wealthy and poor in New York and other large cities.

Figure 2.11

The research of Sudhir Venkatesh (left) resulted in the publication of a book titled Floating City: A Rogue Sociologist Lost and Found in New York’s Underground Economy (2013).

Camera Press/Redux; The Penguin Press, 2013

Unstructured Interviews

An  unstructured interview  is an extended, open-ended interaction between an interviewer and an interviewee. This type of interview is referred to as unstructured because few predetermined or standardized procedures are established for conducting it. Because many decisions have to be made during the interview, this approach requires that the researcher have a high level of skill in interviewing and extensive knowledge regarding the interview topic. Unstructured interviews are essentially conversations in which interviewers establish the general direction by asking open-ended questions, to which interviewees may respond flexibly, and then interviewers may “shift gears” to pursue specific topics raised by interviewees.

Before conducting in-depth interviews, researchers must make a number of decisions, including how the people to be interviewed will be selected. Respondents are often chosen by “snowball sampling”—a method in which the researcher interviews a few individuals who possess a certain characteristic, and then these interviewees are asked to supply the names of others with the same characteristic (such as persons who are members of the same social organization). This process continues until the sample has “snowballed” into an acceptable size and no new information of any significance is being gained by the researchers.

Interviews and Theory Construction

In-depth interviews, along with participant observation and case studies, are frequently used to develop theories through observation. The term grounded theory was developed by sociologists Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967) to describe this inductive method of theory construction. Researchers who use grounded theory collect and analyze data simultaneously. For example, after in-depth interviews with 106 suicide attempters, researchers in one study concluded that half of the individuals who attempted suicide wanted both to live and to die at the time of their attempt. From these unstructured interviews it became obvious that ambivalence led about half of “serious” suicidal attempters to “literally gamble with death” (Kovacs and Beck, 1977, qtd. in Taylor, 1982: 144). After asking their initial unstructured questions of the interviewees, Kovacs and Taylor decided to widen the research question from “Why do people kill themselves?” to a broader question: “Why do people engage in acts of self-damage which may result in death?” In other words, uncertainty of outcome is a common feature of most suicidal acts.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Field Research

Participant observation research, case studies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews provide opportunities for researchers to view from the inside what may not be obvious to an outside observer. They are useful when attitudes and behaviors can be understood best within their natural setting or when the researcher wants to study social processes and change over a period of time. They provide a wealth of information about the reactions of people and give us an opportunity to generate theories from the data collected.

A weakness of field research is the inability to generalize what is learned from a specific group or community to a larger population. Data collected in natural settings are descriptive and do not lend themselves to precise measurement. To counteract these criticisms, some qualitative researchers use computer-assisted qualitative-data-analysis programs that make it easier for the researchers to enter, organize, annotate, code, retrieve, count, and analyze data.

2-3dExperiments

An  experiment  is a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior. Experiments are designed to create “real-life” situations, ideally under controlled circumstances, in which the influence of different variables can be modified and measured. Conventional experiments require that subjects be divided into two groups: an experimental group and a control group. The  experimental group  contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its effect on them. The  control group  contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable. The members of the two groups are matched for similar characteristics so that comparisons may be made between the groups. The experimental and control groups are then compared to see if they differ in relation to the dependent variable, and the hypothesis stating the relationship of the two variables is confirmed or rejected. For example, the sociologist Arturo Biblarz and colleagues (1991) examined the effects of media violence and depictions of suicide on attitudes toward suicide by showing one group of subjects (an experimental group) a film about suicide, while a second (another experimental group) saw a film about violence, and a third (the control group) saw a film containing neither suicide nor violence. The research found some evidence that people exposed to suicidal acts or violence in the media may be more likely to demonstrate an emotional state favorable to suicidal behavior, particularly if they are already “at risk” for suicide. If we were able to replicate this study today, do you believe that we would find similar results? Why or why not?

Researchers may use experiments when they want to demonstrate that a cause-and-effect relationship exists between variables (Figure 2.12). In order to show that a change in one variable causes a change in another, these three conditions must be satisfied:

1. You must show that a correlation exists between the two variables.  Correlation  exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance. For example, suppose that you wanted to test the hypothesis that the availability of a crisis intervention center with a twenty-four-hour counseling “hotline” on your campus causes a change in students’ attitudes toward suicide. To demonstrate correlation you would need to show that the students had different attitudes toward committing suicide depending on whether they had any experience with the crisis intervention center.

2. You must ensure that the independent variable preceded the dependent variable. If differences in students’ attitudes toward suicide were evident before the students were exposed to the intervention center, exposure to the center could not be the cause of these differences.

3. You must make sure that any change in the dependent variable was not because of an extraneous variable—one outside the stated hypothesis. If some of the students receive counseling from off-campus psychiatrists, any change in attitude that they experience could be because of this third variable, not the hotline. This is referred to as a spurious correlation—the association of two variables that is actually caused by a third variable and does not demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship (see Figure 2.13).

Figure 2.12

Do extremely violent video games cause an increase in violent tendencies in their users? Experiments are one way to test this hypothesis.

Jochen Tack/imageBroker/Age Fotostock

Figure 2.13Correlation Versus Causation

A study might find that exposure to a suicide hotline is associated (correlated) with a change in attitude toward suicide. But if some of the people who were exposed to the hotline also received psychiatric counseling, the counseling may be the “hidden” cause of the observed change in attitude. In general, correlations alone do not prove causation.

Concept Quick Review

Strengths and Weaknesses of Social Research Methods

Research Method	Strengths	Weaknesses
Experiments (laboratory, field, natural)	Control over research	Artificial by nature
	Ability to isolate experimental factors	Frequent reliance on volunteers or captive audiences
	Relatively little time and money required	Ethical questions of deception
	Replication possible, except for natural experiments
Survey Research (questionnaire, interview, telephone survey)	Useful in describing features of a large population without interviewing everyone	Potentially forced answers
	Relatively large samples possible	Respondent untruthfulness on emotional issues
	Multivariate analysis possible	Data that are not always “hard facts” presented as such in statistical analyses
Secondary analysis of existing data (existing statistics, content analysis)	Data often readily available, inexpensive to collect	Difficulty in determining accuracy of some of the data
	Longitudinal and comparative studies	Failure of data gathered by others to meet goals of current research
	Replication possible	Questions of privacy when using diaries and other personal documents
Field research (participant observation, case study, ethnography, unstructured)	Opportunity to gain insider’s view	Problems in generalizing results to a larger population
	Useful for studying attitudes and behavior in natural settings	Imprecise data measurements
	Longitudinal/comparative studies possible	Inability to demonstrate cause/effect relationships or test theories
	Documentation of important social problems of excluded groups possible	Difficult to make comparisons because of lack of structure
	Access to people’s ideas in their words	Not a representative sample
	Forum for previously excluded groups
	Documentation of need for social reform

Strengths and Weaknesses of Experiments

The major advantage of an experiment is the researcher’s control over the environment and the ability to isolate the experimental variable. Because many experiments require relatively little time and money and can be conducted with limited numbers of subjects, it is possible for researchers to replicate an experiment several times by using different groups of subjects. Perhaps the greatest limitation of experiments is that they are artificial. Social processes that are set up by researchers or that take place in a laboratory setting are often not the same as real-life occurrences.

Another potential concern with experiments relates to this question: What happens when people know that they are being studied? This problem is known as reactivity—the tendency of subjects to change their behavior in response to the researcher or to the fact that they know they are being studied. Social psychologist Elton Mayo first noticed this problem in a study conducted between 1927 and 1932 to determine how worker productivity and morale could be improved at Western Electric’s Hawthorne plant. To identify variables that increase worker productivity, Mayo separated one group of women (the experimental group) from other workers and systematically varied factors in that group’s work environment, while the working conditions for the other workers (the control group) were not changed. The researchers tested a number of factors, including an increase in the amount of lighting to see if more light would raise the workers’ productivity. Much to the researchers’ surprise, the workers’ productivity increased not only when the light was brighter but also when it was dimmed. In fact, all of the changes increased productivity, leading Mayo to conclude that the Hawthorne subjects were trying to please the researchers because interest was being shown in the workers (Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939). Thus, the  Hawthorne effect  refers to changes in a subject’s behavior caused by the researcher’s presence or by the subject’s awareness of being studied.

2-3eMultiple Methods: Triangulation

What is the best method for studying a topic? The Concept Quick Review compares the various social research methods. There is no one best research method because social reality is complex and all research methods have limitations. Many sociologists believe that triangulation—the use of multiple methods in one study—is the solution to this problem. Triangulation refers not only to research methods but also to multiple data sources, investigators, and theoretical perspectives in a study. For example, in a study of more than 700 homeless people in Austin, Texas, the sociologists David Snow and Leon Anderson (1991: 158) used as their primary data sources “the homeless themselves and the array of settings, agency personnel, business proprietors, city officials, and neighborhood activities relevant to the routines of the homeless.” Snow and Anderson gained a detailed portrait of the homeless and their experiences and institutional contacts by tracking homeless individuals through a network of seven institutions with which they had varying degrees of contact. The study used a variety of methods, including “participant observation and informal, conversational interviewing with the homeless; participant and nonparticipation observation, coupled with formal and informal interviewing in street agencies and settings; and a systematic survey of agency records” (Snow and Anderson, 1991: 158–169). This study is discussed in depth in Chapter 5 (“Social Structure and Interaction in Everyday Life”).

Multiple methods and approaches provide a wider scope of information and enhance our understanding of critical issues (Figure 2.14). Many researchers also use multiple methods to validate or refine one type of data by use of another type.

Figure 2.14

Multiple research methods are often used to gain information about important social concerns. Which methods might be most effective in learning more about the problems of the homeless, such as these street people warming themselves on a heated grate in Moscow, Russia?

Michael Wheatley/PhotoLibrary

2-4Ethical Issues in Sociological Research

LO 8

Discuss ethical issues in research and identify professional codes that protect research participants.

The study of people (“human subjects”) raises vital questions about ethical concerns in sociological research. Researchers are required to obtain written “informed consent” statements from the persons they study—but what constitutes “informed consent”? And how do researchers protect the identity and confidentiality of their sources?

2-4aThe ASA Code of Ethics

The American Sociological Association (ASA) Code of Ethics (2008/1999) sets forth certain basic standards that sociologists must follow in conducting research. This code is available on the ASA website and includes the following:

1. Researchers must endeavor to maintain objectivity and integrity in their research by disclosing their research findings in full and including all possible interpretations of the data (even those interpretations that do not support their own viewpoints).

2. Researchers must safeguard the participants’ right to privacy and dignity while protecting them from harm.

3. Researchers must protect confidential information provided by participants, even when this information is not considered to be “privileged” (legally protected, as is the case between doctor and patient and between attorney and client) and legal pressure is applied to reveal this information.

4. Researchers must acknowledge research collaboration and assistance they receive from others and disclose all sources of financial support.

Sociologists are obligated to adhere to this code and to protect research participants; however, many ethical issues arise that cannot be easily resolved. Ethics in sociological research is a difficult and often ambiguous topic. But ethical issues cannot be ignored by researchers, whether they are sociology professors, graduate students conducting investigations for their dissertations, or undergraduates conducting a class research project. Sociologists have a burden of “self-reflection”—of seeking to understand the role they play in contemporary social processes while at the same time assessing how these social processes affect their findings.

How honest do researchers have to be with potential participants? Where does the “right to know” end and the “right to privacy” begin in these situations? We will look at a historical case in which the researcher’s ethics were challenged to see how cases such as this one have contributed to contemporary values and ethics in sociological research.

2-4bThe Zellner Research

Sociologist William Zellner (1978) wanted to look at fatal single-occupant automobile accidents to determine whether some drivers were actually committing suicide. To examine this issue further, he sought to interview the family, friends, and acquaintances of persons killed in single-car crashes to determine whether the deaths were possibly intentional. To recruit respondents, Zellner told them that he hoped the research would reduce the number of automobile accidents in the future. He did not mention that he suspected “autocide” might have occurred in the case of their friend or loved one. From his data, Zellner concluded that at least 12 percent of the fatal single occupant crashes were suicides—and that those crashes sometimes also killed or critically injured other people as well. However, Zellner’s research raised important research questions: Was his research unethical? Did he misrepresent the reasons for his study?

In this chapter we have looked at the research process and the methods used to pursue sociological knowledge. The important thing to remember is that research is the “lifeblood” of sociology: Theory provides the framework for analysis, and research takes us beyond common sense and provides opportunities for us to use our sociological imagination to generate new knowledge. As we have seen in this chapter, for example, suicide cannot be explained by common sense or a few isolated variables. We have to take into account many aspects of personal choice and social structure that are related to one another in extremely complex ways. Research can help us unravel the complexities of social life if sociologists observe, talk to, and interact with people in real-life situations.

Our challenge today is to find new ways to integrate knowledge and action and to include all people in the research process in order to help fill the gaps in our existing knowledge about social life and how it is shaped by gender, race, class, age, and the broader social and cultural contexts in which everyday life occurs. Each of us can and should find new ways to integrate knowledge and action into our daily lives (see “You Can Make a Difference”).

You Can Make a Difference

Responding to a Cry for Help

Chad felt that he knew Frank quite well. After all, they had been roommates for two years at State U. As a result, Chad was taken aback when Frank became very withdrawn, sleeping most of the day and mumbling about how unhappy he was. One evening, Chad began to wonder whether he needed to do something because Frank had begun to talk about “ending it all” and saying things like “the world will be better off without me.” If you were in Chad’s place, would you know the warning signs that you should look for? Do you know what you might do to help someone like Frank?

The American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, a national nonprofit organization dedicated to funding research, education, and treatment programs for depression and suicide prevention, suggests that each of us should be aware of these warning signs of suicide:

· Talking about death or suicide. Be alert to such statements as “Everyone would be better off without me.” Sometimes, individuals who are thinking about suicide speak as if they are saying goodbye.

· Making plans. The person may do such things as giving away valuable items, paying off debts, and otherwise “putting things in order.”

· Showing signs of depression. Although most depressed people are not suicidal, most suicidal people are depressed.

Serious depression tends to be expressed as a loss of pleasure or withdrawal from activities that a person has previously enjoyed. It is especially important to note whether five of the following symptoms are present almost every day for several weeks: change in appetite or weight, change in sleeping patterns, speaking or moving with unusual speed or slowness, loss of interest in usual activities, decrease in sexual drive, fatigue, feelings of guilt or worthlessness, and indecisiveness or inability to concentrate.

The possibility of suicide must be taken seriously: Most people who commit suicide give some warning to family members or friends. Instead of attempting to argue the person out of suicide or saying “You have so much to live for,” let the person know that you care and understand, and that his or her problems can be solved. Urge the person to see a school counselor, a physician, or a mental health professional immediately. If you think the person is in imminent danger of committing suicide, you should take the person to an emergency room or a walk-in clinic at a psychiatric hospital. It is best to remain with the person until help is available.

Can a suicide crisis center prevent a person from committing suicide? People who understand factors that contribute to suicide may be able to better counsel those who call for help.

© Geri Engberg/The Image Works

For more information about suicide prevention, contact the following organizations:

· American Foundation for Suicide Prevention is a leading not-for-profit organization dedicated to understanding and preventing suicide through research and education.

· Suicide Awareness Voices of Education is a resource index with links to other valuable resources.

· Befrienders Worldwide is a website providing information for anyone feeling depressed or suicidal or who is worried about a friend or relative who feels that way. It includes a directory of suicide and crisis help lines.

2-5Looking Ahead: Research, Social Change, and Your Future

Rapid changes have taken place in the United States and worldwide since the 1970s, when computers were introduced in a format that made them accessible to larger numbers of researchers who conduct wide-scale systematic social science research. By the 1980s and 1990s, with improved software, the availability of the Internet and the World Wide Web, and the introduction of browsers and search engines such as Yahoo and Google, research methods and data-gathering practices in sociology were forever changed.

New technologies produced new data sources and innovative methods for working with that data. From networking sites such as Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and Instagram, social media researchers have generated vast amounts of data for studying interpersonal relationships. However, these changes also brought new challenges, such as how to build intersections among social science disciplines and how to reconcile the legal and ethical issues associated with collecting vast amounts of information.

What do these changes have to do with your future? They have opened up new avenues of inquiry for you in sociology and beyond. Computational social science (CSS) is an important and rapidly growing area of study. CSS looks at complex social systems through computational modeling and related techniques. It spans anthropology, communications, economics, linguistics, organizational science, political science, sociology, and social psychology, among other disciplines. CSS includes social geospatial modeling methods, social network analysis, automated information and content analysis methods, and other computational methods to investigate the social world in the twenty-first century.

Let’s look briefly at two of these approaches: social network analysis and social geospatial modeling methods. The idea of social network analysis can be traced to early sociologists such as Emile Durkheim and Georg Simmel, who pointed out the importance of studying the patterns of relationships that connected social actors. Today, computer-assisted social network analysis investigates complex relationships such as friendship ties among Facebook users. Social network analysis can also be used to understand negative effects of social relationships, such as how having had family members or friends who attempt suicide may be associated with individuals’ thoughts of suicide or even suicide attempts (Mueller, Abrutyn, and Stockton, 2015). Some new research integrates knowledge from Durkheim’s important work on social integration with social network analysis to show the negative impact that social ties can have on the health, well-being, and likelihood of reporting suicidal thoughts or attempts, such as in the case of adolescent bullying and suicide (Mueller, Abrutyn, and Stockton, 2015).

Some types of social network analysis rely on network theory and have displays of nodes that represent individuals within the network and ties that represent the relationships between those individuals. Social network analysis is used in many settings, including higher education and business, where it is important to study customer relations, marketing, and other social interactions. Similarly, social network analysis is used in public-sector work to study crime and environmental issues, elections, media representations of social problems, and city- and community-based problem solving.

Turning to our second example of CSS, social geospatial modeling methods (GIS) is a computer system designed to capture, store, manipulate, analyze, manage, and present all types of spatial or geographical data. User-created GIS searches generate vast amounts of information using space–time location as the key variable. GIS can also be used to analyze spatial information, edit data on maps, and present the results. Originally, digitization involved the transfer of a printed map or survey plan into a digital medium through use of a computer-assisted program. Today, powerful computers and the Internet have greatly improved GIS by using satellite and aerial sources.

GIS has many applications in a wide variety of fields, ranging from urban planning to mental health care. For example, the location and provision of mental health care and advocacy can be mapped by GIS to show both the geographic availability of mental health services, such as suicide prevention and counseling facilities, and the level of satisfaction of those who avail themselves of the services. GIS also makes it possible to evaluate inequalities in access and observe spatial gaps in existing services and variation in the use of all types of health care resources. Research such as this makes it possible for public officials and mental health workers to bring about social change that will be beneficial for many individuals and families. GIS can produce maps that show areas without adequate access to mental health services—not only in terms of available care but also in regard to accessibility through public transportation, payment methods, and similar issues. What can you do with GIS? The effective use of GIS and the application of the skills associated with it can be applied to careers in social work, criminology, health care, community involvement, and government employment.

Whether or not you choose to engage in advanced sociological research, some ideas that you gain from this course will probably be useful in the future as you address pressing social problems of your times and work to bring positive changes to your home, workplace, community, and nation. We have research tools available to produce social policy suggestions and find new ways to reduce pressing social problems such as bullying and suicide. Do you see yourself contributing to social change in the future? How might you go about this?

Chapter Review

Chapter Review Q & A

· LO1Why is sociological research necessary, and how does it challenge our commonsense beliefs about pressing social issues such as suicide?

Sociological research provides a factual and objective counterpoint to commonsense knowledge and ill-informed sources of information. It is based on an empirical approach that answers questions through a direct, systematic collection and analysis of data.

· LO2How do the deductive and inductive approaches in the theory and research cycle compare?

Theory and research form a continuous cycle that encompasses both deductive and inductive approaches. With the deductive approach, the researcher begins with a theory and then collects and analyzes research to test it. With the inductive approach, the researcher collects and analyzes data and then generates a theory based on that analysis.

· LO3How does quantitative research differ from qualitative research?

Quantitative research focuses on data that can be measured numerically (comparing rates of suicide, for example). Qualitative research focuses on interpretive description (words) rather than statistics to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships.

· LO4What are the key steps in the quantitative research process?

A conventional research process based on deduction and the quantitative approach has these key steps:

· (1)

selecting and defining the research problem;

· (2)

reviewing previous research;

· (3)

formulating the hypothesis, which involves constructing variables;

· (4)

developing the research design;

· (5)

collecting and analyzing the data; and

· (6)

drawing conclusions and reporting the findings.

· LO5What steps are often taken by researchers using the qualitative approach?

A researcher taking the qualitative approach might

· (1)

formulate the problem to be studied instead of creating a hypothesis,

· (2)

collect and analyze the data, and

· (3)

report the results.

· LO6What is survey research, and what are the three types of surveys?

The main types of research methods are surveys, secondary analysis of existing data, field research, and experiments. Surveys are polls used to gather facts about people’s attitudes, opinions, or behaviors; a representative sample of respondents provides data through questionnaires or interviews. Survey data are collected by using self-administered questionnaires, face-to-face interviews, and telephone or computer surveys.

· LO7How do the following compare: research methods used in secondary analysis of existing data, field research, experiments, and triangulation?

In secondary analysis, researchers analyze existing data, such as a government census, or cultural artifacts, such as a diary. In field research, sociologists study social life in its natural setting through participant observation, case studies, unstructured interviews, and ethnography. Through experiments, researchers study the impact of certain variables on their subjects. Triangulation is the use of multiple methods in one study—not only research methods but also multiple data sources, investigators, and theoretical perspectives in a study.

· LO8What ethical issues are involved in sociological research, and what professional codes protect research participants?

Because sociology involves the study of people (“human subjects”), researchers are required to obtain the informed consent of the people they study; however, in some instances what constitutes “informed consent” may be difficult to determine. The American Sociological Association (ASA) Code of Ethics sets forth certain basic standards that sociologists must follow in conducting research.