Sociology paper, experts only

Understanding suffering and giving compassion: the reach of

socially engaged Buddhism into China

Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce*

Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Jockey Club Tower, Centennial Campus, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong

(Received 26 December 2013; final version received 5 January 2014)

This paper will explore the social engagement of Buddhists through their active voluntary works – works that result in the development of a religious philanthropic culture. Through three case examples, this paper will examine how the sangha and individual Buddhists understand social suffering and compassion and attempt to inte- grate their understanding of Buddhist virtues and values in their daily life where the performance of voluntary works is seen as Buddhist spiritualism. In this process, the individuals seek to understand the key principles of Buddhism that are of direct rele- vance to their daily existence and their quest to be a compassionate self. Foremost are two notions of yebao (karma) and gan-en (gratitude) and how through compassionate practices and gratitude for those who accepted compassionate acts, they would be rewarded with good karma. Here, pursuing compassionate acts and the alleviation of social suffering is the pursuit of this-worldly spiritualism.

Keywords: Buddhist compassion; gratitude; moral consciousness; religious philanthropy; religious NGOs

Introduction

In the midst of modernization and globalization, the traditional form of Buddhism that

caters to other-worldly pursuits is increasingly seen as remote and irrelevant to modern

needs and modern spiritualism. To cater to new needs and demands, the last three decades

have witnessed the emergence of socially engaged Buddhism as a significant socio-

spiritual force within the Chinese communities of Asia.

Socially engaged Buddhism, commonly known as ‘life Buddhism,’ rensheng fojiao

(人生佛教) was first expounded by Masters Taixu and Yinshun. Today, it is commonly

referred to as ‘humanistic Buddhism,’ renjian fojiao (人间佛教) and sometimes, also

called ‘this-worldly Buddhism,’ rushi fojian (入世佛教). Its focus is to integrate Buddhist

teaching into everyday life where an individual leads a life according to Buddhist values

and virtues (Yinshun 1981, also Li 2007). One key element is to be compassionate and

perform good deeds in the society (Kraft 1988; Queen, Prebish, and Keown 2003; Hsu,

Chen and Meeks 2007).

In Taiwan, Masters Yinshun (印顺法师), 1 Hsingyun (星云法师), Cheng Yen (證严法师),

Sheng Yen, Wei Chueh, Jih Chang and Xindao are the subsequent proponents of socially

engaged Buddhism (Schak and Hsiao 2005; Li 2007). Among these Buddhist masters,

Master Cheng Yen has taken socially engaged Buddhism in a much more earthy

*Email: [email protected]

� 2014 Taylor & Francis

Anthropology & Medicine, 2014

Vol. 21, No. 1, 27–42, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13648470.2014.880872

direction, which calls for all followers to become engaged in social actions. 2 In Hong

Kong, Master Jiecheng has also extolled his followers to become socially engaged.

This paper will explore the social engagement of Buddhists through their active vol-

untary works – works that result in the development of a religious philanthropic culture.

Through three case examples, this paper will examine how the sangha and individual

Buddhists understand social suffering and compassion and attempt to integrate their

understanding of Buddhist virtues and values in their daily life where the performance of

voluntary works is seen as Buddhist spiritualism. In this process, the individuals seek to

understand the key principles of Buddhism that are of direct relevance to their daily exis-

tence and their quest to be a compassionate self. Foremost are two notions of yebao

(karma) and gan-en (gratitude) and how through compassionate practices and gratitude

for those who accepted compassionate acts, they would be rewarded with good karma.

Here, pursuing compassionate acts is the pursuit of spiritualism in this-worldly pursuit.

The backdrop to this shift of Buddhist spiritualism from other-worldly pursuit to this-

worldly orientation lies with the rapidly changing moral order of the modern society that

focused on a consumer and material culture. Socially engaged Buddhism that emphasizes

moral consciousness and religious compassion fulfils a new niche and as a moral pillar

serves as a counter-trend and counter-culture to the new consumer and material cultures

that have spread throughout Asia and the world (Ting 2007). These socially engaged

Buddhist organizations champion the rights of the marginal groups, help with welfare

works, emergency relief works, education, health care and poverty alleviation. As such,

these socially engaged Buddhist organizations are regarded as religious NGOs and as a

third force (Nickel and Eikenberry 2010). This paper will address, through three exam-

ples, how the works of compassion are being carried out and to ascertain whether they

could be regarded as religious NGOs and a third force in these societies.

Scene 1: Buddhist compassion as a way of life

A pair of middle-aged women moved along the back alley of the narrow streets in a pov-

erty-stricken neighbourhood in Taipei. They are on a mission. They have identified the

households that are in need of assistance. Often these households consist of either an

elderly person or a sick person who needs assistance to either do the household chores,

clean the house or, more significantly, help to clean the old and sick.

They are members of the Tzu Chi Compassionate Buddhist Association (Tzu Chi

Gongde Hui 慈济功德会) and their job is to provide care-giving to the single elderly or

sick individuals who are strangers to them. They are committed to what they are doing

and do it with a great sense of pride and honour. They regard the tasks as an honour and

are grateful to these strangers for providing them with the opportunity to perform care-

giving. These are ordinary women, some housewives and others full-time workers in

low-paying jobs, who have equipped themselves with a deep spiritual sense of moral

responsibility to others.

In performing their act of gratitude, ganen, they have chosen to service the sick and

the elderly and often the low status and marginalized groups in the society. They go about

their tasks quietly and often without being noticed by others except themselves. To them,

their pride is their ability to serve all without fear and prejudice and without expecting

anything in return. To these women, it is the giving and care-giving but not receiving that

is of paramount significance.

In this scene, the notion of ‘cibei weihuai,’ (慈悲为怀) compassion as a way of life,

has been clearly expressed. While this paper examines compassion in relation to Buddhist

28 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

teaching, there are discussions on compassion from sociological and philosophical perspec-

tives (Berlant 2004; Sznaider 1998). This is an often heard statement among the socially-

engaged Buddhists today. To these Buddhists, their deep spirituality is highly correlated to

their understanding of compassion as embedded in social actions. As such, Buddhism is

not abstract philosophical or theological thinking. It is the need to cultivate the giving of

compassion as part of one’s human nature and ingrain this act as a natural way of life.

Their deep spirituality is very much influenced by contemporary Buddhist masters

where the present day Buddhist teaching is one that emphasizes compassion. Globally,

the influence of the Dalai Lama is paramount. In his teaching, the Dalai Lama expounded

the idea that it is imperative for a person to regard himself or herself as a human and to

regard others in the same way too. In this sense, there will be no boundary of class and

social status between these individuals. As such, each has the responsibility to humankind

and humanity as a whole. Each, therefore, has the responsibility to lessen the suffering of

the others. To him,

if you try to subdue your selfish motives – anger, and so forth – and develop more kindness, more compassion for others, ultimately you will benefit more than you would otherwise. (Tenzin Gyatso [the Dalai Lama] 1985, 1988, 8)

Within the Asian context and among the Chinese, the late Master Yin Shun, Master Hsin

Yun of Buddha Light Mountain and Master Cheng Yen of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Founda-

tion articulated compassion in the form of social engagement (Cheng 1996a and 1996b).

This is particularly so for Master Cheng Yen who has devoted her whole life to giving

compassion. In Still Thoughts, Master Cheng Yen spoke of:

Giving without thinking about the pain or trouble is ‘Great Compassion’. To give one’s labour and service happily is ‘Joyous Giving’.

Compassion is pure love. To have ‘great mercy even to strangers’ is undefiled love. Although I have no relationship with a person, I can still care for him with a love that gives him happi- ness and brings me no worries. This is the greatest, purest love.

Even though we have no relationships with other living beings, their suffering is our suffer- ing, and their pain is our pain. When their bodies hurt, my heart worries. When their bodies are wounded, my heart feels the pain. This is called ‘greatest compassion for all’ (Master Cheng Yen 1996a, 22–23).

According to her, there is a need to translate abstract ideas of compassion into actions.

It is this social action that becomes the hallmark of socially engaged Buddhism. In this

sense, the contemporary relevant form of Buddhism is one that requires engagement in

this society. It is thus imperative to learn, show and enact compassion for all human

beings. To her, it is the daily performance of good selfless deeds to others that constitutes

compassion and deep spirituality.

In focusing Buddhist compassion as a way of life, socially-engaged Buddhism is gain-

ing widespread popularity among modern individuals who are seeking deeper understand-

ing into their consumer lifestyle associated with the spoils of richness on the one hand,

and of pain and social suffering on the other. These modern individuals, and my inform-

ants in particular, as Beck and Gernsheim have alluded to are now reassessing their exis-

tential role and personal socio-moral values amidst the process of rapid modernization

and individualization (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002). Likewise, Bauman has also

Anthropology & Medicine 29

argued that these social processes have brought about uncertainties and diminishing roles

in traditional social institutions (Bauman 2010). In Liquid Modernity, Bauman argues

that the only certainty is uncertainties in our modern world (Bauman 2011). A rapidly

developing China with its push towards a neoliberal capitalist economy has led to deep

changes in the social structure where the family and other social institutions have now

been challenged by emerging new institutions. In Deep China, Kleinman argues for a

divided self where individuals have different sets of selves that were expressed on differ-

ent situations. Despite the changing political landscape and inequalities, there is also a

rise of individualized compassion and volunteerism as seen in the outpouring of voluntary

work during the Sichuan earthquake (Kleinman 2011, 20). In the same vein, this paper

argues that these individuals thus look to socially-engaged Buddhism to re-centre and re-

establish a moral base for themselves and for their immediate family circle.

The relationship between understanding and acting based on compassion shaped the

worldview of these socially-engaged Buddhists and also of how they discharge their

duties of compassion (Feldman 1988, 19–23; Kornfield 1988, 24–30). Among these lay

Buddhists, they are less concerned with the erudition of the complex Buddhist scriptural

contents but more with the acts. But to act in a conscious Buddhist compassionate way,

they are guided by several key Buddhist concepts and they have attempted to live the

Buddhist compassionate way in their everyday lives. To them, concepts or abstracts as

mentioned by Master Cheng Yen need to be routinized, shenghuo hua (生活化), in order

that the teachings become useful to the individuals and the recipients.

In this routinization process, the sangha have taught and the lay individuals have come

to understand the notion of suffering, shouku (受苦) and pain, tongku (痛苦), yebao

(karma), compassion, cibei (慈悲) and ganen (showing gratitude) and the meanings embed-

ded in these notions. Through the understanding of the Buddhist value of compassion, cibei

(慈悲), the monastic and lay individuals are then better able to discharge their philanthropic

and voluntary acts in a collective manner to those suffering and in pain. To them, shouku,

tongku, ganen and yebao have become important agencies to deliver compassion to those

in need of assistance. Those in need include a spectrum of people, including the single, the

sick, the marginalized and the elderly who live in the neighbourhood as well as the victims

of man-made and natural disasters. Here, the author argued that these Buddhists have learnt

to live and breathe compassion and work tirelessly on volunteering their services in various

types of routine social welfare and emergency relief activities in this-worldly pursuit. To

them, showing compassion of this-worldly acts is their cultivation of spirituality, and volun-

teering into care-giving serves as a conduit to the attainment of this-worldly enlightenment.

To them, they aspire to become a this-worldly living bodhisattva, renjian pusa (人间菩萨).

In conversation with them, it is not uncommon to hear members address their fellow mem-

bers as ‘pusa’ or little pusa, ‘xiao pusa’ (小菩萨) to the Buddhist youths, where their jour-

ney begins with an understanding of suffering and experiencing awakening.

Understanding suffering and awakening

In conceptualizing what constitutes suffering, it is imperative to see it from the perspec-

tive of those who experience and manage it. Here, local voices are important to get a

glimpse of how the Buddhists interpret suffering through their understanding of the

Buddhist teaching of ignorance and karma. ‘One suffers because of ignorance, wuzhi (无

知),’ said a 50þ year old woman named Lian. Lian proceeded to explain why and how she has turned into an ardent socially-engaged Buddhist and channelled her efforts into

helping others. She told the author that she was married with three children and was a

butcher’s wife. During their marriage (over 25 years), she was tormented and full of pain

30 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

because of her husband’s infidelity. She endured the suffering in silence most of the time

as she blamed herself for her bitter life, kuming (苦命), thinking that she was not attrac-

tive enough for her husband and not being a good enough wife. Pain and suffering then

became an integral part of her life. Then, one day, she encountered a socially-engaged

Buddhist who went around helping the single lonely elderly persons in her neighbourhood

and she was curious. She began to learn what socially-engaged Buddhism is. She talked to

this Buddhist volunteer and also attended dharma talks by the Buddhist monks and nuns.

And suddenly, ‘she was awakened,’ juewu (觉悟) and realized that all the years of pain

and suffering were the result of her self-ignorance, wuzhi (无知). Her bitter life was the

result of her karma. Pain and suffering, to her now, is embedded in her understanding of

karma set in motion through the wheel of rebirth. The reason why she was married to a

butcher, engaged in killing, is part of the cause and effect, yinguo (因果) of her previous

lives in the various rebirth cycles and bad karmic retribution, e yebao (恶业报) that sur-

faced in this present life. Instead of lamenting of the bitterness of life, through association

with socially-engaged Buddhists, she now sees an urgent need to accumulate good merits

that would produce good karma to offset the bad karma that appears in this life. She has

given up her job as a butcher’s assistant where she was helping her husband. She now

channels her energies into helping others and doing voluntary works within her local

community and elsewhere. She works on her voluntary works on a daily basis. She is

now a happy and contented woman. She told me that the bitterness in her is gone. In con-

versation with the author, she exuded a sense of serenity and contentment and with a

sense of purpose. She proves this to the author by whipping out a photo of herself in her

30s where she looked tired, edgy, haggard and old. Now, she looks serene, radiant, poised

and aged in a graceful manner. The contrast cannot be greater.

Lian retired from her work and spent most of her time doing various types of volun-

tary care-giving work – she helped out in the hospital, and also goes round her neighbour-

hood to assist the elderly who needed help and participated in an overseas relief mission.

Her worldview now is one of compassion as a way of life, cibei weihuai and engaging in

voluntary care-giving to those in need. While some of these volunteers might have some

form of training in care-giving, Lian, like many of them learned by observation and occa-

sionally, they were given some form of informal training. Despite the lack of professional

training in care-giving, these women such as Lian were conscientious and very enthusias-

tic about their care-giving roles. Lian argued that it is more important to have a concerned

attitude and provide the services with a compassionate heart.

It also involves gratitude, ganen. Lian has expressed that she is gratified to those peo-

ple who presented her with opportunities to show compassion, share their burden and

provide care-giving. To her and other socially engaged Buddhists, doing voluntary works

of all kinds is an honour, rongxing (荣幸) and is tied up with the understanding of grati-

tude to the recipients for it is they who have provided Lian and the other volunteers an

opportunity to reduce and cancel their bad karma as a result of the generation of good

karma through their acts of compassion. What Lian has expressed is one form of grati-

tude, that of gratitude to humanity.

According to Master Jiecheng of the Hong Kong Buddhist Studies Association, there

are four sets of gratitude. The four gratitudes, sien (四恩), refers to gratitude to parents,

fumuen (父母恩), to nation, guojiaen (国家恩), to sangha, sengjiaen (僧家恩) and to sen-

tient being, that is humanity, zhongshenen (众生恩). Only by understanding the operation

of each set of gratitude and what it entails could the individual correctly cultivate compas-

sion and universal love from within their family and localized community before spread-

ing it out to the rest of the world. To Master Jiecheng, the primary importance is the

individual’s ability to understand the meaning of compassion and practise it. Individuals

Anthropology & Medicine 31

could use different methods to spread compassion to those in need. Through these acts of

compassion, the world would maintain its equilibrium and stability and counter the rapid

changes that our present world is experiencing.

In Lian’s case, the four sets of gratitude are operationalized at a micro-societal level.

Within the family, she has discharged her filial duty to her parents diligently by visiting

them and providing for their needs on a regular basis. She also brought her mother into the

Buddhist faith and encouraged her to chant the Buddhist mantra for her spiritual develop-

ment, thereby expressing the fumuen (父母恩) in social and spiritual acts. Lian is a Taiwa-

nese and she felt that she has been loyal to her country through her voluntary work that

assists her fellow Taiwanese in times of great calamities as well as through the routine care-

giving in her neighbourhood. In this sense, she showed gratitude towards the country, guo-

jiaen, (国家恩) for the opportunity to serve in a small capacity. At a micro-societal level,

she is most grateful to the needy, the elderly, the sick and infirm, because without them she

would not have the opportunities to show compassion, shixin cibei (实行慈悲) and perform

philanthropic and welfare works, zuo shanshi (做善事). Lian’s expression of the gratitude

towards humanity, zhongshengen (众生恩) has propelled her to expand her voluntary care-

giving actions to include more people. To her, voluntary work is now her full-time pursuit

and it takes up more time than when she was working full-time as a butcher’s assistant.

While this paper explores suffering from the perspectives of the Buddhists who under-

stand the Buddhist teaching of what suffering entails, social suffering as a conceptual cat-

egory has been explored elsewhere. Kleinman, Das and Lock (1997) has argued for social

suffering as a process that reflected on the political, economic and institutional power.

They argued that pain is often reduced to ‘treatments’ with ‘technological interventions’

(Kleinman, Das and Lock 1997, XII). They further argued that social suffering has been

mediated through the images captured through the lens and as such ‘[w]hat is not pictured

is not real. Much of routinized misery is invisible; much that is visible is not ordinary or

routine’ (Kleinman, Das and Lock 1997, XIII). Often there is a neglect of the cultural pro-

cesses that shaped an individual’s understanding and management of social suffering and

emotional pain. In our case, Lian’s experience of pain constitutes that of routinized misery,

which was often incommunicable as it reflected on a marriage failure. Furthermore, Chinese

society would have placed the blame on her rather than the man. As such, she suffered in

silence for fear of bringing shame to herself and a loss of face to the family. Her suffering

and emotional pain falls within the realms of ‘silent endurance’ and. within the Chinese cul-

ture, an ‘ability to eat bitterness,’ chiku (吃苦).

Scene 2: doing compassion

Young children trudge through the mountainous areas every morning for over an hour to

reach their school in Guizhou. The school was old and rundown without window panes

and but with broken down doors that allowed the wind and rain into the classrooms. Dur-

ing the winter, the cold came in and there was no heating.

During school time, the children had to learn but there were few books and stationery

was in limited supply. They slept on the floor during nap time and were fed rice gruel

with few vegetables and nutrients for lunch and snack time.

Today, the school has been renovated and the classrooms are equipped with proper

chairs and tables, students are provided with books and stationery. The food is of better

quality. A student dormitory has been built and students who live far away can board and

not walk the treacherous mountainous road on a daily basis.

32 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

Children’s voices can be heard reciting phrases in a book, and laughter heard when

they played games during the break time.

The reconstructed school was the result of a partnership among a Buddhist organiza-

tion in Hong Kong and the local government and the Communist Youth League. As a

result, it was renamed as a Hope School.

The monk and the Buddhists from this Hong Kong Buddhist organization have felt the

need to reach out to the children whose families lived in abject poverty in the interior

provinces. The imagery of these children walking for hours in the cold winter to reach the

school tugged at the hearts of these Buddhists. To them, to be compassionate is being

able to reach out to the poor and the marginal, and these children certainly need to be pro-

vided with care and love. In rebuilding the Hope School, they are merely providing the

physical structure. What they want to ensure is sustainable love where these children will

be provided with a caring environment and where they will be able to attain their full

potential to complete their studies through proper education and diet.

Hope school education project

The involvement in the Hope School Education Project has become an important avenue

for many individuals and organizations, including Buddhists and Buddhist organizations,

to become involved in poverty alleviation and to express their compassion to the children

living in abject poverty. Hong Kong Buddhists have been most active and willing to par-

ticipate in helping with the building of the schools.

The lack of development in these interior provinces of Guizhou, Yunnan, Shanxi,

Shaanxi, Hunan, Hubei and Sichuan has meant that these provinces continued to be the

poorest provinces in China. Since the 1980s, the central government has established the

Hope Project under the auspices of the Communist Youth League to reach out to the inte-

rior regions. At the same time, the central government, through the Communist Youth

League, has encouraged private individuals and corporations to become involved in phil-

anthropic activities that will benefit these regions. The Hope Project involved a range of

activities aimed at poverty alleviation, rural public health, natural calamities and educa-

tion (Hsu 2008; Li and Xu 2009; Knight, Li and Deng 2009).

Education has been earmarked as an important development to improve the literacy rate

of the children and youth in the rural regions. The urgency of building rural schools was, in

part, due to local and foreign media that reported on the dilapidated school buildings, poor

facilities and the sorry state of affairs of children having to walk miles to reach the school.

Such negative publicity stood in stark contrast to the emerging wealth of a selected group

of individuals who benefited from the Reform policies. The central and local governments

needed to redress this imbalance, and building and rebuilding rural schools, apart from

improving rural literacy, is also good publicity for the governments, as sparkling new

school buildings with happy children can be spread across the media. Today, these poorer

regions have been the recipients of the highest level of donations and have the highest num-

ber of Hope Schools in operation (CCCP 1985; Hsu 2008; Li and Xu 2009).

In Hong Kong, a small group of Buddhists share this sentiment and undertake to pro-

vide educational facilities for the rural Chinese children. Under the directives of Master

Jiecheng, the Hong Kong Buddhist Studies Association (HKBSA) and its followers have

been actively helping to rebuild rural dilapidated schools and provide education facilities,

books and stationery to the rural children. Here, the teaching of the four sets of gratitude

by Master Jiecheng is the guiding principle for the actions of his followers. The gratitude

towards the country has been expressed in terms of Hong Kong being part of China and

Anthropology & Medicine 33

hence the Hong Kong people have the moral obligations to assist the rural poor and help-

ing to boost the literacy of the children is a noble task to these Buddhists. They have

expressed their gratitude for the opportunity to help. These Buddhist followers have been

most grateful to their master for teaching them what Buddhist social engagement entails

and for providing them with opportunities to rebuild rural schools and provide small pro-

visions to the children. So, gratitude to the sangha is expressed in their deep respect for

the master and his vision of developing a philanthropic culture among the followers to

assist in education development in rural China. Finally, without the recipients – the

schools, teachers and the children – these Buddhist followers will have no one to express

their gratitude to. Thus, these recipients enable the Buddhist followers to express the grat-

itude towards humanity.

HKBSA is a small Buddhist organization with limited resources. Hence, it is focused

on rebuilding old schools and not new ones. According to Master Jiecheng, rebuilding a

Hope school costs around RMB 70,000 – 80,000 but some might be costlier. HKBSA

funded around RMB 140,000 to rebuild a Hope School in Shanxi. The amount required is

dependent on the condition, size and facilities needed to equip the school. Since 1999,

HKBSA has helped rebuild 104 schools in 23 counties scattered in eight provinces,

including Guangxi, Shanxi, Gansu, Chongqing, Jiangxi, Henan and Ningxia.

It solicited funds from the general public and its followers. Sometimes, a wealthy individ-

ual might decide to fund the rebuilding of a Hope School, but most of time, HKBSA pooled

together the donations from the public and members to rebuild the schools. If the school is

wholly rebuilt from funds provided by one donor, then, the name of the donor might appear

next to the Hope School name such as ‘Liangxin xiwang xiaoxue (梁兴希望小学) in Shanxi.

Rebuilding the school is only the first step towards the quest for rural literacy. These

schools are often very short of basic inventories including books, stationery, school bags

and other small items that most children in Hong Kong have taken for granted. Many

organizations provided these basic essentials to the school children or provided funds to

purchase them for the school children. HKBSA has decided to provide each child with a

Chinese dictionary on the day of the Opening Ceremony of the new school. According to

Master Jiecheng, a Chinese dictionary will accompany the children as they grow and

attend secondary school and it is a good educational resource to have. He told the author

that to see the children’s face lit up when they received such a small gift is the greatest

joy and satisfaction for him as a monk. He was grateful for the opportunities opened up to

him to become involved in the Hope School project.

In addition, HKBSA also provided some financial aids to students at all levels to

encourage them to perform well and attend schools and universities. In 2003, HKBSA set

up the HKBSA Studentship to assist 400 Fujian Normal University students who had

financial problems. To date, it has also donated RMB 9 million to help the poor students

to enter key universities in China.

To understand what propelled Master Jiecheng Cheng to embark on this philanthropic

journey, we need to understand his view on compassion. Master Jiecheng defined ci as

‘providing happiness to all sentient beings’ and bei as ‘eliminating suffering from all sen-

tient beings’ and viewed the possession of a compassionate heart as the most essential

quality of being a Buddhist. To him, the secular definition of compassion is that of ‘spirit

of love’ or ‘universal love.’ However, Buddhist compassion, which encompasses the four

sets of gratitude, sien (四恩) – gratitude to parents, nation, sangha and humanity – is

broader and deeper. To him, it is the donors who are indebted to the recipients for the

opportunity to accrue merits and good karma. Only by working and giving selflessly

would one be able to embark on the path towards bodhisattva-hood, pusa dao (菩萨道)

34 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

and transform oneself for an ordinary lay person to a ‘living bodhisattva,’ zaishi pusa

(在世菩萨), the beginning a journey towards enlightenment.

Other social factors have also propelled Master Jiecheng to encourage the path of social

engagement among his followers. The Buddhist universe is one of compassion and equality.

He felt that the present development in China has contradicted this Buddhist universe where

the great wealth divide between the cities and the rural villages have created much social

suffering among all groups of people. He viewed Mainland China as having lost its moral

compass and hence, the need to search for its moral direction. Buddhism provided him with

a moral compass and in encouraging social engagement among his followers, he hopes to

bring the moral compass back to Mainland China. Another factor is his deep knowledge of

rural China given that he is a Mainland Chinese and he felt that as a member of the

Buddhist sangha, he is in a unique position to help alleviate the social suffering of the rural

villagers, not through Buddhist teaching but through social engagement and actions.

A third factor is his strong connections with some of the Buddhist organizations and

temples that served as important partners in the delivery of religious charity and philan-

thropy to the rural communities. The fourth factor revolves around his deep connections

with the official cadres at both the local and regional levels. These social networks and

connections are essential social capital to enable the successful identification of the rural

schools for rebuilding purposes as well as to ensure smooth completion of the school

rebuilding project. For example, he and his followers worked closely with the local gov-

ernment in the rural provinces to identify the rural schools that needed rebuilding. After

the identification, he and his followers often travelled to the region and met up with the

local government and the school authority to discuss their needs before embarking on the

rebuilding project. Social networks and social capital have been regarded as important

elements in all aspects of social, economic and political life of the Chinese, and Master

Jiecheng has a store of this that he was able to put to good use when the occasions called

for it (Yang 1994; Lin 2001).

During the construction process, while HKBSA followers and volunteers made regu-

lar visit to the site to spot check on the progress, it was the local officials who were in

charge and oversaw the projects and did quality control to ensure that the schools and the

facilities are reconstructed to the expected standard. Hence, quality control was important

and became an even more significant issue where many poorly built local schools col-

lapsed during the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, in contrast to the Hope Schools that with-

stood the impact of the quake.

Furthermore, according to Master Jiecheng, developing a good relationship and deep

trust with the local cadres is especially imperative to ensure that the projects are corrup-

tion free, carried out efficiently and within budget. One of the key problems faced by

many donors was that the project often exceeded the budget and extra funding was

required. Alternatively, the project would need to be scaled down or completed with a

lower quality school. With the HKBSA, the schools were built within budget and on time.

Establishing a working relationship with the local and village cadres requires not only

good public relations skills, but most importantly the ability to convince the cadres of the

need for such projects. In many cases, the village and local cadres welcomed with open

arms the donors who came to fund the reconstruction of schools and provide financial

assistance for the students. However, as pointed out the by master, there is rampant cor-

ruption in the rural setting and, hence, convincing the local government officials to put in

efforts and fully utilize the given funds without kickbacks is often a tricky task. To the

master, this epitomizes the declining moral standard of the local officials, which is a real

stumbling block to the reach of philanthropy into the rural areas.

Anthropology & Medicine 35

As a Buddhist monk, Master Jiecheng expounded Buddhist and Confucian principles

and values. In his conversations with the local officials, he convinced the local govern-

ment officials that the school rebuilding project, and providing educational care for the

children, expresses Buddhist teaching of compassion and universal love. Through such

actions, individuals will benefit from merit-making and increase the store of good karma

(yebao) as these individuals have planted the good seeds of causality (yin-guo). These

individual officials should thus show gratitude (ganen) to the children for acceptance of

their gift-giving. He stated that ‘after listening to his Buddhist logic of explanation, these

officials have come to accept their roles in the Hope School project.’ In this sense, Master

Jiecheng has consciously used Buddhist teaching and logic to transform the quality of the

human character of the individual cadres from one of corruption and indifference to one

of enthusiastic efforts.

He felt that his model of HKBSA-local government partnership has been successful

for the following reasons. First, he has built good guanxi networks and relationship with

the officials. Second, the HKBSA has kept an informed interest in all the Hope schools

that they have funded by visiting the site and following the reconstruction progress at

each step. Its followers would not fail to intervene if the progress was not satisfactory.

This vigilance ensured that the school reconstruction is both up to standard and cost effi-

cient and staying within the donation budget. As a result, other charitable organizations

have followed this model of Hong Kong-local partnership to reduce cost and to ensure

that quality schools were reconstructed.

As a member of the sangha, Master Jiecheng raised money to fund the Hope school

project in a variety of ways. First, there was the monthly religious service, fa-hui (法会),

that brought him a steady income. Second, his temple operated a memorial hall for fami-

lies to place their ancestral tablets for a price. Third, HKBSA hosted an annual fund-rais-

ing banquet. For example, the annual banquet held in April 2008 attracted several

hundred Buddhists, with each paying HK$500 for the vegetarian meal. The amount of

money raised on this occasion, together with the auction of donated items, was around

half a million dollars. Fourth, there was ad hoc and emergency relief fund-raising. For

example, once HKBSA identified a school to rebuild, Master Jiecheng approached his lay

followers and public for donations for this purpose.

HKBSA maintained two accounts. One account is for daily expenses and the other is an

education fund account. Income derived from donations and the placement of ancestral tablets

in the temple is divided into two portions. About 10–15% is placed into the daily expenses

account. The rest is placed into the education fund account. Master Jiecheng also has a per-

sonal account for the money he earned from the religious services he conducted for the indi-

viduals. In the interview, he stated that a large part of his earnings is donated to the charitable

causes. He argued that as a monk, he leads an austere life and has not much use of money.

His outlook concurred with the monks and nuns in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan, where

most of the personal earnings were channelled into various social welfare projects.

To ensure continued support, Master Jiecheng considered compassion and trust to be

an important element. He argued that apart from using Buddhist teachings to persuade

others to contribute to the education project, the most crucial aspect is to show compas-

sion and present tangible results to the donors and lay followers. Actions and positive

results speak louder than words and served to gain their trust. To ensure accountability

and transparency, HKBSA has a website that publicizes information regarding the proj-

ects funded through donations and a list of donors.

As a socially engaged monk, Master Jiecheng actively pushed for a socially-engaged

Buddhism within Hong Kong society. His brand of social engagement has attracted a

36 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

following of lay Buddhists who have also become involved in Hope Schools and other

welfare activities, both within Hong Kong and China. These are the converted

socially-engaged Buddhists who believe strongly in practising compassion to develop

deep spiritualism and ultimately bodhisattva-hood.

Scene 3: the great suffering and the path of Bodhisattva-hood

At the scene of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, one Buddhist monk and several Buddhists

were busy surveying the damage and consoling the victims. They came with a truckload of

daily essentials and distributed them to the quake victims. What these Buddhists saw were

the individualized and the collective pain and suffering of the quake victims as they wailed

and searched frantically for their close family members and relatives. Amidst the chaos

and the massive destruction, these quake victims struggled to come to terms with the loss

of close family members, relatives, neighbours, friends and strangers as well as the loss of

homes, physical properties, crops, schools, etc. Many were in the state of shock and dazed.

The Buddhist monk and lay Buddhists were there comforting those in distress, and the

monk said silent prayers for those whose life was shortened by this massive earthquake.

The Buddhist monk and lay Buddhists came from Hong Kong almost immediately upon

hearing the news of this terrible disaster that killed close to 70,000 people. They came to

share the pain and the socio-psychological suffering of the victims. And they came to pro-

vide material needs and emotional support to these victims. When the destruction was so

complete and the loss of such magnitude, this small group of individual volunteers has

sought to provide a personalized form of care-giving to those that they have encountered

and in need of support.

Nearby, there was a group of men and women dressed in white t-shirts and blue pants.

The men were distributing daily essentials to the victims while the women were busy pre-

paring and cooking food for the victims. They were politely distributing hot meals to the

victims and several were engaged in talking to and consoling the victims.

The 12 May, 2008, earthquake in Sichuan ushered in a period of great suffering for

those affected by it. Measuring 7.9 to 8 on the Richter scale, this earthquake killed over

90,000 people, injured over 363,000, and destroyed 15 million homes, resulting in 10 mil-

lion homeless and 1.5 million displaced people (http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?

itemid¼407&catid¼10&subcatid¼65). There were shocks, pain and suffering faced by these victims and people within China and around the world. The images of crumbled

buildings, of the dead being pulled out of the rubbles, the wailings and tears of despair, of

hopelessness and disbelief were etched into the minds of many.

Among the Buddhists, this was a period of great suffering. The great suffering was

met with the swift response of acts of compassion. The Chinese government, through the

military, coordinated and organized the rescue efforts. Local volunteers and those of for-

eign and local NGOs and NPOs rushed to the disaster sites to provide immediate help to

the victims. There were many groups of volunteers, either individually or from organiza-

tions that swiftly moved in to provide whatever help that could – food, water, medicine,

clothing and tents – house these victims.

These volunteers, even though they came with the Buddhist groups, could be seen to

engage in individual and at times impulsive philanthropy where an individual gives

because of the situation and poverty that he or she witnessed (Bornstein 2009). The

images from the media tugged at the heart of these individuals who felt compelled, in

addition to giving donations, to visit the disaster zone to help the victims in whatever

small ways they could. These individuals also self-provided for their trip. In this sense, it

Anthropology & Medicine 37

is possible to argue for the existence of altruism and this is an act of altruistic philan-

thropy. It is also religious philanthropy as these volunteers were very much influenced by

the Buddhist teachings of suffering and compassion and of how, they as individuals,

could deliver compassion to the sufferers.

Amongst the volunteers were two groups of Buddhists seen comforting and assisting

the victims. The men and women dressed in white t-shirts and blue pants were members

of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Foundation from Taiwan. They arrived very soon after the earth-

quake to provide medical aid and operated a mobile kitchen and provided familiar hot

meals for the victims. They came to provide medicine and food for the victims and to

share the pain and suffering with the victims. As socially-engaged Buddhists, these men

and women were not only concerned with the physical and medical needs of the victims

but also their psychological and emotional well-being, in line with the teachings of their

master, Master Cheng Yen. The medical team of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Foundation

worked closely with the Chinese Red Cross Team in providing treatment and medical

care to the earthquake victims.

More crucial is the role of the women volunteers who came and cooked meals for the

victims. Together with the male volunteers, they set up a mobile kitchen and served the

victims with hot cooked food. According to Qing, ‘the victims have gone through so

much and lost so much and they need comfort. A bowl, and in this case, a lunch box of

hot cooked food provided solace and comfort to the victims.’ Qing further added that

‘somehow hot food has the calming effect. After eating the hot food, you could feel that

they feel more relaxed and they are more willing to talk to you. It is a good way of com-

forting them after their meal.’ According to Mei, ‘the most important action is simply to

be there and be next to the victims, hold their hand and embrace them. Often, there was

no need for conversation.’ Here, serving hot food is the equivalent to serving soul food in

the African American context, where apart from providing them with a sense of identity,

it also serves as comfort food, comforting the victims who have suffered from the loss of

family members, home, neighbours and community.

There was also a small group of Buddhist volunteers from Hong Kong, led by a Buddhist

monk from Hong Kong. Immediately after the reports of the earthquake, Master Jiecheng of

HKBSA together with volunteers from HKBSA and Macau Gongde Lin Buddhist Temple

visited the quake site. They brought along donation money, medicine and daily needs.

In the days that followed the reports of the massive destruction brought by the earth-

quake, HKBSA collected HK$400,000 in donation from the Hong Kong public while

Gongde Lin raised HK$120,000 from the Macau public. In addition, Hong Kong’s Fuhui

Jingshe Buddhist Temple (福慧精舍) also donated HK$200,000 to HKBSA for their

Sichuan emergency relief efforts. According to Master Jiecheng, this large amount of

HK$720,000 raised within days of the earthquake demonstrated how the public showed

their compassion and reached out to the victims. It demonstrated that the public understands

and put ‘compassion as a way of life’ into practice. It also demonstrated, as expounded by

Master Cheng Yen, universal or big love, daai (大爱) that is all encompassing.

To Master Jiecheng, suffering and awakening are two sides of the same coin. During

the interview, he stated that ‘having visited the quake site and experienced the force of

nature, he fully comprehended the power of nature and the meanings of great suffering

and what it entails.’ To him, suffering in the Sichuan Earthquake comes in different

forms. There were ‘the victims who suffered from the loss of loved ones; second, the loss

of physical human perfection where many were physically maimed and lost limbs; loss of

mental perfection as many suffered from mental breakdowns arising from this great suf-

fering; the loss of the physical shelter (home); and loss of hope.’

38 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

In the face of the great suffering and helplessness, the volunteers and the monk took

solace in Buddhist teaching, attempting to understand their ignorance through experienc-

ing suffering. To them, the earthquake as a force of nature is a humbling experience. It is

a cathartic force that jolted them out of complacency towards life and death and a good

lesson in Buddhist teaching of ignorance, emptiness, craving and attachment. But, most

importantly, it is a lesson on humanity and compassion. From the Buddhist teaching,

these volunteers drew their strength and got on with their voluntary efforts to help the

quake victims despite the pain and suffering that were inflicted upon the victims, and the

unsafe environment they were working in.

This was in contrast with the unwillingness of a local mainland Buddhist temple to

assist the quake victims. Master Jiecheng has expressed his disappointment when the

monks from a local Buddhist temple on the outskirt of Chengdu, capital city of Sichuan,

were reluctant to join the HKBSA volunteers to conduct death rites for the dead victims.

Having initially agreed, the local monks changed their mind as they considered it unsafe to

travel to the quake site to perform the religious rites given the prevalence of aftershocks.

Master Jiecheng and the volunteers conducted the Buddhist rituals and performed

merit-transfer for the dead. The death rituals also allowed the living to grieve and openly

express their pain and suffering over their lost members. Through this process, the victims

might experience some form of emotional consolation, taking comfort that their loved

ones had being take care of religiously. In such a situation, Master Jiecheng felt that the

Buddhist community and the Sangha have the responsibility to the victims and perform-

ing death rituals was a way of showing their moral and spiritual responsibility towards

the dead, the living and humanity in general.

In Mahayana Buddhism, and especially the teachings of the great modern Buddhist

masters, bodhisattva-hood is attainable in this-worldly life. Master Cheng Yen and Master

Jiecheng are great proponents of following the path of bodhisattva and have extolled their

followers to perform social engagement and compassionate actions. Thus, in being self-

less, holding back their fear and actively helping these quake victims despite the dangers

posed in the quake aftermath, these volunteers began their journey to bodhisattva-hood,

pusa dao (菩萨道).

Conclusion: the reach of socially-engaged Buddhism

Religious spiritualism and compassion as a moral foundation

In this paper, the author has demonstrated that religious philanthropy has played a signifi-

cant role in the delivery of compassion in modernity. While it is possible to argue for indi-

vidual philanthropy as individuals seek to do good and redress the imbalance brought

about by social inequality and natural catastrophe, inevitably one finds that the moral-

religious foundations of these individuals have provided a solid basis for them to embark on

a philanthropic journey towards compassionate acts directed at those that are experiencing

social suffering and in need of help. Wuthnow pointed that those who are spiritual are more

inclined towards compassionate acts of helping others (Wuthnow 1991, 156).

This is in contrast with the prevalent trend towards individualization where material-

ism and personal gratification have become the hallmarks of individual existence. This

study has pointed to an optimistic picture of the individual philanthropists and their will-

ingness to serve for the greater humanity.

Through the above examples, there are two analytical issues that warrant our atten-

tion. The author argues that the countervailing force of modernity and its declining moral

Anthropology & Medicine 39

order is the revival of a new moral order and an expansion of compassion. This moral-

compassion expansion could be the result of religious as well as secular spirituality that

focused on universal love for humanity. The creation of care-giving in the neighbour-

hood, the Sichuan earthquake and the Hope School Project expand the moral space for

the individuals and religious communities to deliver compassion and discharge their

moral responsibility to humanity in general. This form of moral compassion would result

in universalistic or altruistic philanthropy. The empirical examples here demonstrated

that religious spiritualism has provided a firm moral grounding and encouraged the fol-

lowers to embark on this journey without second thought.

In this paper, the author has chosen to follow the Chinese from Taiwan and Hong

Kong delivering their compassion to their Mainland Chinese counterparts. Religion in

general and Buddhism in particular in both Taiwan and Hong Kong has been allowed to

develop freely and this has contributed to the religious vibrancy of the region and enabled

the development of socially-engaged Buddhism to take root. This religious spiritualism,

zongjiao lingxing (宗教灵性) has contributed to its members serving as volunteers in and

reaching out to the poor, infirm and victims. The Chinese diaspora has continued to have

close connections and has exerted an influence on its Mainland counterparts. Tu argued

for a ‘Cultural China’ where the Chinese Diaspora, being the periphery, has assumed the

role of the centre in this relationship with the Mainland (Tu 1994, 1–34). Through routin-

izing philanthropic activities and providing actual relief works in times of natural calami-

ties, these humanistic Buddhist individuals and organizations provide the moral basis for

the givers and receivers to understand the basic Buddhist dharma of pain, social suffering,

gratitude and compassion. Although still at a nascent stage, humanistic Buddhism and

spiritualism will form one of the pillars of moral foundation in modern China.

Religious NGOs and the rise of a moral civil society

A second conceptual issue is the argument that these socially engaged Buddhists could be

rightfully seen as part of religious NGOs. They serve both as an antagonistic force against

the Chinese state on the one hand, and a complementary force on the other by advancing

and re-centring morality as a significant element in the Diaspora and Mainland China.

They are antagonistic, as the Chinese government continues to view religious individuals

and organizations with a measure of suspicion, especially those that galvanized the

masses and posed a threat to the rule of the government. Antagonism also occurs because

where the Chinese government’s push for a harmonious society has failed, these religious

individuals and organizations have managed to provide a measure of moral stability and

to lift up the spirits of the Chinese in times of extreme pain and suffering.

It is also a complementary force in that these Buddhist individuals and groups addi-

tionally worked in tandem with other government-sponsored agencies such as the Com-

munist Youth League and the Communist Youth Foundation, which were focused

narrowly on philanthropic and relief works and avoided politics. While gently imparting

the ideals of humanistic Buddhism, these groups did not seek to overtly convert others. In

fact, these individuals rarely mentioned Buddhism when doing voluntary work. By draw-

ing a clear distinction between the spiritual-philanthropic and politics and clearly stating

their goal as the former, these Buddhist NGOs have also provided assurance to the Chi-

nese government of their ground-focused role, thereby ensuring their acceptance within

the Mainland Chinese state.

As these Buddhist NGOs continue their mission to provide compassion and as

momentum increases, it is foreseeable that they will become significant players in

40 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

pushing for the growth of a spiritual brand of moral civil society, daode gongmin shehui

(道德公民社会).

Conflict of interest

None.

Funding

This revised paper was first presented at the Workshop on ‘Social Suffering, The Culture of Com- passion and the Divided Moral Experience in China,’ 7–8 May, 2010, Harvard University, USA. The author is grateful to the Hong Kong RGC for a GRF grant [HKU7410/06H] and the University of Hong Kong for a seed grant [20062 159002] to conduct this research. Ethical approval has been given for this research.

Notes

1. Master Yinshun had written extensively on the issue of humanistic Buddhism in volume 17 of his 25 volume Miaoyunji (妙云集) (see Yinshun 1981; also Bingeheimer 2007; Li 2007).

2. Subsequently, it was expanded by Master Cheng Yen of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Foundation. See Master Cheng Yen’s Still Thoughts (vols. 1–2), 2006; also Hsu, Chen, and Meeks (2007).

References

Bauman, Z. 2010. Liquid Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press. Beck, U, and Beck-Gernsheim, E. 2002. Individualization: Institutionalized Individualism and its

Social and Political Consequences. London: Sage. Berlant, L. 2004. The Culture and Politics of an Emotion, London and New York: Routledge. Bingeheimer, M. 2007. “Some Remarks on the Usage of Renjian Fojiao and the Contribution of

Venerable Yinshun to Chinese Buddhist Modernism.” In Development and Practice of Humani- tarian Buddhism: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, edited by M. Hsu, J. Chen, and L. Meeks, 141–162. Hualien, Taiwan: Tzuchi University Press.

Bornstein, E. 2009. “The Impulse of Philanthropy.” Current Anthropology 24 (4): 622–651. CCCPC. 1985. 中共中央关于教育体制改革的决定 [Decision of the Central Committee of the

Communist Party of China on the reform of the educational system] (http://www.jyb.cn/china/ zhbd/200909/t20090909_309252.html, retrieved on 20 June 2012).

Cheng Yen, Venerable Master.1996a. Still Thoughts. Vol. 1. Translated by Lin C.H. Taipei: Tzu Chi Cultural Publishing Co.

Cheng Yen, Venerable Master. 1996b. Still Thoughts. Vol. 2. Translated by Lin C.H. Taipei: Tzu Chi Cultural Publishing Co.

Feldman, C. 1988. “Nurturing Compassion”. In The Path of Compasson: Writings on Socially Engaged Buddhism, edited by F. Eppstenier 19–23. Berkeley: Parallax Press.

Hsu, C. L. 2008. “Rehabilitating charity.” In China: The case of Project Hope and the rise of non- profit organizations. Journal of Civil Society 4 (2): 81–96.

Hsu, M., J. Chen, and L. Meeks, eds. 2007. Development and Practice of Humanitarian Buddhism: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Hualien, Taiwan: Tzuchi University Press.

Kleinman, A., Veena, Das, and Margaret, Lock (eds). 1997. “Introduction” in Social Suffering. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, pp. ix–xxvii.

Kleinman, A. et al. 2011. Deep China. Berkeley: University of California Press. Knight, J., Shi Li, and Quheng Deng. 2009. Education and the poverty trap in rural China: Setting

the trap. Oxford Development Studies 37 (4): 311–332. Kraft, K. 1988. “Engaged Buddhism: An Introduction.” In The Path of Compassion: Writings on

Socially Engaged Buddhism, edited by F. Eppsteiner, xi–xviii. Berkeley: Parallax Press.

Anthropology & Medicine 41

Kornfield, J. 1988. “The Path of Compassion: Spiritual Practice and Social Action.” In The Path of Compassion: Writings on Socially Engaged Buddhism, edited by F. Eppsteiner, 24–30. Berke- ley: Parallax Press.

Li, Ming, and Yongguang Xu. 2009. 徐永光：为了希望工程四个字我翻遍了辞海 [Xu Yong- guang: I searched over the Ci Hai for the four characters of Project Hope]. [interview transcript] (http://news.qq.com/a/20091012/000902.htm, retrieved on 20 June 2012).

Li, Y.C. 2007. “In Pursuit of Buddhahood: Master Yinshun and the Buddhist Study in Postwar Taiwan.” In Development and Practice of Humanitarian Buddhism: Interdisciplinary Perspec- tives, edited by Hsu, M., J. Chen, and L. Meeks, 173–196. Hualien, Taiwan: Tzuchi University Press.

Lin, N. 2001. Social Capital. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nickel, P.M. and A.M. Eikenberry. 2009. A Critique of the Discourse of Marketized Philanthropy.

American Behaviorial Scientist 52(7): 974–989. Queen, C., C. Prebish, and D. Keown, eds. 2003. Action Dharma: New Studies in Engaged

Buddhism. London and New York: Routledge Curzon. Schak, D, and M.H.H. Hsiao. 2005. “Socio-cultural Engagements of Taiwan’s New Buddhist

Groups.” In China Perspectives 59: 44–55. Sznaider, N. 1998. “The Sociology of Compassion: A Study in the Sociology of Morals.” Cultural

Values, 2 (1): 117–138. Tenzin, Gyatso, the 14

th Dalai Lama. 1985/1988. “Hope for the Future.” In The Path of Compas-

sion: Writings on Socially Engaged Buddhism, edited by F. Eppsteiner, 3–8. Berkeley: Parallax Press.

Ting, J.C. 2007. “Renjian Buddhism and its Successors: Towards a Sociological Analysis of Bud- dhist Awakening in Contemporary Taiwan.” In Development and Practice of Humanitarian Buddhism: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, edited by Hsu, M., J. Chen, and L. Meeks, 229–267. Hualien, Taiwan: Tzuchi University Press.

Tu, W.M. 1994. “Cultural China: The Periphery as the Center.” In The Living tree : the changing meaning of being Chinese today, edited by Tu Wei-ming, 1–34. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Wuthnow, R. 1991. Acts of Compassion: Caring for Others and Helping Ourselves. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Yang, M.M.H. 1994. Gift-giving, Favors and Banquets: Art of Social Relationships in China. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Yinshun, Venerable Master. 1981. Miaoyunji (妙云集). Taibei Shi: Cheng wen chu ban she [台北市 : 正闻出版社]

42 Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce

Copyright of Anthropology & Medicine is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.