Increasing Success Among Diverse Student Populations

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9 Through an illustrative example of Together We Achieve at Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois, this chapter outlines an institutional approach for improving conditions for Black men on campus.

Black Men Attending Community Colleges: Examining an Institutional Approach Toward Equity

Lorenzo Baber, Randy Fletcher, Edmund Graham

Persistent opportunity gaps for underrepresented men of Color1 in the United States remain a significant social justice issue in our society, a core element of the community unrest and resistance observed throughout the nation over the last year. Among the targeted areas for improve- ment from community leaders and governmental policy makers is the strengthening of college readiness and completion among this underserved population. Research has documented the persistent disparate outcomes for underrepresented men of Color (MOC) in postsecondary education, particularly Black2 men. In every measure related to postsecondary success—enrollment, persistence, and degree attainment—stratified outcomes for Black men’s experience are observed. Among the young adult population (18–24 years old), Black men have the lowest postsecondary enrollment rates, 34%, compared to 41% overall (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014). Black men have the highest percentage of postsecondary attrition at both 2-year (79%) and 4-year (65%) institu- tions (National Center for Education Statistics, 2012). Whereas 30% of the working adult population (25–64 years old) holds a postsecondary credential, the proportion is 18% among Black working adult men.

A growing body of research on underrepresented men of Color in postsecondary education focuses on those attending 2-year institutions. Community colleges serve as a primary postsecondary pathway for under- represented men of Color. Wood, Palmer, and Harris (2015) report that nearly 72% of Black men in postsecondary education begin at a community

Understanding Equity in Community College Practice : New Directions for Community Colleges, Number 172, edited by Erin L. Castro, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capella/detail.action?docID=4187279. Created from capella on 2020-08-27 05:36:00.

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98 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

college, making the 2-year context an important site for educational equity. Similar to general scholarship on men of Color in higher education, how- ever, research on those attending community colleges tends to emphasize psychological paradigms to address disparate outcomes. Although individ- ual resistance to structural norms (e.g., “grit”) is a component of success, it cannot fully explain disparate outcomes within social institutions. This approach limits attention to constitutive influences of structural practices that contribute to shaping individual actions within a social system. Kezar (2011) amplifies the importance of focusing on institutional policies and practices when addressing inequalities in higher education. An individual focus on reducing disparate outcomes for underrepresented men of Color is problematic as it supports meritocratic ideology in higher education and cultural deficit perspectives. As Castro (Chapter 1) describes, persistence of outcome inequalities in community college contexts requires new approaches to better address the roots of disparate opportunity.

The purpose of this chapter is to enable community college leaders to identify institutional barriers and consider organizational changes that support success among underrepresented men of Color. First, we briefly summarize current social realities and institutional practices that dispro- portionately shape outcomes for underrepresented men of Color attending community colleges. Next, we present an illustrative example of an institu- tional approach in addressing inequalities for Black men—the Together We Achieve (TWA) program at Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois. We conclude the chapter by outlining remaining challenges for implementing scalable and sustainable program interventions that aim to improve success rates for underrepresented men of Color.

Social Realities for Black Men in the United States

Any discussion about Black men in the United States must begin with ob- servations about their economic and sociocultural position in our larger society. Although many view the election of a Black male president as a signifier for a postracial era, evidence suggests otherwise. For example, as of April 2015, the unemployment rate stands at 9% for Black men com- pared to just over 4% for White men (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015). Hamilton, Austin, and Darity (2011) report similar disparities when exam- ining median income levels. Even when holding degree attainment constant across racial/ethnic categories, Black men earn 71% less than their White male counterparts. Black men are also disproportionate victims of the ris- ing prison industrial complex in the United States. According to the Pew Research Center (2013), Black men are six times more likely than White men to be incarcerated. To place this trend in historical context, between 1960 and 2010, the incarceration rate for Black men tripled, making them more likely to be incarcerated than any other demographic group. Recent high-profile incidents of unarmed Black men killed during confrontations

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES • DOI: 10.1002/cc Understanding Equity in Community College Practice : New Directions for Community Colleges, Number 172, edited by Erin L. Castro, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capella/detail.action?docID=4187279. Created from capella on 2020-08-27 05:36:00.

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BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 99

with law enforcement have sparked civil protests in several cities and public outrage.

Considering the alarming economic statistics alongside sociocultural realities for Black men provides a much-needed context for community col- lege leaders attempting to remedy or correct educational inequity. Despite persistent systematic inequity, Black men are routinely framed as individu- als with problems, individuals who have cultural deficiencies, and individ- uals who lack the motivation and determination to succeed. As such, em- phasizing micro-level processes when focusing on reducing disparities for Black men allows intergenerational reproduction of structural oppression to flourish. Meritocratic ideologies further propagate focus on Black men rather than larger systemic inertia that has positioned them in disadvan- tageous ways—emphasis on getting Black men on “the right track” rather than a focus on the track itself. It is critical for community college practices to challenge these narratives rather than supporting them as institutional norms.

Common Practices Related to Men of Color at Community Colleges

Given the framing of disparities for men of Color as products of individual dispositions rather than outcomes of structural inequalities, it is not sur- prising that psychological paradigms shape programmatic efforts for this underserved population (Kaufman & Feldman, 2004; Kezar, 2011; Wood, Palmer, & Harris, 2015). Policy makers and administrators in higher edu- cation tend to focus on repositioning the “unmotivated” Black men closer to dominant forms of cultural capital (e.g., emphasis on individualism and competition) with little acknowledgement of structural practices that shape disparities. Employing this perspective is particularly troublesome at community colleges given the role these institutions serve as postsecondary entry point for Black men. As a primary path of access for this traditionally underserved population in higher education, it is critical for community colleges to adhere to their historical function as a gateway to postsecondary success for traditionally marginalized populations in higher education (Bragg, 2001; Dowd, 2007). Furthermore, as an individual focus tends to ac- centuate quantifiable measures of success, opportunities to reduce system- atic origins of inequality for Black men attending community colleges are missed.

In their comprehensive review of published scholarship over the last 15 years on men of Color attending community colleges, Harris and Wood (2013) confirm the focus on individual agency in research and practice. Examinations of factors that influence student success of men of Color3

tend to focus on integration (academic and social), individual dispositions toward environments (campus and community), and affective responses to campus contexts (formal and informal). Integrative factors include

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100 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

engagement with supportive faculty members and interactions with stu- dent peers. Individual dispositions include rejection of capitalistic val- ues and embracing behaviors that reify stereotypical notions of men of Color. Affective variables are reflected by strong sense of belonging at the institution and construction of intersectional identities. Each set of do- mains encourages institutions to focus on micro-level dynamics when ad- dressing disparate outcomes among men of Color attending community colleges.

Part of the issue, as Harris and Wood (2013) note, is that social in- tegrationalist perspectives primarily inform research on men of Color in community colleges. Integrationalist frameworks, such as Vincent Tinto’s model of student departure, exemplify the practice of treating socially produced outcomes and patterns as rooted in individual actions (Kauf- man & Feldman, 2004). As critics note in labeling college departure as a value-neutral action, assimilation frameworks often fail to acknowledge the unique social position and related experiences, both prior and during en- rollment, for men of Color. Elaborating this point, Rendon, Jalomo, and Nora (2000) state, “Absent from the traditional social integrationist view are the distinctions among cultures, differences among students with re- gard to class, race, gender, and sexual orientation, and the role of group members and the institutions in assisting students to succeed” (p. 139). In- deed, Harris and Wood (2013) conclude their literature review with a call for implementation of policies and programs that center the role institu- tions play in the success or failure of men of Color attending community colleges.

Unfortunately, many community colleges fall short in addressing insti- tutional conditions that disproportionately shape academic and social ex- periences of Black men on campus. If programming does exist for Black men, they are often the result of passionate efforts from individual fac- ulty/administrators or located in a specialized student services office. In either situation, the opportunity to influence larger institutional norms is limited. Similarly, a significant limitation of contemporary community col- lege research is the lack of qualitative research in examining institutional approaches toward addressing norms and practices that disproportionally influence experiences of Black men on campus. As Harris and Wood (2013) note, “Most of the published research on MOC in community colleges has been conducted from the quantitative research tradition. . . . Quali- tative research can illuminate how MOC experience community colleges, why notable trends and outcome inequities persist, and what meanings these students derive from their experience” (p. 182). To address limita- tions in policy, practice, and research, we offer the Together We Achieve (TWA) program at Parkland College as an illustrative example of an in- stitutional approach toward equity for Black men attending community colleges.

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BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 101

Together We Achieve: An Institutional Approach to Equity for Men of Color

Parkland College is a midsize, public community college that offers asso- ciate degrees, certificates, continuing education opportunities, and special- ized training to over 250,000 residents in 12 counties of East Central Illi- nois. Located in close proximity to the University of Illinois, students of Color account for approximately 30% of the student body, including 18% Black. In fall 2014, the second author of this chapter collected qualitative data on TWA, including faculty perspectives on the development of pro- gram and the experiences of students who recently completed or were com- pleting participation.

Development of TWA. Dowd (2003) suggests that examination of detailed student outcome data is critical to developing equity-inclusive performance accountability measures. She states, “Equity-inclusive perfor- mance accountability calls for the use of outcome indicators to take an ideological turn away from valuing efficiency as a hallmark of good busi- ness practices to valuing efficiency as means to achieving outcome equity in higher education” (p. 24). Similarly, Parkland College used disaggregated institutional data to identify and address outcome inequalities among Black men entering the institution. The roots of the TWA can be traced to 2010 when the president of Parkland College, in response to rising developmental education needs among entering students, established an Innovation Fund to financially support the creation of a new system of developmental and college preparation at the institution. Among the innovations was the es- tablishment of learning communities, where students enroll in the same set of courses and are supported by an adviser, mentor, and tutor. The intent of first-year learning communities at Parkland is to create an academic envi- ronment where college students focus on academic achievement, commu- nity building, and leadership development. All learning communities have similar goals: to create strong networking and bonding among students to foster peer-centered systems of success, to enhance support for students through social activities and advising, to produce opportunities for team- work and collaborative learning, and to guide students to explore career options during the first year of college (Parkland College Office of Institu- tional Accountability and Research, 2014).

Informed by institutional data that revealed a disproportionate number of Black men in developmental education, as well as scholarship on Black men in higher education, administrators decided to create a specific learn- ing community for Black men attending Parkland—Together We Achieve (TWA). The program included connecting students with faculty mentors who are committed to student learning and success. Additionally, students had access to academic advisors to discuss the multiple barriers that af- fected their academic progress. Tutoring was offered to students through the two semesters with trained professional tutors and learning assistance

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specialists. Finally, students were awarded scholarships for academic achievement in the learning community. To be eligible for enrollment in the TWA learning community, participants were required to be first-time, full-time students in the entering fall semester and in need of developmental education.

The first TWA learning community began at Parkland College in fall 2011 with 17 Black men. For the initial cohort, Parkland College’s dean of academic services first attempted to recruit all Black men entering Parkland in fall 2011. However, the initial recruitment campaign netted very few in- terested applicants. Parkland administrators focused recruitment of Black men through the college’s tutoring center, targeting students based on their ACT COMPASS placement scores and enrollment in developmental read- ing and writing in the fall 2011 semester. The TWA learning community curricular structure included enrolling all participants in at least two devel- opmental education courses (English, math, or reading), at least one general education course (e.g., political science), and one college-planning course (Success in College). By situating developmental education as one of many curricular components of the learning community, administrators aimed to reduce stigmas associated with remedial education programs, particularly for underrepresented populations (Colyar, 2011; Levin & Calcagno, 2008).

Identifying increased placement in developmental education among in- coming students, especially Black men, senior administrative leaders took a proactive approach toward redeveloping institutional practices. Rather than attribute academic disparities exclusively to individual choices, practition- ers at Parkland emphasized a shift in institutional norms for academic ser- vices related to developmental education by creating a learning commu- nity. Prioritizing a learning community specifically focused on Black men signaled to campus and external communities that outcome equity for this population is a core metric for evaluating the overall success of the insti- tution. Emphasizing a learning community for Black males served as a re- sponse to outcome disparities for that population at the institutions with a secondary focus on Black men who initially tested into developmental education courses.

From Validation to Community Building. The theory of student validation, an asset-based approach to student retention and persistence in postsecondary education, supports key components of TWA. Rendon (1994) theorizes that active intervention in the form of validation encour- ages nontraditional students to gain a sense of belonging in the academic environment and enhances their self-efficacy, also referred to as self- confidence (Bandura, 1997). Validation is defined as a supportive and con- firming process initiated by validating institutional agents (mentors, faculty, professionals, peers) that fosters academic and interpersonal development. The validation framework offers two forms of validation—academic and interpersonal (Linares & Muñoz, 2011; Rendon, 1994). Academic valida- tion represents supportive actions that foster academic development.

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BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 103

Examples include learning opportunities that empower students, meaningful feedback on academic work, and individualized tutorial attention. Interpersonal validation represents actions that support personal and social adjustment to institutional settings. This includes encour- aging involvement in campus events and informal conversations with institutional agents (particularly faculty).

TWA participants shared experiences of interactions with faculty, both inside and outside of the classroom, that fostered both academic and inter- personal forms of validation. They describe willingness of TWA faculty to provide academic support and personal mentoring to assist TWA students in their academic endeavors. A student notes:

My biggest supporter, besides my friends in TWA, is (Developmental Writing professor). . . . [She] showed me that it was important to learn these subjects and that I was also an important part of the TWA learning community. Be- cause of her helping me build my confidence, I now speak out in my other classes.

Further, faculty members designed small-group discussions in the TWA classes, arranged off-campus social events, and were available for for- mal and casual mentoring sessions. TWA participants showed deep appre- ciation to faculty for the extra time, describing it as a valuable component to their identity development as a college. As one student mentions,

I mean here is a teacher who doesn’t really need to spend time with us outside of class . . . he’s got a wife and kids and all. . . . It felt good. It felt like I was a part of something special. . . . I mean I felt like this was my college, and I was a part of it.

As Castro (Chapter 1) reminds us, the primary goal of equity-oriented practices in education is to provide resources for students, particularly those from traditionally underserved populations, to reach their full potential. A critical step toward this goal is to validate student beliefs about their capabilities as a valuable partner in the learning process. This process cannot happen if educators subscribe to deficit-thinking perspectives of students. Rather, it acknowledges that many students enter postsecondary education with damaging experiences that have unfairly eroded academic self-confidence. As participants in TWA demonstrate, when the validating process elevates levels of self-efficacy among underserved populations, students can begin to move toward the center of community development (academic and social) at the institution.

Toward a Collective Agency Among Black Men at Parkland. In con- sidering persistence as a form of individual agency, research in higher education tends to emphasize micro-level access to traditional forms of social and cultural capital (Winkle-Wagner, 2010). In contrast, Yosso

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(2005) offers a framework, cultural community wealth, which centers on collectivist perspectives. Cultural community wealth refers to knowledge, skills, and abilities possessed and used by Communities of Color to suc- cessfully survive at Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). Among the forms of community wealth is familial capital. “This form of cultural wealth engages a commitment to community well-being and expands the concept of family to include a more broad understanding of kinship” (p. 79).

Perspectives from TWA students on their experiences in the program highlight the value of and reliance on familial capital in shaping institu- tional experiences. A common view that surfaced through the observations and interviews with TWA students was that a shared commitment or en- gagement helped keep TWA intact and was the central ingredient in how successful the learning community format was for improving academic lev- els of these Black men. The primary goal of TWA when it was designed was, in the words of Dr. Hightower, Parkland dean of academic services and director of TWA, “to serve as a bridge to college coursework” but in constructing this metaphorical bridge to “success” the TWA administrative leaders, faculty, and senior administration began to see visible outcomes re- lated to investment in the learning community. With access to a positive environment at the institution, a group that is often labeled as “opposi- tional” to education succeeded. This had a powerful influence not only on the members of the TWA learning community but also on other Black men at the college. One student, Marcus, explained how he felt about TWA:

You know TWA is place where we can help each other out, like last semester when we were all hurting in (Parkland faculty) math class so we started get- ting together in (study room in the Academic Success Center) and then after that we just studied together all the time. I think we all passed Math 070 . . . brothers helping brothers.

Whereas Marcus’s story talked about interaction through studying to- gether, Larry expounded on Marcus’s experience and shared what he felt was a sense of community and belongingness he received from the peer relationships forged in the TWA learning cohort:

I feel culturally connected to the TWA program because it has been made for us. It is designed to relate to our own experiences and give value to them. I like that a lot about TWA. Yeah, we are young Black dudes and we are not here to make trouble like everybody thinks we are. We are here to learn just like the rest of students. Our experiences are valuable and help us to learn this stuff (referring the college courses). It is a beautiful thing. If you want my honest opinion . . . I wish more brothers in the program and outside of it could see what kind of opportunity this is for them. Parkland wants to better our situation. You got to have courage if you want to stay in school. It is hard work . . . hardest thing I’ve ever done, but man it is worth it.

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BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 105

Contrary to the perception that Black men tend to prefer a hyper- masculine, competitive “cool-pose” stance toward education, evidence from participants of TWA suggests an inclination toward collectivist ex- periences supported by familial capital. This observation supports previ- ous research that finds communal bonds among males of Color as criti- cal to heightening individual perceptions of supportive structures (Baber, 2014). As connections among Black men (and between Black men and faculty/administrators) are developed through trust and reciprocity, indi- vidualism gives way to a form of collective agency. Through this process, knowledge about academic and social practices at Parkland is equitably dis- tributed (e.g., “brothers helping brothers”) rather than individually accu- mulated. Furthermore, the criteria for success are not isolated to personal accomplishment but viewed as an interdependent, collective outcome.

Conclusion

In addition to observations of affective and behavioral patterns, prelimi- nary data reveal that Black men participating in Together We Achieve suc- cessfully complete the developmental education sequence at a significantly higher rate than Black men who are not enrolled in the TWA learning com- munity (57% versus 21%). Although development of TWA reflects a start- ing point for equity leadership at Parkland—acknowledgement of outcome disparities and prioritizing programs to address these issues—several chal- lenges remain. Parkland will be challenged in supporting scalability efforts to reach more Black men entering campus (and developing similar pro- grams for other underrepresented men of Color), particularly if economic and administrative resources remain stagnant. Sustainability beyond the grant funding period and current tenure of senior leadership will also be critical in making TWA practices a permanent part of institutional norms toward Black men attending the institution. One potential solution for scal- ability and sustainability is partnering with external constituencies (e.g., local businesses, high school partners, and community activists) to ensure that Together We Achieve is part of a larger institutional effort toward pro- viding transformative educational opportunities for Black men in the dis- trict. Based on workforce development goals, local businesses may be inter- ested in providing supplemental financial support for programs like TWA. Similarly, high schools may consider collaborating with Parkland, viewing TWA as a resource for promoting college readiness among Black men in the secondary school system. Community activists may also view TWA as a valuable asset for addressing gaps in education, employment, and health outcomes for Black men in the community.

As these collaborative efforts develop around programs such as TWA, it will be critical to address the interest-convergence dilemma that often steers equity programs away from social justice foundations and toward a neolib- eral rationale (Baber, 2015). Interest-convergence stresses that social change

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benefitting traditionally marginalized populations occurs only when it con- verges with the best interests of the dominant political elite (Bell, 1980, 2003). Left unchecked, convergence of interests around institutional pro- grams for Black men attending community colleges is likely to move pro- grammatic goals toward the direction of neoliberal interests, emphasizing success based solely on economic outcomes (e.g., development of human capital). Although such dilemmas may be largely unavoidable for commu- nity college administrators in the current sociopolitical environment, the importance of acknowledging the potential influence of neoliberal inter- ests on programs such as TWA cannot be overstated. This requires commu- nity college practitioners to consciously center (and recenter as necessary) concepts of equity as part of sustainable and scalable efforts for improving structural conditions for Black men on campus.

Despite increasing attention toward Black men in higher education over the last decade, persistent outcome disparities suggest that additional efforts are required. As a significant point entry into the postsecondary sys- tem for Black men, community colleges may serve as a valuable vehicle for providing supportive climate for this traditionally marginalized student population. An institutional approach, as exemplified in this chapter by To- gether We Achieve at Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois, has potential to provide support for holistic development and long-term success among Black men on campus.

Notes

1. Although we focus on Black men in this chapter, we acknowledge similar dis- parities among other men of Color—specifically, Latinos, Native Americans, Alaskan Natives/Pacific Islanders, and Asian Americans. We encourage scholars to continue to build scholarship centering the experiences of all men of Color student populations.

2. In this chapter, we privilege the term Black as a descriptor of socially constructed racial/ethnic categories as they reflect the sociocultural heterogeneity within the Black diaspora (e.g., Caribbean/African).

3. Harris and Wood (2013) note the majority of these studies focus on Black men.

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LORENZO BABER, PHD, is an associate professor of higher education and commu- nity college leadership at Iowa State University.

RANDY FLETCHER, PHD, is dean for career and transfer at Parkland College.

EDMUND GRAHAM, MED, is a doctoral candidate in education policy, organization and leadership at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

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