Addressing and Confronting Bias and Prejudice
Akhtar, S. (2009). Turning points in dynamic psychotherapy: Initial assessment, boundaries, money, disruptions and suicidal crises. Retrieved from http://www.ebrary.com
capacity but lacks the second one. As a result, when faced
with disappointments, he gets very hurt and like any other
person who is frequently hurt, he gets angry. This anger
comes in the way of the mind's peaceful functioning in the
realms of both his relationships and vocation. Life gets
splintered and is lived in pieces. At times, the individual vents
his rage on self and others or tries to get rid of it by numbing
his mind (with the use of substances) or distracting himself by
impulsive gratifications. All in all, borderline personality
disorder is a very painful condition to have.’
• Narcissistic personality disorder. ‘The person with a
narcissistic personality disorder is someone who is
preoccupied with his own self. While it might come across as
such, this is hardly a matter of vanity. The fact is that the
person secretly feels quite worried about his own self and
carries a profound vulnerability to shame. Having been raised
on praise without much love and affection, such a person has
become dependent upon admiration. This is what he
constantly seeks. He feels perpetually compelled to improve
his talents, polish his image, and “sell” himself to others.
Now, all this takes a lot of effort, and energy. It is truly
tiresome. Besides it has the painful consequence of his
becoming unable to pay attention to others and also not
feeling really loved by anybody; he feels that people like him
only because of what he has accomplished not for who he is.
He feels alone in this world. While socially successful and
admired by others, the narcissistic person lives in a private
world of self-doubt, inferiority and insatiable longing for
genuine love and acceptance.’
This manner of telling the patient's diagnosis to him should
put to rest the prevalent notion that patients misunderstand
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diagnostic terminology and are narcissistically injured by it.
In holding onto this old-fashioned idea, one is liable to
overlook that the interviewer's cryptic attitude, fudging, and
uncomfortable avoidance can also have alienating and adverse
effects on the patient.
Following the discussion of the nature of the patient's
problem, the focus should shift to issues of its treatment. The
interviewer should now inform the patient of what he thinks is
the ideal treatment for the patient's malady, explaining,
especially if asked, the reasons for this recommendation. The
patient should also be informed, especially if things are
unclear, of alternate approaches to treating the condition
involved, and encouraged to ask questions about anything that
seems unclear Questions raised by the patient should be
answered factually, and the interviewer should not derail or
mystify the patient by ‘interpreting’ the reasons behind such
questions. For instance, the patient may ask why the
frequency of two to three times a week is needed for dynamic
psychotherapy. Or, he might ask about the difference between
psychoanalysis and psychotherapy. Subtle controversies in
the field notwithstanding, it is possible to answer such
questions in a simple, straightforward way. Regarding
frequency, one might say the following : ‘t h e pro b lems we
are dealing with here are deep and solving them requires the
sort of access to your inner world that can only be provided
by such frequency.’ One might explain the difference
between psychoanalysis and psychotherapy not only in terms
of frequency of visits and the use of couch but, to a certain
extent, in terms of the nature of the patient's activity (i.e., free
association) and the therapist's ‘quieter’ stance vis-à-vis the
patient's report of his thoughts, feelings, fantasies, and
dreams. In the end, it is the therapist's straightforward and
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collaborative manner in dealing with the patient's questions
that counts.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this chapter, I have attempted to offer an account of what
constitutes a thorough initial assessment of a potential patient
for psy-chodynamic psychotherapy. I have divided my
comments into the categories of (i) forming early
impressions, (ii) assessing psy-chopathology, (iii) assessing
psychological mindedness and other ego functions, and (iv)
assessing the patient's motivation and realities that might
impact upon the feasibility of proper treatment.
7
I have described how pooling the four sets of data helps
choose a treatment modality and then described the process of
making recommendations to the patient, answering his
questions, and, through all this, beginning to set the ground
rules for treatment being undertaken.
Conducting these tasks is hardly restricted to gathering
objective information; the therapist's subjective experience
plays a key role throughout the evaluation process. Indeed,
vigilance towards early ‘countertransference’ yields all sorts
of useful clinical data, as I have already shown in this chapter.
What I wish to underscore now is that while the arousal of
strong feelings in the therapist does not necessarily preclude
his taking the patient into on-going treatment, circumstances
where this might be the case do exist. Intense discomfort with
a patient based upon cultural differences and/or the nature of
psychopathology at hand might, at times, not be ‘containable’
by the therapist's work ego. Instead of becoming unduly
valiant, it might then be preferable not to take the patient into
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treatment. Politics, the last taboo in the clinical field, can also
contribute to insurmountable difficulties. Finally, there is the
issue of the therapist's competence to treat a particular patient.
While all sorts of professional and legal checks and balances
exist in order to assure this, ultimately the assessment of one's
competence rests upon a honest self-scrutiny and fearless soul
searching.
8
This brings up the fact that in-depth psychotherapy constitutes
an intrapsychic and interpersonal journey that is unpredictable
and, at times, dark and mysterious. Two people undertaking
such a trip together need to establish and maintain clear limits
and boundaries to prevent themselves from getting derailed.
This forms the topic of the next chapter.
Notes
1. Two comments need to be added here. One is in the nature
of acknowl edgment and the other involves a clarification.
The first pertains to the fact that the idea of conducting the
initial evaluation on consecutive days (instead of weekly
appointments) was suggested to me by my good friend,
Philadelphia-based psychoanalyst Albert Kaplan, some fifteen
years ago. Having found the practice extremely useful, I have
stuck with it and, of course, remain thankful to Dr. Kaplan.
The second point I want to make pertains to patients arriving
for a consultation from out of town. To them, I generally
recommend two sessions of one and a half hour length,
separated by a hour interval, in the same day. This avoids the
necessity of an overnight stay in town and therefore saves the
patient extra expense. Occasionally, however, more time than
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this might be needed and an overnight stay in a nearby hotel
becomes inevitable.
2. The clinical material offered in this chapter and indeed
throughout this book makes use of fictitious names. I have
opted to use names instead of the conventional initials which
appear too ‘dry’ and, frankly, not quite human to me. I have
also made great effort to disguise the identi ties of the
individuals involved without the sacrifice of clinical accura
cy.
3. Highly pertinent in this context is the observation made by
Professor A.K. Agarwal of Lucknow, India, that the
customary mental status ex amination is useful with
psychiatric inpatients but has little applicabili ty to
non-psychotic, outpatient populations (Rajnish Mago,
personal communication, October 9, 2007).
4. Attempts at distinguishing neurotic (‘oedipal’) from
borderline (‘pre- oedipal’) character organizations must be
tempered by the fact that the two frequently overlap and
coexist. They might be condensed into each other or one
might serve as a defense against the emergence of the other.
Oedipal wishes are often associated with preoedipal fears
(e.g., separation and loss) and preoedipal object hunger
frequentlytakes on a triangular and sexualized flavor. Oedipal
drive derivatives can camouflage unresolved symbiotic
longings and a preoedipal babylike pleading can be a
regressive refuge from the guilt and anxiety of oedipal
competitiveness. All in all, there is much fluidity between
what are generally regarded as categorically neurotic and
borderline organizations.
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5. A curious note to the literature on
psychological-mindedness was added by Werman (1979) who
noted that this capacity is not only evi dent in the ability for
self observation but also in one's view of the ex ternal world.
Exploration of the latter aspect however is often neglect ed.
Werman observed that the inability to accept random
occurrences and intolerance of ambiguity in the external
world are often the out ward manifestation of poor
psychological-mindedness. The ability to believe in chance
and to tolerate uncertainty are consequences of the
development of secondary process thinking and may be
regarded as a specialized aspects of reality-testing.
6. A simple and short question about the role of animals in the
patient's life, asked during the initial evaluation, can often
reveal clinically sig nificant information.
7. This emphasis upon the therapist's activities does not
eliminate the fact that the patient also assesses the therapist
during the initial evaluation. Such assessment, I believe,
consists of the patient's looking for the qualities of affinity,
empathy, kindness, patience, knowledge, and com petence.
The patient wishes to be understood and feel that the thera
pist can help him.
8. Such luxury of ethics is generally out of the reach of
trainees who are assigned cases and have little say in selecting
patients. The availability of supervision, however, provides a
balancing reassurance in this con text. Greater responsibility
rests with psychotherapists who, while oth erwise
experienced, might not be competent to treat this or that type
of patient for a variety of reasons.
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2. BOUNDARIES
I never, or almost never, occupy the middle of my cage; my
whole being surges towards the bars
André Paul Guillaume Gide (1869-1951)
As human enterprises, dynamic psychotherapy and
psychoanalysis are intensely paradoxical at their base. On the
one hand, they are grounded in theoretical formulations
regarding development, mental functioning, psychopathology
and technique. On the other hand, they involve a deep and
sustained emotional relationship between two individuals. It
is this central paradox that dictates that, in the conduct of
these treatments, deliberateness and spontaneity, knowledge
and surprise, and discipline and freedom co-exist in a gestalt
of harmony. (For more on this matter, see Parsons, 2001.)
Clearly, such a complex ‘game’ cannot be played without an
agreed-upon guidelines and framework. The concept of
‘boundaries’ enters the discourse at this point.
In this chapter I will elucidate this concept in some detail. I
will categorize the plethora of notions that pervade this realm
into boundaries of three types: intrapersonal (intrapsychic),
personal, and interpersonal. This centripetal movement of
discourse will bring up the concept of ‘optimal distance’
(Bouvet, 1955; Balint, 1959; Mahler et al., 1975; Akhtar,
1992b), its potential overlap with ‘interpersonal boundaries’,
and the cultural variations and psy-chopathology of
boundaries and distance. Following this, I will address the
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various types of boundary violations and also note waysto
prevent such mishaps and to deal with their socio-clinical
after-math.
9 My discussion of technical matters, however, will not be
restricted to this aspect of boundaries. I will also describe the
measures needed to set up a clear and firm therapeutic frame
from the outset and to safeguard it from major encroachments
by transference and countertransference distortions.
INTRAPSYCHIC, PERSONAL AND
INTERPERSONAL BOUNDARIES
The term ‘boundaries’ is used in psychoanalytic literature in
three different ways: (i) intrapsychic boundaries, (ii) personal
boundaries, and (iii) interpersonal boundaries. Each of these
categories has its developmental origins, phenomenological
subtleties, cultural and pathological variants, and implications
for technique. However, these concepts overlap each other
and the following elucidation of them in separate sections is a
transparent artifice in the service of didactic clarity.
Intrapsychic Boundaries
Although Freud's (1900) early topographic model (dividing
the mind into conscious, preconscious and unconscious
systems) and later structural model (with entities like id, ego
and superego) both implied separation barriers within the
mind itself, the term ‘boundaries’ was not used by him. It
appeared, with a prefix, as ‘ego boundaries’ for the first time
in a paper by Tausk (1918). Later it was popularized by
Federn (1952) who described ‘inner ego boundaries ‘as
barriers that separate the ego from other mental structures.
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Klein's (1935, 1940) and Fairbairn's (1952) models of
en-dopsychic structure also contained splits, schisms, and
sequestered schemas within the mind.
With Hartmann's (1950) differentiation between ‘ego’ and
‘self’ and Jacobson's (1964) refinement of ‘self’ as
‘self-representation’, the concept of boundaries came to be
understood somewhat differently. Jacobson (1964) proposed
that the initial intrapsychic structure is a fused self-object
representation that evolves through primary libidinal
identifications with the mother. Gradually, differentiation
between self- and object-representations begins. The
propensity for their defensive re-fusion exists and is
intensified by the presence of too much aggression within a
psychic economy: this can lay the foundation of a psychotic
core. Under loving cir cumstances, the self- and
object-representation differentiation continues and is followed
by the synthesis of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ self-representations into
a composite self-representation and of ‘good’ and ‘bad’
object-representations into a composite internal object
representation. These intrapsychic clusters are the
metapsychological counterparts of identity formation
(Kernberg, 1975, 1976). Here Erikson's (1950, 1956) work is
pertinent. Besides emphasizing the synthesis of sequestered
ego (self) fragments, Erikson underscored the importance of
bringing together the past, present, and (wished-for) future
views of the self; temporal continuity and continuity amidst
change was seen by him as the hallmark of healthy identity.
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Personal Boundaries
The boundaries of the self as a distinct organism have been
described from various perspectives. Freud's (1895)
Reizchutz or ‘protective shield’ is perhaps the earliest concept
in this realm. Under this rubric, Freud proposed the existence
of a threshold of a stimulation by the external environment,
the exceeding of which becomes psychologically traumatic.
Later authors (Mahler, 1958; Khan, 1963; Gediman, 1971;
Esman, 1983) expanded Freud's views to include the
regulation of internal stimuli also among the functions of this
structure; Rapaport's (1951) term ‘stimulus barrier’ thus
became synonymous with Freud's (1895) protective shield.
The origins of such a barrier were traced to mother-infant
interactions whereby the mother regulates the stimulation her
infant has to face. This maternal function is gradually
internalized by the child who then develops self-regulatory
capacity with regards to the tolerable amounts of excitement,
activity, and stimulation.
Tausk's (1918) ‘ego boundaries’ and Federn's (1952) ‘external
ego boundaries that separate ego from the external reality’ are
also important concepts in this regard. These authors,
however, did not regard such boundaries as static and rigid.
Their ‘soft’ notions were gradually replaced, as Gabbard and
Lester (1995) note in their comprehensive review of the topic,
by reified concepts. Reich's (1933) description of ‘character
armor’, Bick's (1958) ‘skin around the ego’ and Anzieu's
(1990) ‘psychic envelopes’ are among the most prominent
illustrations of this tendency. The psychiatric ‘necessity’ of
distinguishing between psychotic and non-psychotic
conditions, both in the form of their flagrant ‘state’ and their
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sub terranean ‘trait’ (Frosch, 1988a, 1988b) further
consolidated the view that neat demarcations between self and
non-self were possible and even desirable. Winnicott's (1953)
delineation of the ‘intermediate area of experience’ and
Searles’ (1960) views about man's relationship with his
non-human environment are prominent exceptions to this
rigid me-not-me separation.
Interpersonal Boundaries
Psychoanalysts studying developmental processes (e.g.
Mahler, 1958, 1971, 1972; Mahler et al., 1975; Winnicott,
1967, 1969, 1971; Tyson, 2005, 2006; Parens, 1979, 2006)
invariably posit a view of boundaries as evolving from a ‘dual
unity’ or ‘symbiosis’ or ‘merger experiences’ between two
persons-i.e. mother and child.
10 Their models thus lay down the prototype for the
interpersonal blurring of boundaries which, during adult life,
can be accentuated by pathology or, in moderation,
capitalized by the developmental-ly advanced capacities of
mutuality (Bergman, 1980), collaborative work, love, sexual
excitement (Kernberg, 1977, 1995) and friendship. Marital
relationships especially test the resilience of the core self and
flexibility of its outer boundaries.
This brings up the related issue of boundary-permeability, to
which is relevant the work of Landis (1970) and Hartmann
(1991), who described ‘permeable’ or ‘impermeable’ or ‘thin’
and ‘thick’ boundaries, respectively, as a broad way of
organizing clusters of personality traits. Those with ‘thin’
boundaries displayed suggestibility, weakness of identity, and
inconsistent defenses and behaviors. Those with ‘thick’
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boundaries had stable identity and consistent behavior; they
were also firm and assertive in interpersonal transactions.
While constitutional factors did play a role here, the
‘thickness’ of boundaries showed a correlation with strong
identification with the same-sex parent. It was also noted that
if boundaries become ‘too thick’, rigidity and smugness
results and if they become ‘too thin’ intense vulnerability to
narcissistic injury and shame follows.
In sum, the term ‘boundaries’ seems to have intrapsychic
referents (keeping mental contents or structures apart),
personal referents (differentiating self from non-self), and
interpersonal referents (regulating the impact of interacting
with others). This last-mentioned emphasis upon the concept
of boundaries is especially evi dent in the psychoanalytically
informed literature on marital and family therapy (Sholevar,
1985, 1995) and, in an even broader way, in the
psychoanalytically informed writings on ethnic conflict
resolution (Volkan, 1988, 1997). Finally, it should be noted
that the psy-chotherapeutic (or psychoanalytic) situation-with
its fixed length of sessions, predictable rhythm of
appointments and payments, relative anonymity of the
therapist, abstinence, and neutrality-is a highly special set-up
of interpersonal boundaries. It is a context that requires firm
limits on the one hand, and, on the other, being subject to
intersubjective processes like empathy and projective
identification allows subtle and transitory mergers of two
minds. The work that goes on in this situation tests all
boundaries regardless of their being intrapsychic, personal, or
interpersonal.
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THE RELATED CONCEPT OF OPTIMAL
DISTANCE
The term ‘optimal distance’ was introduced into
psychoanalytic literature by Bouvet (1958). In a paper titled
‘Technical variation and the concept of distance’, he defined
‘distance’ as ‘the gap that separates the way in which a
subject expresses his instinctual drives from how he would
express them if the process of “handling” or “managing”
these expressions did not intervene’ (p. 211). Bouvet went on
to explain that this ‘managing’ represents an aspect of the ego
defense, and ‘draws attention to the exterior aspect of the
ego's activity, while “defense” characterizes more particularly
its internal aspect’ (p. 211).
A peculiar tension seems to exist in this definition. On the one
hand, by regarding the gap between two manners of drive
discharge as its cardinal characteristic, Bouvet posits an
intrapsychic definition of the word ‘distance’. On the other
hand, by focusing on ‘managing’ or the ‘exterior’ aspect
rather than on ‘defense’ or the ‘internal’ aspect of the ego's
activity, Bouvet leans toward an interpersonal definition of
distance. This stance is more apparent in the following
passage from the same paper.
The distance that a patient will take from his analyst varies
constantly during the analysis, but in general it tends to
diminish as the analysis progresses, until it disappears. It is
this point which I call the rapprocher (which signifies in
French ‘drawing close’, but progressively). Once attained,
this partial rapprocher can be jeopardized by other conflicts,
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but appears to be more easily reestablished, and to lead finally
to a more general rapprocher. (pp. 211-212)
The same intrapsychic-interpersonal tension in the definition
of ‘distance’ is evident in the writings of Mahler (1971;
Mahler et al., 1975). She begins her view of ‘distance’ as
being within the largely interpersonal mother-child matrix but
ends up with an internalized capacity for establishing optimal
distance-in other words, with an ego-attribute. ‘Optimal
distance’ for her is ‘a position between mother and child that
best allows the infant to develop those faculties which he
needs in order to grow, that is, to individuate’ (Mahler et al.,
1975, p. 291). This distance varies from one phase of
development to the other. In the symbiotic phase, the optimal
distance is pretty much zero. In differentiation phase, it
reaches its zenith. In the rapprochement sub-phase (from
eighteen to twenty-four months) no distance appears
satisfactory as there is intense conflict between progressive
drives for self-expression and separation on the one hand, and
regressive wishes for closeness and merger on the other. Only
after this phase is traversed with the help of a tolerant and
loving mother does the capacity for self and object constancy
appear. The ability to maintain optimal distance from
love-objects now develops. This definition is an obviously
interpersonal one.
In other writings, however, Mahler takes a more intrapsychic
perspective referring to the distance ‘between the self and the
object world’ (1975, p. 193). That she means internalized
objects here is confirmed by the very next sentence, which
refers to the
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oscillation between longing to merge with the good object
representation, with the erstwhile (in one's fantasy at least)
blissful union with the symbiotic mother and the defense
against re-engulfment by her (which causes loss of
autonomous self identity). (1975, p. 193)
The symbiotic and practicing phase described by Mahler
(1965, 1971; Mahler et al., 1975) have a close correspondence
with Balint's
(1959) ‘ocnophilia’ and ‘philobatism’, respectively. The
ocnophilic world consists of objects separated by horrid
spaces and the philo-batic world of friendly expanses dotted
with unpredictable objects. The ocnophil lives from object to
object, cutting short his travels through empty spaces. The
philobat lives in cordial spaces, avoiding contact with
dangerous objects. The ocnophil is a homebody, the philobat
an eternal vagabond. Balint traced the ocnophilic tendency to
the early tactile contact with mother and the philobatic bent to
the latter separation-tolerant, visual contact with the mother.
His acknowledgment that the two tendencies always co-exist
parallels Mahler's (1972) recognition of ‘man's eternal
struggle against both fusion and isolation’ (p. 130).
One thing is clear. All three authors dealing with distance
(Bou-vet, Mahler and Balint) imply that it is a Janus-faced
concept with both intrapsychic and interpersonal referents.
One way out of this paradox is to use the concept only in one
particular context at a time. Thus in describing an individual's
character, ‘optimal distance’ is best used in its intrapsychic
sense i.e. as an ego-capacity. And, in describing the
individual's relationships, therapeutic or otherwise, the term is
best used in its interpersonal sense. However, this does not
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seem entirely satisfactory since both intrapsychic and
interpersonal dimensions are active in all circumstances at the
same time. This is most clear in the course of development
when the intrapersonal is on the way to becoming
intrapsychic and that, in turn, is tried out in the interpersonal
realm. The best way out of this conundrum is, I believe, to
accept the paradox and to regard the dialectical tension
between the two perspectives (intrapsychic and interpersonal)
as being inherent to the concept. Finally, it should be added
that the vicissitudes of the Oedipus complex also contribute to
the capacity to maintain optimal distance. Exclusion from
parental sexuality and acceptance of generational boundaries
are cardinal achievements of this phase (Freud, 1924).
However, this does not imply complete sensual and
aggressive disjunction between generations.
Putting everything together, it appears that at the preoedipal
level, optimal distance refers to a psychic position that
permits intimacy with others without loss of autonomy and
separateness without painful aloneness. At the oedipal level,
optimal distance can be viewed as the capacity to renounce
primary oedipal objects in a way that (on the aggressive side)
permits individual autonomy without sacrifice of traditional
continuity and (on the libidinal side) establishment of the
incest barrier without total obliteration of aim-inhibited,
cross-generational eroticism.
This makes it abundantly clear that the ‘interpersonal
boundaries’ and ‘optimal distance’ are, in some ways,
conceptual twins. Both refer to the ego's modulation of
relationship between self and others. Both are
developmentally derived, though might also have some
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constitutional substrate. Both are, to a greater or lesser extent,
products of modal child-rearing, hence culture-bound.
CULTURAL VARIATIONS
The clarity, firmness, and permeability of boundaries are
governed not only by constitutional and psychological factors,
but by the cul-ture-at-large as well. While it is easy to see
how child-rearing patterns in one or the other society might
uphold this or that degree of psychic separateness and
autonomy as being desirable, the fact that psychically
extraneous variables (e.g. density of population, means of
communication and travel) and one's large group's history,
literature, and mythology can also affect personal and
interpersonal boundaries often comes as a surprise to mental
health practitioners. Take, for instance, intrapsychic
boundaries, especially those keeping the conscious secondary
process mental contents separate from the primary process
material of the unconscious. Comparing a group of poets and
artists with a group of bankers and surgeons on this parameter
alone would readily reveal that the optimal
conscious-unconscious separation differs greatly between
them. The former have much greater access to their
unconscious goings-on and are more comfortable with the
seemingly inexplicable messages from the vaults of their
psyche. Modal prototypes of intrapsychic boundaries clearly
differ in these groups.
A psychically autonomous and separate self is also not
universal. Such a structure is the end-product, or at least the
desired end-product, of the childhood
separation-individuation process (Mahler et al., 1975) and its
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re-working during adolescence (Blos, 1967) in the Western
Anglo-Saxon culture. To regard this developmental trajectory
as ubiquitous to human experience betrays psychoanalytic
colonialism. Careful observation of mother-child inter actions
in India and Japan, experience of treatment of children and
adolescents from those cultures, and reconstructions in the
analyses of adults living there (Carstairs, 1957; Roland, 1998;
Kakar, 1985; Freeman, 1998; Bonovitz, 1998) have revealed
that the clearly demarcated ‘psychoanalytic self’ is not the
modal psychic structure. Instead of an individualized self, the
prevalent psychic organization is one of ‘familial self’
(Roland, 1988). Such a self is characterized by intense
emotional connectedness and reciprocity with others and
draws its narcissistic sustenance from ‘strong identification
with the reputation and honor of the family and other groups’
(p. 8). Its modes of cognition and relating are highly
context-bound and differ from the individualistic and
autonomous self typically seen in the West, especially North
America.
The degree to which an individual's self remains permeable to
influence from others, especially one's elders, also varies from
culture to culture. Writing of Indian patients, for instance,
Kakar (1985) states that
the relational orientation is still the ‘natural’ way of viewing
the self and the world. Thus it is not uncommon for family
members, who often (and significantly!) accompany the
patient for the first interview, to complain about the patient's
autonomy as one of the symptoms of his disorder. (p. 446)
The emphasis in such cultures is upon inter-dependence and
not upon autonomy. Friendships are deep. People take all
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sorts of relatives into account while making important life
decisions. ‘Infantile objects are relinquished very gradually
and this process does not take place to the degree necessary in
cultures where the child is being prepared to live an adult life
that is independent of the extended family’ (Bonovitz, 1998,
p. 182). Not surprisingly, the view of what is ‘optimal
distance’ between two individuals (and their psyches) also
varies in these cultures. This effects what is felt to be the
normal frequency of contact between relatives and friends, the
extent of intimacy in relationships, and even the amount of
physical contact between people.
All four variables mentioned above (i.e. the porous versus
closed nature of intrapsychic boundaries, individual versus
familial self, relational versus autonomous orientation and
average-expectable optimal distance) impact upon the
conduct of cross-cultural psychotherapy and psychoanalysis.
Overlooking this can lead to assumptions and interventions
that result in hurting the patient and/or creating falsehood in
the therapeutic alliance.
PSYCHOPATHOLOGY
Psychopathology often involves disturbances of boundaries.
In fact, the more severe the psychopathology, the greater is
the disturbance of boundaries. This applies to all three realms
(i.e., intrapsy-chic, personal, and interpersonal) of boundaries.
A few examples should suffice to illustrate this proposition.
Intrapsychic boundaries between various psychic structures
(e.g., between id and ego, between ego and superego, and
between ego and ego-ideal) are affected in a number of ways
by psy-chopathology. Schizophrenic psychoses, for instance,
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involve a diminished demarcation between id and ego. The
primary process begins to alter thinking; wishes and dreads of
the inner world come to dominate the ego's perception of
external reality. Another situation where collapse of
intrapsychic boundaries is evident is narcissistic and
hypomanic character pathology. The usual gap between ego
and ego-ideal closes in these conditions resulting in confusion
between real and wishful self-perceptions; boastfulness,
cockiness, and irreverence are the behavioral counterparts of
this. Yet another situation is the fusion between a harsh
superego and the ego, leading to the syndrome of ‘messianic
sadism’ (Akhtar, 2007) where malignant prejudice and cruelty
towards others becomes morally sanctified.
In contrast to such intrapsychic boundary dissolutions are
states characterized by the cropping up of abnormal barriers
between clusters of mental content. The syndrome of identity
diffusion (Kernberg, 1975, 1984; Akhtar, 1984) that underlies
severe personality disorders and the defensive separation of
self-representations in ‘dissociative character’ (Brenner,
1994, 2001) are prime examples of this type of intrapsychic
boundary proliferation. Contradictory self-states, including
those representing different eras of life, exist in sequestered
form without being synthesized into a composite whole.
On the outer rind of personality, the boundaries that separate
self from non-self also show alterations in states of
psychopatholo-gy. In psychoses and ‘psychotic characters’
(Frosch 1988a, 1988b; Volkan & Akhtar, 1997; Akhtar,
1997), blurring of such demarcations is a central feature. In
the ‘as-if’ personality (Deutsch, 1942), the permeability of
personal boundaries is greatly increased resulting in rapid
identifications with others which are ‘lost’ with a comparable
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ease. The exact opposite is true of bull-headed narcissistic and
paranoid characters who refuse to be influenced by anyone, or
of those with Asperger syndrome (Wing, 1981) who remain
peculiarly disconnected and cold in their interactions.
This brings up the psychopathology of ‘optimal distance’.
While agoraphobia, claustrophobia, and difficulties in
adjusting to a marital relationship are often the result of
conflicts over optimal distance, it is in the setting of severe
personality disorders that distance related problems become
most evident. For individuals with these conditions,
involvement with others stirs up a characteristic ‘need-fear
dilemma’ (Burnham et al., 1969): to be intimate is to risk
engulfment and to be apart is to court aloneness. This can lead
to various compromise solutions. The borderline continues to
go back and forth (Akhtar, 1990; Gunderson, 1985; Melges &
Swartz, 1989). The narcissist can sustain allegiances longer
and shows such oscillations in ‘slow motion’ (Adler, 1981;
Kernberg, 1970). The paranoid bristles at any change in
distance initiated by others, preferring the ‘reliability’ of his
fear of being betrayed (Blum, 1981). The schizoid opts for
withdrawal on the surface while maintaining an intense
imaginative tie to his objects (Akhtar, 1987; Fairbairn, 1952;
Guntrip, 1969). The anti-social and the hypomanic, though
internally uncommitted, develop swift intimacy with others.
In essence, all severe personality disorders show impairment
of the capacity to maintain optimal distance. Their problems
are gross, however. More subtle anxieties in this realm,
accompanied by fantasies of ‘tethers, orbits, and invisible
fences’ (Akhtar, 1992b) surrounding one, can exist in less
disturbed individuals. These are often discernible only during
the work of in-depth psychotherapy or psychoanalysis.
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BOUNDARY VIOLATIONS
Though transgressions of the therapeutic frame occurred from
the earliest days of psychoanalysis and psychodynamic
therapy
11
, the term ‘boundary violations’ itself gained popularity
only after the seminal book by Gabbard and Lester (1995).
According to them, ‘boundary violations’ refer to egregious
enactments on the therapist's part that are harmful to the
patient. While such acts can emanate from predatory and
psychopathic tendencies on the therapist's part, most times
their occurrence is a matter of psychody-namic ‘co-creation’
by the patient and the therapist.
12 In other words, it is the unchecked interplay of transference
and counter-transference that leads to boundary violations.
Gabbard and Lester (1995) emphasize that behaviors
constituting ‘boundary violations’ differ from those subsumed
under the term ‘boundary crossings’. There are four
distinctions between them:
• ‘Boundary crossings’ involve a transient blurring of the
selves of patient and therapist and the resulting proneness to
enactment is caught ‘mid-way’ by the therapist. He then
reflects upon what was about to happen and uses that
knowledge for the advancement of therapy. In contrast,
‘boundary violations’ are characterized by a loss of
self-reflection on the therapist's part. Consequently, such
behaviors destroy the viability of treatment.
• ‘Boundary crossings’ are enactments that are discussed
by both therapist and patient whereas ‘boundary violations’
are typically placed outside of the context of therapy. It is as
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if those behaviors (e.g. hand-holding, kissing) had nothing to
do with the treatment that is being carried on.
• ‘Boundary crossings’ are generally responded to by the
therapist and patient by reflection and attempts to understand
what just took place. ‘Boundary violations’, in contrast, are
unresponsive to the therapist's own efforts to understand and
control them. There is also an aura of secrecy about such acts.
• ‘Boundary violations’, in contrast to ‘boundary
crossings’, are exploitative of the patient and are harmful to
the treatment pro cess. There is a profound neglect of the
patient's interests on the therapist's part. At times, there might
even be a deliberate at tempt to manipulate and hurt the
patient.
Subtle overlaps between the two concepts notwithstanding,
this view of ‘boundary violation’ prepares one to observe,
record, and reflect upon their occurrence in a variety of
realms as the treatment process unfolds.
Sexual Boundary Violations
In the course of intensive psychotherapy, one frequently
encounters ‘erotic’ (Freud, 1915) and ‘erotized’ (Blum, 1973;
Akhtar, 1994, 1996) transferences. The former emanates from
unresolved oedipal longings and is generally subtle in
expression. The latter arises from oral hunger, carries more
explicit sexual demands, and has a coercive nature. The
therapist dealing with the former begins to feel enthusiasm
towards the patient. The therapist dealing with the latter feels
burdened and manipulated. Paradoxically, then, the patient
who is less stridently demanding of sexual involvement with
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the therapist gives rise to a more ‘real’ erotic
counter-resonance in the therapist. The risk of the therapist
developing a ‘love-sickness’ (Twemlow & Gabbard, 1989;
Gabbard & Lester, 1995) is great under such circumstances.
A number of other variables contribute to the therapist finding
himself on the ‘slippery slope’ of countertransference acting
out. The most common scenarios causing this are the
following:
• The therapist of an abused female patient might be under
the sway of ‘disidentification with the aggressor’ (Gabbard,
1997) whereby he might disavow any (transference)
connection with the patient's abusers and try to be at the
utmost kind and indulgent towards her. Consequently he
might make heroic efforts to ‘help’ the patient and, in the
process, transgress boundaries (e.g. by hugging and kissing
the patient).
• The therapist and patient might act out their repressed
oedipal fantasies. ‘The female patient may have harbored a
childhood fantasy that she was somehow taking care of her
depressed father in despair over an empty marriage. The
analyst, on the other hand, may be unconsciously rescuing his
depressed mother to heal the patient. Female patients who
have childhood suffered trauma may be particularly appealing
to the love-sick analyst who is intent upon rescue’ (Gabbard,
2006, p. 42).
• A male therapist might mistake his female patient's
desire for maternal tenderness and nurturance for sexual
advance and, in a state of personal vulnerability, succumb to
the temptations this causes in him.
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Sexual boundary violations are more likely to occur if the
patient has been sexually abused as a child and is re-creating
a similar situation though, of course, with the hope that a
repetition of early trauma will not occur this time. The
likelihood of violations markedly increases if the therapist is
characterologically unable to handle erotic
countertransference or has become so due to romantic and
sexual deprivation in his current life (Gabbard & Lester,
1995; Celenza, 2007).
Narcissistic Boundary Violations
Though the therapist's misuse of the power difference in the
dyad does contribute to sexual boundary violations, there are
egregious behaviors where themes of domination, subjugation
and control occupy the center stage. Naming them
‘narcissistic boundary violations’, Levine (2005) underscores
the role of self-aggrandizement in them. Haughty disregard of
the patient's autonomy, taking over the daily conduct of his
life, advising him to marry this or divorce that person are all
manifestations of such violations. This may result from the
therapist acting out a particular countertransference
stimulated by the patient. More often, it emanates from the
therapist's narcissistic character pathology even if that is
brought into play, at a given time, by a patient's ‘seductions’.
CLINICAL VIGNETTE 6
Bill Silverberg had been in intensive treatment with a highly
charismatic therapist known for his stylish clothes and
expensive cars. The therapy floundered. Bill dropped out and,
a few years later, his therapist passed away. Six months later,
Bill entered into treatment with me.
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A highly masochistic man with a tall and lanky frame, Bill
had a ‘father problem’. On the one hand, he despised his
father for constantly ridiculing him during his childhood. On
the other hand, he was dependent upon the old man's financial
largesse. Unable to make ends meet on his own, Bill received
a monthly stipend from his wealthy father. His treatment with
me was characterized by a powerful father transference in
which he attempted to both flatter and devalue me. Praising
me to great extent, he would defeat all interpretations by
turning them into trite witticisms. Gradually, however, I
learned that this sadomasochistic game was actually an
advance over his original tendency to be utterly subservient to
authority figures.
Now a memory from his previous treatment emerged. Bill
told me that once he was going to Napa Valley, California,
and mentioned it to his therapist. The latter responded by not
only giving him tips about the wineries to visit but by talking
about his own extensive (and expensive!) wine collection.
Bill brought back a bottle of wine to his therapist as a gift. It
was accepted without question. This soon became a pattern.
Bill would bring wine for his therapist who would take it
without any question or discussion. Then one day, Bill
brought a case of wine bottles for his therapist who gave him
his car keys and asked Bill to put it in the trunk of his car
before starting the session!
The enactment of narcissistic-masochistic (and homosexual)
transference-countertransference fantasies is clearly evident
here. What is disturbing though is not the patient's
‘seductions’ and submission but the therapist's nonchalance
and smug exploitation of his patient.
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Cultural Boundary Violations
With the changing demography of patients and therapists
nationwide, the likelihood of the two partners in the clinical
dyad belonging to different ethnic, racial, religious, and
linguistic backgrounds has increased. With this, the potential
of ‘cultural boundary violations’ (Akhtar, 2007b) has grown
by leaps and bounds. These involve situations where the
therapist imposes his or her values regarding a wide range of
sociocultural matters upon the patient, causing the latter to
suffer unnecessary confusion and ia-trogenic conflict. For
example: How often should an adult offspring call his
out-of-town mother on the phone? Should premarital sex be a
necessary step before the decision to get engaged and
married?
‘Cultural boundary violations’ are also caused by the therapist
ignoring that such boundaries even exist. Treating immigrant
and racially different patients with no attention at all to their
cultural backgrounds constitutes a situation of this sort.
13 Pronouncing the name of an immigrant patient or of his
hometown in one's own way without asking the patient's
guidance about the correct way of saying them is a more
subtle form of ‘cultural boundary violations’ based upon a
colonial mentality. Insistence upon an illusory cultural
oneness is, in the end, more harmful than reassuring to the
patient.
Miscellaneous Boundary Violations
There are other transgressions, besides those mentioned
above, which can harm the patient. Prominent among such
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