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Indian Blues: The Indigenization of American Popular Music Author(s): John W. Troutman Source: World Literature Today, Vol. 83, No. 3 (May - Jun., 2009), pp. 42-46 Published by: Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20621591 Accessed: 13-04-2020 18:06 UTC

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Indian Blues The Indigenization of American Popular Music

Jo/m W. Troutman

Native artists today perform not only at powwows but also in rock and hip-hop clubs. In fact, American Indians have

performed European and African-derived music for centuries. The following essay reveals one facet of this history,

when Native musicians turned the federal government's "civilization" campaign on its head, indigenizing the music meant to detribalize them.

above The Navajo rock band Blackfire

In 1955 anthropologist James Howard cast a dim light over the expressive culture of American Indians, remarking that powwows

reflect a "process by which socio-cultural entities . . . are losing their tribal distinctiveness and in its

place are developing a nontribal Indian' culture."1 He believed that American Indian musical tradi

tions were fast becoming generic, "pan-tribal" per formances that reflected a decreasing vitality and

diversity of songs and dances. Any powwow sing er or dancer would immediately reject his analysis on the simple basis that tribally specific?and clan or family-specific?songs have vastly multiplied over the past century, just as intertribal powwow culture has proliferated to an extraordinary and quite heterogeneous degree. Yet equally profound in growth to powwow culture are the ways in

which American Indians have also manipulated

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Iand refigured other forms of music, in the process developing new means within expressive culture to perform their identities as indigenous peoples.

Just as the continued expanse of inter tribal powwow culture has facilitated the sharing and development of new varieties of songs and dances, Native singers, musicians, and dancers of all varieties continue to access every available

musical arena, including cyberspace. The Native American Music Awards, or "Nammys," are tell ing: they comprise over thirty genres of music and provide awards ranging from best powwow and Native American Church recordings to best blues and hip-hop recordings. Indeed, many Native musicians have recognized popular music genres as opportunities to expand their tribal, oral

traditions. For example, the 2008 Nammy Record of the Year award went to Blackfire's (Silence) Is

a Weapon. The two-disc set is a tour de force by these veteran "Alter-Native" and punk rockers from the Dine Nation. They describe themselves on their MySpace site as a "traditionally influ enced, high-energy, politically driven group com prised of two brothers and their sister. Born into the heart of a political land dispute area on Black

Mesa in the Navajo Nation, this Family's powerful music reflects the Hopes, Freedoms, and Barriers of today's world." Blackfire in fact tours the world and has gained respect in many circles; their 2002 album One Nation Under featured the last record

ed vocals by punk legend Joey Ramone, and David Fricke, Rolling Stone magazine's premier music critic, has promoted Blackfire in his col umns. (Silence) Is a Weapon consists of one disc of charging, protest rock-n-roll interlaced with Dine chants; the other disc is solely Dine ceremonial vocal and drum songs. Both discs suggest musi cally what it means to Blackfire to be Dine today, and the album demonstrates their extraordinary ability to weave thousands of years of ideas into one musical text. In effect, these artists have refig ured the meaning of what constitutes their tribal, and indeed "Indian," music altogether.

The practice by American Indians of fusing tribally derived music with that of Anglos and African Americans has existed for a very long time. Sacred music in missions and churches

probably provided the first and certainly the longest-lasting variety of this blending of tradi tions, and the genres of American secular, popu

lar music have provided another. In the 1960s and 1970s, a number of Native musicians such as Cree singer Buffy Sainte-Marie, Kaw-Creek

Saxophonist Jim Pepper, and Dakota singer Floyd Red Crow Westerman gained international fame for their rock, jazz, country, and folk recordings. These musicians and others gained an even high er profile in the midst of the Native protest move ments such as the takeover of Alcatraz Island, which captured the national media's attention at that time. Westerman's album Custer Died for Your

Sins, for example, provided an equally scathing soundtrack for Vine Deloria Jr/s groundbreaking

Native peoples for quite some time had been

blowing the saxophone, sawing the fiddle (or

violin), and strumming guitars and mandolins.

How they came to those instruments and to

these new styles of music becomes particularly

revealing when we consider the ways in which

the practice of music had become so divisively,

politically charged in Indian Country in the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 1969 "Indian manifesto" of the same name. While

some performers were more subtle than others, popular music concerts and recordings provided extraordinarily powerful and far-reaching oppor tunities through which Native peoples could deliver politically charged anthems before audi ences of many thousands, dramatically raising the profile of issues facing indigenous peoples.

Despite the attention that this wave of Native artists received in the 1960s and 1970s, the embrace of secular, popular music by Native peoples, and its potential for expanding opportu nities for expressing tribal and Native identities, has a history that stretches back to long before the late twentieth century. Native peoples for quite some time had been blowing the saxo phone, sawing the fiddle (or violin), and strum ming guitars and mandolins. How they came to those instruments and to these new styles of

music becomes particularly revealing when we consider the ways in which the practice of music had become so divisively, politically charged in Indian Country in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Over the course of several decades in the

nineteenth century that were comprised of intense

and often brutal efforts by the federal government

to force Native peoples from their homelands and hunting grounds and onto small reservations, the government began to increasingly adopt the view that American Indians must individually "assimi late" into American society if they were to survive at all. Administrators within the Office of Indian

Affairs (oia) took it upon themselves to determine

exactly what that "American society" meant, and in turn what it was about "Indian society" that seemed such a hindrance to their assimilation

agenda. As OIA officials drew lines in the sand in the late nineteenth century, surveying and then selling off reservation lands once protected by treaties, they also surveyed expressive culture, determining which forms were satisfactory for the making of a model American citizenship, and

which challenged the OIA agenda of detribaliza tion. Not unexpectedly, most dances deemed "Indian" by the OIA were blacklisted in orders passed between 1882 and 1923.

Dance restrictions were varied and created

unique circumstances on each of the reserva tions throughout the country, but the OIA was particularly concerned to prohibit a number of both ceremonial and social dances that had gained incredible currency during that period among tribes in the Northern and Southern Plains. Those

dances, namely the Sun Dance, the Omaha Dance, and the Ghost Dance, appeared to the OIA as facilitators of tribal or intertribal celebrations

of indigeneity (although in their own parlance, they typically, and synonymously, referred to them simply as "savage," "heathen," or "Indian" dances). The dances seemed to threaten the OIA officials mostly because they seemed foreign and un-Christian, because they were organized by Native people themselves, because the songs were typically sung in tribal languages, because they

were often associated with communal events such

as "giveaways," and because they seemed to cel ebrate the clan or tribal ties that the government was attempting to sever. Local OIA agents indeed struggled during those years, with few successes, to dismantle all utterances of expressive culture

that they considered antithetical to their goals of breaking tribal bonds and liquidating remaining tribal estates. On the reservations of the Northern

Plains, the raiding of dance halls, the arresting of dancers, and the withholding of treaty-guaranteed rations?not to mention the atrocities committed

by the Seventh Calvary upon Big Foot's band and their traveling companions at Wounded Knee in 1890?all figured into the government's arsenal of curtailing various expressions of cultural practice. Indeed, the assault on tribal customs was quite expansive at the time, but also expansive were the creative efforts by tribal peoples throughout the continent to resist such assaults.2 Because of their

arduous defense of these songs and dances, inter tribal powwow culture and Stomp Dances, among other such expressive practices, flourished in the twentieth century rather than withered away in

response to the assimilation agenda. That assimilation agenda, however, was

waged in multiple arenas, not just that of the reservations. Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, Native children were increasingly placed by government agents and missionaries into fed eral Indian and mission boarding schools. Keeping in line with the assimilationist philosophy that defined for the OIA the ideas of what constituted

uncivilized "Indian" music, the OIA boarding school curriculums included instruction only in what it construed as "civilized," European-derived forms of music. In their study of Native American education, K. Tsianina Lomawaima and Teresa

L. McCarty have argued that in fact the boarding school administrators sought in this manner to contain, control, and otherwise manage all aspects

of life for the students through purging any influ

ences they considered dangerous and oppositional to their goals; the schools were "arguably the most

minutely surveilled and controlled federal institu tions created to transform the lives of any group

of Americans. The schools [were designed to] neu tralize the Native languages, religions, economies, polities, family structures, emotions, and lives that seemed to threaten American uniformity and

national identity."3 Every expression of music was therefore highly politically charged because the civilization agenda of the OIA depended entirely

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9 .^WtjJHIB^^MI^P^ff^^'' ^^^^^B left A music c'ass at tne

lKmffBg^^m^fBB^m^^ ^^^^^^^^^H many schools

^^B^^^^^^^^^^^9^MPP0fl|jjHj^ to threaten ^^&^^^^^^^^Hj^^MflH|^^^^/; '' y^/^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H American uniformity and

ffmKB^U / / I ! '* '"^VHHP identity."

upon the close monitoring of every musical utter ance emanating from both the reservations and the

boarding schools. Boarding school teachers, matrons, and super

intendents all got in on the act, training Native boys and girls in the arts of "civilization"?com prised, of course, of Euro-American composi tions, instrumentation, and musical theories. Brass

marching bands served to regiment and discipline the boys, considered unruly and unrefined in their Indianness. Various bugle calls ordered the daily existence of the boys and girls, blaring musical commands to rise, march, eat, learn, work, study, pray, and sleep every day?some twenty-nine bugle calls filled the grounds of Carlisle Indian School from 6:00 a.m. to 9:00 p.m.4 Girls practiced piano in order to rehearse the parlor duties of a future of domesticity. Boys and girls together sang hymns, and some learned to perform the scores of Bach, Mozart, and other European composers that were considered the pinnacle sonic achievements of white civilization. To the eyes and ears of OIA

officials, music was indeed politicized in this era of American Indian history.

Musical education in the schools was often

quite elaborate, despite the fact that most of the school administrators remained alarmingly unable or unwilling financially to provide for the basic medical and nutritional needs of the students.5

Many of the schools in the early twentieth century maintained thirty-member mandolin orchestras, glee clubs, harmonica orchestras, string quartets, choral ensembles, jazz bands, and of course large brass bands to perform martial music. Ostensi

bly these musical organizations were a terrific PR tool, demonstrating to the non-Indian public through city park and parade performances how the government was succeeding in "civilizing"

Many of the schools in the early twentieth century

maintained thirty-member mandolin orchestras, glee clubs,

harmonica orchestras, string quartets, choral ensembles, jazz

bands, and of course large brass bands to perform martial

music. Ostensibly these musical organizations were a terrific

PR tool, demonstrating to the non-Indian public through city

park and parade performances how the government was

succeeding in "civilizing" the Indians.

the Indians. They were also designed to inculcate decidedly middle-class, white American cultural values among the students.

In this way, thousands of American Indians

in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

gained a familiarity, if not fluency, in Euro-Ameri can derived instruments that included pianos and stringed parlor instruments as well as the saxo phones and cornets. From the schools, hundreds of Native singers and musicians toured the country in all sorts of ensembles, from the Indian String Quartet to the Blackfeet Tribal Band to the Nez Perce Harmony Chiefs. Following their departure from the schools, in the first few decades of the

twentieth century many like Blackfeet horn player Joe Morris formed all-Indian jazz bands while

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John W. Troutman is

Assistant Professor in the

History and Geography

Department at the University

of Louisiana at Lafayette, where he teaches courses

on American Indian history

and American popular

culture. His first book, Indian

Blues: American Indians

and the Politics of Music,

1879-1934, is forthcoming

in May from the University

of Oklahoma Press.

Editorial note: Adapted from Indian Blues: American

Indians and the Politics

of Music, 1879-1934, by

permission of the author and

the University of Oklahoma

Press. Copyright ? 2009 by

the University of Oklahoma

Press (oupress.com). All

rights reserved.

others like celebrated Creek-Cherokee singer Tsianina Redfeather Blackstone performed semi classical compositions at the Metropolitan Opera and the Hollywood Bowl. Of course, though they were introduced to new musical forms and ideas,

few actually bought into the premise of "civiliza tion" (versus their own supposed "savagery") that the government hoped they would invest in. Rather, they developed their own meanings for the new music they performed, quite often derived their own pleasures from it, and in doing so many developed new ways to demonstrate through this music the pride in their tribal and Native identities

that the government had sought to eradicate. Some of these musicians used their new

forms of musical training and resultant audience access to publicly criticize the federal government,

predating the musician activists of the 1960s and 1970s by decades, and their efforts did not go unheard; savvy to the new, cutting-edge tech nological opportunities that the early twentieth century provided them, they could broadcast their

music and messages to potential audiences of mil lions through the advent of radio technology. One such artist was the Yakama-Cherokee tenor singer Kiutus Tecumseh.6 Tecumseh regularly toured the country in the 1920s and 1930s, gaining incredible

exposure along the way. In 1929, for example, he embarked upon a massive U.S. tour, singing at radio stations in thirty-three major cities from New Orleans (wsmb) to Boston (wnac) to Salt Lake (ksl). He was broadcast live on the radio on all but

13 days of the 128-day tour.7 Tecumseh sang semi classical and popular songs of the day, and he knew that he was considered by booking agents as novelty entertainment for non-Indian audi ences, as an "Indian singer." Yet, unexpectedly for his audiences, he would often chastise the federal

government, for example, in its pessimism toward

Native intellectual ability, which largely prohib ited opportunities for Native people to seek higher education. Concerned about the welfare of Native

students, he also routed his American tours so that

he could visit them in as many boarding schools along the way as possible. Newspapers such as the Washington Post covered his criticism of the OIA's penchant for giving jobs to whites over qualified Native applicants, and he took Yakama land claims cases to the commissioner of Indian

Affairs.8 These musical performers expressed the

modern concerns of Native peoples in unprec edented ways; such public access had never been available to Native people before, and many such as Tecumseh took full advantage of it.

Popular music arenas provided Native musi cians like Tecumseh new opportunities not only to join in public conversations on Indian policy but also to develop new ways of expressing their tribal and indigenous identities in the modern world. The legacy of those early boarding school students and their rejection of government detribalization objectives is witnessed in the decades since, as Native peoples have proliferated tribally derived dances and songs as much they have innovated the genres of American popular music. Indeed, Blackfire's cultural and musical inheritance, as

well as its contribution in those veins, runs as deep as the knowledge and experiences of the Dine peo ple and as wide as the thousands upon thousands of American Indians who first began experiment ing with new musical genres long, long ago.

University of Louisiana at Lafayette

1 Clyde Ellis, Luke Eric Lassiter, and Gary H. Dunham, eds.,

Powwow (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), ix.

2 For a detailed examination of this resistance, and of the poli

tics of American Indians in popular music from the period,

see John W. Troutman, Indian Blues: American Indians and the

Politics of Music, 1890-1934 (University of Oklahoma Press,

2009).

3 K. Tsianina Lomawaima & Teresa L. McCarty, "To Remain an

Indian": Lessons in Democracy from a Century of Native American

Education (Teachers College Press, 2006), 2-3.

4 Annual School Calendar, U.S. Indian School, Carlisle, Pennsyl

vania, "15-16" (Carlisle Indian Press, September 1915).

5 These shortcomings were detailed in an independent govern

ment report published in 1928 that reported vastly insufficient

medical care and nutritional foods available to boarding

school students. Subsequently many of the schools were

closed as the OIA placed a new emphasis on day schools.

Institute for Government Research, "The Problem of Indian

Administration," in Studies in Administration (Johns Hop

kins Press, 1928).

6 Tecumseh was originally named Herman W. Roberts, but he

changed his name and I have followed his preference here.

7 "1929 Radio Broadcasting Itinerary, Chief Tecumseh," author's

collection.

8 "Chief Holds Whites Responsible for Race," Washington Post,

November 24,1930.

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