Wellness

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Towards a positive cross-cultural lexicography: Enriching our emotional landscape through 216 ‘untranslatable’ words pertaining to well-being

Tim Lomas

To cite this article: Tim Lomas (2016) Towards a positive cross-cultural lexicography: Enriching our emotional landscape through 216 ‘untranslatable’ words pertaining to well-being, The Journal of Positive Psychology, 11:5, 546-558, DOI: 10.1080/17439760.2015.1127993

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2015.1127993

Published online: 18 Jan 2016.

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Towards a positive cross-cultural lexicography: Enriching our emotional landscape through 216 ‘untranslatable’ words pertaining to well-being

Tim Lomas

School of Psychology, University of East London, London, UK

(Received 24 August 2015; accepted 25 November 2015)

Although much attention has been paid to culture-specific psychopathologies, there have been no comparable attempts to chart positive mental states that may be particular to certain cultures. This paper outlines the beginnings of a positive cross-cultural lexicography of ‘untranslatable’ words pertaining to well-being, culled from across the world’s languages. A quasi-systematic search uncovered 216 such terms. Using grounded theory, these words were organised into three cat- egories: feelings (comprising positive and complex feelings); relationships (comprising intimacy and pro-sociality) and character (comprising personal resources and spirituality). The paper has two main aims. First, it aims to provide a win- dow onto cultural differences in constructions of well-being, thereby enriching our understanding of well-being. Second, a more ambitious aim is that this lexicon may help expand the emotional vocabulary of English speakers (and indeed speakers of all languages), and consequently enrich their experiences of well-being. The paper concludes by setting out a research agenda to pursue these aims further.

Keywords: cross-cultural linguistics; lexicography; well-being; happiness

Introduction

Critical theorists have often accused positive psychology (PP) of developing a culturally specific understanding of well-being (Becker & Marecek, 2008). That is, since much of the empirical work in PP has taken place in Western countries, it is suggested that the concepts developed within the field tend to reflect a bias towards ‘Western’ ways of thinking. For instance, Izquierdo (2005) argues that PP has been strongly influenced by a North American tradition of ‘expressive individualism’ (defined by Pope (1991, p. 384) as the ‘unmitigated refer- ence to the value of the individual self’). However, PP has not been unmindful of these critiques, and indeed has developed a greater level of cross-cultural sensitivity than its critics give it credit for. This emergent sensitivity is reflected in studies exploring variation in the way differ- ent cultures relate to well-being, including in how it is defined (Joshanloo, 2014), experienced (Uchida & Ogihara, 2012) and reported (Oishi, 2010).

In the interests of adding to this burgeoning cross- cultural sensitivity, this paper follows one particular line of enquiry that has not yet been explored in depth: the sig- nificance of so-called ‘untranslatable’ words. Such words exert great fascination, not only in specialised fields like linguistics or anthropology (Wierzbicka, 1999), but also in popular culture. Part of the fascination seems to derive from the notion that such words offer ‘windows’ into other cultures, and thus potentially into new ways of being in

the world. As Wierzbicka (1997, p. 5) puts it, ‘words with special, culture-specific meanings reflect and pass on not only ways of living characteristic of a given society, but also ways of thinking’. Thus, ‘untranslatable’ words are not only of interest to translators; after all, many such pro- fessionals argue that it can be difficult to find exact transla- tions for most words, and that nearly all terms lose some specificity or nuance when rendered in another tongue (Hatim & Munday, 2004). Rather, ‘untranslatability’ reflects the notion that such words identify phenomena that have only been recognised by specific cultures. Per- haps the most famous example is Schadenfreude, a Ger- man term describing pleasure at the misfortunes of others. Such words are not literally untranslatable, of course, since their meaning can be conveyed in a sentence. Rather, they are deemed ‘untranslatable’ to the extent that other lan- guages lack a single word/phrase for the phenomenon.

The significance of such words is much debated. A dominant theoretical notion here is ‘linguistic relativity’ (Hussein, 2012). First formulated by the German philoso- phers Herder (1744–1803) and Humboldt (1767–1835), it came to prominence with the linguist Sapir (1929) and his student Whorf (1940). Their so-called ‘Sapir-Whorf hypothesis’ holds that language plays a constitutive role in the way that people experience, understand and even perceive the world. As Whorf (1956, pp. 213–214) put it, ‘We dissect nature along lines laid out by our native languages … The world is presented as a kaleidoscopic

Email: [email protected] Note: To view and/or contribute to the evolving lexicography, please visit www.drtimlomas.com/lexicography

© 2016 Taylor & Francis

The Journal of Positive Psychology, 2016 Vol. 11, No. 5, 546–558, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2015.1127993

flux of impressions which has to be organized … largely by the linguistic systems in our minds’. This hypothesis comes in various strengths. Its stronger form is linguistic determinism, where language inextricably constitutes and constrains thought. For instance, Whorf argued that the Hopi people had a different experience of time due to par- ticularities in their grammar, such that they lacked a linear sense of past, present and future. This strong determinism has been criticised, e.g. by Pinker (1995), who argued that the Hopi experience of time was not particularly different to that of Western cultures. However, the milder form of the hypothesis, linguistic relativism, simply holds that lan- guage shapes thought and experience. This milder hypoth- esis is generally accepted by most anthropologists and other such scholars (Perlovsky, 2009).

A similar debate pertains specifically to ‘untranslat- able’ words. A strong deterministic view argues that unless a person is enmeshed within the culture that pro- duced a given word, he or she would be unable to understand or experience the phenomenon that the word refers to. Such a view is associated with the philosopher Charles Taylor (1985), who argued that there is no way out of the ‘hermeneutic circle’, in which concepts can only be understood with reference to other concepts within that language. As Taylor put it,

We can often experience what it is like to be on the out- side [of the circle] when we encounter the feeling, action, and experiential meaning language of another civilization. Here there is no translation, no way of explaining in other, more accessible concepts. (pp. 23– 24)

However, articulating a milder relativistic view, Wierzbicka (1999) suggests we can indeed escape the hermeneutic circle and get a feel for what ‘untranslat- able’ words refer to. Wierzbicka does acknowledge that people not emic to a particular culture may not appreci- ate the full nuanced richness of a term compared to peo- ple who are ‘inside’ the culture. As she puts it, ‘verbal explanations of such concepts cannot replace experiential familiarity with them and with their functioning in the local “stream of life,”’ (p. 8), to use Wittgenstein’s (1990) telling phrase. However, Wierzbicka argues that ‘it is not true that no verbal explanations illuminating to outsiders are possible at all’, since most culture-specific concepts are complex constructs that can be de-com- posed into simpler elements that are universally under- stood (p. 8).

If Wierzbicka’s perspective is correct, then encoun- tering ‘untranslatable’ words has the potential to enrich one’s conceptual vocabulary. (Of course, if incorrect, such an exercise would still have the valuable outcome of increasing one’s understanding of other cultures.) If applied to well-being specifically, as in this paper, such an exercise may enrich our emotional landscape, as

suggested by Perlovsky’s (2009) ‘emotional Sapir-Whorf hypothesis’. The existence of ‘untranslatable’ words per- taining to well-being implies that there are positive emotional states which have hitherto only been explic- itly recognised by particular cultures. However, this does not mean that people in other cultures may not have had a comparable experience. Yet, lacking a speci- fic term for it, such people have arguably not had the opportunity to specifically identify that particular state, which instead thus becomes just another un-conceptu- alised ripple in the on-going flux of subjective experi- ence. As Ferguson (2003, p. 10) says, it is possible that ‘entire feelings, entire concepts went unexpressed, sim- ply because no word had ever been coined to capture them’. However, the value of exploring ‘untranslatable’ words is that, if people are introduced to a foreign term, this may then be used to give voice to these hith- erto unlabelled states. We see this when foreign words are imported into other languages, like Schadenfreude. In such cases, although one’s language lacks an equivalent term, the phenomenon it refers to has been experienced, or does at least make sense. Consequently, given the lack of a native term, the foreign word is simply imported and used. Indeed, as De Boinod (2007, p. 5) puts it, ‘The English language has a long- established and voracious tendency to naturalise the best foreign words’.

So, with the aim of enriching the emotional vocabu- lary of the English language, this paper offers a quasi-sys- tematic review of ‘untranslatable’ words pertaining to well-being. It is quasi-systematic since there was insuffi- cient source material in academic journals, meaning that a true systematic review, utilising conventional academic databases, was not possible. It is notable that, while much attention has been paid to culture-specific psychopatholo- gies by fields like psychiatry and medical anthropology (Thakker & Ward, 1998), there have been no comparable attempts to chart positive mental states, hence the value of the current paper.

Methods

The quasi-systematic review undertaken in this paper proceeded in a number of stages. The first stage involved searching for relevant ‘untranslatable’ words. This stage featured three main search strategies. First, I examined 20 websites and blogs devoted to ‘untranslatable words’. These were located by entering the phrase ‘untranslatable words’ into google, and picking the first 20 such web- sites and/or blogs. Examining these websites/blogs, I selected any word pertaining roughly to well-being, using well-being in an expansive sense to incorporate positive emotions, valued qualities, beneficial relation- ships, physical health and psychospiritual development. This search strategy generated 131 words. Second, I

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searched google one language at a time. This involved entering ‘_____ concept of’ and ‘well-being’ into the search engine, with a different language in the under- lined space each time. I would proceed through the first ten pages for each search, looking for references to emo- tions or qualities relating to well-being that were pre- sented as being unique to a particular culture. This strategy generated a further 77 words. Third, I canvassed staff and students at my institution, as well as friends and acquaintances, which yielded another 8 words. As a result, 216 relevant terms were located. These words and their descriptions were checked for accuracy by consult- ing online dictionaries, as well as peer-reviewed aca- demic sources (if such were available for a given word). Thus, I based my analysis on the definitions provided by dictionaries and academic sources (rather than the origi- nal websites/blogs where I first located some terms). Since this study was undertaken by me alone, it must be acknowledged that there may be some subjective bias in my analysis. However, this paper is just the first step towards the development of a positive cross-cultural lexi- cography. As such, it is hoped that any inaccuracies or bias may be corrected in future by the involvement of other scholars in this project.

Having compiled a list of words, I analysed these using a qualitative methodology known as grounded the- ory (GT) (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). In GT, the aim is to allow theory to ‘emerge’ inductively from the data. GT involves three main stages: open coding, axial coding and selective coding. First, open coding involves exam- ining the data – which in this study was the list of 216 words – for emergent themes. Thus, I looked for words which appeared to share a common theme, and then I grouped these words together under that theme. For instance, I found five words which pertained to friend- ship (philotimo [φιλότιμο], cariño, confianza, nakama [仲間] and ah-un [阿吽]). I therefore grouped these words together under the label ‘friendship’. The next stage was axial coding, in which the themes themselves are clustered together into meta-themes. For example, I took the themes of ‘friendship’, ‘affection’, ‘desire’ and ‘love’, and grouped these into a meta-theme of ‘inti- macy’. Still within the stage of axial coding, meta- themes are in turn grouped into overarching categories. For instance, ‘intimacy’ and ‘pro-sociality’ together cre- ated a category of ‘relationships’. The resulting three main categories were: feelings, relationships and charac- ter. The final GT stage is selective coding, in which a single ‘core’ category is identified, which in this case was well-being. Attempts are then made to elucidate how the main categories relate to this core category, thus telling a ‘narrative’ which makes sense of the data. The three main categories are analysed in turn in the sections below.

Feelings

The first category is feelings, an umbrella term encom- passing affect, emotions, moods and sensations. Words here can be differentiated into two categories: positively qualified feelings, and more complex ambivalent feel- ings. These are considered in turn.

Positive feelings

This section includes a spectrum of words pertaining to positive affect. Perhaps the dominant state in this regard is happiness, for which most languages have a translative equivalent. Interestingly, many of these derive etymologi- cally from terms pertaining to luck (McMahon, 2004), including heureux (French), onni (Finnish), Gluck (German) and felicità (Italian). Indeed, the English term derives from the old Norse happ, which alludes to fate, as in ‘happenstance’. McMahon suggests this close inter- twining between happiness and luck derives from earlier generations experiencing a relative lack of control over their lives, with a resulting sense that happy people are those ‘blessed’ with good fortune.

However, happiness is a complex, polyvalent term, encompassing a multitude of positive feelings. Most languages not only possess terms that are translated as happiness, but moreover have numerous such terms, each of which captures different nuances. Urdu for example has at least 16 words that might be translated as happi- ness, including terms that articulate: enjoyment or merri- ment, such as kayf ( فیک ) and xurramii ( یمرخ ); pleasure, like suwaad ( داوُس ) and shaadmaanii ( یناْمداش ); gladness and good cheer, like dilshaadgii ( یگداشلد ); prosperity and fecility, like sazaadat ( تداعس ) and xushii ( یشوُخ ); more ‘elevated’ forms like joy and delight, such as masarrat ( تٰرََسم ) and farhat ( َتحَْرف ); and even stronger forms such as bliss, e.g. anand ( دَْننآ ) and sarshaarii ( یراشرس ). Thus, happiness functions as an overarching label, enfolding a spectrum of positive feelings. As such, this section aims to get ‘under the hood’ of happiness, looking for words that tease apart its components and nuances.

To begin with, there are words capturing specific flavours of pleasure and enjoyment. Some pertain to sati- ating appetites: Spanish uses gula for the desire to eat simply for the taste, while shemomedjamo (Georgian) describes eating past the point of satiety due to sheer gustatory enjoyment. Many cultures acknowledge the importance of sharing such pleasures with friends; e.g. Spanish has sobremesa for when the food has finished but the conversation is still flowing. Relationships are one of our three main categories, and are considered at length below. Nevertheless, here we can situate words given to socialising around food and drink – each with their own cultural nuances – including fika (Swedish), borrel (Dutch), sahar ( رهس ; Arabic) and parea (Παρέα;

548 T. Lomas

Greek). Further forms of merrymaking include: mbuki- mvuki (Bantu), to ‘shuck off one’s clothes in order to dance’ (Rheingold, 2000, p. 28); utepils (Norwegian), i.e. drinking beer outside on a hot day; and Schnapsidee (German), an ingenious plan one hatches while drunk. This whole area of revelry is encapsulated by the Bali- nese ramé, namely something at once chaotic and joyful. We might also mention: desbundar, Portuguese for shed- ding one’s inhibitions in having fun; the neglected Eng- lish verb deliciate, which refers to luxuriating in pleasure; Thai sabsung, which signifies being revitalised through something that livens up one’s life; German Feierabend, which articulates the festive mood that can arrive at the end of a working day; and the multipurpose Dutch adjective lekker, which can mean anything from relaxed and comfortable to pleasurable and sexy.

A slightly more complex class of words also pertains to pleasure, yet encompasses feelings of safety. Perhaps on account of their cold climes, Northern European cul- tures have terms for ‘cosiness’ that are highly valued, going beyond mere physical comfort to express emo- tional and even existential warmth and intimacy (van Nes, Abma, Jonsson, & Deeg, 2010). These include koselig (Norwegian), mysa (Swedish), hygge (Danish), gezellig (Dutch), and both Gemütlich and Heimlich in German. (That said, as Freud (1955) pointed out, the lat- ter has ambivalent nuances. In signifying ‘homely’, it can also allude to that which is concealed from outsiders, and in requiring secrecy in this way, becomes ‘uncanny’ and frightening.) Related to these are terms articulating contentment, including: tilfreds (Danish), meaning satis- fied and ‘at peace’; Geborgenheit (German), expressing the feeling of being protected and safe from harm; Swedish trygghet, embodying ‘security, safety, confi- dence, certainty and trust’ (Andersson-Segesten, 1991, p. 43); and the Welsh cwtch, literally meaning to hug, but also a safe, welcoming place.

In contrast, cultures in more temperate climates have fashioned words for more expansive and outgoing expe- riences of savouring. Such savouring includes leisurely strolling the streets, captured by the French verb flâner and the Greek volta (βόλτα). These not only refer to tak- ing in the sights and conversing with passers-by, but in their lack of destination, also a sense of freedom and possibility. Emphasising fresh air and health, the Dutch uitwaaien means to walk in the wind for fun. Also with an appreciation of nature, Japanese shinrin-yoku (森林 浴) is the relaxation gained from ‘bathing’ in the forest (figuratively and/or literally), while Swedish gökotta means waking up early with the purpose of going out- side to hear the first birds sing.

Then we find words expressing stronger states of happiness. Some pertain to joy, like: simcha (Hebrew); me yia (με γεια; Greek), which is a blessing of good health for others; and suaimhneas croi (Gaelic), depicting

a state of happiness encountered specifically after a task has been finished. Others surpass even joy, including: njuta (Swedish), a profound experience of appreciation, verging on bliss; tarab ( سوماق ; Arabic), a ‘musically- induced state of ecstasy [or] enchantment’ (Racy, 2004, p. 6); Herrliches Gefühle (German), made famous by Goethe, described as ‘glorious feelings’ (Wierzbicka, 1999, p. 18); and eudaimonia (ευδαιμονία; Greek). The latter is used in PP to depict a sense of fulfilment and flourishing (Ryan, Huta, & Deci, 2008), but in its original context refers to being infused with the grace of the divine.

Finally, there are terms depicting states of happiness which, while intense, are yet stable and lasting, less dependent on specific situations, such as the Chinese xìngfú (幸福) and Sanskrit sukha (सुख). In Buddhism, sukha is used to mean ‘genuine’ happiness, in contrast to the more fleeting hedonic forms captured by anand (आनन्द) or khushii (खुशी). However, sukha does not generally refer to positive feelings that one ‘happens’ to experience, but is a state of flourishing rooted in ethical and spiritual maturation (Wallace, 2007). Indeed, tradi- tions such as Buddhism are replete with even more posi- tively qualified mental states, like nirvāna (निर्वाण; Sanskrit), an ‘ultimate’ form of happiness, involving complete and lasting freedom from suffering (Kang & Whittingham, 2010). We shall touch further on the idea of pursuing ‘deeper’ forms of happiness through spiritual practices in the third section below.

Complex feelings

Not all feelings pertaining to well-being are strictly posi- tive per se. Here, we consider a class of states that are more complex and ambivalent, but are nevertheless highly culturally valued. Some appear ostensibly nega- tive, but there is a sense that these are somehow integral to life, as if one would not be living fully without being able to experience these. Indeed, all capture the notion that flourishing is dialectical, a complex blend of light and dark elements (Lomas & Ivtzan, 2015), as reflected in the Chinese symbol yin-yang (陰陽). Separately, yin means cloudy/overcast, and yang ‘in the sun’ (i.e. shone upon), and together these imply the two sides of a moun- tain (one sunlit, one in shadow). This image is thus used to articulate the idea of ‘holistic duality’, i.e. that reality comprises co-dependent opposites (Fang, 2012). In their various ways, then, the feelings here are a dialectical blend of positive and negative states of mind, together producing a rich and complex sensibility.

Some of these feelings concern hope and anticipa- tion. As Lazarus (2003) pointed out, these heightened emotions are ‘co-valenced’, a tantalising blend of savour- ing the future combined with fear that it will not come to pass. There is magari (Italian), roughly meaning

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‘maybe’, but which also encompasses ‘in my dreams’ and ‘if only’, articulating both a hopeful wish and wist- ful regret. Similarly, Indonesian belum means ‘not yet’, but with an optimistic tint that an event might yet hap- pen. In Inuit, iktsuarpok refers to the anticipation one feels when waiting for someone, whereby one keeps going outside to check if they have arrived. In German, Vorfreude is the intense, joyful anticipation derived from imagining future pleasures, although this does depend on a strong likelihood of attainment. Rather more melan- cholic is the Korean han (한), a culturally important term expressing sorrow and regret, yet also a quiet sense of waiting patiently in the hope that the adversity caus- ing the sadness will eventually be righted.

Related to han are words pertaining to longing and yearning that are often at the heart of their respective cultures. In Portuguese, saudade is a melancholic long- ing/nostalgia for a person, place or thing that is far away – either spatially or in time – a vague, dreaming wistful- ness for phenomena that may not even exist (Silva, 2012). Similarly, toska (tocкa; Russian) and hiraeth (Welsh) articulate a complex mix of nostalgia, wistful- ness and longing for one’s homeland (Wierzbicka, 1999). In Japanese, natsukashii (懐かしい) is a nostalgic longing for the past, with happiness for the fond memory, yet sadness that it is no longer. The German Sehnsucht trans- lates as ‘life longings’, i.e. an ‘intense desire for alterna- tive states and realisations of life’, even (or especially) if these are unlikely to be attained (Scheibe, Freund, & Baltes, 2007, p. 778).

Related to terms of longing are those expressing a desire for freedom. These include Fernweh in German, described as the ‘call of faraway places’, or a homesick- ness for a place one has never been to (Gabriel, 2004, p. 155), and the well-known Wanderlust. Similarly, in Spanish, vacilando depicts the idea of wandering, where the act of travelling is valued more than the destination. In Russian, prostor (простор) captures a desire for spa- ciousness, roaming free in limitless expanses, not only physically, but creatively and spiritually (Pesmen, 2000, p. 67). Finally, German Waldeinsamkeit articulates the feeling of solitude when alone in the woods, a mysteri- ous state described by Schwartz (2007, p. 201) as the ‘pseudo-magical pull of the untamed wilderness; a place of living nightmares caught between the dreamscape and Fairyland’.

Finally, there are words capturing the complex aes- thetic feelings evoked through contemplation of the world. Both Swedish and Turkish have terms for the glim- mering that moonlight makes on water, mangata and gumusservi, respectively, and there are words for the sound of wind rustling through trees (psithúrism; ψιθύρισμ; Greek), falling leaves (listopad; лиcтoпaд; Russian) and sunlight filtering through leaves (koromebi; 木漏れ日; Japanese). Then there are words that articulate

the act of appreciation itself. Japanese is particularly rich in these. Aware (哀れ) is the bittersweetness of a brief, fading moment of transcendent beauty, while mono no aware (物の哀れ) is the pathos of understanding that the world and its beauty are transient in this way. Similarly, ukiyo (浮世絵), literally ‘floating world’, expresses a sense of living in these moments of fleeting beauty, detached from the pains of life. Wabi (侘) refers to imper- fect beauty, and sabi (寂) to aged beauty, and as a com- pound (wabi-sabi) articulate a potent sense of ‘dark, desolate sublimity’ (Prusinski, 2013, p. 25). Finally, yūgen (幽玄) is described as the most ‘ineffable’ of aesthetic concepts (Suzuki, 1959/1973, pp. 220–221); both yū and gen mean ‘cloudy impenetrability’, and together express ‘unknowability’ and ‘mystery’, a feeling of being moved to one’s core by the impenetrable depths of existence.

Relationships

While feelings inevitably constitute a large portion of the words pertaining to well-being, there are a wealth of terms that serve to emphasise that well-being is not only about feelings. As this section elucidates, many of these words pertain to relationships, suggesting that perhaps chief among our sources of positive feelings are the bonds we form. These fall into two categories: intimacies with select people, and pro-sociality more broadly.

Intimacy

Here, intimacy covers close relationships of varying strengths, from friendship to the most intense feelings of love. With friendship, I highlighted above the pleasures of socialising with friends. Added to these words are terms that speak to the value of close friendship. In Greek, philotimo (φιλότιμο), translated as ‘friend-hon- our’, is a culture-defining characteristic of respecting and honouring one’s friends. For even more intense friend- ships, there are words for friends who one effectively considers family and has developed deep platonic love for, including nakama (仲間) in Japanese, and both car- iño and confianza in Spanish, while the Japanese ah-un (阿吽) describes the unspoken communication one has with such friends.

Beyond friendship, there is a rich lexicon of words depicting forms of love, from the familial to the passion- ate. In the Aboriginal Pintupi language, kanyininpa refers to ‘an intimate and active relationship between a “holder” and that which is “held,”’ capturing the deep feeling of nurturance and protection a parent feels for a child (Myers, 1991, p. 146). Some words are rather play- ful. For instance, in the Philippine Tagalog language, gigil refers to the irresistible urge to pinch or squeeze someone because they are loved or cherished. Then there are words articulating desire, including the Tagalog kilig

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(the feeling of butterflies in the stomach arising from interacting with someone one loves or finds attractive), and mamihlapinatapei from the Chilean Yagán language (a look between people that expresses unspoken but mutual desire). Other words capturing romantic affection include: cafune in Portuguese, i.e. tenderly running one’s fingers through a loved one’s hair; queesting (Dutch), meaning to allow a lover access to one’s bed for chitchat; and retrouvailles (French), expressing the joy people feel after meeting loved ones again after a long time apart.

These are augmented by words for deeper or more intense forms of love. Some refer specifically to falling in love, such as forelsket in Norwegian; drawing on notions of fate, Japanese koi no yukan (恋の予感) refers to the feeling on meeting someone that falling in love will be inevitable, while Chinese yuán fèn (緣分) describes a ‘binding force’ that impels a relationship ordained by destiny. Some words capture the bittersweet feeling of love fading. These include onsra in the Boro language of India, which means ‘To love for the last time’, used by those who know their love won’t last (Abley, 2005, p. 124), and razljubít (разлюбить) in Rus- sian, articulating the feeling a person has for someone they once loved. Then there are words for lifelong feel- ings of love, like the Korean sarang (사랑), which expresses the wish to be with someone until death. Simi- larly, in Arabic, ya’burnee ( ينربقي ) means ‘you bury me’, indicating that one would rather die (first) than be with- out one’s loved one. Similarly, ishq ( قشع ) is a ‘true’ love that is all-consuming, as reflected in the saying that ‘ishq is a fire that burns down everything but the object of desire’ (Faruqi, 1999, p. 8). Finally, in Urdu, naz ( زان ) is the assurance and pride one can feel in knowing that the other’s love is unconditional and unshakable.

Pro-sociality

Beyond words that express intimacies with select others, the world’s languages are rich in terms articulating the value of pro-sociality for people ‘in general’. With these, well-being is recognised as not simply an individual con- cern, a self-contained state attained without regard for others. Rather, well-being is seen also as a social phe- nomenon, arising out of harmonious connections with others and the world around. This conceptualisation of well-being is sometimes seen as lacking in more ‘indi- vidualistic’ cultures, e.g. North America. As such, given the bias in PP towards such cultures, as alluded to in the introduction, the field has tended to somewhat overlook these social dimensions of flourishing (Lomas, 2015).

For a start, there is a rich lexicon of prosocial feel- ings around kindness. In Nguni Bantu, ubuntu refers to the culturally valued notion of being kind to others on account of one’s common humanity. As Archbishop

Desmond Tutu put it, ‘It speaks of the fact that my humanity is caught up and inextricably bound up in yours. I am human because I belong. It speaks about wholeness; it speaks about compassion’ (cited in Bowen, 2014, p. 83). Kindness is similarly valorised in words such as pittiarniq (Inuit), maitrī (मैत्री; Sanskrit) and gemilut hasadim (Yiddish), all of which refer specifically to the potent compound ‘loving-kindness’ (Blumberg, 2006, p. 724). Closely related to these words is the San- skrit ahimsa (अहिंसा); although being negatively formu- lated (himsā means harm, with ‘a’ being a negative prefix), it retains positive overtones of love which are not preserved if translated into English simply as non- harm (Ostergaard, 1977).

Related to kindness is a swathe of words articulating the value of empathy and compassion, such as karuna (करुणा) in Sanskrit, and koev halev in Hebrew. These both refer to identifying with the suffering of others so closely that one’s own heart aches in sympathy. Similarly, there are terms for ‘vicarious embarrassment’, in which one shares in sympathy the shame of others, including myötähäpeä (Finnish), Fremdschämen (German) and pena ajena (Spanish). In Thai, kreng-jai translates as ‘deferential heart’, and articulates the wish to not trouble someone by burdening them with a request that might cause them hassle. More positively, there are words revelling in the joys of others, including muditā (मुदिता; Sanskrit), which translates as sympa- thetic joy, and k’velen (Hebrew) and fargin (Yiddish), which mean to glow with pride and happiness at the successes of others (often family members). Finally, gunnen (Dutch) means to allow someone to have a pos- itive experience, especially if that means one won’t have it oneself.

In addition to expressions of kindness and empathy are words pertaining to morality more generally, valoris- ing the development of ethical sensibilities. For instance, in Pashto, imandari ( ةماقتسإلا ) expresses a culturally val- ued ideal of ‘righteousness’, of cultivating good words and deeds. Likewise, tarbiya ( ميلعت ) refers to ongoing moral/ethical and spiritual education and development. Indeed, many cultures view ethical and spiritual growth as intertwined, so this section intersects with that of spiri- tuality below. For instance, in Buddhism, a key concept is karma (कर्म; Sanskrit), a theory of causality with respect to ethical behaviour, wherein ethical actions lead to future positive states, and unethical actions have adverse consequences (Jones, 2012). Indeed, karma is an excellent example of a foreign term being adopted whole- sale in English. Related to karma are other Sanskrit words concerning the importance of ethical development, including as a vehicle for spiritual growth. For instance, apramāda (अप्माद) articulates a sense of ‘moral watch- fulness’ (Rao, 2007, p. 69), i.e. being aware of the ethical implications of one’s actions.

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Ideals of ethics also find their expression in words which capture more specifically what ethical behaviour consists of. For instance, numerous cultures have forged words to extol the virtues of hospitality. In Pashto, mel- mastia ( ایتسملېم ) encapsulates the sense of moral obliga- tion and honour in offering sanctuary and respect to all visitors, without expectation of recompense, and is seen as a defining attribute of the culture (Ambreen & Mohyuddin, 2013). Similar themes are expressed by xenia (ξενία; Greek), and the Yiddish terms hachnasat orchim (‘welcoming the stranger’) and tzedaka (‘required righteous giving’) (Blumberg, 2006, p. 724). Then there are related words pertaining to social decorum in interac- tion, such as the complex Farsi term ta’ârof ( فراعت ); although often translated as politeness, this incorporates much nuance, such as in relation to receiving and offer- ing hospitality and gifts. Finally, there are concepts that express the building up of good social ‘karma’, i.e. when one does good deeds and might reasonably expect favours in return, such as betmoun ( نومتب ) in Arabic and guān xì (關係) in Chinese.

Words pertaining to relationships include terms for positive or skilful communication. There are terms which express appreciation and recognition for others and their efforts, like xīn kǔ (辛苦) in Chinese. Somewhat simi- larly, in Hebrew, hirgun is the act of saying nice things to another simply to make them feel good. Then there are terms pertaining to getting along, such as: the Cata- lan enraonar, namely to discuss in a civilised, reasoned manner; the French reflexive verb s’entendre, literally meaning to hear each other, but which refers to under- standing between people; and the Fijian Hindi talanoa, which describes the way apparently purposeless idle talk functions as a ‘social adhesive’ (Rheingold, 2000, p. 66). There are terms capturing the emotive power of story- telling, like the Italian commuovere, which translates as ‘heartwarming’ but refers to being moved to affectionate tears. There are also words for non-verbal communica- tion skills, like Korean nunchi (눈치), which literally means ‘eye-measure’, and captures the ability to ‘read’ emotions and situations and to respond skilfully. Finally, the Australian aboriginal term dadirri describes a deep, spiritual act of reflective and respectful listening.

Words pertaining to pro-sociality culminate in terms articulating a valued sense of social communality. The Arabic asabiyyah ( ةـيـبـصـع ) describes a sense of ‘community spirit’, as does tuko pamoja (Swahili), translated as ‘we are together’, and piliriqatigiinniq (Inuit). All these terms denote a shared sense of purpose and working together for the common good. More specifically, Scandinavian languages have words for collectively pursuing a given task, e.g. talkoot (Finnish), dugnad (Norwegian) and talko (Swedish), as does Indonesian with rojong. Com- munality is also reflected in the Dutch word janteloven, i.e. a set of rules which discourages individualism in

communities. Lastly, there are words describing harmony and congruence in life, a sense of ‘resonance between cosmic harmony, intellectual and aesthetic correctness, and cooperative family relationships’ (Rheingold, 2000, p. 37). These include: friluftsliv (Norwegian), articulating a sense of living in tune with nature; simpatía (Spanish), describing accord within relationships and society gener- ally; and tjotjog (Javanese), which literally means ‘to fit, as a key does in a lock’ (Geertz, 1973, p. 129).

Character

This final category reflects the notion, shared among many cultures, that well-being is not just about positive feelings and nourishing relationships, but also involves the development of what we might call ‘character’. Words here fall into two meta-themes. First, resources, which refers to qualities and skills that help a person live well. Second, spirituality, featuring terms which imply that the deepest forms of well-being are found through psychospiritual development.

Resources

With resources, to begin with are words valorising char- acter attributes of perseverance or grit. In Arabic, sumud ( دومص ), translated as steadfastness, describes a determined struggle to persist, a quality that has been particularly valorised in the context of oppression in the Middle East (Nassar, 2011). Similarly, Finnish exhorts sisu, charac- terised as extraordinary determination in the face of adversity. Somewhat relatedly, there are terms capturing the ability or willingness to persevere through tasks that are hard or even just boring, including að jenna (Ice- landic) and Sitzfleisch (German), which literally means ‘sit meat’. There are also exhortations towards persever- ance, such as the Japanese ganbaru (頑張る), translated as ‘to do one’s best’. Somewhat similarly, there are words extolling the importance of being energised, such as jaksaa (Finnish) and orka (Swedish). Likewise, Greek kefi (κέφι) captures a spirit of joy, passion, enthusiasm, high spirits, even frenzy. On a more mystical level, the Arabic baraka ( ةكرب ) is described as a gift of spiritual energy or ‘sanctifying power’ that can be transferred from one person to another (Safi, 2000, p. 264). Simi- larly, orenda, from the Native American Huron language, describes the power of the human will to change the world in the face of powerful forces such as fate.

Related to perseverance and spirit are words eulogising resourcefulness and skill. Some describe the ability to ‘make do’ or ‘get by’, particularly in difficult circum- stances, such as jugaad (जुगाड; Hindi) or arrangiarsi (Italian). Related to these is the Portuguese desenrascanço, i.e. to artfully disentangle oneself from a troublesome situ- ation. Pertaining to skill more generally (not simply as a

552 T. Lomas

coping resource), German Fingerspitzengefühl (literally ‘fingertip feeling’) describes the ability to think clearly about numerous phenomena and to understand how they relate on multiple levels. Reflecting a different manifesta- tion of skill, the Italian sprezzatura articulates a certain nonchalance, wherein all art and effort are concealed beneath a ‘studied carelessness’. Similarly, saper vivere describes the ability to handle people and situations with charm, diplomacy and verve. Hungarian pihentagyú, literally meaning ‘with a relaxed brain’, describes quick- witted people who can come up with sophisticated jokes or solutions. Likewise, Polish kombinować refers to working out an unusual solution to a complicated problem, and acquiring coveted skills or qualities in the process. Pertaining more to creative skill, Greek meraki (μεράκι) depicts a sense of ardour, specifically in relation to one’s own actions and creations, such that one puts all one’s effort and creativity into these. Finally, Chinese yuán bèi (圓備) articulates a sense of complete and perfect accomplishment.

Of course, grit, spirit and resourcefulness are not the only character strengths valued across cultures. Most lan- guages have specific terms for particularly valorised traits, many of which touch upon notions of decency. For instance, in German, brav is an adjective used to commend children, encompassing qualities including being pleasant, earnest and well-behaved. Similarly, majime (真面目) in Japanese, and kào pǔ (靠譜) in Chinese, depict someone who is reliable, responsible and able to get things done without causing problems for others. Relatedly, Japanese sunao (素直) could be trans- lated as ‘meek’, ‘docile’ or even ‘submissive’; however, whereas these terms generally carry negative connota- tions, sunao is positive, exemplified in the respect given by a student towards a teacher. In Hungarian, szim- patikus identifies a person as a decent human being, while Chinese fēng yùn (風韻) describes personal charm and graceful bearing. Switching tack slightly, Swedish lagom captures a sense of moderation, of doing anything to just the right degree. Finally, in the Tshiluba language of the Democratic Republic of Congo, ilunga – rated by linguists as the world’s most difficult word to translate (Conway, 2004) – refers to a person who is ready to forgive abuse the first time, and tolerate it a second time, but never a third time.

Beyond these personal characteristics are words artic- ulating a sense that a person is living well, that they are flourishing. In Japanese, ikigai (生き甲斐) translates as a ‘reason for being’, capturing the feeling that life is ‘good and meaningful’ and that it is ‘worthwhile to continue living’ (Yamamoto-Mitani & Wallhagen, 2002, p. 399). Similarly, genki (元気) refers to being healthy, energetic and full of life. In French, joie de vivre articulates a zest for life, the ‘knack of knowing how to live’ (Lopate, 1986, p. 11). It is, as Harrow and Unwin (2009, p. 19)

put it, ‘a Weltanschauung [a German term for “philoso- phy of life”], a behavioural mode and form of practice. It is joy generalised, a result of many experiences, a sus- tained and boundless enjoyment of the here and now’. Similarly, a bon vivant describes someone who luxuri- ates in the good life. Then there are terms for living fully, experiencing life deeply and intensely in the ‘here and now’, including Erlebnis (German) and vivencias (Spanish). Added to these are words signifying living a good life, i.e. being a good person, such as namus (Turkish), which reflects a combination of honour, chastity, decency and virtue. Likewise, menschlichkeit (Yiddish)

encompasses being a good human being in its fullest sense … to not only be human and humane, but also filled with reverence for life, compassion for others, concern for the health and well-being of the planet, and justice for all. (Blumberg, 2006, p. 724)

Then finally, there are words expressing the sense that one has lived well, such as míng mù (瞑目) in Chinese, meaning to ‘die without regret’. This sentiment is epito- mised by the Cherokee battle-cry yutta-hey, which trans- lates as ‘it is a good day to die’, embodying the feeling that one is leaving life at its zenith, departing in glory.

Spirituality

Finally, the world’s cultures have developed a rich lexi- con to reflect the notion that to truly flourish, to experi- ence life’s emotional peaks, one must cultivate some kind of spirituality. For a start, many languages have words to express the idea of a soul, some inner essence, removed from the accoutrements of personality and changing behavioural patterns, that reflects the truest, deepest core of a person. These include: Russian duša (дyшa), one’s inner heart and soul; Arabic fitra ( ةرطف ), an innate purity and closeness to God; and Hindi ātman (आत्मन्), i.e. breath or spirit. Moreover, in Hinduism, the atman is regarded as identical with brahman (ब्रह्मन्), the all-powerful and pervasive power that continually creates the universe (Ho, 1995). Somewhat similarly, Buddhism valorises the notion of conscious- ness through Sanskrit terms like smriti (स्मृति), a concept that, in a Buddhist context, emphasises the importance of present-moment awareness, and which is the source of the contemporary English word ’mindfulness’ (Lomas & Jnanavaca, 2015). In contrast to Hinduism, Buddhism generally denies the existence of a distinct individual soul or spirit, using the Sanskrit anātman (अनात्मन्) to reflect this. At the same time though, consciousness, as reflected in terms like smriti, is valorised within Bud- dhism as an important inner vehicle of psychospiritual development (Wallace, 2007).

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As the latter sentence suggests, for some cultures, the soul is not simply a static entity, but something that can be cultivated spiritually through practice. For instance, Hinduism and Buddhism share a concern with the dhárma (धर्म), a multifaceted, polyvalent term that refers both to what one should do (e.g. ethical norms), and why one should do it (e.g. so that one becomes aligned with the moral and spiritual ‘laws’ of the universe) (Creel, 1972). One may cultivate alignment with the dharma by following a mārga (मार्ग; Sanskrit), i.e. a spiritual path or way, which is called a ‘dō’ (道) in Japa- nese. This path would involve psychospiritual practices, notably meditation, referred to in Sanskrit as dhyāna (ध्यान). (When Buddhism was transmitted to China, dhyana became ch’án (禪), which in turn was pro- nounced Zen in Japan.) For instance, one might meditate on a mantra (मन्त्र), a Sanskrit term translated as ‘mind tool’, i.e. repeated words/phrases used to ‘leverage the power of our minds’ (Rheingold, 2000, p. 48). Or there are various physico-spiritual practices encompassed by the Japanese term budō (武道), which translates as ‘mar- tial arts’. Indeed, most religious traditions have evolved

comparable meditative practices, as evidenced by the Arabic muraqaba ( ةبقارم ) for example, a Sufi word mean- ing ‘to watch over’ or ‘to take care of’.

One of the goals of such practices is to cultivate an understanding of the dharma, of the nature of reality, and to bring oneself in alignment with it. This goal is cap- tured by the Sanskrit term prajñā (प्रज्ञ), which does not simply mean intellectual wisdom, but experiential insight (Kang & Whittingham, 2010). In a Buddhist con- text, developing insight means understanding what in Sanskrit are called the three lakṣaṇas (लक्षण), i.e. the three ‘marks of conditioned existence’. These refer to what Buddhism regards as the three fundamental proper- ties of the universe: anitya (अनित्य), i.e. impermanence; anātman (अनात्मन्), i.e. insubstantiality (as used above in relation to Buddhism denying the existence of a soul); and duḥkha (दुःख), i.e. suffering or dissatisfaction. Bud- dhism holds that it is the failure to appreciate anitya and anātman, and consequently the attempt to pursue and attach to phenomena that are intrinsically ‘empty’, that is the cause of suffering. (This notion of ‘emptiness’ is cap- tured by the Sanskrit term sūnyatā (शून्यता). This isn’t a

Figure 1. Thematic map of emergent positive cross-cultural lexicography.

554 T. Lomas

nihilistic concept which denies that phenomena exist. Rather, it articulates the idea that things are not self-sub- sistent, but come into being dependent upon conditions, and are therefore subject to change.) However, should one reach a deep understanding and appreciation of sūnyatā, this leads to sukha, described above as a form of ‘lasting happiness’, which is the antonym of duḥkha (i.e. suffering).

Most spiritual traditions have similar notions about bringing one’s understanding into alignment with the nat- ure of the universe. For instance, the Chinese dialectical symbol yin-yang, highlighted above, is central to the Chinese religious/philosophical tradition of Taoism. Taoism focuses on experiential understanding of the Tao (道; pronounced dō in Japanese, as featured above), a complex term that, like brahman means an all-powerful and pervasive power, but like dō also means path or way. Taoism thus extols the importance of aligning one’s understanding and behaviour with the Tao. This align- ment is represented by the ideogram te (德), which also carries connotations of integrity, virtue and inner power (Chang, 2013). A related concept of importance in Taoism is wú wéi (無為). This literally translates as ‘do nothing’, but means to act in such accordance with the Tao that one’s actions are entirely natural, uncontrived and effortless.

As practitioners progress in the context of their religious traditions, we find words that capture increasingly deep, transformative states of flourishing. For instance, in Bud- dhism, the zenith of psychospiritual development is referred to in Sanskrit as bodhi (बोधि), translated as ‘enlightenment’ or ‘awakening’. With bodhi, one has attained complete insight into the nature of reality, and accordingly has been ‘liberated’ from suffering. In Japanese, bodhi is referred to as satori (悟り), and also sometimes as kenshō (見性); how- ever, the latter refers more to a temporary ‘glimpse’ of awakening, while the former implies durability and even permanence. Once awakened and liberated, a person is said to have realised their ‘Buddha nature’, i.e. become perfected and enlightened just as the Buddha became. Buddha nature is referred to in Sanskrit as tathāgatagarbha; this is a com- pound of garbha (गर्भ), meaning ‘embryo’, and tathāgata (तथागत), which translates as ‘one who has thus come/gone’, and is the term the Buddha deployed to refer to himself. There are comparable concepts in other cultures. For instance, in Islam, tazkiah ( ةيكزت ) refers to the process of ‘purification of the self’, i.e. progressing towards purity and submission to Allah. This process culminates in fanaa ( ءانف ), the ‘annihilation’ of the ego, thereby enabling one to achieve enlightenment and union with God (Nilchian, 2011, p. 5). Such terms depict peaks of psychospiritual develop- ment and well-being that are described as far exceeding the positive feelings elucidated in the first section, and which chart the far possibilities of what it means to flourish as a person.

Conclusion

This exercise in collating and analysing ‘untranslatable’ words has revealed a rich lexicon of terms pertaining to well-being. Using an inductive ‘grounded theory’ approach (Strauss & Corbin, 1998), a tentative concep- tual framework was established. This framework was generated by grouping words into themes, themes into meta-themes and finally meta-themes into three overarch- ing categories (feelings, relationships and character). The themes, meta-themes and categories are illustrated in Figure 1 below. It must be emphasised that this figure is simply a visual representation of the thematic groupings that I identified in my analysis. It will require a compre- hensive future research agenda to turn this initial concep- tual framework into a sophisticated nomological network. This research agenda would need to include factor-analytic examinations of construct validity and of the interrelationships between the concepts, as elucidated further below.

In considering this emergent lexicography, there are two key questions. First, whether this taxonomy can enrich the conceptual landscape of PP, and help the field to develop a more nuanced understanding of well-being. Second, whether this taxonomy can similarly expand the emotional vocabulary of English speakers themselves (and indeed speakers of other languages), and likewise enrich their understanding of well-being. To be clear, these questions cannot be answered definitively here; this paper is simply a first step towards doing so. In develop- ing an initial lexicography here, the hope is that this will be the basis for a future research agenda aimed at answering these questions.

So, the first question is whether this taxonomy can enrich the conceptual landscape of PP. A research agenda based on this lexicography would go some way towards addressing present limitations of PP. Firstly, there is currently a bias towards the use of participants who Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan (2010) refer to as ‘WEIRD’, i.e. from Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich and Democratic societies. Secondly, there is a resulting tendency within PP to develop concepts and models of well-being based on the analysis of such par- ticipants. Thirdly, it is then widely assumed in PP that these concepts and models are generalisable across cul- tures (Izquierdo, 2005). Finally, there is a corollary assumption that Western psychology has little to learn from psychological constructs and models developed within non-Western cultures (with some exceptions, like the burgeoning enthusiasm for mindfulness and other Buddhist-derived concepts (Walsh & Shapiro, 2006)).

A research agenda based on this lexicography – using the lexicon to better understand well-being in a cultural context – would help address these limitations. So, what might such an agenda look like? We could

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imagine a number of stages. First, all 216 terms consid- ered here arguably warrant their own individual paper, explicating and analysing them in rich detail. Such papers could include analysis of the word’s etymology and cultural significance, as for example Silva (2012) did with saudade. Such papers would ideally also develop psychometric scales in English pertaining to these concepts, as Scheibe et al. (2007) did with Sehn- sucht. Moreover, it is a certainty that the present list is by no means exhaustive, and that there are many more words that could be deemed ‘untranslatable’. As such, this first stage could also see the expansion of this lexi- con by scholars who are intimate with other languages and cultures. Indeed, a webpage has been created at www.drtimlomas.com/lexicography to provide a platform for this expansion. Readers are encouraged to visit this site, and if they are aware of other relevant words to add these to the evolving lexicography. As relevant words and concepts are identified and added to the lexicogra- phy, scholars are again encouraged to develop etymolog- ical analyses and psychometric scales.

As the lexicon develops, and with it a battery of psy- chometric scales, this could lead to a second stage of research focused on establishing construct validity. This does not only mean assessing the validity of any poten- tial scales, but also the validity of the concepts them- selves, so-called ‘substantive’ validity (Messick, 1995). It will be important to explore where the concepts identi- fied in this lexicography sit within the nomological net- work of existing constructs within PP. We might ask, for instance, how the Finnish notion of sisu relates to con- ceptually similar terms in English, like perseverance or grit. This means exploring the ways in which these words overlap, and examining whether sisu incorporates qualities not found in these other terms. This second stage would therefore involve factor analytic research, comparing the new psychometric scales (based on terms in this lexicon) with existing scales (of constructs already recognised in PP). This will enable us to see how the concepts in this lexicography relate to and overlap with existing concepts within PP.

Once the validity of these constructs (and their scales) has been established, a third stage of research could then involve extensive cross-cultural assessment. This would enable us to explore the extent to which peo- ple in different cultures understand and experience the concept at hand. This does not only mean investigating whether English speakers can experience concepts found in other languages (as per this lexicography). A related line of enquiry is whether constructs in Western psychol- ogy are applicable to other cultures. For instance, Hormes and Rozin (2010) have noted that many lan- guages do not appear to have an equivalent for the term ‘craving’. These types of cross-cultural analyses will indicate whether, as per strong linguistic determinism,

one must be intimate with a culture in order to under- stand its ‘untranslatable’ words (Taylor, 1985). Or, con- versely, such analyses may corroborate Wierzbicka’s (1999) argument that we can indeed appreciate what such words refer to. That is, even if English does not possess a word for a particular feeling, we may find that English speakers can still recognise the feeling as some- thing they have previously experienced.

This third stage leads us into consideration of the sec- ond key question raised at the start of this conclusion. This was whether this lexicon could expand the emo- tional vocabulary of English speakers themselves, and likewise enrich their understanding of well-being. Even if the emotions depicted in this paper are unfamiliar to English speakers, it is possible that people can be trained to recognise these. For instance, in the context of devel- opmental psychology, interventions have been developed to enrich children’s emotional vocabulary, thereby help- ing them to develop ‘emotional competence’ (Saarni, 1999). It is possible that the lexicon developed here could be helpful in such situations, expanding their vocabulary even further. Such training has implications for well- being, including potentially addressing mental health issues. For instance, research with male meditators by Lomas, Edginton, Cartwright, and Ridge (2014) found that many had previously become emotionally ‘restricted’ due to gender socialisation pressures. However, through meditation, participants were able to develop emotional intelligence, which in turn enhanced their mental health. Part of their meditation training involved introspecting and attempting to label their emotional experience. Their training also featured practices to help them develop new emotional qualities, like maitrī (a Sanskrit term, featured above, which translates as ‘loving-kindness’). It is con- ceivable that this kind of ‘emotional training’ could be enhanced by a lexicon such as the one developed here. As such, in addition to the conceptual research agenda outlined above, this lexicography may also have practical applications.

In summary, it is hoped that this lexicography will improve our understanding of well-being, enhancing PP by bringing in ideas from other cultures. It is furthermore hoped that it may have applied benefits too, such as enriching the emotional landscape of native English speakers. However, this type of research is only in its infancy, with this paper merely offering the beginnings of a positive cross-cultural lexicography. This can hope- fully then be expanded, refined, tested and validated over the years ahead.

Acknowledgement I would like to thank my family, friends, colleagues and stu- dents for their suggestions of ’untranslatable words.’ Special

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thanks goes to my mother Jean Fitzpatrick, with whom the idea of this lexicography was first discussed, and also to Emilia Lahti, whose talks on sisu provided the inspiration for this paper. Finally, thanks to the editors and anonymous reviewers at The Journal of Positive Psychology, whose invaluable suggestions helped improve the paper.

Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

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