The assignment: (3 paper APA Format)Briefly describe the second organization you chose (the organization other than the Red Cross). Explain the similarities and differences between the American Red Cross model and the other one you selected in terms of t

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O ver the past decade, society has witnessed an outbreak of school violence, both in the United States and in other countries, that has altered the perception of safety previ- ously thought to exist on school campuses.

Although serious acts of violence on school grounds are still exceedingly rare (Brooks, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 2000; Donohue, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 1998; Kachur et al., 1996), the notoriety attracted by such events raises widespread concern. Much more prevalent, however, are relatively “low level” aggressive and antisocial behaviors including teasing, fighting, name calling, ridiculing, threatening, and other forms of intimidation and harassment. These behaviors occur at an alarmingly high rate at all grade levels, although they appear to increase in severity during the middle school years (Heaviside, Rowand, Williams, & Farris, 1998; Nansel et al., 2001) As many as 75% of adolescents, for example, indicate that they have been bullied at some time in school, and 10% to 15% are bullied on a regular basis (Banks, 1997). In addi- tion, recent data from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS; Kann et al., 2000) indicated that approximately 14% of sec- ondary level students admitted being in a physical fight on school property during the past 12 months; 7% had carried a weapon such as a gun, knife, or club to school in the past 30 days; 8% had been threatened or injured with a weapon on school property; and more than 5% expressed that they felt “too unsafe” to go to school.

In an effort to stem the rising tide of violence, many schools have instituted policies designed to deter antisocial behav- iors (Skiba & Peterson, 1999; Walker et al., 1996). These include use of metal detectors, security guards and surveil- lance cameras, dress codes, “zero tolerance” policies result- ing in suspension or expulsion for certain classes of aggres- sive or threatening behavior, strategies for identifying or “profiling” students most likely to commit violent acts, and

use of strong disciplinary tactics in response to disruptive behaviors. Although the intent of such policies is to make a strong statement against any form of violence on school grounds, the emphasis in most cases is punitive rather than edifying. Most of these approaches are problem focused in that they target negative behaviors as opposed to building alternative prosocial skills. In addition, the majority of these strategies are reactive, in the sense that they occur in re- sponse to undesirable behavior, rather than proactively op- erating to prevent the occurrence of such behaviors.

A POSITIVE APPROACH TO THE PREVENTION OF VIOLENCE AT SCHOOL

In contrast to the aforementioned approach, a positive ap- proach to the prevention of violent behavior at school fo- cuses on building a set of social and emotional strengths that are incompatible with antisocial behavior. These in- clude developing emotional literacy skills, such as empa- thy and respect for the rights of others; boosting resiliency factors, such as self-esteem and academic success; and estab- lishing a high degree of “connectedness” between students and their families, peers, schools, and communities (Cowen, Wyman, Work, & Iker, 1995; Elias et al., 1994; Weissberg & Greenberg, 1998). Unlike traditional problem-focused approaches, the positive approach to school violence is preventive, solution-driven, and systemic in its efforts. Its goal is to enhance the overall well-being of students and others in the context of schooling.

The impetus for a positive approach to prevention of vio- lence in schools draws upon a model of human functioning that, rather than attempting to repair psychological disease and dysfunction, attempts to promote optimal levels of de- velopment (see Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000, for a more detailed discussion of a positive approach to counsel-

Douglas C. Smith, Department of Counselor Education, University of Hawaii; Daya S. Sandhu, Department of Educational and Counseling Psychology, University of Louisville. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Douglas C. Smith, University of Hawaii, Department of Counselor Education, 1776 University Avenue, Honolulu, HI 96822 (e-mail: [email protected]).

Toward a Positive Perspective on Violence Prevention in Schools: Building Connections

Douglas C. Smith and Daya S. Sandhu

As concerns about the level of school violence have increased in recent years, many schools have instituted policies designed to deter or prohibit violent and aggressive acts on school campuses. Although well intentioned, most such policies tend to be reactive and punitive in nature. In contrast, this article proposes a positive approach to violence prevention based on establish- ing meaningful connections between students, their families, peers, and school.

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ing). In short, a positive approach is primarily involved with the facilitation of psychological health and well-being. Re- garding prevention of school violence, a positive approach engenders development of prosocial interpersonal skills and such noble personal qualities as wisdom, courage, altruism, civility, and tolerance for the views of others.

CONCEPT OF CONNECTEDNESS

Although positive approaches to prevention of violent be- havior in schools can take many forms and occur across multiple settings, a common theme is establishing a sense of connectedness between youth and elements of their envi- ronment including peers, family, school, and community (Catalano & Hawkins, 1996; R. W. Larson, 2000). A growing body of research indicates that youth who feel nurtured, supported, and accepted within these contexts are more likely to report subjective feelings of happiness and well-being, greater levels of commitment, and better performance in school (e.g., Miller, Brehm, & Whitehouse, S., 1998; Resnick et al., 1997). Moreover, such youth are less likely to engage in negative, antisocial behaviors at school and more likely to engage in cooperative, helpful, and prosocial actions (O’Donnell, Hawkins, & Abbott, 1995; C. A. Smith, Lizotte, Thornberry, & Krohen, 1996).

On the other hand, youth who are disconnected from fam- ily, peers, and social institutions, including schools, are at risk for a variety of negative social and behavioral outcomes, including participation in serious antisocial activities (Lipsey & Derzon, 1998). Studies of risk factors of students involved in school shootings, for example, point to a sense of alien- ation from family and peers and a lack of bonding to school as key predictors of violence potential (Borum, 2000; Dwyer, Osher, & Warger, 1998).

Connectedness is also an important aspect of resiliency. Stu- dents who feel connected to family, peers, school, and commu- nity experience greater levels of support and are better able to cope with a wide range of adverse conditions, including those that promote the development of antisocial behavior (Catalano & Hawkins, 1996; Furlong, Pavelski, & Saxton, 2002). In the following sections, we provide an overview of connectedness across several contexts and the role of school staff, particularly counselors, in fostering these connections.

Building Connections With Family

An increasing body of literature emphasizes the important role that attachment to family plays in the prevention of antisocial behavior (see Lyons-Ruth, 1996, for a review). Children who experience secure, meaningful attachments to caretakers are generally better adjusted and are less likely to engage in troublesome and problematic behavior, both in and out of school (Ainsworth, 1985; C. A. Smith et al., 1996). Conversely, caretaker–child interactions characterized by lack of responsiveness, inconsistency, hostility, and rejec- tion are important aspects of a developmental trajectory leading to early onset of antisocial behavior (Greenberg,

Speltz, & DeKlyen, 1993). Although schools are unlikely to play a major role in parent–child attachments during the critical early childhood years, their contributions to ongo- ing parent–child relationships cannot be underestimated. Schools are potentially the most important resource for parent education leading to more positive connections be- tween children and family members. It is important for par- ents and other family members to develop numerous skills to promote prosocial behavior. We recommend that schools take a more active role in helping parents establish positive connections with their children.

Parent- and family-based interventions. These approaches fo- cus on helping parents to develop better communication and conflict resolution skills and also educate parents about child development and factors that may contribute to violent be- havior (United States Departments of Education and Justice, 2000). Research indicates that the earlier these family-based interventions begin, the more effective they are in reducing aggression and other forms of antisocial behavior (Dunst, Trivette, & Deal, 1994; Webster-Stratton & Hancock, 1998). Successful family-based interventions are individualized, cul- turally sensitive, home-based, and involve parents directly in planning goals and establishing appropriate responses to children’s transgressions (Eron, Gentry, & Schlegel, 1994). Not only are these programs successful in reducing parent– child conflicts, they also increase parents’ sense of control and feelings of efficacy (Webster-Stratton & Hancock, 1998).

One model program developed by Patterson, Reid, and Dishion (1992) teaches parents prosocial behaviors, alternatives to aggression as a discipline strategy, and problem-solving skills. In addition, parents are taught to nurture and communicate ef- fectively with children, to establish and negotiate family rules and consequences, and to reward prosocial behavior. The model has been shown to be effective in reducing family conflict and increasing a sense of family unity (Reid, Patterson, & Snyder, 2002). Long-term effects include a stronger sense of connectedness among family members with a greater likeli- hood of positive social interactions.

Parents as emotional coaches. John Gottman and colleagues (Gottman & DeClaire, 1997; Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1996) have written extensively about the advantages of train- ing parents as emotional coaches for their children. Emo- tional coaches are empathetic and accepting of their children’s negative emotions but guide children in generating and choosing positive response strategies while setting limits for acceptable behavior. According to Gottman and DeClaire, an emotional coach is one who, rather than ignoring or dis- couraging negative emotional reactions such as anger or unhappiness, views the enactment of such emotions as op- portunities for the child to develop a deeper understanding of self and others, particularly regarding these potentially troubling feelings. Emotional coaches directly assist their children in exploring and discussing negative emotions, and at the same time, insist on socially appropriate expression of such feelings.

Longitudinal studies of emotional coaching patterns within families (see Gottman et al., 1996, for a review) indicate

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that children whose parents consistently use such strategies are happier, healthier, and better adjusted than children whose parents are emotionally aloof, indifferent, or uninvolved. Fur- thermore, emotionally coached children appear to be more proficient in the critical skill of self-regulation, which allows them to cope more effectively with a wide range of chal- lenges, including family discord and transition.

Building Connections With Peers

Friendships are an important source of support and nurturance for both children and adults. Students who are well liked by peers are happier at school, better adjusted both psychologically and emotionally, and considerably less likely to engage in aggressive and violent behaviors (Elias et al., 1994; Eron et al., 1994). On the other hand, chil- dren who are isolated or rejected by peers suffer loss of self-esteem and other emotional distress, tend to dislike school, and are at risk for a wide range of destructive per- sonal and interpersonal outcomes including substance abuse, gang involvement, teen pregnancy, and violence at school (Doll, 1996). It is apparent that developing and maintain- ing effective, rewarding relationships with peers is a criti- cal aspect of violence prevention.

In a comprehensive review of prevention strategies de- signed to enhance social and emotional competence, Weissberg and Greenberg (1998) discussed a range of competence-enhancement strategies for elementary age stu- dents. The major goal of such programs is “to teach children to make use of both personal and environmental resources to achieve prosocial goals” (p. 890). Because specific acts of ag- gression are viewed primarily as learned behaviors, they can be unlearned and thus prevented by acquisition of more prosocial and positive behaviors. Hawkins, Catalano, Kosterman, Abbot, and Hill (1999) suggested that healthy bonding of children to adults, peers, and institutions that pro- mote healthy beliefs and prosocial attitudes is likely to result in adoption of similar beliefs and attitudes. There is growing national support for comprehensive (kindergarten through Grade 12) health education that (a) emphasizes personal and social skills training; (b) promotes positive social values and health attitudes; and (c) provides honest, relevant informa- tion about health issues including violence (National Center for Health Education, 1997). Strategies that increase the prob- ability of positive prosocial interactions with peers can be loosely grouped under the categories of emotional literacy and cognitive-behavioral skills training.

Emotional literacy. Daniel Goleman’s (1995) book Emo- tional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ popu- larized the notion that one’s emotional reasoning may be equal to or more important than intelligence per se as a predictor of life success. There is now compelling evidence that emotional competence is indeed related to a range of positive outcomes both at school and in the larger commu- nity, including friendships, social status, and achievement (Elias et al., 1994; Weissberg & Greenberg, 1998). More im- portant, emotional competence is also generally regarded as

a significant protective factor and deterrent to violent be- havior at school (Miller et al., 1998).

Goleman (1995) and others (e.g., Salovey & Mayer, 1990) have identified at least five domains of emotional compe- tence important to overall functioning and success. The first and most basic, self-awareness, refers to the ability to recog- nize and identify internal feeling states such as anger, disap- pointment, fear, and exhilaration. Closely related, but at a higher developmental level, is awareness of others, including such skills as empathy, or understanding others’ feelings, and role taking, or understanding others’ points of view. Both self-awareness and awareness of others are critical to positive interactions with peers, resolving interpersonal conflicts, and, ultimately, preventing and reducing the likelihood of aggres- sion as well as serious acts of violence at school.

The third domain, managing one’s emotions, refers to the ability to regulate and control potentially troublesome emo- tions, such as frustration, resentment, guilt, and despair. One such emotion that has been the subject of numerous school- based intervention projects is anger. Anger management and regulation is an important skill in reducing violence poten- tial at school (see D. C. Smith, Larson, DeBaryshe, & Salzman, 2000, for a review of anger management strategies with youth).

The fourth domain, motivating oneself, has particular rel- evance for school. Students who have the ability and skill to motivate themselves academically, both extrinsically and intrinsically, are likely to view school as a positive experi- ence, are less likely to engage in problematic or antisocial behaviors, and generally perform at higher levels than their counterparts (Resnick et al., 1997).

Finally, negotiating/resolving conflicts, the fifth domain, is a critical skill for reducing the probability of violent behav- ior at school (Johnson & Johnson, 1996; Tolan & Guerra, 1994). If disagreements, grievances, and other relatively mi- nor conflicts can be resolved effectively, it is unlikely that these events will lead to aggressive/violent confrontations. Negotiation/conflict resolution builds upon a number of more fundamental interpersonal skills including cooperation, prob- lem solving, and empathy.

Cognitive-behavioral skills training. Cognitive-behavioral skills training focuses on helping children analyze and re- spond to challenging peer situations. Two major focal points of these efforts have been on impulse control and social problem solving.

Phillip Kendall (Kendall, 1991; Kendall & Braswell, 1993) has conducted extensive research on the role of impulsivity in children’s aggressive behavior. As a group, aggressive chil- dren tend not to think through the consequences of their behavior prior to acting. On the basis of these findings, Kendall and colleagues designed a series of activities to teach children self-control through verbal self-instruction (e.g., “What am I supposed to do?” and “How am I doing?”). These efforts are geared toward helping children restrain the ten- dency to respond without reflecting on the situation at hand. Evaluation of this and similar programs suggests that im- pulse control is an acquired skill and can be an important

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deterrent to aggression (J. D. Larson, 1992; S. W. Smith, Siegal, Conner, & Thomas, 1994).

Nowhere is the link between impulsivity and aggressive behavior more evident than in the experience and expres- sion of anger. School- and clinic-based anger management programs for children have proliferated in recent years. Be- cause anger is conceptualized as a multidimensional con- struct that includes affective, cognitive, and behavioral di- mensions, most of these programs have multiple prevention and treatment components. In a review of anger manage- ment programs for youth, D. C. Smith et al. (2000) found that the most successful programs included emotion-focused strategies such as relaxation, increased self-awareness, and awareness of the feelings of others; cognitive strategies, such as problem solving and self-regulation; and behavioral strat- egies, such as developing specific skills in communication and assertiveness. In addition, successful interventions in- cluded clear efforts to encourage maintenance and generali- zation of skills outside the classroom or training setting. As a group, school- and clinic-based anger management pro- grams for youth appear to exert a strong influence on the control and regulation of aggressive behavior (D. C. Smith et al., 2000).

Social problem-solving training is designed to help stu- dents recognize interpersonal conflict situations, increase their repertoire of problem-solving strategies, analyze and evalu- ate the consequences of various actions, and select and imple- ment socially appropriate solutions (Goldstein, 1999). Most programs use modeling, role-playing, and didactic teaching methods to teach problem-solving skills. The goal of such programs is to build positive peer relations by helping chil- dren learn to avoid interpersonal conflict and to handle those conflicts that are unavoidable in nonviolent, socially appro- priate ways. One of the best known social problem-solving programs for young children is I Can Problem Solve: An Inter- personal Cognitive Problem-Solving Program (Shure, 1992). A related program based on an information-processing model is the BrainPower Program (Hudley, 1994), which is designed to change hostile attributional biases among aggressive children. Evaluation of this program indicated increased self-control and fewer judgments of hostile intent in a sample of third- to sixth-grade boys (Hudley et al., 1998).

Building Connections With School

A growing body of research supports the notion that stu- dents who are connected to school through involvement in school activities, who perceive school as meaningful and their teachers as supportive, and who experience a sense of pride and satisfaction regarding school are less inclined toward negative and destructive behaviors including ag- gression (McNeely, Nonnemaker, & Blum, 2002; Miller et al., 1998). The document Safeguarding Our Children: An Action Guide, produced by the United States Departments of Education and Justice (2000), outlined four key compo- nents of schools that are safe and responsive to all chil- dren. These are the following:

1. Creating a caring school community where all mem- bers feel safe, connected, and supported

2. Teaching appropriate social behaviors including problem-solving skills

3. Implementing positive behavior supports 4. Providing appropriate academic instruction

The first three components listed above are directly relevant to the content of this article and warrant further discussion.

A caring school community is one in which supportive relationships are established between students, faculty, and staff. Such relationships allow all members of the school community to experience a sense of belonging, attachment, and pride. Schools can facilitate caring relationships by or- ganizing the environment in such a way that positive social interactions are likely to occur, for example, by creating small communities of learners within the school or by es- tablishing cooperative groups (e.g., learning groups that re- quire cooperation among members in order to achieve de- sired outcomes) within the classroom.

Positive social interactions not only build a sense of com- munity within the school but also evoke a sense of attach- ment and belonging. Students who perceive themselves as being treated respectfully by others appear to be happier at school, more satisfied with their experience, and generally willing to work harder to achieve their goals (Resnick et al., 1997). Teachers, counselors, and school administrators play an important role in this process by treating students fairly and with dignity and respect.

An environment that provides positive behavioral sup- port can foster student connections to school. Prevention of aggressive and antisocial behavior at school begins by establishing a school climate fostering respect for the rights of others, positive social relationships, and peaceful reso- lution of interpersonal conflict. Positive conflict resolu- tion becomes an affirmed norm of the school (Furlong et al., 2002). By establishing school norms supporting posi- tive conflict resolution and prosocial actions toward oth- ers, schools not only reduce the occurrence of behavior running contrary to these norms but also influence the level of cohesiveness and bonding between students, teachers, and staff. In addition, we believe that schools must pro- vide the level of support necessary to allow all children to behave according to these norms.

One obvious aspect of the school environment is the dis- ciplinary system in place and related procedures for influ- encing interpersonal behavior. Effective disciplinary systems are simple, schoolwide, proactive, and positive (United States Departments of Education and Justice, 2000). Such a sys- tem ensures consistency of expectations and follow-through. Positive supports for expected behavior (e.g., teaching de- sired behaviors) are more effective than reactive approaches emphasizing punishment. In addition, incentives for prosocial behaviors and consequences for antisocial actions should be clear and understandable to all.

In addition to establishing a positive school climate, schools in which students are connected also take deliber-

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ate steps to create a comfortable and harmonious physical environment. This may take the form of frequent monitor- ing and supervision of known “hot spots,” such as bathrooms and hallways in which trouble is likely to occur (J. D. Larson, Smith, & Furlong, 2002). Schools may then take steps to reduce the sheer volume of students in hallways, lunchrooms, restrooms, and other potentially troublesome areas by stag- gering student schedules.

In addition, schools can reduce the likelihood of violent behavior by creating a more attractive and nurturing physi- cal environment, which also creates a safer, more welcom- ing atmosphere (Stephens, 1994).

The Resolving Conflict Creatively Program (DeJong, 1999) is one example of an ecological approach that incorporates a classroom and schoolwide value system of nonviolence. Another example is the Peacemakers Program (Johnson & Johnson, 2000), for students in Grades 4 to 8, that incorpo- rates a violence prevention curriculum in the classroom and seeks to infuse a nonviolence ethic into the entire school culture. Evaluation of this program with 1,400 students in Cleveland indicated significant decreases in aggressive inci- dents and subsequent disciplinary actions. More work is needed to determine the long-term effects of such ecologi- cal interventions and their applicability to students from varying backgrounds, cultures, and ethnic groups.

THE ROLE OF COUNSELORS IN BUILDING CONNECTIONS

Reducing risk and building resiliency are two sides of the same coin. Counselors play an important role in both. By actively seeking to address the social and emotional needs of at-risk students, counselors can prevent the development of further antisocial behaviors along a predictable develop- mental trajectory. Counselors can work proactively in at least three ways.

One, counselors can play an important role in establish- ing a climate of respect within the school. Given their background and training, counselors can be influential in establishing a developmental-based norm for prosocial and respectful behavior.

Two, counselors can work directly with teachers and stu- dents in developing emotional literacy skills. This may in- clude running social skills groups for students identified as lacking skills but, more important, may involve consulta- tion with teachers intent on enhancing social development of all students within their classrooms.

Third, counselors, in their role as mental health consult- ants, can assist parents in communicating more effectively with their children, modeling prosocial skills, and resolving conflicts effectively while helping parents to maintain a sense of connectedness with their children.

CLOSING REMARKS

Given the multiple pathways through which aggressive and violent behavior develops in youth and the many factors that contribute both to its inhibition and disinhibition,

effective school-based strategies must necessarily be compre- hensive, broadly applied, and developmentally focused. As this review article reveals, it appears that prevention efforts meeting these criteria tend to include multiple components such as individual skill building, parent education, and en- vironmental and ecological reorganization. To be optimally effective, these efforts must occur across multiple contexts including school, home, and community.

Longitudinal research clearly indicates that, left unde- terred, aggressive behavior in early childhood often contin- ues unabated into later stages of childhood, adolescence, and beyond (Loeber & Hay, 1997; Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998; Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey, 1989). The more serious the form of early aggression, the more likely this pattern will occur (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998). What then can be done to prevent the formation of early patterns of aggressive behavior in childhood? A review of research in this area suggests a number of principles that should be considered “best practices” for prevention of ag- gressive behavior during childhood.

First, and most important, prevention efforts must begin early and include multiple components delivered across mul- tiple settings (minimally the home and school). In the home setting, early intervention means implementing programs that engage parents in their child’s education at as early a date as possible. These programs should provide the context in which to disseminate effective parenting skills to all and to focus attention on parents who may be locked in a cycle of coercive child disciplinary practices. At the school level, early intervention means targeting low levels of aggressive behavior, such as teasing and bullying, and simultaneously establishing a school climate that reinforces positive social behaviors.

At the family level, parent education and training focused on improving communication skills and fostering authorita- tive parenting styles appear to offer considerable promise (Patterson et al., 1992). Programs that are culturally sensi- tive and model alternatives to authoritarian discipline prac- tices at home have the greatest potential to reinforce the long-term reduction of a child’s violent behaviors.

At the individual level, available data suggest that cognitive- behavioral strategies offer the most promise with specific train- ing in impulse control and interpersonal problem solving receiving the most empirical support (D. C. Smith et al., 2000). Anger management appears to be a particularly fruit- ful intervention direction within the broader context of cognitive-behavioral treatment. Such programs should seek to prevent and/or reduce the occurrence of aggressive be- havior by teaching children to recognize and use internal cues, develop a more reflective problem-solving style, and promote usage of alternatives to aggression. Given the per- vasiveness of aggression in the typical school, comprehen- sive aggression management programs should be made a key component of all student support services plans.

Finally, successful prevention of school violence means not only seeking to reduce negative affect and behaviors but also fostering higher levels of social and emotional compe-

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tence. All programs should focus on the fundamental issue of providing a positive reason to refrain from aggressive behav- ior. Encouragement of prosocial behavior, such as coopera- tion, respect, self-awareness, and empathy, is the foundation for pursuing the ultimate objective of raising competent, car- ing, and compassionate human beings.

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