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what they’re saying about “they say / i say”

“The best book that’s happened to teaching composition—

ever!”

—Karen Gaffney, Raritan Valley Community College

“This book demystifies rhetorical moves, tricks of the trade that

many students are unsure about. It’s reasonable, helpful, nicely

written … and hey, it’s true. I would have found it immensely

helpful myself in high school and college.”

—Mike Rose, University of California, Los Angeles

“The argument of this book is important—that there are

‘moves’ to academic writing … and that knowledge of them

can be generative. The template format is a good way to teach

and demystify the moves that matter. I like this book a lot.”

—David Bartholomae, University of Pittsburgh

“My students are from diverse backgrounds and the topics in

this book help them to empathize with others who are differ-

ent from them.”

—Steven Bailey, Central Michigan University

“A beautifully lucid way to approach argument—different from

any rhetoric I’ve ever seen.”

—Anne-Marie Thomas, Austin Community College, Riverside

“Students need to walk a fine line between their work and that

of others, and this book helps them walk that line, providing

specific methods and techniques for introducing, explaining,

and integrating other voices with their own ideas.”

—Libby Miles, University of Vermont

“‘They Say’ with Readings is different from other rhetorics and

readers in that it really engages students in the act of writing

throughout the book. It’s less a ‘here’s how’ book and more of

a ‘do this with me’ kind of book.”

—Kelly Ritter, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

“It offers students the formulas we, as academic writers, all carry

in our heads.”

—Karen Gardiner, University of Alabama

“Many students say that it is the first book they’ve found that

actually helps them with writing in all disciplines.”

—Laura Sonderman, Marshall University

“As a WPA, I’m constantly thinking about how I can help

instructors teach their students to make specific rhetorical

moves on the page. This book offers a powerful way of teach-

ing students to do just that.” —Joseph Bizup, Boston University

“The best tribute to ‘ They Say / I Say’ I’ve heard is this, from a

student: ‘This is one book I’m not selling back to the bookstore.’

Nods all around the room. The students love this book.”

—Christine Ross, Quinnipiac University

“My students love this book. They tell me that the idea of

‘entering a conversation’ really makes sense to them in a way

that academic writing hasn’t before.”

—Karen Henderson, Helena College University of Montana

“A concise and practical text at a great price; students love it.”

—Jeff Pruchnic, Wayne State University

“ ‘ They Say’ contains the best collection of articles I have found.

Students respond very well to the readings.”

—Julia Ruengert, Pensacola State College

“It’s the anti-composition text: Fun, creative, humorous, bril-

liant, effective.”

—Perry Cumbie, Durham Technical Community College

“A brilliant book… . It’s like a membership card in the aca-

demic club.”

—Eileen Seifert, DePaul University

“The ability to engage with the thoughts of others is one of the

most important skills taught in any college-level writing course,

and this book does as good a job teaching that skill as any text I

have ever encountered.” —William Smith, Weatherford College

F O U R T H E D I T I O N

“THEY SAY I SAY”

T h e M o v e s T h a t M a t t e r

i n A c a d e m i c W r i t i n g

W I T H R E A D I N G S

H

GERALD GRAFF

CATHY BIRKENSTEIN

both of the University of Illinois at Chicago

RUSSEL DURST

University of Cincinnati

B

w . w . n o r t o n & c o m p a n y

n e w y o r k | l o n d o n

W. W. Norton & Company has been independent since its founding in 1923, when

William Warder Norton and Mary D. Herter Norton first published lectures delivered

at the People’s Institute, the adult education division of New York City’s Cooper

Union. The firm soon expanded its program beyond the Institute, publishing books by

celebrated academics from America and abroad. By mid-century, the two major pillars of

Norton’s publishing program—trade books and college texts—were firmly established.

In the 1950s, the Norton family transferred control of the company to its employees,

and today—with a staff of four hundred and a comparable number of trade, college,

and professional titles published each year—W. W. Norton & Company

stands as the

largest and oldest publishing house owned wholly by its employees.

Copyright © 2018, 2017, 2015, 2014, 2012, 2010, 2009, 2006

by W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

Permission to use copyrighted material is included in the credits section of this

book, which begins on page 731.

ISBN 978-0-393-63168-5

W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 500 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10110

wwnorton.com

W. W. Norton & Company Ltd., 15 Carlisle Street, London W1D 3BS

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0

To the great rhetorician Wayne Booth,

who cared deeply

about the democratic art

of listening closely to what others say.

contents

preface to the fourth edition xi

preface: Demystifying Academic Conversation xvii

introduction: Entering the Conversation 1

PART 1. “THEY SAY”

1 “they say”: Starting with What Others Are Saying 19

2 “her point is”: The Art of Summarizing 30

3 “as he himself puts it”: The Art of Quoting 43

PART 2. “I SAY”

4 “yes / no / okay, but”: Three Ways to Respond 53

5 “and yet”: Distinguishing What You Say

from What They Say 67

6 “skeptics may object”:

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text 77

7 “so what? who cares?”: Saying Why It Matters 91

PART 3. T YING IT ALL TOGETHER

8 “as a result”: Connecting the Parts 101

9 “you mean i can just say it that way?”:

Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside

Your Own Voice 117

10 “but don’t get me wrong”:

The Art of Metacommentary 131

11 “he says contends”: Using the Templates to Revise 141

PART 4 . IN SPECIFIC ACADEMIC CONTEXTS

12 “i take your point”: Entering Class Discussions 162

13 don’t make them scroll up:

Entering Online Conversations 166

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C O N T E N T S

14 what’s motivating this writer?:

Reading for the Conversation 176

15 “analyze this”: Writing in the Social Sciences 187

readings

16 HOW CAN WE BRIDGE THE DIFFERENCES

THAT DIVIDE US? 209

sean blanda, The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb 212

danah boyd, Why America Is Self-Segregating 219

michelle alexander, The New Jim Crow 230

j. d. vance, Hillbilly Elegy 251

gabriela moro, Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or

Integration? 269

robert leonard, Why Rural America Voted for Trump 279

joseph e. stiglitz, A Tax System Stacked against

the 99 Percent 286

barack obama, Howard University Commencement

Speech 296

17 IS COLLEGE THE BEST OPTION? 315

stephanie owen and isabel sawhill, Should Everyone

Go to College? 318

sanford j. ungar, The New Liberal Arts 336

charles murray, Are Too Many People

Going to College? 344

liz addison, Two Years Are Better Than Four 365

gerald graff, Hidden Intellectualism 369

mike rose, Blue-Collar Brilliance 377

ben casselman, Shut Up about Harvard 390

steve kolowich, On the Front Lines of a

New Culture War 398

v i i i

Contents

18 ARE WE IN A RACE AGAINST THE MACHINE? 421

nicholas carr, Is Google Making Us Stupid? 424

clive thompson, Smarter Than You Think: How

Technology Is Changing Our Minds for the Better 441

michaela cullington, Does Texting Affect Writing? 462

jenna wortham, How I Learned to Love Snapchat 474

carole cadwalladr, Google, Democracy, and the Truth

about Internet Search 480

kenneth goldsmith, Go Ahead: Waste Time on

the Internet 500

sherry turkle, No Need to Call 505

zeynep tufekci, Does a Protest’s Size Matter? 525

19 WHAT’S GENDER GOT TO DO WITH IT? 531

anne-marie slaughter, Why Women Still Can’t

Have It All 534

richard dorment, Why Men Still Can’t Have It All 555

raynard kington, I’m Gay and African American. As a

Dad, I Still Have It Easier Than Working Moms. 576

laurie frankel, From He to She in First Grade 583

andrew reiner, Teaching Men to Be

Emotionally Honest 589

stephen mays, What about Gender Roles in

Same-Sex Relationships? 596

kate crawford, Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy

Problem 599

nicholas eberstadt, Men without Work 605

20 WHAT’S THERE TO EAT? 621

michael pollan, Escape from the Western Diet 624

olga khazan, Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell

Better Food? 632

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C O N T E N T S

mary maxfield, Food as Thought: Resisting the

Moralization of Eating 641

david zinczenko, Don’t Blame the Eater 647

radley balko, What You Eat Is Your Business 651

michael moss, The Extraordinary Science of Addictive

Junk Food 656

david h. freedman, How Junk Food Can End Obesity 681

sara goldrick-rab, katharine broton, emily brunjes colo,

Expanding the National School Lunch Program to

Higher Education 713

credits 731

acknowledgments 737

index of templates 751

index of authors and titles 767

x

preface

to the fourth edition

H

When we first set out to write this book, our goal

was simple: to offer a version of “They Say / I Say”: The Moves

That Matter in Academic Writing with an anthology of readings

that would demonstrate the rhetorical moves “that matter.”

And because “They Say” teaches students that academic writ-

ing is a means of entering a conversation, we looked for read-

ings on topics that would engage students and inspire them to

respond—and to enter the conversations.

Our purpose in writing “They Say” has always been to

offer students a user-friendly model of writing that will help

them put into practice the important principle that writing

is a social activity. Proceeding from the premise that effec-

tive writers enter conversations of other writers and speakers,

this book encourages students to engage with those around

them—including those who disagree with them—instead of

just expressing their ideas “logically.” We believe it’s a model

more necessary than ever in today’s increasingly diverse—and

some might say divided—society. In this spirit, we have added

a new chapter, “How Can We Bridge the Differences That

Divide Us?,” with readings that represent different perspectives

on those divides—and what we might do to overcome them.

Our own experience teaching first-year writing students has

led us to believe that to be persuasive, arguments need not

only supporting evidence but also motivation and exigency,

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P R E F A C E T O T H E F O U R T H E D I T I O N

and that the surest way to achieve this motivation and exigency

is to generate one’s own arguments as a response to those of

others—to something “they say.” To help students write their

way into the often daunting conversations of academia and the

wider public sphere, the book provides templates to help them

make sophisticated rhetorical moves that they might otherwise

not think of attempting. And of course learning to make these

rhetorical moves in writing also helps students become better

readers of argument.

The two versions of “They Say / I Say” are now being taught

at more than 1,500 schools, which suggests that there is a wide-

spread desire for explicit instruction that is understandable but

not oversimplified, to help writers negotiate the basic moves

necessary to “enter the conversation.” Instructors have told us

how much this book helps their students learn how to write

academic discourse, and some students have written to us saying

that it’s helped them to “crack the code,” as one student put it.

This fourth edition of “They Say / I Say” with Readings

includes forty readings—half of them new—on five compel-

ling and controversial issues. The selections provide a glimpse

into some important conversations taking place today—and

will, we hope, provoke students to respond and thus to join in

those conversations.

highlights

Forty readings that will prompt students to think—and write.

Taken from a wide variety of sources, including the Chronicle

of Higher Education, the Washington Post, the New York Times,

the Wall Street Journal, medium.com, best-selling books, policy reports, student-run journals, celebrated speeches, and more,

x i i

Preface to the Fourth Edition

the readings represent a range of perspectives on five important

issues:

• How Can We Bridge the Differences That Divide Us?

• Is College the Best Option?

• Are We in a Race against the Machine?

• What’s Gender Got to Do with It?

• What’s There to Eat?

The readings can function as sources for students’ own writing,

and the study questions that follow each reading focus students’

attention on how each author uses the key rhetorical moves

taught in the book. Additionally, one question invites students

to write, and often to respond with their own views.

Two books in one, with a rhetoric up front and readings

in the back. The two parts are linked by cross-references in

the margins, leading from the rhetoric to specific examples in

the readings and from the readings to the corresponding writ-

ing instruction. Teachers can therefore begin with either the

rhetoric or the readings, and the links will facilitate movement

between one section and the other.

A chapter on reading (Chapter 14) encourages students to

think of reading as an act of entering conversations. Instead

of teaching students merely to identify the author’s argument,

this chapter shows them how to read with an eye for what

arguments the author is responding to—in other words, to

think carefully about why the writer is making the argument in

the first place, and thus to recognize (and ultimately become

a part of) the larger conversation that gives meaning to read-

ing the text.

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P R E F A C E T O T H E F O U R T H E D I T I O N

what’s new

A new chapter, “How Can We Bridge the Differences That

Divide Us?,” brings together diverse perspectives on some of

the issues that have been a source of division in our country,

with readings that offer possible ways to overcome those divi-

sions—from Sean Blanda’s “The Other Side Is Not Dumb” to J. D.

Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy and Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow.

Half of the readings are new, with at least one documented

piece and one student essay in each chapter, added in response

to requests from many teachers who wanted more complex and

documented writing. In the technology and gender chapters,

half of the readings are new, with essays on fake news, wasting

time online (and why that’s a good thing), and men without

work, among others. The education chapter now includes an

essay on problematic elitism in some circles of higher education

and another on one college’s quest to foster tolerance among

its diverse student body. Finally, the food chapter now asks a

slightly different question: what (if anything) is there to eat?

An updated chapter on academic language (now called “You

Mean I Can Just Say It That Way?”) underscores the need to

bridge spheres that are too often kept separate: everyday lan-

guage and academic writing.

A new chapter on entering online conversations further

underscores the importance of including a “they say” when

responding to others on blogs, class discussion boards, and the

like, showing how the rhetorical moves taught in this book can

help students contribute clearly and respectfully to conversa-

tions in digital spaces.

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Preface to the Fourth Edition

New examples—15 in total—appear throughout the rhetoric,

from Deborah Tannen and Charles Murray to Nicholas Carr

and Michelle Alexander.

An updated chapter on writing in the social sciences reflects

a broader range of writing assignments with examples from aca-

demic publications in sociology, psychology, and political science.

what’s online

Online tutorials give students hands-on practice recognizing

and using the rhetorical moves taught in this book both as

readers and writers. Each tutorial helps students read a full

essay with an eye on these moves and then respond to a writing

prompt using templates from the book.

They Say / I Blog. Updated monthly, this blog provides up-to-

the-minute readings on the issues covered in the book, along

with questions that prompt students to literally join the con-

versation. Check it out at theysayiblog.com.

Instructor’s Guide. Now available in print, the guide includes

expanded in-class activities, sample syllabi, summaries of

each chapter and reading, and a chapter on using the online

resources, including They Say / I Blog.

Ebook. Searchable, portable, and interactive. The complete

textbook for a fraction of the price. Students can interact with

the text—take notes, bookmark, search, and highlight. The

ebook can be viewed on—and synced between—all computers

and mobile devices.

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P R E F A C E T O T H E F O U R T H E D I T I O N

InQuizitive for Writers. Adaptive, game-like exercises help

students practice editing, focusing especially on the errors that

matter.

Coursepack. Norton resources you can add to your online,

hybrid, or lecture course—all at no cost. Norton Coursepacks

work within your existing learning management system; there’s

no new system to learn, and access is free and easy. Customizable

resources include assignable writing prompts from theysayiblog

.com, quizzes on grammar and documentation, documentation guides, model student essays, and more.

Find it all at digital.wwnorton.com/theysayreadings4 or contact your Norton representative for more information.

We hope that this new edition of “They Say / I Say” with Read-

ings will spark students’ interest in some of the most pressing

conversations of our day and provide them with some of the

tools they need to engage in those conversations with dexterity

and confidence.

Gerald Graff

Cathy Birkenstein

Russel Durst

x v i

preface

Demystifying Academic Conversation

H

Experienced writing instructors have long recognized

that writing well means entering into conversation with others.

Academic writing in particular calls upon writers not simply to

express their own ideas, but to do so as a response to what others

have said. The first-year writing program at our own university,

according to its mission statement, asks “students to partici-

pate in ongoing conversations about vitally important academic

and public issues.” A similar statement by another program

holds that “intellectual writing is almost always composed in

response to others’ texts.” These statements echo the ideas

of rhetorical theorists like Kenneth Burke, Mikhail Bakhtin,

and Wayne Booth as well as recent composition scholars like

David Bartholomae, John Bean, Patricia Bizzell, Irene Clark,

Greg Colomb, Lisa Ede, Peter Elbow, Joseph Harris, Andrea

Lunsford, Elaine Maimon, Gary Olson, Mike Rose, John Swales

and Christine Feak, Tilly Warnock, and others who argue that

writing well means engaging the voices of others and letting

them in turn engage us.

Yet despite this growing consensus that writing is a social,

conversational act, helping student writers actually partici-

pate in these conversations remains a formidable challenge.

This book aims to meet that challenge. Its goal is to demys-

tify academic writing by isolating its basic moves, explaining

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P R E F A C E

them clearly, and representing them in the form of templates.

In this way, we hope to help students become active partici-

pants in the important conversations of the academic world

and the wider public sphere.

highlights

• Shows that writing well means entering a conversation, sum-

marizing others (“they say”) to set up one’s own argument

(“I say”).

• Demystifies academic writing, showing students “the moves

that matter” in language they can readily apply.

• Provides user-friendly templates to help writers make those

moves in their own writing.

• Includes a chapter on reading, showing students how the

authors they read are part of a conversation that they them-

selves can enter—and thus to see reading as a matter not

of passively absorbing information but of understanding and

actively entering dialogues and debates.

how this book came to be

The original idea for this book grew out of our shared interest in

democratizing academic culture. First, it grew out of arguments

that Gerald Graff has been making throughout his career that

schools and colleges need to invite students into the conversa-

tions and debates that surround them. More specifically, it is a

practical, hands-on companion to his recent book, Clueless in

Academe: How Schooling Obscures the Life of the Mind, in which

he looks at academic conversations from the perspective of

those who find them mysterious and proposes ways in which

x v i i i

Demystifying Academic Conversation

such mystification can be overcome. Second, this book grew

out of writing templates that Cathy Birkenstein developed in

the 1990s, for use in writing and literature courses she was

teaching. Many students, she found, could readily grasp what it

meant to support a thesis with evidence, to entertain a counter-

argument, to identify a textual contradiction, and ultimately

to summarize and respond to challenging arguments, but they

often had trouble putting these concepts into practice in their

own writing. When Cathy sketched out templates on the board,

however, giving her students some of the language and patterns

that these sophisticated moves require, their writing—and even

their quality of thought—significantly improved.

This book began, then, when we put our ideas together and

realized that these templates might have the potential to open

up and clarify academic conversation. We proceeded from the

premise that all writers rely on certain stock formulas that they

themselves didn’t invent—and that many of these formulas

are so commonly used that they can be represented in model

templates that students can use to structure and even generate

what they want to say.

As we developed a working draft of this book, we began using

it in first-year writing courses that we teach at UIC. In class-

room exercises and writing assignments, we found that students

who otherwise struggled to organize their thoughts, or even to

think of something to say, did much better when we provided

them with templates like the following.

j In discussions of

, a controversial issue is whether

. While some argue that

, others contend

that

.

j This is not to say that

.

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P R E F A C E

One virtue of such templates, we found, is that they focus

writers’ attention not just on what is being said, but on the

forms that structure what is being said. In other words, they

make students more conscious of the rhetorical patterns that

are key to academic success but often pass under the classroom

radar.

the centrality of “they say / i say”

The central rhetorical move that we focus on in this book is

the “they say / I say” template that gives our book its title. In our

view, this template represents the deep, underlying structure,

the internal DNA as it were, of all effective argument. Effective

persuasive writers do more than make well-supported claims

(“I say”); they also map those claims relative to the claims of

others (“they say”).

Here, for example, the “they say / I say” pattern structures a

passage from an essay by the media and technology critic Steven

Johnson.

For decades, we’ve worked under the assumption that mass cul-

ture follows a path declining steadily toward lowest-common-

denominator standards, presumably because the “masses” want

dumb, simple pleasures and big media companies try to give the

masses what they want. But … the exact opposite is happening:

the culture is getting more cognitively demanding, not less.

Steven Johnson, “Watching TV Makes You Smarter”

In generating his own argument from something “they say,”

Johnson suggests why he needs to say what he is saying: to

correct a popular misconception.

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Demystifying Academic Conversation

Even when writers do not explicitly identify the views they

are responding to, as Johnson does, an implicit “they say” can

often be discerned, as in the following passage by Zora Neale

Hurston.

I remember the day I became colored.

Zora Neale Hurston, “How It Feels to Be Colored Me”

In order to grasp Hurston’s point here, we need to be able to

reconstruct the implicit view she is responding to and question-

ing: that racial identity is an innate quality we are simply born

with. On the contrary, Hurston suggests, our race is imposed

on us by society—something we “become” by virtue of how

we are treated.

As these examples suggest, the “they say / I say” model can

improve not just student writing, but student reading compre-

hension as well. Since reading and writing are deeply recipro-

cal activities, students who learn to make the rhetorical moves

represented by the templates in this book figure to become more

adept at identifying these same moves in the texts they read. And

if we are right that effective arguments are always in dialogue

with other arguments, then it follows that in order to understand

the types of challenging texts assigned in college, students need

to identify the views to which those texts are responding.

Working with the “they say / I say” model can also help with

invention, finding something to say. In our experience, students

best discover what they want to say not by thinking about a

subject in an isolation booth, but by reading texts, listening

closely to what other writers say, and looking for an opening

through which they can enter the conversation. In other words,

listening closely to others and summarizing what they have to

say can help writers generate their own ideas.

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P R E F A C E

the usefulness of templates

Our templates also have a generative quality, prompting stu-

dents to make moves in their writing that they might not oth-

erwise make or even know they should make. The templates

in this book can be particularly helpful for students who are

unsure about what to say, or who have trouble finding enough

to say, often because they consider their own beliefs so

self-evident that they need not be argued for. Students like this

are often helped, we’ve found, when we give them a simple tem-

plate like the following one for entertaining a counterargument

(or planting a naysayer, as we call it in Chapter 6).

j Of course some might object that

. Although I concede

that

, I still maintain that

.

What this particular template helps students do is make the

seemingly counterintuitive move of questioning their own

beliefs, of looking at them from the perspective of those who

disagree. In so doing, templates can bring out aspects of stu-

dents’ thoughts that, as they themselves sometimes remark,

they didn’t even realize were there.

Other templates in this book help students make a host of

sophisticated moves that they might not otherwise make: sum-

marizing what someone else says, framing a quotation in one’s

own words, indicating the view that the writer is responding to,

marking the shift from a source’s view to the writer’s own view,

offering evidence for that view, entertaining and answering

counterarguments, and explaining what is at stake in the first

place. In showing students how to make such moves, templates

do more than organize students’ ideas; they help bring those

ideas into existence.

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Demystifying Academic Conversation

“ok—but templates?”

We are aware, of course, that some instructors may have res-

ervations about templates. Some, for instance, may object that

such formulaic devices represent a return to prescriptive forms

of instruction that encourage passive learning or lead students

to put their writing on automatic pilot.

This is an understandable reaction, we think, to kinds of rote

instruction that have indeed encouraged passivity and drained

writing of its creativity and dynamic relation to the social world.

The trouble is that many students will never learn on their own

to make the key intellectual moves that our templates repre-

sent. While seasoned writers pick up these moves unconsciously

through their reading, many students do not. Consequently, we

believe, students need to see these moves represented in the

explicit ways that the templates provide.

The aim of the templates, then, is not to stifle critical

thinking but to be direct with students about the key rhetori-

cal moves that it comprises. Since we encourage students to

modify and adapt the templates to the particularities of the

arguments they are making, using such prefabricated formulas

as learning tools need not result in writing and thinking that

are themselves formulaic. Admittedly, no teaching tool can

guarantee that students will engage in hard, rigorous thought.

Our templates do, however, provide concrete prompts that can

stimulate and shape such thought: What do “they say” about my

topic? What would a naysayer say about my argument? What

is my evidence? Do I need to qualify my point? Who cares?

In fact, templates have a long and rich history. Public orators

from ancient Greece and Rome through the European Renais-

sance studied rhetorical topoi or “commonplaces,” model passages

and formulas that represented the different strategies available

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P R E F A C E

to public speakers. In many respects, our templates echo this

classical rhetorical tradition of imitating established models.

The journal Nature requires aspiring contributors to follow

a guideline that is like a template on the opening page of their

manuscript: “Two or three sentences explaining what the main

result [of their study] reveals in direct comparison with what was

thought to be the case previously, or how the main result adds to

previous knowledge.” In the field of education, a form designed

by the education theorist Howard Gardner asks postdoctoral

fellowship applicants to complete the following template: “Most

scholars in the field believe

. As a result of my study,

.” That these two examples are geared toward post-

doctoral fellows and veteran researchers shows that it is not

only struggling undergraduates who can use help making these

key rhetorical moves, but experienced academics as well.

Templates have even been used in the teaching of personal

narrative. The literary and educational theorist Jane Tompkins

devised the following template to help student writers make the

often difficult move from telling a story to explaining what it

means: “X tells a story about

to make the point that

. My own experience with

yields a point

that is similar/different/both similar and different. What I take

away from my own experience with

is

. As

a result, I conclude

.” We especially like this template

because it suggests that “they say / I say” argument need not be

mechanical, impersonal, or dry, and that telling a story and mak-

ing an argument are more compatible activities than many think.

why it’s okay to use “i”

But wait—doesn’t the “I” part of “they say/ I say” flagrantly

encourage the use of the first-person pronoun? Aren’t we aware

x x i v

Demystifying Academic Conversation

that some teachers prohibit students from using “I” or “we,”

on the grounds that these pronouns encourage ill-considered,

subjective opinions rather than objective and reasoned argu-

ments? Yes, we are aware of this first-person prohibition, but

we think it has serious flaws. First, expressing ill-considered,

subjective opinions is not necessarily the worst sin beginning

writers can commit; it might be a starting point from which they

can move on to more reasoned, less self-indulgent perspectives.

Second, prohibiting students from using “I” is simply not an

effective way of curbing students’ subjectivity, since one can

offer poorly argued, ill-supported opinions just as easily without

it. Third and most important, prohibiting the first person tends

to hamper students’ ability not only to take strong positions but

to differentiate their own positions from those of others, as we

point out in Chapter 5. To be sure, writers can resort to vari-

ous circumlocutions—“it will here be argued,” “the evidence

suggests,” “the truth is”—and these may be useful for avoid-

ing a monotonous series of “I believe” sentences. But except

for avoiding such monotony, we see no good reason why “I”

should be set aside in persuasive writing. Rather than prohibit

“I,” then, we think a better tactic is to give students practice

at using it well and learning its use, both by supporting their

claims with evidence and by attending closely to alternative

perspectives—to what “they” are saying.

how this book is organized

Because of its centrality, we have allowed the “they say / I say”

format to dictate the structure of this book. So while Part 1

addresses the art of listening to others, Part 2 addresses how

to offer one’s own response. Part 1 opens with a chapter on

x x v

P R E F A C E

“Starting with What Others Are Saying” that explains why it is

generally advisable to begin a text by citing others rather than

plunging directly into one’s own views. Subsequent chapters

take up the arts of summarizing and quoting what these others

have to say. Part 2 begins with a chapter on different ways of

responding, followed by chapters on marking the shift between

what “they say” and what “I say,” on introducing and answering

objections, and on answering the all-important questions: “so

what?” and “who cares?” Part 3 offers strategies for “Tying It All

Together,” beginning with a chapter on connection and coher-

ence; followed by a chapter on academic language, encouraging

students to draw on their everyday voice as a tool for writing;

and including chapters on the art of metacommentary and using

the templates to revise a text. Part 4 offers guidance for enter-

ing conversations in specific academic contexts, with chapters

on entering class discussions, writing online, and reading and

writing in the social sciences. Finally, we provide forty readings

and an index of templates.

what this book doesn’t do

There are some things that this book does not try to do. We do

not, for instance, cover logical principles of argument such as

syllogisms, warrants, logical fallacies, or the differences between

inductive and deductive reasoning. Although such concepts

can be useful, we believe most of us learn the ins and outs of

argumentative writing not by studying logical principles in the

abstract, but by plunging into actual discussions and debates,

trying out different patterns of response, and in this way getting

a sense of what works to persuade different audiences and what

doesn’t. In our view, people learn more about arguing from

x x v i

Demystifying Academic Conversation

hearing someone say, “You miss my point. What I’m saying

is not

, but

,” or “I agree with you that

, and would even add that

,” than they do

from studying the differences between inductive and deductive

reasoning. Such formulas give students an immediate sense of

what it feels like to enter a public conversation in a way that

studying abstract warrants and logical fallacies does not.

engaging with the ideas of others

One central goal of this book is to demystify academic writing

by returning it to its social and conversational roots. Although

writing may require some degree of quiet and solitude, the “they

say/ I say” model shows students that they can best develop their

arguments not just by looking inward but by doing what they

often do in a good conversation with friends and family—by

listening carefully to what others are saying and engaging with

other views.

This approach to writing therefore has an ethical dimension,

since it asks writers not simply to keep proving and reasserting

what they already believe, but to stretch what they believe by

putting it up against beliefs that differ, sometimes radically,

from their own. In an increasingly diverse, global society, this

ability to engage with the ideas of others is especially crucial

to democratic citizenship.

Gerald Graff

Cathy Birkenstein

x x v i i

introduction

Entering the Conversation

H

Think about an activity that you do particularly well:

cooking, playing the piano, shooting a basketball, even some-

thing as basic as driving a car. If you reflect on this activity, you’ll

realize that once you mastered it you no longer had to give much

conscious thought to the various moves that go into doing it.

Performing this activity, in other words, depends on your having

learned a series of complicated moves—moves that may seem

mysterious or difficult to those who haven’t yet learned them.

The same applies to writing. Often without consciously real-

izing it, accomplished writers routinely rely on a stock of estab-

lished moves that are crucial for communicating sophisticated

ideas. What makes writers masters of their trade is not only

their ability to express interesting thoughts but their mastery

of an inventory of basic moves that they probably picked up

by reading a wide range of other accomplished writers. Less

experienced writers, by contrast, are often unfamiliar with these

basic moves and unsure how to make them in their own writing.

Hence this book, which is intended as a short, user-friendly

guide to the basic moves of academic writing.

One of our key premises is that these basic moves are so

common that they can be represented in templates that you

can use right away to structure and even generate your own

1

I N T R O D U C T I O N

writing. Perhaps the most distinctive feature of this book is

its pre sentation of many such templates, designed to help you

successfully enter not only the world of academic thinking and

writing, but also the wider worlds of civic discourse and work.

Instead of focusing solely on abstract principles of writing,

then, this book offers model templates that help you put those

principles directly into practice. Working with these templates

will give you an immediate sense of how to engage in the kinds

of critical thinking you are required to do at the college level

and in the vocational and public spheres beyond.

Some of these templates represent simple but crucial moves

like those used to summarize some widely held belief.

j Many Americans assume that

.

Others are more complicated.

j On the one hand,

. On the other hand,

.

j Author X contradicts herself. At the same time that she argues

, she also implies

.

j I agree that

.

j This is not to say that

.

It is true, of course, that critical thinking and writing go deeper

than any set of linguistic formulas, requiring that you question

assumptions, develop strong claims, offer supporting reasons

and evidence, consider opposing arguments, and so on. But

these deeper habits of thought cannot be put into practice

unless you have a language for expressing them in clear, orga-

nized ways.

2

Entering the Conversation

state your own ideas as a

response to others

The single most important template that we focus on in this

book is the “they say

; I say

” formula that

gives our book its title. If there is any one point that we hope

you will take away from this book, it is the importance not only

of expressing your ideas (“I say”) but of presenting those ideas

as a response to some other person or group (“they say”). For us,

the underlying structure of effective academic writing—and of

responsible public discourse—resides not just in stating our own

ideas but in listening closely to others around us, summarizing

their views in a way that they will recognize, and responding

with our own ideas in kind. Broadly speaking, academic writ-

ing is argumentative writing, and we believe that to argue well

you need to do more than assert your own position. You need

to enter a conversation, using what others say (or might say)

as a launching pad or sounding board for your own views. For

this reason, one of the main pieces of advice in this book is to

write the voices of others into your text.

In our view, then, the best academic writing has one under-

lying feature: it is deeply engaged in some way with other peo-

ple’s views. Too often, however, academic writing is taught as

a process of saying “true” or “smart” things in a vacuum, as if

it were possible to argue effectively without being in conver-

sation with someone else. If you have been taught to write a

traditional five-paragraph essay, for example, you have learned

how to develop a thesis and support it with evidence. This is

good advice as far as it goes, but it leaves out the important

fact that in the real world we don’t make arguments without

being provoked. Instead, we make arguments because some-

one has said or done something (or perhaps not said or done

3

I N T R O D U C T I O N

something) and we need to respond: “I can’t see why you like

the Lakers so much”; “I agree: it was a great film”; “That argu-

ment is contradictory.” If it weren’t for other people and our

need to challenge, agree with, or otherwise respond to them,

there would be no reason to argue at all.

“why are you telling me this?”

To make an impact as a writer, then, you need to do more than

make statements that are logical, well supported, and consis-

tent. You must also find a way of entering into conversation

with the views of others, with something “they say.” The easiest

and most common way writers do this is by summarizing what

others say and then using it to set up what they want to say.

“But why,” as a student of ours once asked, “do I always

need to summarize the views of others to set up my own view?

Why can’t I just state my own view and be done with it?”

Why indeed? After all, “they,” whoever they may be, will have

already had their say, so why do you have to repeat it? Further-

more, if they had their say in print, can’t readers just go and

read what was said themselves?

The answer is that if you don’t identify the “they say” you’re

responding to, your own argument probably won’t have a point.

Readers will wonder what prompted you to say what you’re say-

ing and therefore motivated you to write. As the figure on the

following page suggests, without a “they say,” what you are saying

may be clear to your audience, but why you are saying it won’t be.

Even if we don’t know what film he’s referring to, it’s easy

to grasp what the speaker means here when he says that its

characters are very complex. But it’s hard to see why the speaker

feels the need to say what he is saying. “Why,” as one member

4

Entering the Conversation

of his imagined audience wonders, “is he telling us this?” So

the characters are complex—so what?

Now look at what happens to the same proposition when it

is presented as a response to something “they say”:

5

I N T R O D U C T I O N

We hope you agree that the same claim—“the characters

in the film are very complex”—becomes much stronger when

presented as a response to a contrary view: that the film’s char-

acters “are sexist stereotypes.” Unlike the speaker in the first

cartoon, the speaker in the second has a clear goal or mission:

to correct what he sees as a mistaken characterization.

the as-opposed-to-what factor

To put our point another way, framing your “I say” as a response

to something “they say” gives your writing an element of con-

trast without which it won’t make sense. It may be helpful to

think of this crucial element as an “as-opposed-to-what factor”

and, as you write, to continually ask yourself, “Who says oth-

erwise?” and “Does anyone dispute it?” Behind the audience’s

“Yeah, so?” and “Why is he telling us this?” in the first cartoon

above lie precisely these types of “As opposed to what?” ques-

tions. The speaker in the second cartoon, we think, is more

satisfying because he answers these questions, helping us see

his point that the film presents complex characters rather than

simple sexist stereotypes.

how it’s done

Many accomplished writers make explicit “they say” moves to

set up and motivate their own arguments. One famous example

is Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” which

consists almost entirely of King’s eloquent responses to a public

statement by eight clergymen deploring the civil rights protests

6

Entering the Conversation

he was leading. The letter—which was written in 1963, while

King was in prison for leading a demonstration against racial

injustice in Birmingham—is structured almost entirely around a

framework of summary and response, in which King summarizes

and then answers their criticisms. In one typical passage, King

writes as follows.

You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But

your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern

for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations.

Martin Luther King Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail”

King goes on to agree with his critics that “It is unfortunate that

demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham,” yet he hastens

to add that “it is even more unfortunate that the city’s white

power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.”

King’s letter is so thoroughly conversational, in fact, that it

could be rewritten in the form of a dialogue or play.

King’s critics:

King’s response:

Critics:

Response:

Clearly, King would not have written his famous letter were

it not for his critics, whose views he treats not as objections

to his already-formed arguments but as the motivating source

of those arguments, their central reason for being. He quotes

not only what his critics have said (“Some have asked: ‘Why

didn’t you give the new city administration time to act?’ ”), but

also things they might have said (“One may well ask: ‘How can

7

I N T R O D U C T I O N

you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?’ ”)—all

to set the stage for what he himself wants to say.

A similar “they say / I say” exchange opens an essay about

American patriotism by the social critic Katha Pollitt, who uses

her own daughter’s comment to represent the patriotic national

fervor after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

My daughter, who goes to Stuyvesant High School only blocks

from the former World Trade Center, thinks we should fly the

American flag out our window. Definitely not, I say: the flag stands

for jingoism and vengeance and war. She tells me I’m wrong—the

flag means standing together and honoring the dead and saying no

to terrorism. In a way we’re both right… .

Katha Pollitt, “Put Out No Flags”

As Pollitt’s example shows, the “they” you respond to in

crafting an argument need not be a famous author or someone

known to your audience. It can be a family member like

Pollitt’s daughter, or a friend or classmate who has made a

provocative claim. It can even be something an individual or

a group might say—or a side of yourself, something you once

believed but no longer do, or something you partly believe but

also doubt. The important thing is that the “they” (or “you” or

“she”) represent some wider group with which readers might

identify—in Pollitt’s case, those who patriotically believe in

flying the flag. Pollitt’s example also shows that responding to

the views of others need not always involve unquali-

See Chapter

4 for more

fied opposition. By agreeing and disagreeing with her

on agreeing,

but with a

daughter, Pollitt enacts what we call the “yes and no”

difference.

response, reconciling apparently incompatible views.

While King and Pollitt both identify the views they are

responding to, some authors do not explicitly state their views

8

Entering the Conversation

but instead allow the reader to infer them. See, for instance, if

you can identify the implied or unnamed “they say” that the

following claim is responding to.

I like to think I have a certain advantage as a teacher of literature

because when I was growing up I disliked and feared books.

Gerald Graff, “Disliking Books at an Early Age”

In case you haven’t figured it out already, the phantom “they

say” here is the common belief that in order to be a good

teacher of literature, one must have grown up liking and enjoy-

ing books.

court controversy, but …

As you can see from these examples, many writers use the “they

say / I say” format to challenge standard ways of thinking and

thus to stir up controversy. This point may come as a shock to

you if you have always had the impression that in order to suc-

ceed academically you need to play it safe and avoid controversy

in your writing, making statements that nobody can possibly

disagree with. Though this view of writing may appear logical,

it is actually a recipe for flat, lifeless writing and for writing that

fails to answer what we call the “so what?” and “who cares?”

questions. “William Shakespeare wrote many famous plays and

sonnets” may be a perfectly true statement, but precisely because

nobody is likely to disagree with it, it goes without saying and

thus would seem pointless if said.

But just because controversy is important doesn’t mean you

have to become an attack dog who automatically disagrees with

9

I N T R O D U C T I O N

everything others say. We think this is an important point to

underscore because some who are not familiar with this book

have gotten the impression from the title that our goal is to

train writers simply to disparage whatever “they say.”

disagreeing without being disagreeable

There certainly are occasions when strong critique is needed.

It’s hard to live in a deeply polarized society like our current one

and not feel the need at times to criticize what others think.

But even the most justified critiques fall flat, we submit, unless

we really listen to and understand the views we are criticizing:

j While I understand the impulse to

, my own view

is

.

Even the most sympathetic audiences, after all, tend to feel

manipulated by arguments that scapegoat and caricature the

other side.

Furthermore, genuinely listening to views we disagree with

can have the salutary effect of helping us see that beliefs we’d

initially disdained may not be as thoroughly reprehensible as

we’d imagined. Thus the type of “they say / I say” argument

that we promote in this book can take the form of agreeing up

to a point or, as the Pollitt example above illustrates, of both

agreeing and disagreeing simultaneously, as in:

j While I agree with X that

, I cannot accept her over-

all conclusion that

.

j While X argues

, and I argue

, in a way

we’re both right.

1 0

Entering the Conversation

Agreement cannot be ruled out, however:

j I agree with

that

.

the template of templates

There are many ways, then, to enter a conversation and respond

to what “they say.” But our discussion of ways to do so would

be incomplete were we not to mention the most comprehensive

way that writers enter conversations, which incorporates all the

major moves discussed in this book:

j In recent discussions of

, a controversial issue has

been whether

. On the one hand, some argue

that

. From this perspective,

. On the other

hand, however, others argue that

. In the words of

, one of this view’s main proponents, “

.”

According to this view,

. In sum, then, the issue is

whether

or

.

My own view is that

. Though I concede that

, I still maintain that

. For example,

. Although some might object that

, I would

reply that

. The issue is important because

.

This “template of templates,” as we like to call it, represents

the internal DNA of countless articles and even entire books.

Writers commonly use a version of it not only to stake out their

“they say” and “I say” at the start of their manuscript, but—just

as important—to form the overarching blueprint that structures

what they write over the entire length of their text.

1 1

I N T R O D U C T I O N

Taking it line by line, this master template first helps

you open your text by identifying an issue in some ongoing

conversation or debate (“In recent discussions of

,

a controversial issue has been

”), and then to map

some of the voices in this controversy (by using the “on the

one hand / on the other hand” structure). The template

then helps you introduce a quotation (“In the words of ”),

to explain the quotation in your own words (“According to

this view”), and—in a new paragraph—to state your own

argument (“My own view is that”), to qualify your argu-

ment (“Though I concede that”), and then to support your

argument with evidence (“For example”). In addition, the

template helps you make one of the most crucial moves in

argumentative writing, what we call “planting a naysayer in

your text,” in which you summarize and then answer a likely

objection to your own central claim (“Although it might

be objected that

, I reply

”). Finally,

this template helps you shift between general, over-arching

claims (“In sum, then”) and smaller-scale, supporting claims

(“For example”).

Again, none of us is born knowing these moves, especially

when it comes to academic writing. Hence the need for this

book.

but isn’t this plagiarism?

“But isn’t this plagiarism?” at least one student each year will

usually ask. “Well, is it?” we respond, turning the question

around into one the entire class can profit from. “We are, after

all, asking you to use language in your writing that isn’t your

1 2

Entering the Conversation

own—language that you ‘borrow’ or, to put it less delicately,

steal from other writers.”

Often, a lively discussion ensues that raises important

questions about authorial ownership and helps everyone

better understand the frequently confusing line between pla-

giarism and the legitimate use of what others say and how

they say it. Students are quick to see that no one person

owns a conventional formula like “on the one hand …

on the other hand… .” Phrases like “a controversial issue”

are so commonly used and recycled that they are generic—

community property that can be freely used without fear of

committing plagiarism. It is plagiarism, however, if the words

used to fill in the blanks of such formulas are borrowed from

others without proper acknowledgment. In sum, then, while

it is not plagiarism to recycle conventionally used formulas, it

is a serious academic offense to take the substantive content

from others’ texts without citing the author and giving him

or her proper credit.

“ok—but templates?”

Nevertheless, if you are like some of our students, your ini-

tial response to templates may be skepticism. At first, many

of our students complain that using templates will take away

their originality and creativity and make them all sound the

same. “They’ll turn us into writing robots,” one of our students

insisted. “I’m in college now,” another student asserted; “this

is third-grade-level stuff.”

In our view, however, the templates in this book, far from

being “third-grade-level stuff,” represent the stock-in-trade of

1 3

I N T R O D U C T I O N

sophisticated thinking and writing, and they often require a great

deal of practice and instruction to use successfully. As for the

belief that pre-established forms undermine creativity, we think

it rests on a very limited vision of what creativity is all about.

In our view, the templates in this book will actually help your

writing become more original and creative, not less. After all,

even the most creative forms of expression depend on established

patterns and structures. Most songwriters, for instance, rely on a

time-honored verse-chorus-verse pattern, and few people would

call Shakespeare uncreative because he didn’t invent the sonnet

or the dramatic forms that he used to such dazzling effect. Even

the most avant-garde, cutting-edge artists like improvisational

jazz musicians need to master the basic forms that their work

improvises on, departs from, and goes beyond, or else their work

will come across as uneducated child’s play. Ultimately, then,

creativity and originality lie not in the avoidance of established

forms but in the imaginative use of them.

Furthermore, these templates do not dictate the content of

what you say, which can be as original as you can make it, but

only suggest a way of formatting how you say it. In addition,

once you begin to feel comfortable with the templates in this

book, you will be able to improvise creatively on them to fit

new situations and purposes and find others in your reading.

In other words, the templates offered here are learning tools to

get you started, not structures set in stone. Once you get used

to using them, you can even dispense with them altogether,

for the rhetorical moves they model will be at your fingertips

in an unconscious, instinctive way.

But if you still need proof that writing templates need not

make you sound stiff and artificial, consider the following open-

ing to an essay on the fast-food industry that we’ve included at

the back of this book.

1 4

Entering the Conversation

If ever there were a newspaper headline custom-made for Jay Leno’s

monologue, this was it. Kids taking on McDonald’s this week, suing

the company for making them fat. Isn’t that like middle-aged men

suing Porsche for making them get speeding tickets? Whatever

happened to personal responsibility?

I tend to sympathize with these portly fast-food patrons, though.

Maybe that’s because I used to be one of them.

David Zinczenko, “Don’t Blame the Eater”

Although Zinczenko relies on a version of the “they say / I

say” formula, his writing is anything but dry, robotic, or uncre-

ative. While Zinczenko does not explicitly use the words

“they say” and “I say,” the template still gives the passage its

underlying structure: “They say that kids suing fast-food com-

panies for making them fat is a joke; but I say such lawsuits

are justified.”

putting in your oar

Though the immediate goal of this book is to help you become a

better writer, at a deeper level it invites you to become a certain

type of person: a critical, intellectual thinker who, instead of sit-

ting passively on the sidelines, can participate in the debates and

conversations of your world in an active and empowered way.

Ultimately, this book invites you to become a critical thinker

who can enter the types of conversations described eloquently

by the philosopher Kenneth Burke in the following widely cited

passage. Likening the world of intellectual exchange to a never-

ending conversation at a party, Burke writes:

You come late. When you arrive, others have long preceded you,

and they are engaged in a heated discussion, a discussion too heated

1 5

I N T R O D U C T I O N

for them to pause and tell you exactly what it is about… . You

listen for a while, until you decide that you have caught the tenor

of the argument; then you put in your oar. Someone answers; you

answer him; another comes to your defense; another aligns himself

against you… . The hour grows late, you must depart. And you do

depart, with the discussion still vigorously in progress.

Kenneth Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form

What we like about this passage is its suggestion that stating an

argument (putting in your oar) can only be done in conversa-

tion with others; that entering the dynamic world of ideas must

be done not as isolated individuals but as social beings deeply

connected to others.

This ability to enter complex, many-sided conversations

has taken on a special urgency in today’s polarized, Red State /

Blue State America, where the future for all of us may depend

on our ability to put ourselves in the shoes of those who think

very differently from us. The central piece of advice in this

book—that we listen carefully to others, including those who

disagree with us, and then engage with them thoughtfully

and respectfully—can help us see beyond our own pet beliefs,

which may not be shared by everyone. The mere act of craft-

ing a sentence that begins “Of course, someone might object

that

” may not seem like a way to change the world;

but it does have the potential to jog us out of our comfort

zones, to get us thinking critically about our own beliefs, and

even to change minds, our own included.

Exercises

1. Write a short essay in which you first summarize our rationale

for the templates in this book and then articulate your own

1 6

Entering the Conversation

position in response. If you want, you can use the template

below to organize your paragraphs, expanding and modifying

it as necessary to fit what you want to say.

In the Introduction to “They Say / I Say”: The Moves That Matter in

Academic Writing, Gerald Graff and Cathy Birkenstein provide tem-

plates designed to

. Specifically, Graff and Birkenstein

argue that the types of writing templates they offer

. As

the authors themselves put it, “

.” Although some people

believe

, Graff and Birkenstein insist that

.

In sum, then, their view is that

.

I [agree/disagree/have mixed feelings]. In my view, the types

of templates that the authors recommend

. For

instance,

. In addition,

. Some might object,

of course, on the grounds that

. Yet I would argue

that

. Overall, then, I believe

—an important

point to make given

.

2. Read the following paragraph from an essay by Emily Poe, a

student at Furman University. Disregarding for the moment

what Poe says, focus your attention on the phrases she uses

to structure what she says (italicized here). Then write a new

paragraph using Poe’s as a model but replacing her topic,

vegetarianism, with one of your own.

The term “vegetarian” tends to be synonymous with “tree-hugger”

in many people’s minds. They see vegetarianism as a cult that

brainwashes its followers into eliminating an essential part of their

daily diets for an abstract goal of “animal welfare.” However, few

vegetarians choose their lifestyle just to follow the crowd. On the

contrary, many of these supposedly brainwashed people are actu-

ally independent thinkers, concerned citizens, and compassionate

human beings. For the truth is that there are many very good reasons

1 7

I N T R O D U C T I O N

for giving up meat. Perhaps the best reasons are to improve the

environment, to encourage humane treatment of livestock, or to

enhance one’s own health. In this essay, then, closely examining a

vegetarian diet as compared to a meat-eater’s diet will show that

vegetarianism is clearly the better option for sustaining the Earth

and all its inhabitants.

1 8

ONE

“they say”

Starting with What Others Are Saying

H

Not long ago we attended a talk at an academic conference

where the speaker’s central claim seemed to be that a certain

sociologist—call him Dr. X—had done very good work in a

number of areas of the discipline. The speaker proceeded to

illustrate his thesis by referring extensively and in great detail

to various books and articles by Dr. X and by quoting long pas-

sages from them. The speaker was obviously both learned and

impassioned, but as we listened to his talk we found ourselves

somewhat puzzled: the argument—that Dr. X’s work was very

important—was clear enough, but why did the speaker need to

make it in the first place? Did anyone dispute it? Were there

commentators in the field who had argued against X’s work or

challenged its value? Was the speaker’s interpretation of what

X had done somehow novel or revolutionary? Since the speaker

gave no hint of an answer to any of these questions, we could

only wonder why he was going on and on about X. It The hypowas only after the speaker finished and took questions thetical audience in

from the audience that we got a clue: in response to the figure on

p. 5 reacts

one questioner, he referred to several critics who had similarly.

1 9

o n e “ T H E Y S A Y ”

vigorously questioned Dr. X’s ideas and convinced many soci-

ologists that Dr. X’s work was unsound.

This story illustrates an important lesson: that to give writ-

ing the most important thing of all—namely, a point—a writer

needs to indicate clearly not only what his or her thesis is,

but also what larger conversation that thesis is responding to.

Because our speaker failed to mention what others had said about

Dr. X’s work, he left his audience unsure about why he felt the

need to say what he was saying. Perhaps the point was clear to

other sociologists in the audience who were more familiar with

the debates over Dr. X’s work than we were. But even they, we

bet, would have understood the speaker’s point better if he’d

sketched in some of the larger conversation his own claims were

a part of and reminded the audience about what “they say.”

This story also illustrates an important lesson about the order

in which things are said: to keep an audience engaged, a writer

needs to explain what he or she is responding to—either before

offering that response or, at least, very early in the discussion.

Delaying this explanation for more than one or two paragraphs

in a very short essay or blog entry, three or four pages in a lon-

ger work, or more than ten or so pages in a book reverses the

See how an

natural order in which readers process material—and in

essay about

community

which writers think and develop ideas. After all, it seems

college opens

very unlikely that our conference speaker first developed

by quoting its

critics, p. 365.

his defense of Dr. X and only later came across Dr. X’s

critics. As someone knowledgeable in his field, the speaker surely

encountered the criticisms first and only then was compelled to

respond and, as he saw it, set the record straight.

Therefore, when it comes to constructing an argument

(whether orally or in writing), we offer you the following

advice: remember that you are entering a conversation and

therefore need to start with “what others are saying,” as the

2 0

Starting with What Others Are Saying

title of this chapter recommends, and then introduce your own

ideas as a response. Specifically, we suggest that you summarize

what “they say” as soon as you can in your text, and remind

readers of it at strategic points as your text unfolds. Though

it’s true that not all texts follow this practice, we think it’s

important for all writers to master it before they depart from it.

This is not to say that you must start with a detailed list of

everyone who has written on your subject before you offer your

own ideas. Had our conference speaker gone to the opposite

extreme and spent most of his talk summarizing Dr. X’s critics

with no hint of what he himself had to say, the audience probably

would have had the same frustrated “why-is-he-going-on-like-

this?” reaction. What we suggest, then, is that as soon as possible

you state your own position and the one it’s responding to together,

and that you think of the two as a unit. It is generally best to

summarize the ideas you’re responding to briefly, at the start of

your text, and to delay detailed elaboration until later. The point

is to give your readers a quick preview of what is motivating your

argument, not to drown them in details right away.

Starting with a summary of others’ views may seem to con-

tradict the common advice that writers should lead with their

own thesis or claim. Although we agree that you shouldn’t keep

readers in suspense too long about your central argument, we also

believe that you need to present that argument as part of some

larger conversation, indicating something about the arguments

of others that you are supporting, opposing, amending, compli-

cating, or qualifying. One added benefit of summarizing others’

views as soon as you can: you let those others do some of the

work of framing and clarifying the issue you’re writing about.

Consider, for example, how George Orwell starts his famous

essay “Politics and the English Language” with what others are

saying.

2 1

o n e “ T H E Y S A Y ”

Most people who bother with the matter at all would admit that the

English language is in a bad way, but it is generally assumed that

we cannot by conscious action do anything about it. Our civiliza-

tion is decadent and our language—so the argument runs—must

inevitably share in the general collapse… .

[But] the process is reversible. Modern English … is full of

bad habits … which can be avoided if one is willing to take the

necessary trouble.

George Orwell, “Politics and the English Language”

Orwell is basically saying, “Most people assume that we cannot

do anything about the bad state of the English language. But

I say we can.”

Of course, there are many other powerful ways to begin.

Instead of opening with someone else’s views, you could start

with an illustrative quotation, a revealing fact or statistic, or—

as we do in this chapter—a relevant anecdote. If you choose

one of these formats, however, be sure that it in some way

illustrates the view you’re addressing or leads you to that view

directly, with a minimum of steps.

In opening this chapter, for example, we devote the first para-

graph to an anecdote about the conference speaker and then

move quickly at the start of the second paragraph to the miscon-

ception about writing exemplified by the speaker. In the follow-

ing opening, from an opinion piece in the New York Times Book

Review, Christina Nehring also moves quickly from an anecdote

illustrating something she dislikes to her own claim—that book

lovers think too highly of themselves.

“I’m a reader!” announced the yellow button. “How about you?” I

looked at its bearer, a strapping young guy stalking my town’s Festival

of Books. “I’ll bet you’re a reader,” he volunteered, as though we were

2 2

Starting with What Others Are Saying

two geniuses well met. “No,” I replied. “Absolutely not,” I wanted to

yell, and fling my Barnes & Noble bag at his feet. Instead, I mumbled

something apologetic and melted into the crowd.

There’s a new piety in the air: the self-congratulation of book

lovers.

Christina Nehring, “Books Make You a Boring Person”

Nehring’s anecdote is really a kind of “they say”: book lovers

keep telling themselves how great they are.

templates for introducing

what “they say”

There are lots of conventional ways to introduce what others

are saying. Here are some standard templates that we would

have recommended to our conference speaker.

j A number of sociologists have recently suggested that X’s work

has several fundamental problems.

j It has become common today to dismiss

.

j In their recent work, Y and Z have offered harsh critiques of

for

.

templates for introducing

“standard views”

The following templates can help you make what we call the

“standard view” move, in which you introduce a view that has

become so widely accepted that by now it is essentially the

conventional way of thinking about a topic.

2 3

o n e “ T H E Y S A Y ”

j

Americans have always believed that individual effort can

triumph over circumstances.

j Conventional wisdom has it that

.

j Common sense seems to dictate that

.

j The standard way of thinking about topic X has it that

.

j It is often said that

.

j My whole life I have heard it said that

.

j You would think that

.

j Many people assume that

.

These templates are popular because they provide a quick

and efficient way to perform one of the most common moves

that writers make: challenging widely accepted beliefs, placing

them on the examining table, and analyzing their strengths

and weaknesses.

templates for making what “they say”

something you say

Another way to introduce the views you’re responding to is

to present them as your own. That is, the “they say” that you

respond to need not be a view held by others; it can be one that

you yourself once held or one that you are ambivalent about.

j I’ve always believed that museums are boring.

j When I was a child, I used to think that

.

2 4

Starting with What Others Are Saying

j Although I should know better by now, I cannot help thinking

that

.

j

At the same time that I believe

, I also believe

.

templates for introducing

something implied or assumed

Another sophisticated move a writer can make is to summarize

a point that is not directly stated in what “they say” but is

implied or assumed.

j Although none of them have ever said so directly, my teachers

have often given me the impression that education will open doors.

j One implication of X’s treatment of

is that

.

j Although X does not say so directly, she apparently assumes

that

.

j

While they rarely admit as much,

often take for

granted that

.

These are templates that can help you think analytically—to

look beyond what others say explicitly and to consider their

unstated assumptions, as well as the implications of their views.

templates for introducing

an ongoing debate

Sometimes you’ll want to open by summarizing a debate

that presents two or more views. This kind of opening

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o n e “ T H E Y S A Y ”

demonstrates your awareness that there are conflicting ways

to look at your subject, the clear mark of someone who knows

the subject and therefore is likely to be a reliable, trustworthy

guide. Furthermore, opening with a summary of a debate can

help you explore the issue you are writing about before declar-

ing your own view. In this way, you can use the writing

process itself to help you discover where you stand instead of

having to commit to a position before you are ready to do so.

Here is a basic template for opening with a debate.

j In discussions of X, one controversial issue has been

.

On the one hand,

argues

. On the other

hand,

contends

. Others even maintain

. My own view is

.

The cognitive scientist Mark Aronoff uses this kind of template

in an essay on the workings of the human brain.

Theories of how the mind/brain works have been dominated

for centuries by two opposing views. One, rationalism, sees the

human mind as coming into this world more or less fully formed—

preprogrammed, in modern terms. The other, empiricism, sees the

mind of the newborn as largely unstructured, a blank slate.

Mark Aronoff, “Washington Sleeped Here”

A student writer, Michaela Cullington, uses a version of this

template near the beginning of an essay to frame a debate over

online writing abbreviations like “LOL” (“laughing out loud”)

and to indicate her own position in this debate.

Some people believe that using these abbreviations is hindering

the writing abilities of students, and others argue that texting is

2 6

Starting with What Others Are Saying

actually having a positive effect on writing. In fact, it seems likely

that texting has no significant effect on student writing.

Michaela Cullington, “Does Texting Affect Writing?”

Another way to open with a debate involves starting with a

proposition many people agree with in order to highlight the

point(s) on which they ultimately disagree.

j When it comes to the topic of

, most of us will read-

ily agree that

. Where this agreement usually ends,

however, is on the question of

. Whereas some are

convinced that

, others maintain that

.

The political writer Thomas Frank uses a variation on this move.

That we are a nation divided is an almost universal lament of

this bitter election year. However, the exact property that divides

us—elemental though it is said to be—remains a matter of some

controversy.

Thomas Frank, “American Psyche”

keep what “they say” in view

We can’t urge you too strongly to keep in mind what “they say”

as you move through the rest of your text. After summarizing

the ideas you are responding to at the outset, it’s very impor-

tant to continue to keep those ideas in view. Readers won’t be

able to follow your unfolding response, much less any compli-

cations you may offer, unless you keep reminding them what

claims you are responding to.

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o n e “ T H E Y S A Y ”

In other words, even when presenting your own claims,

you should keep returning to the motivating “they say.”

The longer and more complicated your text, the greater the

chance that readers will forget what ideas originally motivated

it—no matter how clearly you lay them out at the beginning.

At strategic moments throughout your text, we recommend

that you include what we call “return sentences.” Here is an

example.

j

In conclusion, then, as I suggested earlier, defenders of

can’t have it both ways. Their assertion that

is contradicted by their claim that

.

We ourselves use such return sentences at every opportunity in

this book to remind you of the view of writing that our book

questions—that good writing means making true or smart or

logical statements about a given subject with little or no refer-

ence to what others say about it.

By reminding readers of the ideas you’re responding to,

return sentences ensure that your text maintains a sense of

mission and urgency from start to finish. In short, they help

ensure that your argument is a genuine response to others’ views

rather than just a set of observations about a given subject. The

difference is huge. To be responsive to others and the conver-

sation you’re entering, you need to start with what others are

saying and continue keeping it in the reader’s view.

Exercises

1. The following is a list of arguments that lack a “they say.”

Like the speaker in the cartoon on page 5 who declares

that the film presents complex characters, these one-sided

2 8

Starting with What Others Are Saying

arguments fail to explain what view they are responding

to—what view, in effect, they are trying to correct, add to,

qualify, complicate, and so forth. Your job in this exercise

is to provide each argument with such a counterview. Feel

free to use any of the templates in this chapter that you find

helpful.

a. Our experiments suggest that there are dangerous levels

of chemical X in the Ohio groundwater.

b. Material forces drive history.

c. Proponents of Freudian psychology question standard

notions of “rationality.”

d. Male students often dominate class discussions.

e. The film is about the problems of romantic relationships.

f. I’m afraid that templates like the ones in this book will

stifle my creativity.

2. Below is a template that we derived from the opening of David

Zinczenko’s “Don’t Blame the Eater” (p. 647). Use the tem-

plate to structure a passage on a topic of your own choosing.

Your first step here should be to find an idea that you support

that others not only disagree with but actually find laughable

(or, as Zinczenko puts it, worthy of a Jay Leno monologue).

You might write about one of the topics listed in the previous

exercise (the environment, gender relations, the meaning of

a book or movie) or any other topic that interests you.

If ever there was an idea custom-made for a Jay Leno monologue,

this was it:

. Isn’t that like

? Whatever hap-

pened to

?

I happen to sympathize with

, though, perhaps

because

.

2 9

TWO

“her point is”

The Art of Summarizing

H

If it is true, as we claim in this book, that to argue

persuasively you need to be in dialogue with others, then sum-

marizing others’ arguments is central to your arsenal of basic

moves. Because writers who make strong claims need to map

their claims relative to those of other people, it is important

to know how to summarize effectively what those other people

say. (We’re using the word “summarizing” here to refer to any

information from others that you present in your own words,

including that which you paraphrase.)

Many writers shy away from summarizing—perhaps because

they don’t want to take the trouble to go back to the text in

question and wrestle with what it says, or because they fear that

devoting too much time to other people’s ideas will take away

from their own. When assigned to write a response to an article,

such writers might offer their own views on the article’s topic

while hardly mentioning what the article itself argues or says. At

the opposite extreme are those who do nothing but summarize.

Lacking confidence, perhaps, in their own ideas, these writers so

overload their texts with summaries of others’ ideas that their

own voice gets lost. And since these summaries are not animated

3 0

The Art of Summarizing

by the writers’ own interests, they often read like mere lists of

things that X thinks or Y says—with no clear focus.

As a general rule, a good summary requires balancing what

the original author is saying with the writer’s own focus.

Generally speaking, a summary must at once be true to what

the original author says while also emphasizing those aspects

of what the author says that interest you, the writer. Strik-

ing this delicate balance can be tricky, since it means facing

two ways at once: both outward (toward the author See how

being summarized) and inward (toward yourself). Nicholas Carr

Summarizes

Ultimately, it means being respectful of others but the mission of

Google on

simultaneously structuring how you summarize them p. 434, ¶ 24.

in light of your own text’s central argument.

on the one hand,

put yourself in their shoes

To write a really good summary, you must be able to suspend your

own beliefs for a time and put yourself in the shoes of someone

else. This means playing what the writing theorist Peter Elbow

calls the “believing game,” in which you try to inhabit the world-

view of those whose conversation you are joining—and whom you

are perhaps even disagreeing with—and try to see their argument

from their perspective. This ability to temporarily suspend one’s

own convictions is a hallmark of good actors, who must convinc-

ingly “become” characters whom in real life they may detest. As

a writer, when you play the believing game well, readers should

not be able to tell whether you agree or disagree with the ideas

you are summarizing.

If, as a writer, you cannot or will not suspend your own

beliefs in this way, you are likely to produce summaries that are

3 1

t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

so obviously biased that they undermine your credibility with

readers. Consider the following summary.

David Zinczenko’s article “Don’t Blame the Eater” is nothing more

than an angry rant in which he accuses the fast-food companies

of an evil conspiracy to make people fat. I disagree because these

companies have to make money… .

If you review what Zinczenko actually says (pp. 647–50), you

should immediately see that this summary amounts to an unfair

distortion. While Zinczenko does argue that the practices of

the fast-food industry have the effect of making people fat, his

tone is never “angry,” and he never goes so far as to suggest

that the fast-food industry conspires to make people fat with

deliberately evil intent.

Another telltale sign of this writer’s failure to give

Zinczenko a fair hearing is the hasty way he abandons the sum-

mary after only one sentence and rushes on to his own response.

So eager is this writer to disagree that he not only caricatures

what Zinczenko says but also gives the article a hasty, super-

ficial reading. Granted, there are many writing situations in

which, because of matters of proportion, a one- or two-sentence

summary is precisely what you want. Indeed, as writing profes-

sor Karen Lunsford (whose own research focuses on argument

theory) points out, it is standard in the natural and social sci-

ences to summarize the work of others quickly, in one pithy

sentence or phrase, as in the following example.

Several studies (Crackle, 2012; Pop, 2007; Snap, 2006) suggest that

these policies are harmless; moreover, other studies (Dick, 2011;

Harry, 2007; Tom, 2005) argue that they even have benefits.

3 2

The Art of Summarizing

But if your assignment is to respond in writing to a single author,

like Zinczenko, you will need to tell your readers enough about

his or her argument so they can assess its merits on their own,

independent of you.

When a writer fails to provide enough summary or to engage

in a rigorous or serious enough summary, he or she often falls

prey to what we call “the closest cliché syndrome,” in which

what gets summarized is not the view the author in question has

actually expressed but a familiar cliché that the writer mistakes

for the author’s view (sometimes because the writer believes it

and mistakenly assumes the author must too). So, for example,

Martin Luther King Jr.’s passionate defense of civil disobedi-

ence in “Letter from Birmingham Jail” might be summarized

not as the defense of political protest that it actually is but as

a plea for everyone to “just get along.” Similarly, Zinczenko’s

critique of the fast-food industry might be summarized as a call

for overweight people to take responsibility for their weight.

Whenever you enter into a conversation with others in your

writing, then, it is extremely important that you go back to

what those others have said, that you study it very closely, and

that you not confuse it with something you already believe. A

writer who fails to do this ends up essentially conversing with

imaginary others who are really only the products of his or her

own biases and preconceptions.

on the other hand,

know where you are going

Even as writing an effective summary requires you to temporar-

ily adopt the worldview of another person, it does not mean

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t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

ignoring your own view altogether. Paradoxically, at the same

time that summarizing another text requires you to represent

fairly what it says, it also requires that your own response exert

a quiet influence. A good summary, in other words, has a focus

or spin that allows the summary to fit with your own agenda

while still being true to the text you are summarizing.

Thus if you are writing in response to the essay by Zinczenko,

you should be able to see that an essay on the fast-food industry

in general will call for a very different summary than will an

essay on parenting, corporate regulation, or warning labels. If

you want your essay to encompass all three topics, you’ll need

to subordinate these three issues to one of Zinczenko’s general

claims and then make sure this general claim directly sets up

your own argument.

For example, suppose you want to argue that it is parents, not

fast-food companies, who are to blame for children’s obesity.

To set up this argument, you will probably want to compose a

summary that highlights what Zinczenko says about the fast-

food industry and parents. Consider this sample.

In his article “Don’t Blame the Eater,” David Zinczenko blames

the fast-food industry for fueling today’s so-called obesity epidemic,

not only by failing to provide adequate warning labels on its

high-calorie foods but also by filling the nutritional void in chil-

dren’s lives left by their overtaxed working parents. With many

parents working long hours and unable to supervise what their

children eat, Zinczenko claims, children today are easily victimized

by the low-cost, calorie-laden foods that the fast-food chains are all

too eager to supply. When he was a young boy, for instance, and his

single mother was away at work, he ate at Taco Bell, McDonald’s,

and other chains on a regular basis, and ended up overweight.

Zinczenko’s hope is that with the new spate of lawsuits against

3 4

The Art of Summarizing

the food industry, other children with working parents will have

healthier choices available to them, and that they will not, like

him, become obese.

In my view, however, it is the parents, and not the food chains,

who are responsible for their children’s obesity. While it is true

that many of today’s parents work long hours, there are still several

things that parents can do to guarantee that their children eat

healthy foods… .

The summary in the first paragraph succeeds because it points

in two directions at once—both toward Zinczenko’s own text

and toward the second paragraph, where the writer begins to

establish her own argument. The opening sentence gives a sense

of Zinczenko’s general argument (that the fast-food chains are

to blame for obesity), including his two main supporting claims

(about warning labels and parents), but it ends with an empha-

sis on the writer’s main concern: parental responsibility. In this

way, the summary does justice to Zinczenko’s arguments while

also setting up the ensuing critique.

This advice—to summarize authors in light of your own

agenda—may seem painfully obvious. But writers often summa-

rize a given author on one issue even though their text actually

focuses on another. To avoid this problem, you need to make

sure that your “they say” and “I say” are well matched. In fact,

aligning what they say with what you say is a good thing to

work on when revising what you’ve written.

Often writers who summarize without regard to their own

agenda fall prey to what might be called “list summaries,” sum-

maries that simply inventory the original author’s various points

but fail to focus those points around any larger overall claim. If

you’ve ever heard a talk in which the points were connected

only by words like “and then,” “also,” and “in addition,” you

3 5

t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

know how such lists can put listeners to sleep—as shown in

the figure above. A typical list summary sounds like this.

The author says many different things about his subject. First he

says… . Then he makes the point that… . In addition he says… .

And then he writes… . Also he shows that… . And then he says… .

It may be boring list summaries like this that give summaries

in general a bad name and even prompt some instructors to

discourage their students from summarizing at all.

Not all lists are bad, however. A list can be an excellent

way to organize material—but only if, instead of being a mis-

cellaneous grab bag, it is organized around a larger argument

that informs each item listed. Many well-written summaries,

for instance, list various points made by an author, sometimes

itemizing those points (“First, she argues … ,” “Second, she

3 6

The Art of Summarizing

argues … ,” “Third …”), and sometimes even itemizing those

points in bullet form.

Many well-written arguments are organized in a list format as

well. In “The New Liberal Arts,” Sanford J. Ungar lists what he

sees as seven common misperceptions that discourage college

students from majoring in the liberal arts, the first of which

begin:

Misperception No. 1: A liberal-arts degree is a luxury that most

families can no longer afford… .

Misperception No. 2: College graduates are finding it harder to get

good jobs with liberal-arts degrees… .

Misperception No. 3: The liberal arts are particularly irrelevant for

low-income and first-generation college students. They, more than

their more-affluent peers, must focus on something more practical

and marketable.

Sanford J. Ungar, “The New Liberal Arts”

What makes Ungar’s list so effective, and makes it stand out in

contrast to the type of disorganized lists our cartoon parodies, is

that it has a clear, overarching goal: to defend the liberal arts.

Had Ungar’s article lacked such a unifying agenda and instead

been a miscellaneous grab bag, it almost assuredly would have

lost its readers, who wouldn’t have known what to focus on or

what the final “message” or “takeaway” should be.

In conclusion, writing a good summary means not just

representing an author’s view accurately, but doing so in a

way that fits what you want to say, the larger point you want

to make. On the one hand, it means playing Peter Elbow’s

believing game and doing justice to the source; if the summary

ignores or misrepresents the source, its bias and unfairness will

show. On the other hand, even as it does justice to the source,

3 7

t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

a summary has to have a slant or spin that prepares the way

for your own claims. Once a summary enters your text, you

should think of it as joint property—reflecting not just the

source you are summarizing, but your own perspective or take

on it.

summarizing satirically

Thus far in this chapter we have argued that, as a general rule,

good summaries require a balance between what someone else

has said and your own interests as a writer. Now, however, we

want to address one exception to this rule: the satiric summary,

in which a writer deliberately gives his or her own spin to some-

one else’s argument in order to reveal a glaring shortcoming in

it. Despite our previous comments that well-crafted summaries

generally strike a balance between heeding what someone else

has said and your own independent interests, the satiric mode

can at times be a very effective form of critique because it lets

the summarized argument condemn itself without overt edito-

rializing by you, the writer.

One such satiric summary can be found in Sanford J. Ungar’s

essay “The New Liberal Arts,” which we just mentioned. In his

discussion of the “misperception,” as he sees it, that a liberal

arts education is “particularly irrelevant for low-income and

first-generation college students,” who “must focus on some-

thing more practical and marketable,” Ungar restates this view

as “another way of saying, really, that the rich folks will do

the important thinking, and the lower classes will simply carry

out their ideas.” Few who would dissuade disadvantaged stu-

dents from the liberal arts would actually state their position

3 8

The Art of Summarizing

in this insulting way. But in taking their position to its logical

conclusion, Ungar’s satire suggests that this is precisely what

their position amounts to.

use signal verbs that fit the action

In introducing summaries, try to avoid bland formulas like “she

says” or “they believe.” Though language like this is sometimes

serviceable enough, it often fails to reflect accurately what’s

been said. In some cases, “he says” may even drain the passion

out of the ideas you’re summarizing.

We suspect that the habit of ignoring the action when sum-

marizing stems from the mistaken belief we mentioned earlier

that writing is about playing it safe and not making waves, a

matter of piling up truths and bits of knowledge rather than

a dynamic process of doing things to and with other people.

People who wouldn’t hesitate to say “X totally misrepresented,”

“attacked,” or “loved” something when chatting with friends

will in their writing often opt for far tamer and even less accu-

rate phrases like “X said.”

But the authors you summarize at the college level seldom

simply “say” or “discuss” things; they “urge,” “emphasize,”

and “complain about” them. David Zinczenko, for example,

doesn’t just say that fast-food companies contribute to obe-

sity; he complains or protests that they do; he challenges,

chastises, and indicts those companies. The Declaration of

Independence doesn’t just talk about the treatment of the

colonies by the British; it protests against it. To do justice to

the authors you cite, we recommend that when summarizing—

or when introducing a quotation—you use vivid and precise

3 9

t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

signal verbs as often as possible. Though “he says” or “she

believes” will sometimes be the most appropriate language

for the occasion, your text will often be more accurate and

lively if you tailor your verbs to suit the precise actions

you’re describing.

templates for introducing

summaries and quotations

j She advocates a radical revision of the juvenile justice system.

j They celebrate the fact that

.

j

, he admits.

verbs for introducing

summaries and quotations

verbs for making a claim

argue insist

assert observe

believe

remind us

claim report

emphasize suggest

verbs for expressing agreement

acknowledge endorse

admire extol

agree praise

4 0

The Art of Summarizing

verbs for expressing agreement

celebrate the fact that

reaffirm

corroborate support

do not deny

verify

verbs for questioning or disagreeing

complain qualify

complicate question

contend refute

contradict reject

deny renounce

deplore the tendency to

repudiate

verbs for making recommendations

advocate implore

call for

plead

demand recommend

encourage

urge

exhort

warn

Exercises

1. To get a feel for Peter Elbow’s “believing game,” write a sum-

mary of some belief that you strongly disagree with. Then

write a summary of the position that you actually hold on

this topic. Give both summaries to a classmate or two, and

see if they can tell which position you endorse. If you’ve

succeeded, they won’t be able to tell.

4 1

t w o “ H E R P O I N T I S ”

2. Write two different summaries of David Zinczenko’s “Don’t

Blame the Eater” (pp. 647–50). Write the first one for an

essay arguing that, contrary to what Zinczenko claims, there

are inexpensive and convenient alternatives to fast-food

restaurants. Write the second for an essay that questions

whether being overweight is a genuine medical problem

rather than a problem of cultural stereotypes. Compare your

two summaries: though they are about the same article, they

should look very different.

4 2

THREE

“as he himself puts it”

The Art of Quoting

H

A key premise of this book is that to launch an effective

argument you need to write the arguments of others into your

text. One of the best ways to do so is by not only summarizing

what “they say,” as suggested in Chapter 2, but by quoting their

exact words. Quoting someone else’s words gives a tremendous

amount of credibility to your summary and helps ensure that

it is fair and accurate. In a sense, then, quotations function as

a kind of proof of evidence, saying to readers: “Look, I’m not

just making this up. She makes this claim, and here it is in

her exact words.”

Yet many writers make a host of mistakes when it comes to

quoting, not the least of which is the failure to quote enough

in the first place, if at all. Some writers quote too little—

perhaps because they don’t want to bother going back to

the original text and looking up the author’s exact words, or

because they think they can reconstruct the author’s ideas from

memory. At the opposite extreme are writers who so overquote

that they end up with texts that are short on commentary of

their own—maybe because they lack confidence in their abil-

ity to comment on the quotations, or because they don’t fully

4 3

t h r e e “ A S H E H I M S E L F P U T S I T ”

understand what they’ve quoted and therefore have trouble

explaining what the quotations mean.

But the main problem with quoting arises when writers assume

that quotations speak for themselves. Because the meaning of a

quotation is obvious to them, many writers assume that this mean-

ing will also be obvious to their readers, when often it is not.

Writers who make this mistake think that their job is done when

they’ve chosen a quotation and inserted it into their text. They

draft an essay, slap in a few quotations, and whammo, they’re done.

Such writers fail to see that quoting means more than

See how

one author

simply enclosing what “they say” in quotation marks.

connects what

“they say”

In a way, quotations are orphans: words that have

to what she

wants to say,

been taken from their original contexts and that need

pp. 272–73,

to be integrated into their new textual surroundings.

¶ 6–8.

This chapter offers two key ways to produce this sort

of integration: (1) by choosing quotations wisely, with an eye

to how well they support a particular part of your text, and (2)

by surrounding every major quotation with a frame explaining

whose words they are, what the quotation means, and how

the quotation relates to your own text. The point we want to

emphasize is that quoting what “they say” must always be con-

nected with what you say.

quote relevant passages

Before you can select appropriate quotations, you need to have

a sense of what you want to do with them—that is, how they

will support your text at the particular point where you insert

them. Be careful not to select quotations just for the sake of

demonstrating that you’ve read the author’s work; you need to

make sure they support your own argument.

4 4

The Art of Quoting

However, finding relevant quotations is not always easy.

In fact, sometimes quotations that were initially relevant to

your argument, or to a key point in it, become less so as your

text changes during the process of writing and revising. Given

the evolving and messy nature of writing, you may sometimes

think that you’ve found the perfect quotation to support your

argument, only to discover later on, as your text develops, that

your focus has changed and the quotation no longer works. It

can be somewhat misleading, then, to speak of finding your

thesis and finding relevant quotations as two separate steps,

one coming after the other. When you’re deeply engaged in

the writing and revising process, there is usually a great deal

of back-and-forth between your argument and any quotations

you select.

frame every quotation

Finding relevant quotations is only part of your job; you also

need to present them in a way that makes their relevance and

meaning clear to your readers. Since quotations do not speak

for themselves, you need to build a frame around them in which

you do that speaking for them.

Quotations that are inserted into a text without such a

frame are sometimes called “dangling” quotations for the way

they’re left dangling without any explanation. One teacher

we’ve worked with, Steve Benton, calls these “hit-and-run”

quotations, likening them to car accidents in which the driver

speeds away and avoids taking responsibility for the dent in

your fender or the smashed taillights, as in the figure that

follows.

4 5

t h r e e “ A S H E H I M S E L F P U T S I T ”

What follows is a typical hit-and-run quotation by a stu-

dent responding to an essay by Deborah Tannen, a linguistics

professor and prominent author, who complains that academ-

ics value opposition over agreement.

Deborah Tannen writes about academia. Academics believe “that

intellectual inquiry is a metaphorical battle. Following from that is

a second assumption that the best way to demonstrate intellectual

prowess is to criticize, find fault, and attack.”

I agree with Tannen. Another point Tannen makes is that …

See how

Since this student fails to introduce the quotation ade-

Anne-Marie

Slaughter

quately or explain why he finds it worth quoting, read-

introduces a

ers will have a hard time reconstructing what Tannen

long quotation

on pp. 539–40,

argued. First, the student simply gives us the quotation

¶ 13.

from Tannen without telling us who Tannen is or even

indicating that the quoted words are hers. In addition, the stu-

dent does not explain what he takes Tannen to be saying or how

her claims connect with his own. Instead, he simply abandons

the quotation in his haste to zoom on to another point.

4 6

The Art of Quoting

To adequately frame a quotation, you need to insert it into

what we like to call a “quotation sandwich,” with the statement

introducing it serving as the top slice of bread and the explana-

tion following it serving as the bottom slice. The introductory

or lead-in claims should explain who is speaking and set up what

the quotation says; the follow-up statements should explain

why you consider the quotation to be important and what you

take it to say.

templates for introducing quotations

j X states, “Not all steroids should be banned from sports.”

j As the prominent philosopher X puts it, “

.”

j According to X, “

.”

j X himself writes, “

.”

j In her book,

, X maintains that “

.”

j Writing in the journal Commentary, X complains that “

.”

j In X’s view, “

.”

j X agrees when she writes, “

.”

j X disagrees when he writes, “

.”

j X complicates matters further when she writes, “

.”

templates for explaining quotations

The one piece of advice about quoting that our students say

they find most helpful is to get in the habit of following every

4 7

t h r e e “ A S H E H I M S E L F P U T S I T ”

major quotation by explaining what it means, using a template

like one of the ones below.

j Basically, X is warning that the proposed solution will only make

the problem worse.

j In other words, X believes

.

j In making this comment, X urges us to

.

j X is corroborating the age-old adage that

.

j X’s point is that

.

j The essence of X’s argument is that

.

When offering such explanations, it is important to use lan-

guage that accurately reflects the spirit of the quoted passage. It

is often serviceable enough in introducing a quotation to write

“X states” or “X asserts,” but in most cases you can add preci-

sion to your writing by introducing the quotation in more vivid

terms. Since, in the example above, Tannen is clearly

See pp. 40–41

for a list of

alarmed by the culture of “attack” that she describes,

action verbs for

summarizing

it would be more accurate to use language that reflects

what other say.

that alarm: “Tannen is alarmed that,” “Tannen is dis-

turbed by,” “Tannen deplores,” or (in our own formulation

here) “Tannen complains.”

Consider, for example, how the earlier passage on Tannen

might be revised using some of these moves.

Deborah Tannen, a prominent linguistics professor, complains that

academia is too combative. Rather than really listening to others,

Tannen insists, academics habitually try to prove one another wrong.

As Tannen herself puts it, “We are all driven by our ideological

4 8

The Art of Quoting

assumption that intellectual inquiry is a metaphorical battle,” that

“the best way to demonstrate intellectual prowess is to criticize, find

fault, and attack.” In short, Tannen objects that academic commu-

nication tends to be a competition for supremacy in which loftier

values like truth and consensus get lost.

Tannen’s observations ring true to me because I have often felt

that the academic pieces I read for class are negative and focus on

proving another theorist wrong rather than stating a truth …

This revision works, we think, because it frames or nests Tannen’s

words, integrating them and offering guidance about how they

should be read. Instead of launching directly into the quoted

words, as the previous draft had done, this revised version iden-

tifies Tannen (“a prominent linguistics professor”) and clearly

indicates that the quoted words are hers (“as Tannen herself puts

it”). And instead of being presented without explanation as it

was before, the quotation is now presented as an illustration of

Tannen’s point that, as the student helpfully puts it, “academics

habitually try to prove one another wrong” and compete “for

supremacy.” In this way, the student explains the quotation while

restating it in his own words, thereby making it clear that the

quotation is being used purposefully instead of having been stuck

in simply to pad the essay or the works-cited list.

blend the author’s words

with your own

This new framing material also works well because it accurately

represents Tannen’s words while giving those words the stu-

dent’s own spin. Instead of simply repeating Tannen word for

word, the follow-up sentences echo just enough of her language

4 9

t h r e e “ A S H E H I M S E L F P U T S I T ”

while still moving the discussion in the student’s own direc-

tion. Tannen’s “battle,” “criticize,” “find fault,” and “attack,”

for instance, get translated by the student into claims about

how “combative” Tannen thinks academics are and how she

thinks they “habitually try to prove one another wrong.” In

this way, the framing creates a kind of hybrid mix of Tannen’s

words and those of the writer.

can you overanalyze a quotation?

But is it possible to overexplain a quotation? And how do you

know when you’ve explained a quotation thoroughly enough?

After all, not all quotations require the same amount of explan-

atory framing, and there are no hard-and-fast rules for knowing

how much explanation any quotation needs. As a general rule,

the most explanatory framing is needed for quotations that may

be hard for readers to process: quotations that are long and

complex, that are filled with details or jargon, or that contain

hidden complexities.

And yet, though the particular situation usually dictates

when and how much to explain a quotation, we will still offer

one piece of advice: when in doubt, go for it. It is better to

risk being overly explicit about what you take a quotation to

mean than to leave the quotation dangling and your readers in

doubt. Indeed, we encourage you to provide such explanatory

framing even when writing to an audience that you know to be

familiar with the author being quoted and able to interpret your

quotations on their own. Even in such cases, readers need to see

how you interpret the quotation, since words—especially those

of controversial figures—can be interpreted in various ways

and used to support different, sometimes opposing, agendas.

5 0

The Art of Quoting

Your readers need to see what you make of the material you’ve

quoted, if only to be sure that your reading of the material and

theirs are on the same page.

how not to introduce quotations

We want to conclude this chapter by surveying some ways

not to introduce quotations. Although some writers do so,

you should not introduce quotations by saying something like

“Orwell asserts an idea that” or “A quote by Shakespeare says.”

Introductory phrases like these are both redundant and mislead-

ing. In the first example, you could write either “Orwell asserts

that” or “Orwell’s assertion is that,” rather than redundantly

combining the two. The second example misleads readers, since

it is the writer who is doing the quoting, not Shakespeare (as

“a quote by Shakespeare” implies).

The templates in this book will help you avoid such mis-

takes. Once you have mastered templates like “as X puts it”

or “in X’s own words,” you probably won’t even have to think

about them—and will be free to focus on the challenging ideas

that templates help you frame.

Exercises

1. Find a published piece of writing that quotes something that

“they say.” How has the writer integrated the quotation into

his or her own text? How has he or she introduced the quota-

tion, and what, if anything, has the writer said to explain it

and tie it to his or her own text? Based on what you’ve read

in this chapter, are there any changes you would suggest?

5 1

t h r e e “ A S H E H I M S E L F P U T S I T ”

2. Look at something you have written for one of your classes.

Have you quoted any sources? If so, how have you integrated

the quotation into your own text? How have you intro-

duced it? explained what it means? indicated how it relates

to your text? If you haven’t done all these things, revise your

text to do so, perhaps using the Templates for Introducing

Quotations (p. 47) and Explaining Quotations (pp. 47–48).

If you’ve not written anything with quotations, try revising

some academic text you’ve written to do so.

5 2

FOUR

“yes / no / okay, but”

Three Ways to Respond

H

The first three chapters of this book discuss the “they

say” stage of writing, in which you devote your attention to the

views of some other person or group. In this chapter we move

to the “I say” stage, in which you offer your own argument as

a response to what “they” have said.

Moving to the “I say” stage can be daunting in academia,

where it often may seem that you need to be an expert in a field

to have an argument at all. Many students have told us that they

have trouble entering some of the high-powered conversations

that take place in college or graduate school because they do not

know enough about the topic at hand or because, they say, they

simply are not “smart enough.” Yet often these same students,

when given a chance to study in depth the contribution that

some scholar has made in a given field, will turn around and

say things like “I can see where she is coming from, how she

makes her case by building on what other scholars have said.

Perhaps had I studied the situation longer I could have come up

with a similar argument.” What these students come to realize

is that good arguments are based not on knowledge that only

a special class of experts has access to, but on everyday habits

5 3

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

of mind that can be isolated, identified, and used by almost

anyone. Though there’s certainly no substitute for expertise

and for knowing as much as possible about one’s topic, the

arguments that finally win the day are built, as the title of this

chapter suggests, on some very basic rhetorical patterns that

most of us use on a daily basis.

There are a great many ways to respond to others’ ideas,

but this chapter concentrates on the three most common and

recognizable ways: agreeing, disagreeing, or some combination

of both. Although each way of responding is open to endless

variation, we focus on these three because readers come to any

text needing to learn fairly quickly where the writer stands, and

they do this by placing the writer on a mental map consisting

of a few familiar options: the writer agrees with those he or

she is responding to, disagrees with them, or presents some

combination of both agreeing and disagreeing.

When writers take too long to declare their position relative

to views they’ve summarized or quoted, readers get frustrated,

wondering, “Is this guy agreeing or disagreeing? Is he for what

this other person has said, against it, or what?” For this reason,

this chapter’s advice applies to reading as well as to writing.

Especially with difficult texts, you need not only to find the

position the writer is responding to—the “they say”—but also

to determine whether the writer is agreeing with it, challenging

it, or some mixture of the two.

only three ways to respond?

Perhaps you’ll worry that fitting your own response into one of

these three categories will force you to oversimplify your argu-

ment or lessen its complexity, subtlety, or originality. This is

5 4

Three Ways to Respond

certainly a serious concern for academics who are rightly skepti-

cal of writing that is simplistic and reductive. We would argue,

however, that the more complex and subtle your argument is,

and the more it departs from the conventional ways people

think, the more your readers will need to be able to place it

on their mental map in order to process the complex details

you present. That is, the complexity, subtlety, and originality

of your response are more likely to stand out and be noticed

if readers have a baseline sense of where you stand relative to

any ideas you’ve cited. As you move through this chapter, we

hope you’ll agree that the forms of agreeing, disagreeing, and

both agreeing and disagreeing that we discuss, far from being

simplistic or one-dimensional, are able to accommodate a high

degree of creative, complex thought.

It is always a good tactic to begin your response not by

launching directly into a mass of details but by stating

clearly whether you agree, disagree, or both, using a direct,

no-nonsense formula such as: “I agree,” “I disagree,” or “I am

of two minds. I agree that

, but I cannot agree

that

.” Once you have offered one of these straight-

forward statements (or one of the many variations dis-

See p. 21 for

cussed below), readers will have a strong grasp of your suggestions

position and then be able to appreciate the complica-

on previewing

where you

tions you go on to offer as your response unfolds.

stand.

Still, you may object that these three basic ways of respond-

ing don’t cover all the options—that they ignore interpretive or

analytical responses, for example. In other words, you might think

that when you interpret a literary work you don’t necessarily agree

or disagree with anything but simply explain the work’s meaning,

style, or structure. Many essays about literature and the arts, it

might be said, take this form—they interpret a work’s meaning,

thus rendering matters of agreeing or disagreeing irrelevant.

5 5

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

We would argue, however, that the most interesting inter-

pretations in fact tend to be those that agree, disagree, or

both—that instead of being offered solo, the best interpreta-

tions take strong stands relative to other interpretations. In fact,

there would be no reason to offer an interpretation of a work

of literature or art unless you were responding to the interpre-

tations or possible interpretations of others. Even when you

point out features or qualities of an artistic work that others

have not noticed, you are implicitly disagreeing with what

those interpreters have said by pointing out that they missed

or overlooked something that, in your view, is important. In

any effective interpretation, then, you need not only to state

what you yourself take the work of art to mean but to do so

relative to the interpretations of other readers—be they pro-

fessional scholars, teachers, classmates, or even hypothetical

readers (as in, “Although some readers might think that this

poem is about

, it is in fact about

”).

disagree—and explain why

Disagreeing may seem like one of the simpler moves a writer

can make, and it is often the first thing people associate with

critical thinking. Disagreeing can also be the easiest way to

generate an essay: find something you can disagree with in what

has been said or might be said about your topic, summarize

it, and argue with it. But disagreement in fact poses hidden

challenges. You need to do more than simply assert that you

disagree with a particular view; you also have to offer persuasive

reasons why you disagree. After all, disagreeing means more

than adding “not” to what someone else has said, more than

just saying, “Although they say women’s rights are improving,

5 6

Three Ways to Respond

I say women’s rights are not improving.” Such a response merely

contradicts the view it responds to and fails to add anything

interesting or new. To turn it into an argument, you need to

give reasons to support what you say: because another’s argu-

ment fails to take relevant factors into account; because See p. 236,

it is based on faulty or incomplete evidence; because it ¶ 13 to see

how Michelle

rests on questionable assumptions; or because it uses Alexander

disagrees and

flawed logic, is contradictory, or overlooks what you explains why.

take to be the real issue. To move the conversation forward

(and, indeed, to justify your very act of writing), you need to

demonstrate that you have something to contribute.

You can even disagree by making what we call the “duh”

move, in which you disagree not with the position itself but

with the assumption that it is a new or stunning revelation.

Here is an example of such a move, used to open an essay on

the state of American schools.

According to a recent report by some researchers at Stanford Uni-

versity, high school students with college aspirations “often lack

crucial information on applying to college and on succeeding aca-

demically once they get there.”

Well, duh… . It shouldn’t take a Stanford research team to tell

us that when it comes to “succeeding academically,” many students

don’t have a clue.

Gerald Graff, “Trickle-Down Obfuscation”

Like all of the other moves discussed in this book, the “duh”

move can be tailored to meet the needs of almost any writing

situation. If you find the expression “duh” too brash to use with

your intended audience, you can always dispense with the term

itself and write something like “It is true that

; but

we already knew that.”

5 7

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

templates for disagreeing, with reasons

j X is mistaken because she overlooks recent fossil discoveries in

the South.

j X’s claim that

rests upon the questionable assumption

that

.

j I disagree with X’s view that

because, as recent

research has shown,

.

j

X contradicts herself/can’t have it both ways. On the one

hand, she argues

. On the other hand, she also

says

.

j By focusing on

, X overlooks the deeper problem

of

.

You can also disagree by making what we call the “twist

it” move, in which you agree with the evidence that someone

else has presented but show through a twist of logic that this

evidence actually supports your own, contrary position. For

example:

X argues for stricter gun control legislation, saying that the crime

rate is on the rise and that we need to restrict the circulation of

guns. I agree that the crime rate is on the rise, but that’s precisely

why I oppose stricter gun control legislation. We need to own guns

to protect ourselves against criminals.

In this example of the “twist it” move, the writer agrees with

X’s claim that the crime rate is on the rise but then argues that

this increasing crime rate is in fact a valid reason for opposing

gun control legislation.

5 8

Three Ways to Respond

At times you might be reluctant to express disagreement,

for any number of reasons—not wanting to be unpleasant,

to hurt someone’s feelings, or to make yourself vulnerable to

being disagreed with in return. One of these reasons may in fact

explain why the conference speaker we described at the start of

Chapter 1 avoided mentioning the disagreement he had with

other scholars until he was provoked to do so in the discussion

that followed his talk.

As much as we understand such fears of conflict and have

experienced them ourselves, we nevertheless believe it is better

to state our disagreements in frank yet considerate ways than to

deny them. After all, suppressing disagreements doesn’t make

them go away; it only pushes them underground, where they

can fester in private unchecked. Nevertheless, disagreements

do not need to take the form of personal put-downs. Further-

more, there is usually no reason to take issue with every aspect

of someone else’s views. You can single out for criticism only

those aspects of what someone else has said that are troubling,

and then agree with the rest—although such an approach, as

we will see later in this chapter, leads to the somewhat more

complicated terrain of both agreeing and disagreeing at the

same time.

agree—but with a difference

Like disagreeing, agreeing is less simple than it may appear. Just

as you need to avoid simply contradicting views you disagree

with, you also need to do more than simply echo views you agree

with. Even as you’re agreeing, it’s important to bring something

new and fresh to the table, adding something that makes you

a valuable participant in the conversation.

5 9

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

There are many moves that enable you to contribute some-

thing of your own to a conversation even as you agree with

what someone else has said. You may point out some unno-

ticed evidence or line of reasoning that supports X’s claims that

X herself hadn’t mentioned. You may cite some corroborating

personal experience, or a situation not mentioned by X that

her views help readers understand. If X’s views are particularly

challenging or esoteric, what you bring to the table could be an

accessible translation—an explanation for readers not already in

the know. In other words, your text can usefully contribute to

the conversation simply by pointing out unnoticed implications

or explaining something that needs to be better understood.

Whatever mode of agreement you choose, the important

thing is to open up some difference or contrast between your

position and the one you’re agreeing with rather than simply

parroting what it says.

templates for agreeing

j I agree that diversity in the student body is educationally valuable

because my experience at Central University confirms it.

j X is surely right about

because, as she may not be

aware, recent studies have shown that

.

j X’s theory of

is extremely useful because it sheds

light on the difficult problem of

.

j Those unfamiliar with this school of thought may be interested

to know that it basically boils down to

.

Some writers avoid the practice of agreeing almost as much as

others avoid disagreeing. In a culture like America’s that prizes

6 0

Three Ways to Respond

originality, independence, and competitive individualism, writ-

ers sometimes don’t like to admit that anyone else has made the

same point, seemingly beating them to the punch. In our view,

however, as long as you can support a view taken by someone

else without merely restating what he or she has said, there is

no reason to worry about being “unoriginal.” Indeed, there is

good reason to rejoice when you agree with others since those

others can lend credibility to your argument. While you don’t

want to present yourself as a mere copycat of someone else’s

views, you also need to avoid sounding like a lone voice in

the wilderness.

But do be aware that whenever you agree with one person’s

view, you are likely disagreeing with someone else’s. It is hard

to align yourself with one position without at least implicitly

positioning yourself against others. The psychologist Carol

Gilligan does just that in an essay in which she agrees with

scientists who argue that the human brain is “hard-wired”

for cooperation, but in so doing aligns herself against any-

one who believes that the brain is wired for selfishness and

competition.

These findings join a growing convergence of evidence across the

human sciences leading to a revolutionary shift in consciousness.

… If cooperation, typically associated with altruism and self-

sacrifice, sets off the same signals of delight as pleasures commonly

associated with hedonism and self-indulgence; if the opposition

between selfish and selfless, self vs. relationship biologically makes

no sense, then a new paradigm is necessary to reframe the very

terms of the conversation.

Carol Gilligan, “Sisterhood Is Pleasurable:

A Quiet Revolution in Psychology”

6 1

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

In agreeing with some scientists that “the opposition between

selfish and selfless … makes no sense,” Gilligan implicitly dis-

agrees with anyone who thinks the opposition does make sense.

Basically, what Gilligan says could be boiled down to a template.

j I agree that

, a point that needs emphasizing since

so many people still believe

.

j If group X is right that

, as I think they are, then we

need to reassess the popular assumption that

.

What such templates allow you to do, then, is to agree with

one view while challenging another—a move that leads into

the domain of agreeing and disagreeing simultaneously.

agree and disagree simultaneously

This last option is often our favorite way of responding. One

thing we particularly like about agreeing and disagreeing simulta-

neously is that it helps us get beyond the kind of “is too” / “is not”

exchanges that often characterize the disputes of young children

and the more polarized shouting matches of talk radio and TV.

Sanford J. Ungar makes precisely this move in his essay

“The New Liberal Arts” when, in critiquing seven common

“misperceptions” of liberal arts education, he concedes that

several contain a grain of truth. For example, after summariz-

ing “Misperception No. 2,” that “college graduates are finding

it harder to get good jobs with liberal-arts degrees,” that few

employers want to hire those with an “irrelevant major like

philosophy or French,” Ungar writes: “Yes, recent graduates

have had difficulty in the job market… .” But then, after

6 2

Three Ways to Respond

making this concession, Ungar insists that this difficulty affects

graduates in all fields, not just those from the liberal arts. In

this way, we think, Ungar paradoxically strengthens his case.

By admitting that the opposing argument has a point, Ungar

bolsters his credibility, presenting himself as a writer willing to

acknowledge facts as they present themselves rather than one

determined only to cheerlead for his own side.

templates for agreeing

and disagreeing simultaneously

“Yes and no.” “Yes, but …” “Although I agree up to a Clive Thompson

point, I still insist …” These are just some of the ways says “yes, but”

to an argument

you can make your argument complicated and nuanced that technology

while maintaining a clear, reader-friendly framework. harms our

brains, p. 456,

The parallel structure—“yes and no”; “on the one hand ¶ 34.

I agree, on the other I disagree”—enables readers to place your

argument on that map of positions we spoke of earlier in this

chapter while still keeping your argument sufficiently complex.

Charles Murray’s essay “Are Too Many People Going to

College?” contains a good example of the “yes and no” move

when, at the outset of his essay, Murray responds to what he

sees as the prevailing wisdom about the liberal arts and college:

We should not restrict the availability of a liberal education to a

rarefied intellectual elite. More people should be going to college,

not fewer.

Yes and no. More people should be getting the basics of a liberal

education. But for most students, the places to provide those basics

are elementary and middle school.

Charles Murray, “Are Too Many People Going to College?”

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f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

In other words, Murray is saying yes to more liberal arts, but

not to more college.

Another aspect we like about this “yes and no,” “agree and

disagree” option is that it can be tipped subtly toward agreement

or disagreement, depending on where you lay your stress. If you

want to stress the disagreement end of the spectrum, you would

use a template like the one below.

j Although I agree with X up to a point, I cannot accept his over-

riding assumption that religion is no longer a major force today.

Conversely, if you want to stress your agreement more than your

disagreement, you would use a template like this one.

j Although I disagree with much that X says, I fully endorse his

final conclusion that

.

The first template above might be called a “yes, but …” move, the

second a “no, but …” move. Other versions include the following.

j Though I concede that

, I still insist that

.

j X is right that

, but she seems on more dubious ground

when she claims that

.

j While X is probably wrong when she claims that

, she

is right that

.

j Whereas X provides ample evidence that

, Y and

Z’s research on

and

convinces me that

instead.

Another classic way to agree and disagree at the same time

is to make what we call an “I’m of two minds” or a “mixed

feelings” move.

6 4

Three Ways to Respond

j I’m of two minds about X’s claim that

. On the one

hand, I agree that

. On the other hand, I’m not sure

if

.

j My feelings on the issue are mixed. I do support X’s position

that

, but I find Y’s argument about

and

Z’s research on

to be equally persuasive.

This move can be especially useful if you are responding to new

or particularly challenging work and are as yet unsure where

you stand. It also lends itself well to the kind of speculative

investigation in which you weigh a position’s pros and cons

rather than come out decisively either for or against. But again,

as we suggest earlier, whether you are agreeing, disagreeing, or

both agreeing and disagreeing, you need to be as clear as pos-

sible, and making a frank statement that you are ambivalent

is one way to be clear.

is being undecided okay?

Nevertheless, writers often have as many concerns about

expressing ambivalence as they do about expressing disagree-

ment or agreement. Some worry that by expressing ambivalence

they will come across as evasive, wishy-washy, or unsure of

themselves. Others worry that their ambivalence will end up

confusing readers who require decisive, clear-cut conclusions.

The truth is that in some cases these worries are legitimate.

At times ambivalence can frustrate readers, leaving them

with the feeling that you failed in your obligation to offer

the guidance they expect from writers. At other times, how-

ever, acknowledging that a clear-cut resolution of an issue is

6 5

f o u r “ Y E S / N O / O K A Y , B U T ”

impossible can demonstrate your sophistication as a writer. In

an academic culture that values complex thought, forthrightly

declaring that you have mixed feelings can be impressive, espe-

cially after having ruled out the one-dimensional positions on

your issue taken by others in the conversation. Ultimately,

then, how ambivalent you end up being comes down to a judg-

ment call based on different readers’ responses to your drafts,

on your knowledge of your audience, and on the challenges of

your particular argument and situation.

Exercises

1. Read one of the essays in the back of this book or on

theysayiblog.com, identifying those places where the author agrees with others, disagrees, or both.

2. Write an essay responding in some way to the essay that

you worked with in the preceding exercise. You’ll want to

summarize and/or quote some of the author’s ideas and make

clear whether you’re agreeing, disagreeing, or both agreeing

and disagreeing with what he or she says. Remember that

there are templates in this book that can help you get started;

see Chapters 1–3 for templates that will help you represent

other people’s ideas and Chapter 4 for templates that will

get you started with your response.

6 6

FIVE

“and yet”

Distinguishing What You Say

from What They Say

H

If good academic writing involves putting yourself into

dialogue with others, it is extremely important that readers be

able to tell at every point when you are expressing your own

view and when you are stating someone else’s. This chapter

takes up the problem of moving from what they say to what

you say without confusing readers about who is saying what.

determine who is saying what

in the texts you read

Before examining how to signal who is saying what in your

own writing, let’s look at how to recognize such signals when

they appear in the texts you read—an especially important skill

when it comes to the challenging works assigned in school.

Frequently, when students have trouble understanding difficult texts, it is not just because the texts contain unfamiliar ideas or words, but because the texts rely on subtle clues to let

6 7

f i v e “ A N D Y E T ”

readers know when a particular view should be attributed to

the writer or to someone else. Especially with texts that present a true dialogue of perspectives, readers need to be alert to the often subtle markers that indicate whose voice the writer

is speaking in.

Consider how the social critic and educator Gregory Mantsios uses these “voice markers,” as they might be called, to distinguish the different perspectives in his essay on America’s

class inequalities.

“We are all middleclass,” or so it would seem. Our national consciousness, as shaped in large part by the media and our political leadership, provides us with a picture of ourselves as a nation of

prosperity and opportunity with an ever expanding middleclass

lifestyle. As a result, our class differences are muted and our collective character is homogenized.

Yet class divisions are real and arguably the most significant

factor in determining both our very being in the world and the

nature of the society we live in.

Gregory Mantsios, “Rewards and Opportunities:

The Politics and Economics of Class in the U.S.”

Although Mantsios makes it look easy, he is actually making

several sophisticated rhetorical moves here that help him distinguish the common view he opposes from his own position.

In the opening sentence, for instance, the phrase “or so it

would seem” shows that Mantsios does not necessarily agree

with the view he is describing, since writers normally don’t present views they themselves hold as ones that only “seem” to be true. Mantsios also places this opening view in quotation marks

to signal that it is not his own. He then further distances

himself from the belief being summarized in the opening

6 8

Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say

paragraph by attributing it to “our national consciousness, as

shaped in large part by the media and our political leadership,”

and then further attributing to this “consciousness” a negative,

undesirable “result”: one in which “our class differences” get

“muted” and “our collective character” gets “homogenized,”

stripped of its diversity and distinctness. Hence, even before

Mantsios has declared his own position in the second paragraph, readers can get a pretty solid sense of where he probably stands.

Furthermore, the second paragraph opens with the word

“yet,” indicating that Mantsios is now shifting to his own view

(as opposed to the common view he has thus far been describing). Even the parallelism he sets up between the first and second paragraphs—between the first paragraph’s claim that

class differences do not exist and the second paragraph’s claim

that they do—helps throw into sharp relief the differences

between the two voices. Finally, Mantsios’s use of a direct,

authoritative, declarative tone in the second paragraph also

suggests a switch in voice. Although he does not use the words

“I say” or “I argue,” he clearly identifies the view he holds by

presenting it not as one that merely seems to be true or that

others tell us is true, but as a view that is true or, as Mantsios

puts it, “real.”

Paying attention to these voice markers is an important

aspect of reading comprehension. Readers who fail to notice

these markers often take an author’s summaries of what someone else believes to be an expression of what the author himself or herself believes. Thus when we teach Mantsios’s essay, some

students invariably come away thinking that the statement “we

are all middleclass” is Mantsios’s own position rather than the

perspective he is opposing, failing to see that in writing these

words Mantsios acts as a kind of ventriloquist, mimicking what

6 9

f i v e “ A N D Y E T ”

others say rather than directly expressing what he himself is

thinking.

To see how important such voice markers are, consider what

the Mantsios passage looks like if we remove them.

We are all middleclass… . We are a nation of prosperity and

opportunity with an ever expanding middleclass lifestyle… .

Class divisions are real and arguably the most significant factor

in determining both our very being in the world and the nature of

the society we live in.

See how Ben

In contrast to the careful delineation between voices in

Casselman,

begins with a

Mant sios’s original text, this unmarked version leaves

view in¶ 3 and

it hard to tell where his voice begins and the voices of

then challeages

it in ¶ 4 on

others end. With the markers removed, readers cannot

p. 391.

tell that “We are all middleclass” represents a view the

author opposes, and that “Class divisions are real” represents

what the author himself believes. Indeed, without the markers,

especially the “yet,” readers might well miss the fact that the

second paragraph’s claim that “Class divisions are real” contradicts the first paragraph’s claim that “We are all middleclass.”

templates for signaling who is saying what

in your own writing

To avoid confusion in your own writing, make sure that at every

point your readers can clearly tell who is saying what. To do so,

you can use as voiceidentifying devices many of the templates

presented in previous chapters.

7 0

Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say

j

Although X makes the best possible case for universal,

government-funded health care, I am not persuaded.

j

My view, however, contrary to what X has argued, is that

.

j Adding to X’s argument, I would point out that

.

j According to both X and Y,

.

j Politicians, X argues, should

.

j Most athletes will tell you that

.

but i’ve been told not to use “i”

Notice that the first three templates above use the firstperson

“I” or “we,” as do many of the templates in this book, thereby

contradicting the common advice about avoiding the first

person in academic writing. Although you may have been

told that the “I” word encourages subjective, selfindulgent

opinions rather than wellgrounded arguments, we believe

that texts using “I” can be just as well supported—or just as

selfindulgent—as those that don’t. For us, wellsupported arguments are grounded in persuasive reasons and evidence, not in the use or nonuse of any particular pronouns.

Furthermore, if you consistently avoid the first person in

your writing, you will probably have trouble making the key

move addressed in this chapter: differentiating your views from

those of others, or even offering your own views in the first

place. But don’t just take our word for it. See for yourself how

freely the first person is used by the writers quoted in this book,

and by the writers assigned in your courses.

7 1

f i v e “ A N D Y E T ”

Nevertheless, certain occasions may warrant avoiding the

first person and writing, for example, that “she is correct” instead

of “I think that she is correct.” Since it can be monotonous to read

an unvarying series of “I” statements (“I believe … I think …

I argue”), it is a good idea to mix firstperson assertions with ones

like the following.

j X is right that certain common patterns can be found in the

communities .

j The evidence shows that

.

j X’s assertion that

does not fit the facts.

j Anyone familiar with

should agree that

.

One might even follow Mantsios’s lead, as in the following

template.

j But

are real, and are arguably the most significant

factor in

.

See pp. 318–33

On the whole, however, academic writing today, even

for an example

of the way two

in the sciences and social sciences, makes use of the first

writers use the

first person

person fairly liberally.

with “we.”

another trick for identifying

who is speaking

To alert readers about whose perspective you are describing at

any given moment, you don’t always have to use overt voice

markers like “X argues” followed by a summary of the argument. Instead, you can alert readers about whose voice you’re 7 2

Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say

speaking in by embedding a reference to X’s argument in your

own sentences. Hence, instead of writing:

Liberals believe that cultural differences need to be respected. I

have a problem with this view, however.

you might write:

I have a problem with what liberals call cultural differences.

There is a major problem with the liberal doctrine of so-called

cultural differences.

You can also embed references to something you yourself have

previously said. So instead of writing two cumbersome sentences like:

Earlier in this chapter we coined the term “voice markers.” We

would argue that such markers are extremely important for reading

comprehension.

you might write:

We would argue that “voice markers,” as we identified them earlier,

are extremely important for reading comprehension.

Embedded references like these allow you to economize your

train of thought and refer to other perspectives without any

major interruption.

7 3

f i v e “ A N D Y E T ”

templates for embedding voice markers

j X overlooks what I consider an important point about cultural

differences.

j My own view is that what X insists is a

is in fact

a

.

j I wholeheartedly endorse what X calls

.

j These conclusions, which X discusses in

, add weight

to the argument that

.

When writers fail to use voicemarking devices like the ones

discussed in this chapter, their summaries of others’ views tend to

become confused with their own ideas—and vice versa. When

readers cannot tell if you are summarizing your own views or

endorsing a certain phrase or label, they have to stop and think:

“Wait. I thought the author disagreed with this claim. Has she

actually been asserting this view all along?” or “Hmmm, I thought

she would have objected to this kind of phrase. Is she actually

endorsing it?” Getting in the habit of using voice markers will

keep you from confusing your readers and help alert you to similar

markers in the challenging texts you read.

Exercises

1. To see how one writer signals when she is asserting her

own views and when she is summarizing those of someone

else, read the following passage by the social historian Julie

Charlip. As you do so, identify those spots where Charlip

refers to the views of others and the signal phrases she uses

to distinguish her views from theirs.

7 4

Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say

Marx and Engels wrote: “Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other —the bourgeoisie and the proletariat” (10). If

only that were true, things might be more simple. But in late

twentiethcentury America, it seems that society is splitting more

and more into a plethora of class factions—the working class,

the working poor, lowermiddle class, uppermiddle class, lower

uppers, and upper uppers. I find myself not knowing what class

I’m from.

In my days as a newspaper reporter, I once asked a sociology professor what he thought about the reported shrinking of the middle class. Oh, it’s not the middle class that’s disappearing, he said, but

the working class. His definition: if you earn thirty thousand dollars

a year working in an assembly plant, come home from work, open a

beer and watch the game, you are working class; if you earn twenty

thousand dollars a year as a school teacher, come home from work

to a glass of white wine and PBS, you are middle class.

How do we define class? Is it an issue of values, lifestyle, taste?

Is it the kind of work you do, your relationship to the means of

production? Is it a matter of how much money you earn? Are we

allowed to choose? In this land of supposed classlessness, where

we don’t have the tradition of English society to keep us in our

places, how do we know where we really belong? The average

American will tell you he or she is “middle class.” I’m sure that’s

what my father would tell you. But I always felt that we were in

some no man’s land, suspended between classes, sharing similarities with some and recognizing sharp, exclusionary differences from others. What class do I come from? What class am I in

now? As an historian, I seek the answers to these questions in

the specificity of my past.

Julie Charlip, “A Real Class Act: Searching

for Identity in the ‘Classless’ Society”

7 5

f i v e “ A N D Y E T ”

2. Study a piece of your own writing to see how many perspectives you account for and how well you distinguish your own voice from those you are summarizing. Consider the

following questions:

a. How many perspectives do you engage?

b. What other perspectives might you include?

c. How do you distinguish your views from the other views

you summarize?

d. Do you use clear voicesignaling phrases?

e. What options are available to you for clarifying who is

saying what?

f. Which of these options are best suited for this particular

text?

If you find that you do not include multiple views or clearly

distinguish between others’ views and your own, revise your

text to do so.

7 6

SIX

“skeptics may object”

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

H

The writer Jane Tompkins describes a pattern that repeats

itself whenever she writes a book or an article. For the first

couple of weeks when she sits down to write, things go relatively

well. But then in the middle of the night, several weeks into the

writing process, she’ll wake up in a cold sweat, suddenly real-

izing that she has overlooked some major criticism that readers

will surely make against her ideas. Her first thought, invariably,

is that she will have to give up on the project, or that she will

have to throw out what she’s written thus far and start over.

Then she realizes that “this moment of doubt and panic is where

my text really begins.” She then revises what she’s written in a

way that incorporates the criticisms she’s anticipated, and her

text becomes stronger and more interesting as a result.

This little story contains an important lesson for all writers,

experienced and inexperienced alike. It suggests that even though

most of us are upset at the idea of someone criticizing our work,

such criticisms can actually work to our advantage. Although it’s

naturally tempting to ignore criticism of our ideas, doing so may

in fact be a big mistake, since our writing improves when we not

only listen to these objections but give them an explicit hearing

7 7

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

in our writing. Indeed, no single device more quickly improves a

piece of writing than planting a naysayer in the text—saying, for

example, that “although some readers may object” to something

in your argument, you “would reply that

.”

anticipate objections

But wait, you say. Isn’t the advice to incorporate critical views

a recipe for destroying your credibility and undermining your

argument? Here you are, trying to say something that will hold

up, and we want you to tell readers all the negative things

someone might say against you?

Exactly. We are urging you to tell readers what others

might say against you, but our point is that doing so will actu-

ally enhance your credibility, not undermine it. As we argue

throughout this book, writing well does not mean piling up

uncontroversial truths in a vacuum; it means engaging others

in a dialogue or debate—not only by opening your text with

a summary of what others have said, as we suggest in Chapter 1,

but also by imagining what others might say against your argu-

ment as it unfolds. Once you see writing as an act of entering

a conversation, you should also see how opposing arguments

can work for you rather than against you.

Paradoxically, the more you give voice to your critics’ objec-

tions, the more you tend to disarm those critics, especially if you

go on to answer their objections in convincing ways. When you

entertain a counterargument, you make a kind of preemptive

strike, identifying problems with your argument before oth-

ers can point them out for you. Furthermore, by entertaining

counterarguments, you show respect for your readers, treating

them not as gullible dupes who will believe anything you say

7 8

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

but as independent, critical thinkers who are aware that your

view is not the only one in town. In addition, by imagining

what others might say against your claims, you come across as

a generous, broad-minded person who is confident enough to

open himself or herself to debate—like the writer in the figure

on the following page.

Conversely, if you don’t entertain counterarguments, you may

very likely come across as closed-minded, as if you think your

beliefs are beyond dispute. You might also leave important ques-

tions hanging and concerns about your arguments unaddressed.

Finally, if you fail to plant a naysayer in your text, you may

find that you have very little to say. Our own students often say

that entertaining counterarguments makes it easier to generate

enough text to meet their assignment’s page-length requirements.

Planting a naysayer in your text is a relatively simple move,

as you can see by looking at the following passage from a book

by the writer Kim Chernin. Having spent some thirty pages

complaining about the pressure on American women to be

thin, Chernin inserts a whole chapter entitled “The Skeptic,”

opening it as follows.

At this point I would like to raise certain objections that have been

inspired by the skeptic in me. She feels that I have been ignoring

some of the most common assumptions we all make about our bod-

ies and these she wishes to see addressed. For example: “You know

perfectly well,” she says to me, “that you feel better when you lose

weight. You buy new clothes. You look at yourself more eagerly in

the mirror. When someone invites you to a party you don’t stop

and ask yourself whether you want to go. You feel sexier. Admit

it. You like yourself better.”

Kim Chernin, The Obsession:

Reflections on the Tyranny of Slenderness

7 9

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

8 0

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

The remainder of Chernin’s chapter consists of her answers

to this inner skeptic. In the face of the skeptic’s challenge to

her book’s central premise (that the pressure to diet seriously

harms women’s lives), Chernin responds neither by repressing

the skeptic’s critical voice nor by giving in to it and relinquish-

ing her own position. Instead, she embraces that voice and

writes it into her text. Note too that instead of dispatching

this naysaying voice quickly, as many of us would be tempted

to do, Chernin stays with it and devotes a full paragraph to

it. By borrowing some of Chernin’s language, we can come up

with templates for entertaining virtually any objection.

templates for entertaining objections

j At this point I would like to raise some objections that have been

inspired by the skeptic in me. She feels that I have been ignoring

the complexities of the situation.

j

Yet some readers may challenge my view by insisting that

.

j Of course, many will probably disagree on the grounds that

.

Note that the objections in the above templates are

attributed not to any specific person or group, but to “skep-

tics,” “readers,” or “many.” This kind of nameless, faceless

naysayer is perfectly appropriate in many cases. But the ideas

that motivate arguments and objections often can—and, where

possible, should—be ascribed to a specific ideology or school

of thought (for example, liberals, Christian fundamentalists,

neopragmatists) rather than to anonymous anybodies. In other

8 1

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

words, naysayers can be labeled, and you can add precision and

impact to your writing by identifying what those labels are.

templates for naming your naysayers

j Here many feminists would probably object that gender does

influence language.

j But social Darwinists would certainly take issue with the argu-

ment that

.

j

Biologists, of course, may want to question whether

.

j Nevertheless, both followers and critics of Malcolm X will prob-

ably suggest otherwise and argue that

.

To be sure, some people dislike such labels and may even

resent having labels applied to themselves. Some feel that

labels put individuals in boxes, stereotyping them and glossing

over what makes each of us unique. And it’s true that labels

can be used inappropriately, in ways that ignore individuality

and promote stereotypes. But since the life of ideas, includ-

ing many of our most private thoughts, is conducted through

groups and types rather than solitary individuals, intellectual

exchange requires labels to give definition and serve as a

convenient shorthand. If you categorically reject all labels,

you give up an important resource and even mislead readers

by presenting yourself and others as having no connection to

anyone else. You also miss an opportunity to generalize the

importance and relevance of your work to some larger con-

versation. When you attribute a position you are summarizing

to liberalism, say, or historical materialism, your argument is

no longer just about your own solitary views but about the

8 2

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

intersection of broad ideas and habits of mind that many

readers may already have a stake in.

The way to minimize the problem of stereotyping, then, is

not to categorically reject labels but to refine and qualify their

use, as the following templates demonstrate.

j Although not all Christians think alike, some of them will prob-

ably dispute my claim that

.

j

Non-native English speakers are so diverse in their views that it’s

hard to generalize about them, but some are likely to object on

the grounds that

.

Another way to avoid needless stereotyping is to qualify labels

carefully, substituting “pro bono lawyers” for “lawyers” in gen-

eral, for example, or “quantitative sociologists” for all “social

scientists,” and so on.

templates for introducing objections

informally

Objections can also be introduced in more informal ways. For

instance, you can frame objections in the form of questions.

j But is my proposal realistic? What are the chances of its actually

being adopted?

j Yet is it necessarily true that

? Is it always the case,

as I have been suggesting, that

?

j

However, does the evidence I’ve cited prove conclusively

that

?

8 3

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

You can also let your naysayer speak directly.

j “Impossible,” some will say. “You must be reading the research

selectively.”

Moves like this allow you to cut directly to the skeptical voice

itself, as the singer-songwriter Joe Jackson does in the follow-

ing excerpt from a New York Times article complaining about

the restrictions on public smoking in New York City bars and

restaurants.

I like a couple of cigarettes or a cigar with a drink, and like many

other people, I only smoke in bars or nightclubs. Now I can’t go to

any of my old haunts. Bartenders who were friends have turned into

cops, forcing me outside to shiver in the cold and curse under my

breath… . It’s no fun. Smokers are being demonized and victim-

ized all out of proportion.

“Get over it,” say the anti-smokers. “You’re the minority.” I

thought a great city was a place where all kinds of minorities could

thrive… . “Smoking kills,” they say. As an occasional smoker

with otherwise healthy habits, I’ll take my chances. Health con-

sciousness is important, but so are pleasure and freedom of choice.

Joe Jackson, “Want to Smoke? Go to Hamburg”

See the essay

Jackson could have begun his second paragraph, in which

on Family Guy

(p. 145) that

he shifts from his own voice to that of his imagined nay-

addresses

sayer, more formally, as follows: “Of course anti-smok-

naysayers

throughout.

ers will object that since we smokers are in the minor-

ity, we should simply stop complaining and quietly

make the sacrifices we are being called on to make for the

larger social good.” Or “Anti-smokers might insist, however,

8 4

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

that the smoking minority should submit to the nonsmoking

majority.” We think, though, that Jackson gets the job done

in a far more lively way with the more colloquial form he

chooses. Borrowing a standard move of playwrights and novel-

ists, Jackson cuts directly to the objectors’ view and then to

his own retort, then back to the objectors’ view and then to

his own retort again, thereby creating a kind of dialogue or

miniature play within his own text. This move works See Chapter 5

well for Jackson, but only because he uses quotation for more

advice on

marks and other voice markers to make clear at every using voice

point whose voice he is in.

markers.

represent objections fairly

Once you’ve decided to introduce a differing or opposing view

into your writing, your work has only just begun, since you

still need to represent and explain that view with fairness and

generosity. Although it is tempting to give opposing views short

shrift, to hurry past them, or even to mock them, doing so is usu-

ally counterproductive. When writers make the best case they

can for their critics (playing Peter Elbow’s “believing game”),

they actually bolster their credibility with readers rather See pp. 31–32

than undermine it. They make readers think, “This is a for more on

the believing

writer I can trust.”

game.

We recommend, then, that whenever you entertain objec-

tions in your writing, you stay with them for several sentences

or even paragraphs and take them as seriously as possible. We

also recommend that you read your summary of opposing views

with an outsider’s eye: put yourself in the shoes of someone who

disagrees with you and ask if such a reader would recognize

himself in your summary. Would that reader think you have

8 5

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

taken his views seriously, as beliefs that reasonable people might

hold? Or would he detect a mocking tone or an oversimplifica-

tion of his views?

There will always be certain objections, to be sure, that you

believe do not deserve to be represented, just as there will be

objections that seem so unworthy of respect that they inspire

ridicule. Remember, however, that if you do choose to mock a

view that you oppose, you are likely to alienate those readers

who don’t already agree with you—likely the very readers you

want to reach. Also be aware that in mocking another’s view

you may contribute to a hostile argument culture in which

someone may ridicule you in return.

answer objections

Do be aware that when you represent objections successfully,

you still need to be able to answer those objections persuasively.

After all, when you write objections into a text, you take the

risk that readers will find those objections more convincing

than the argument you yourself are advancing. In the edito-

rial quoted above, for example, Joe Jackson takes the risk that

readers will identify more with the anti-smoking view he sum-

marizes than with the pro-smoking position he endorses.

This is precisely what Benjamin Franklin describes hap-

pening to himself in The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin

(1793), when he recalls being converted to Deism (a religion

that exalts reason over spirituality) by reading anti-Deist books.

When he encountered the views of Deists being negatively

summarized by authors who opposed them, Franklin explains,

he ended up finding the Deist position more persuasive.

To avoid having this kind of unintentional reverse effect on

8 6

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

readers, you need to do your best to make sure that any counter-

arguments you address are not more convincing than your own

claims. It is good to address objections in your writing, but only

if you are able to overcome them.

One surefire way to fail to overcome an objection is to dis-

miss it out of hand—saying, for example, “That’s just wrong.”

The difference between such a response (which offers no sup-

porting reasons whatsoever) and the types of nuanced responses

we’re promoting in this book is the difference between bullying

your readers and genuinely persuading them.

Often the best way to overcome an objection is not to try

to refute it completely but to agree with part of it while chal-

lenging only the part you dispute. In other words, in answer-

ing counterarguments, it is often best to say “yes, but” or “yes

and no,” treating the counterview as an opportunity to See pp. 59–62

revise and refine your own position. Rather than build for more on

agreeing, with

your argument into an impenetrable fortress, it is often a difference.

best to make concessions while still standing your ground, as

Kim Chernin does in the following response to the counter-

argument quoted above. While in the voice of the “skeptic,”

Chernin writes: “Admit it. You like yourself better when you’ve

lost weight.” In response, Chernin replies as follows.

Can I deny these things? No woman who has managed to lose

weight would wish to argue with this. Most people feel better about

themselves when they become slender. And yet, upon reflection,

it seems to me that there is something precarious about this well-

being. After all, 98 percent of people who lose weight gain it back.

Indeed, 90 percent of those who have dieted “successfully” gain

back more than they ever lost. Then, of course, we can no longer

bear to look at ourselves in the mirror.

8 7

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

In this way, Chernin shows how you can use a counterview to

improve and refine your overall argument by making a conces-

sion. Even as she concedes that losing weight feels good in the

short run, she argues that in the long run the weight always

returns, making the dieter far more miserable.

templates for making concessions

while still standing your ground

j Although I grant that the book is poorly organized, I still maintain

that it raises an important issue.

j Proponents of X are right to argue that

. But they

exaggerate when they claim that

.

j While it is true that

, it does not necessarily follow

that

.

j On the one hand, I agree with X that

. But on the

other hand, I still insist that

.

Templates like these show that answering naysayers’ objec-

tions does not have to be an all-or-nothing affair in which you

either definitively refute your critics or they definitively refute

you. Often the most productive engagements among differing

views end with a combined vision that incorporates elements

of each one.

But what if you’ve tried out all the possible answers you can

think of to an objection you’ve anticipated and you still have

a nagging feeling that the objection is more convincing than

your argument itself? In that case, the best remedy is to go

back and make some fundamental revisions to your argument,

8 8

Planting a Naysayer in Your Text

even reversing your position completely if need be. Although

finding out late in the game that you aren’t fully convinced by

your own argument can be painful, it can actually make your

final text more intellectually honest, challenging, and serious.

After all, the goal of writing is not to keep proving that what-

ever you initially said is right, but to stretch the limits of your

thinking. So if planting a strong naysayer in your text forces

you to change your mind, that’s not a bad thing. Some would

argue that that is what the academic world is all about.

Exercises

1.

Read the following passage by the cultural critic Eric

Schlosser. As you’ll see, he hasn’t planted any naysayers

in this text. Do it for him. Insert a brief paragraph stating

an objection to his argument and then responding to the

objection as he might.

The United States must declare an end to the war on drugs. This

war has filled the nation’s prisons with poor drug addicts and small-

time drug dealers. It has created a multibillion-dollar black market,

enriched organized crime groups and promoted the corruption of

government officials throughout the world. And it has not stemmed

the widespread use of illegal drugs. By any rational measure, this

war has been a total failure.

We must develop public policies on substance abuse that are

guided not by moral righteousness or political expediency but by

common sense. The United States should immediately decriminal-

ize the cultivation and possession of small amounts of marijuana for

personal use. Marijuana should no longer be classified as a Sched-

ule I narcotic, and those who seek to use marijuana as medicine

8 9

s i x “ S K E P T I C S M A Y O B J E C T ”

should no longer face criminal sanctions. We must shift our entire

approach to drug abuse from the criminal justice system to the

public health system. Congress should appoint an independent

commission to study the harm-reduction policies that have been

adopted in Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands. The

commission should recommend policies for the United States based

on one important criterion: what works.

In a nation where pharmaceutical companies advertise powerful

antidepressants on billboards and where alcohol companies run amus-

ing beer ads during the Super Bowl, the idea of a “drug-free society”

is absurd. Like the rest of American society, our drug policy would

greatly benefit from less punishment and more compassion.

Eric Schlosser, “A People’s Democratic Platform”

2. Look over something you’ve written that makes an argu-

ment. Check to see if you’ve anticipated and responded to

any objections. If not, revise your text to do so. If so, have

you anticipated all the likely objections? Who if anyone

have you attributed the objections to? Have you represented

the objections fairly? Have you answered them well enough,

or do you think you now need to qualify your own argu-

ment? Could you use any of the language suggested in this

chapter? Does the introduction of a naysayer strengthen your

argument? Why, or why not?

9 0

SEVEN

“so what? who cares?”

Saying Why It Matters

H

Baseball is the national pastime. Bernini was the best

sculptor of the baroque period. All writing is conversational.

So what? Who cares? Why does any of this matter?

How many times have you had reason to ask these ques-

tions? Regardless of how interesting a topic may be to you as a

writer, readers always need to know what is at stake in a text

and why they should care. All too often, however, these ques-

tions are left unanswered—mainly because writers and speakers

assume that audiences will know the answers already or will

figure them out on their own. As a result, students come away

from lectures feeling like outsiders to what they’ve just heard,

just as many of us feel left hanging after talks we’ve attended.

The problem is not necessarily that the speakers lack a clear,

well-focused thesis or that the thesis is inadequately supported

with evidence. Instead, the problem is that the speakers don’t

address the crucial question of why their arguments matter.

That this question is so often left unaddressed is unfortunate

since the speakers generally could offer interesting, engaging

answers. When pressed, for instance, most academics will tell

you that their lectures and articles matter because they address

9 1

s e v e n “ S O W H A T ? W H O C A R E S ? ”

some belief that needs to be corrected or updated—and because

their arguments have important, real-world consequences. Yet

many academics fail to identify these reasons and consequences

explicitly in what they say and write. Rather than assume that

audiences will know why their claims matter, all writers need

to answer the “so what?” and “who cares?” questions up front.

Not everyone can claim to have a cure for cancer or a solution

to end poverty. But writers who fail to show that others should

care or already do care about their claims will ultimately lose

their audiences’ interest.

This chapter focuses on various moves that you can make to

answer the “who cares?” and “so what?” questions in your own

writing. In one sense, the two questions get at the same thing: the

relevance or importance of what you are saying. Yet they get at this

significance in different ways. Whereas “who cares?” literally asks

you to identify a person or group who cares about your claims, “so

what?” asks about the real-world applications and consequences of

those claims—what difference it would make if they were accepted.

We’ll look first at ways of making clear who cares.

“who cares?”

To see how one writer answers the “who cares?” question,

consider the following passage from the science writer Denise

Grady. Writing in the New York Times, she explains some of

the latest research into fat cells.

Scientists used to think body fat and the cells it was made of

were pretty much inert, just an oily storage compartment. But

within the past decade research has shown that fat cells act like

chemical factories and that body fat is potent stuff: a highly active

9 2

Saying Why It Matters

tissue that secretes hormones and other substances with profound

and sometimes harmful effects… .

In recent years, biologists have begun calling fat an “endocrine

organ,” comparing it to glands like the thyroid and pituitary, which

also release hormones straight into the bloodstream.

Denise Grady, “The Secret Life of a Potent Cell”

Notice how Grady’s writing reflects the central advice we

give in this book, offering a clear claim and also framing that

claim as a response to what someone else has said. In so doing,

Grady immediately identifies at least one group with a stake

in the new research that sees fat as “active,” “potent stuff ”:

namely, the scientific community, which formerly believed

that body fat is inert. By referring to these scientists, Grady

implicitly acknowledges that her text is part of a larger con-

versation and shows who besides herself has an interest in

what she says.

Consider, however, how the passage would read had Grady

left out what “scientists used to think” and simply explained

the new findings in isolation.

Within the past few decades research has shown that fat cells act

like chemical factories and that body fat is potent stuff: a highly

active tissue that secretes hormones and other substances. In recent

years, biologists have begun calling fat an “endocrine organ,” com-

paring it to glands like the thyroid and pituitary, which also release

hormones straight into the bloodstream.

Though this statement is clear and easy to follow, it lacks any

indication that anyone needs to hear it. Okay, one nods while

reading this passage, fat is an active, potent thing. Sounds plau-

sible enough; no reason to think it’s not true. But does anyone

really care? Who, if anyone, is interested?

9 3

s e v e n “ S O W H A T ? W H O C A R E S ? ”

templates for indicating who cares

To address “who cares?” questions in your own writing, we

suggest using templates like the following, which echo Grady

in refuting earlier thinking.

j

Parents used to think spanking was necessary. But recently

[or within the past few decades] experts suggest that it can be

counterproductive.

j This interpretation challenges the work of those critics who have

long assumed that

.

j These findings challenge the work of earlier researchers, who

tended to assume that

.

j Recent studies like these shed new light on

, which

previous studies had not addressed.

Grady might have been more explicit by writing the “who cares?”

question directly into her text, as in the following template.

j But who really cares? Who besides me and a handful of recent

researchers has a stake in these claims? At the very least, the

researchers who formerly believed

should care.

To gain greater authority as a writer, it can help to name spe-

cific people or groups who have a stake in your claims and to

go into some detail about their views.

j Researchers have long assumed that

. For instance,

one eminent scholar of cell biology,

, assumed

in

, her seminal work on cell structures and functions,

that fat cells

. As

herself put it, “

(2012). Another leading scientist,

, argued that fat

9 4

Saying Why It Matters

cells “

” (2011). Ultimately, when it came to the nature

of fat, the basic assumption was that

.

But a new body of research shows that fat cells are far more

complex and that

.

In other cases, you might refer to certain people or groups who

should care about your claims.

j If sports enthusiasts stopped to think about it, many of them

might simply assume that the most successful athletes

. However, new research shows

.

j

These findings challenge neoliberals’ common assumption

that

.

j At first glance, teenagers might say

. But on closer

inspection

.

As these templates suggest, answering the “who cares?” question

involves establishing the type of contrast between what others

say and what you say that is central to this book. Ultimately,

such templates help you create a dramatic tension or clash of

views in your writing that readers will feel invested in and want

to see resolved.

“so what?”

Although answering the “who cares?” question is crucial, in

many cases it is not enough, especially if you are writing for

general readers who don’t necessarily have a strong investment

in the particular clash of views you are setting up. In the case of

Grady’s argument about fat cells, such readers may still wonder

why it matters that some researchers think fat cells are active,

9 5

s e v e n “ S O W H A T ? W H O C A R E S ? ”

while others think they’re inert. Or, to move to a different field

of study, American literature, so what if some scholars disagree

about Huck Finn’s relationship with the runaway slave Jim

in Mark Twain’s Adventures of Huckleberry Finn? Why should

anyone besides a few specialists in the field care about such

disputes? What, if anything, hinges on them?

The best way to answer such questions about the larger con-

sequences of your claims is to appeal to something that your

audience already figures to care about. Whereas the “who cares?”

question asks you to identify an interested person or group, the

“so what?” question asks you to link your argument to some larger

matter that readers already deem important. Thus in analyzing

Huckleberry Finn, a writer could argue that seemingly narrow

disputes about the hero’s relationship with Jim actually shed light

on whether Twain’s canonical, widely read novel is a critique of

racism in America or is itself marred by it.

Let’s see how Grady invokes such broad, general concerns

in her article on fat cells. Her first move is to link researchers’

interest in fat cells to a general concern with obesity and health.

Researchers trying to decipher the biology of fat cells hope to find

new ways to help people get rid of excess fat or, at least, prevent

obesity from destroying their health. In an increasingly obese world,

their efforts have taken on added importance.

Further showing why readers should care, Grady’s next move

is to demonstrate the even broader relevance and urgency of

her subject matter.

Internationally, more than a billion people are overweight. Obesity

and two illnesses linked to it, heart disease and high blood pressure,

are on the World Health Organization’s list of the top 10 global health

risks. In the United States, 65 percent of adults weigh too much,

9 6

Saying Why It Matters

compared with about 56 percent a decade ago, and government

researchers blame obesity for at least 300,000 deaths a year.

What Grady implicitly says here is “Look, dear reader, you may

think that these questions about the nature of fat cells I’ve been

pursuing have little to do with everyday life. In fact, however,

these questions are extremely important—particularly in our

‘increasingly obese world’ in which we need to prevent obesity

from destroying our health.”

Notice that Grady’s phrase “in an increasingly Writer danah

world” can be adapted as a strategic move boyd explains

the “so

to address the “so what?” question in other fields as what” of her

well. For example, a sociologist analyzing back-to-

argument on

p. 220, ¶ 2–3.

nature movements of the past thirty years might make

the following statement.

In a world increasingly dominated by cell phones and sophisticated

computer technologies, these attempts to return to nature appear futile.

This type of move can be readily applied to other disciplines

because no matter how much disciplines may differ from one

another, the need to justify the importance of one’s concerns

is common to them all.

templates for establishing

why your claims matter

j

Huckleberry Finn matters/is important because it is one of the

most widely taught novels in the American school system.

j Although X may seem trivial, it is in fact crucial in terms of today’s

concern over

.

9 7

s e v e n “ S O W H A T ? W H O C A R E S ? ”

j Ultimately, what is at stake here is

.

j

These findings have important implications for the broader

domain of

.

j If we are right about

, then major consequences fol-

low for

.

j These conclusions/This discovery will have significant applica-

tions in

as well as in

.

Finally, you can also treat the “so what?” question as a related

aspect of the “who cares?” question.

j

Although X may seem of concern to only a small group

of

, it should in fact concern anyone who cares

about

.

All these templates help you hook your readers. By suggesting

the real-world applications of your claims, the templates not only

demonstrate that others care about your claims but also tell your

readers why they should care. Again, it bears repeating that simply

stating and proving your thesis isn’t enough. You also need to

frame it in a way that helps readers care about it.

what about readers who already

know why it matters?

At this point, you might wonder if you need to answer the

“who cares?” and “so what?” questions in everything you write.

Is it really necessary to address these questions if you’re propos-

ing something so obviously consequential as, say, a treatment

for autism or a program to eliminate illiteracy? Isn’t it obvious

9 8

Saying Why It Matters

that everyone cares about such problems? Does it really need

to be spelled out? And what about when you’re writing for

audiences who you know are already interested in your claims

and who understand perfectly well why they’re important? In

other words, do you always need to address the “so what?” and

“who cares?” questions?

As a rule, yes—although it’s true that you can’t keep

answering them forever and at a certain point must say enough

is enough. Although a determined skeptic can infinitely ask why

something matters—“Why should I care about earning a salary?

And why should I care about supporting a family?”—you have to

stop answering at some point in your text. Nevertheless, One writer

we urge you to go as far as possible in answering such explains the

seriousness of

questions. If you take it for granted that readers will unemployment

somehow intuit the answers to “so what?” and “who among men—

and why it

cares?” on their own, you may make your work seem less matters for

everyone, p. 616,

interesting than it actually is, and you run the risk that ¶ 26–27.

readers will dismiss your text as irrelevant and unimportant. By

contrast, when you are careful to explain who cares and why,

it’s a little like bringing a cheerleading squad into your text.

And though some expert readers might already know why your

claims matter, even they need to be reminded. Thus the safest

move is to be as explicit as possible in answering the “so what?”

question, even for those already in the know. When you step

back from the text and explain why it matters, you are urging

your audience to keep reading, pay attention, and care.

Exercises

1.

Find several texts (scholarly essays, newspaper articles,

emails, memos, blogs, etc.) and see whether they answer

9 9

s e v e n “ S O W H A T ? W H O C A R E S ? ”

the “so what?” and “who cares?” questions. Probably some do,

some don’t. What difference does it make whether they do

or do not? How do the authors who answer these questions

do so? Do they use any strategies or techniques that you

could borrow for your own writing? Are there any strategies

or techniques recommended in this chapter, or that you’ve

found or developed on your own, that you’d recommend to

these authors?

2. Look over something you’ve written yourself. Do you indi-

cate “so what?” and “who cares”? If not, revise your text to

do so. You might use the following template to get started.

My point here (that

) should interest those who

. Beyond this limited audience, however, my point

should speak to anyone who cares about the larger issue of

.

1 0 0

EIGHT

“as a result”

Connecting the Parts

H

We once had a student named Bill, whose characteristic

sentence pattern went something like this.

Spot is a good dog. He has fleas.

“Connect your sentences,” we urged in the margins of Bill’s

papers. “What does Spot being good have to do with his fleas?”

“These two statements seem unrelated. Can you connect them

in some logical way?” When comments like these yielded no

results, we tried inking in suggested connections for him.

Spot is a good dog, but he has fleas.

Spot is a good dog, even though he has fleas.

But our message failed to get across, and Bill’s disconnected

sentence pattern persisted to the end of the semester.

And yet Bill did focus well on his subjects. When he men-

tioned Spot the dog (or Plato, or any other topic) in one sen-

tence, we could count on Spot (or Plato) being the topic of

the following sentence as well. This was not the case with

1 0 1

e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

some of Bill’s classmates, who sometimes changed topic from

sentence to sentence or even from clause to clause within a

single sentence. But because Bill neglected to mark his con-

nections, his writing was as frustrating to read as theirs. In all

these cases, we had to struggle to figure out on our own how

the sentences and paragraphs connected or failed to connect

with one another.

What makes such writers so hard to read, in other words,

is that they never gesture back to what they have just said or

forward to what they plan to say. “Never look back” might be

their motto, almost as if they see writing as a process of think-

ing of something to say about a topic and writing it down, then

thinking of something else to say about the topic and writing

that down, too, and on and on until they’ve filled the assigned

number of pages and can hand the paper in. Each sentence

basically starts a new thought, rather than growing out of or

extending the thought of the previous sentence.

When Bill talked about his writing habits, he acknowl-

edged that he never went back and read what he had written.

Indeed, he told us that, other than using his computer software

to check for spelling errors and make sure that his tenses were

all aligned, he never actually reread what he wrote before turn-

ing it in. As Bill seemed to picture it, writing was something one

did while sitting at a computer, whereas reading was a separate

activity generally reserved for an easy chair, book in hand. It

had never occurred to Bill that to write a good sentence he had

to think about how it connected to those that came before and

after; that he had to think hard about how that sentence fit

into the sentences that surrounded it. Each sentence for Bill

existed in a sort of tunnel isolated from every other sentence

on the page. He never bothered to fit all the parts of his essay

1 0 2

Connecting the Parts

together because he apparently thought of writing as a matter

of piling up information or observations rather than building

a sustained argument. What we suggest in this chapter, then,

is that you converse not only with others in your writing but

with yourself: that you establish clear relations between one

statement and the next by connecting those statements.

This chapter addresses the issue of how to connect all the

parts of your writing. The best compositions establish a sense

of momentum and direction by making explicit connections

among their different parts, so that what is said in one sentence

(or paragraph) both sets up what is to come and is clearly

informed by what has already been said. When you write a

sentence, you create an expectation in the reader’s mind that

the next sentence will in some way echo and extend it, even

if— especially if—that next sentence takes your argument in a

new direction.

It may help to think of each sentence you write as having arms

that reach backward and forward, as the figure below suggests.

When your sentences reach outward like this, they establish con-

nections that help your writing flow smoothly in a way readers

appreciate. Conversely, when writing lacks such connections and

moves in fits and starts, readers repeatedly have to go back over

the sentences and guess at the connections on their own. To pre-

vent such disconnection and make your writing flow, we advise

1 0 3

e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

following a “do-it-yourself ” principle, which means that it is your

job as a writer to do the hard work of making the connections

rather than, as Bill did, leaving this work to your readers.

This chapter offers several strategies you can use to put this

principle into action: (1) using transition terms (like “there-

fore” and “as a result”); (2) adding pointing words (like “this”

or “such”); (3) developing a set of key terms and phrases for

each text you write; and (4) repeating yourself, but with a

difference—a move that involves repeating what you’ve said,

but with enough variation to avoid being redundant. All these

moves require that you always look back and, in crafting any

one sentence, think hard about those that precede it.

Notice how we ourselves have used such connecting devices

thus far in this chapter. The second paragraph of this chapter,

for example, opens with the transitional “And yet,” signaling

a change in direction, while the opening sentence of the third

includes the phrase “in other words,” telling you to expect a

restatement of a point we’ve just made. If you look through this

book, you should be able to find many sentences that contain

some word or phrase that explicitly hooks them back to some-

thing said earlier, to something about to be said, or both. And

many sentences in this chapter repeat key terms related to the

idea of connection: “connect,” “disconnect,” “link,” “relate,”

“forward,” and “backward.”

use transitions

For readers to follow your train of thought, you need not only

to connect your sentences and paragraphs to each other, but

also to mark the kind of connection you are making. One of

the easiest ways to make this move is to use transitions (from

1 0 4

Connecting the Parts

the Latin root trans, “across”), which help you cross from one

point to another in your text. Transitions are usually placed

at or near the start of sentences so they can signal to readers

where your text is going: in the same direction it has been

moving, or in a new direction. More specifically, transitions

tell readers whether your text is echoing a previous sentence or

paragraph (“in other words”), adding something to it (“in addi-

tion”), offering an example of it (“for example”), generalizing

from it (“as a result”), or modifying it (“and yet”).

The following is a list of commonly used transitions, catego-

rized according to their different functions.

addition

also

in fact

and indeed

besides moreover

furthermore

so too

in addition

elaboration

actually

to put it another way

by extension

to put it bluntly

in other words

to put it succinctly

in short

ultimately

that is

example

after all

for instance

as an illustration

specifically

consider

to take a case in point

for example

1 0 5

e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

cause and effect

accordingly so

as a result

then

consequently therefore

hence thus

since

comparison

along the same lines

likewise

in the same way

similarly

contrast

although nevertheless

but nonetheless

by contrast

on the contrary

conversely

on the other hand

despite regardless

even though

whereas

however

while yet

in contrast

concession

admittedly naturally

although it is true

of course

granted

to be sure

conclusion

as a result

in sum

consequently therefore

hence thus

in conclusion

to sum up

in short

to summarize

1 0 6

Connecting the Parts

Ideally, transitions should operate so unobtrusively in a piece

of writing that they recede into the background and readers

do not even notice that they are there. It’s a bit like what

happens when drivers use their turn signals before turning

right or left: just as other drivers recognize such signals almost

unconsciously, readers should process transition terms with

a minimum of thought. But even though such terms should

function unobtrusively in your writing, they can be among the

most powerful tools in your vocabulary. Think how your heart

sinks when someone, immediately after praising you, begins a

sentence with “but” or “however.” No matter what follows, you

know it won’t be good.

Notice that some transitions can help you not only to move

from one sentence to another, but to combine two or more sen-

tences into one. Combining sentences in this way helps prevent

the choppy, staccato effect that arises when too many short sen-

tences are strung together, one after the other. For instance, to

combine Bill’s two choppy sentences (“Spot is a good dog. He

has fleas.”) into one, better-flowing sentence, we suggested that

he rewrite them as “Spot is a good dog, even though he has fleas.”

Transitions like these not only guide readers through the

twists and turns of your argument but also help ensure that you

have an argument in the first place. In fact, we think of words

like “but,” “yet,” “nevertheless,” “besides,” and others as argu-

ment words, since it’s hard to use them without making some

kind of argument. The word “therefore,” for instance, commits

you to making sure that the claims preceding it lead logically to

the conclusion that it introduces. “For example” also assumes an

argument, since it requires the material you are introducing to

stand as an instance or proof of some preceding generalization.

As a result, the more you use transitions, the more you’ll be able

not only to connect the parts of your text but also to construct

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e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

a strong argument in the first place. And if you draw on them

frequently enough, using them should eventually become sec-

ond nature.

To be sure, it is possible to overuse transitions, so take time to

read over your drafts carefully and eliminate any transitions that

are unnecessary. But following the maxim that you need to learn

See how Mary

the basic moves of argument before you can deliberately

Maxfield uses

depart from them, we advise you not to forgo explicit

transitions on

p. 642.

transition terms until you’ve first mastered their use. In

all our years of teaching, we’ve read countless essays that suffered

from having few or no transitions, but cannot recall one in which

the transitions were overused. Seasoned writers sometimes omit

explicit transitions, but only because they rely heavily on the

other types of connecting devices that we turn to in the rest of

this chapter.

Before doing so, however, let us warn you about inserting tran-

sitions without really thinking through their meanings—using

“therefore,” say, when your text’s logic actually requires “nev-

ertheless” or “however.” So beware. Choosing transition terms

should involve a bit of mental sweat, since the whole point of

using them is to make your writing more reader-friendly, not less.

The only thing more frustrating than reading Bill-style passages

like “Spot is a good dog. He has fleas” is reading mis-connected

sentences like “Spot is a good dog. For example, he has fleas.”

use pointing words

Another way to connect the parts of your argument is by using

pointing words—which, as their name implies, point or refer

backward to some concept in the previous sentence. The most

common of these pointing words include “this,” “these,” “that,”

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Connecting the Parts

“those,” “their,” and “such” (as in “these pointing words” near

the start of this sentence) and simple pronouns like “his,” “he,”

“her,” “she,” “it,” and “their.” Such terms help you create the

flow we spoke of earlier that enables readers to move effortlessly

through your text. In a sense, these terms are like an invisible

hand reaching out of your sentence, grabbing what’s needed in

the previous sentences and pulling it along.

Like transitions, however, pointing words need to be used

carefully. It’s dangerously easy to insert pointing words into

your text that don’t refer to a clearly defined object, assuming

that because the object you have in mind is clear to you it will

also be clear to your readers. For example, consider the use of

“this” in the following passage.

Alexis de Tocqueville was highly critical of democratic societ-

ies, which he saw as tending toward mob rule. At the same time,

he accorded democratic societies grudging respect. This is seen in

Tocqueville’s statement that …

When “this” is used in such a way it becomes an ambiguous or

free-floating pointer, since readers can’t tell if it refers to Tocque-

ville’s critical attitude toward democratic societies, his grudging

respect for them, or some combination of both. “This what?”

readers mutter as they go back over such passages and try to

figure them out. It’s also tempting to try to cheat with pointing

words, hoping that they will conceal or make up for conceptual

confusions that may lurk in your argument. By referring to a

fuzzy idea as “this” or “that,” you might hope the fuzziness will

somehow come across as clearer than it is.

You can fix problems caused by a free-floating pointer by

making sure there is one and only one possible object in the

vicinity that the pointer could be referring to. It also often helps

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e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

to name the object the pointer is referring to at the same time

that you point to it, replacing the bald “this” in the example

above with a more precise phrase like “this ambivalence toward

democratic societies” or “this grudging respect.”

repeat key terms and phrases

A third strategy for connecting the parts of your argument is

to develop a constellation of key terms and phrases, including

their synonyms and antonyms, that you repeat throughout your

text. When used effectively, your key terms should be items

that readers could extract from your text in order to get a solid

sense of your topic. Playing with key terms also can be a good

way to come up with a title and appropriate section headings

for your text.

Notice how often Martin Luther King Jr. uses the key words

“criticism,” “statement,” “answer,” and “correspondence” in the

opening paragraph of his famous “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”

Dear Fellow Clergymen:

While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across

your recent statement calling my present activities “unwise and

untimely.” Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and

ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk,

my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such

correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time

for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine

good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to

try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and

reasonable terms.

Martin Luther King Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail”

1 1 0

Connecting the Parts

Even though King uses the terms “criticism” and “answer” three

times each and “statement” twice, the effect is not overly repeti-

tive. In fact, these key terms help build a sense of momentum

in the paragraph and bind it together.

For another example of the effective use of key terms, con-

sider the following passage, in which the historian Susan Doug-

las develops a constellation of sharply contrasting key terms

around the concept of “cultural schizophrenics”: women like

herself who, Douglas claims, have mixed feelings about the

images of ideal femininity with which they are constantly bom-

barded by the media.

In a variety of ways, the mass media helped make us the cultural

schizophrenics we are today, women who rebel against yet submit

to prevailing images about what a desirable, worthwhile woman

should be… . [T]he mass media has engendered in many women a

kind of cultural identity crisis. We are ambivalent toward feminin-

ity on the one hand and feminism on the other. Pulled in opposite

directions—told we were equal, yet told we were subordinate; told

we could change history but told we were trapped by history—we

got the bends at an early age, and we’ve never gotten rid of them.

When I open Vogue, for example, I am simultaneously infu-

riated and seduced… . I adore the materialism; I despise the

materialism… . I want to look beautiful; I think wanting to look

beautiful is about the most dumb-ass goal you could have. The

magazine stokes my desire; the magazine triggers my bile. And this

doesn’t only happen when I’m reading Vogue; it happens all the

time… . On the one hand, on the other hand—that’s not just

me—that’s what it means to be a woman in America.

To explain this schizophrenia …

Susan Douglas, Where the Girls Are:

Growing Up Female with the Mass Media

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e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

In this passage, Douglas establishes “schizophrenia” as a key

concept and then echoes it through synonyms like “identity

crisis,” “ambivalent,” “the bends”—and even demonstrates it

through a series of contrasting words and phrases:

rebel against / submit

told we were equal / told we were subordinate

told we could change history / told we were trapped by history

infuriated / seduced

I adore / I despise

I want / I think wanting … is about the most dumb-ass goal

stokes my desire / triggers my bile

on the one hand / on the other hand

These contrasting phrases help flesh out Douglas’s claim that

women are being pulled in two directions at once. In so doing,

they bind the passage together into a unified whole that, despite

its complexity and sophistication, stays focused over its entire

length.

repeat yourself—but with a difference

The last technique we offer for connecting the parts of your

text involves repeating yourself, but with a difference—which

basically means saying the same thing you’ve just said, but in

a slightly different way that avoids sounding monotonous. To

effectively connect the parts of your argument and keep it mov-

ing forward, be careful not to leap from one idea to a different

idea or introduce new ideas cold. Instead, try to build bridges

between your ideas by echoing what you’ve just said while

simultaneously moving your text into new territory.

1 1 2

Connecting the Parts

Several of the connecting devices discussed in this chapter

are ways of repeating yourself in this special way. Key terms,

pointing terms, and even many transitions can be used in a

way that not only brings something forward from the previous

sentence but in some way alters it. When Douglas, for instance,

uses the key term “ambivalent” to echo her earlier reference

to schizophrenics, she is repeating herself with a difference—

repeating the same concept, but with a different word that adds

new associations.

In addition, when you use transition phrases like “in other

words” and “to put it another way,” you repeat yourself with a

difference, since these phrases help you restate earlier claims but

in a different register. When you open a sentence with “in other

words,” you are basically telling your readers that in case they

didn’t fully understand what you meant in the last sentence,

you are now coming at it again from a slightly different angle,

or that since you’re presenting a very important idea, you’re

not going to skip over it quickly but will explore it further to

make sure your readers grasp all its aspects.

We would even go so far as to suggest that after your first

sentence, almost every sentence you write should refer back

to previous statements in some way. Whether you are writing

a “furthermore” comment that adds to what you have just said

or a “for example” statement that illustrates it, each sentence

should echo at least one element of the previous sentence in

some discernible way. Even when your text changes direction

and requires transitions like “in contrast,” “however,” or “but,”

you still need to mark that shift by linking the sentence to

the one just before it, as in the following example.

Cheyenne loved basketball. Nevertheless, she feared her height

would put her at a disadvantage.

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e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

These sentences work because even though the second sen-

tence changes course and qualifies the first, it still echoes key

concepts from the first. Not only does “she” echo “Cheyenne,”

since both refer to the same person, but “feared” echoes “loved”

by establishing the contrast mandated by the term “neverthe-

less.” “Nevertheless,” then, is not an excuse for changing sub-

jects radically. It too requires repetition to help readers shift

gears with you and follow your train of thought.

Repetition, in short, is the central means by which you can

move from point A to point B in a text. To introduce one last

analogy, think of the way experienced rock climbers move up a

steep slope. Instead of jumping or lurching from one handhold

to the next, good climbers get a secure handhold on the position

they have established before reaching for the next ledge. The

same thing applies to writing. To move smoothly from point to

point in your argument, you need to firmly ground what you say

in what you’ve already said. In this way, your writing remains

focused while simultaneously moving forward.

“But hold on,” you may be thinking. “Isn’t repetition pre-

cisely what sophisticated writers should avoid, on the grounds

that it will make their writing sound simplistic—as if they are

belaboring the obvious?” Yes and no. On the one hand, writers

certainly can run into trouble if they merely repeat themselves

and nothing more. On the other hand, repetition is key to creat-

ing continuity in writing. It is impossible to stay on track in a

piece of writing if you don’t repeat your points throughout the

length of the text. Furthermore, writers would never make an

impact on readers if they didn’t repeat their main points often

enough to reinforce those points and make them stand out above

subordinate points. The trick therefore is not to avoid repeating

yourself but to repeat yourself in varied and interesting enough

ways that you advance your argument without sounding tedious.

1 1 4

Connecting the Parts

Exercises

1. Read the following opening to Chapter 2 of The Road to

Wigan Pier, by George Orwell. Annotate the connecting

devices by underlining the transitions, circling the key

terms, and putting boxes around the pointing terms.

Our civilisation … is founded on coal, more completely than

one realises until one stops to think about it. The machines that

keep us alive, and the machines that make the machines, are

all directly or indirectly dependent upon coal. In the metabolism

of the Western world the coal-miner is second in importance

only to the man who ploughs the soil. He is a sort of grimy cary-

atid upon whose shoulders nearly everything that is not grimy

is supported. For this reason the actual process by which coal is

extracted is well worth watching, if you get the chance and are

willing to take the trouble.

When you go down a coal-mine it is important to try and get

to the coal face when the “fillers” are at work. This is not easy,

because when the mine is working visitors are a nuisance and

are not encouraged, but if you go at any other time, it is possible

to come away with a totally wrong impression. On a Sunday, for

instance, a mine seems almost peaceful. The time to go there

is when the machines are roaring and the air is black with coal

dust, and when you can actually see what the miners have to

do. At those times the place is like hell, or at any rate like my

own mental picture of hell. Most of the things one imagines in

hell are there—heat, noise, confusion, darkness, foul air, and,

above all, unbearably cramped space. Everything except the fire,

for there is no fire down there except the feeble beams of Davy

lamps and electric torches which scarcely penetrate the clouds

of coal dust.

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e i g h t “ A S A R E S U LT ”

When you have finally got there—and getting there is a job in

itself: I will explain that in a moment—you crawl through the last

line of pit props and see opposite you a shiny black wall three or

four feet high. This is the coal face. Overhead is the smooth ceiling

made by the rock from which the coal has been cut; underneath is

the rock again, so that the gallery you are in is only as high as the

ledge of coal itself, probably not much more than a yard. The first

impression of all, overmastering everything else for a while, is the

frightful, deafening din from the conveyor belt which carries the

coal away. You cannot see very far, because the fog of coal dust

throws back the beam of your lamp, but you can see on either side

of you the line of half-naked kneeling men, one to every four or

five yards, driving their shovels under the fallen coal and flinging

it swiftly over their left shoulders… .

George Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier

2. Read over something you’ve written with an eye for the

devices you’ve used to connect the parts. Underline all

the transitions, pointing terms, key terms, and repetition.

Do you see any patterns? Do you rely on certain devices

more than others? Are there any passages that are hard to

follow—and if so, can you make them easier to read by trying

any of the other devices discussed in this chapter?

1 1 6

NINE

“you mean i can just

say it that way?”

Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean

Setting Aside Your Own Voice

H

We wish we had a dollar for each time a student has

asked us a version of the above question. It usually comes when

the student is visiting us during our office hours, seeking advice

about how to improve a draft of an essay he or she is working

on. When we ask the student to tell us in simple words the

point he or she is trying to make in the essay, the student will

almost invariably produce a statement that is far clearer and

more incisive than anything in the draft.

“Write that down,” we will urge. “What you just said is sooo

much better than anything you wrote in your draft. We suggest

going home and revising your paper in a way that makes that

claim the focal point of your essay.”

“Really?” our student will ask, looking surprised. “You mean

I can just say it that way?”

“Sure. Why not?”

“Well, saying it that way seems just so elementary—so obvi-

ous. I mean, I don’t want to sound stupid.”

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

The goal of this chapter is to counteract this common

misconception: that relying in college on the straightforward,

down-to-earth language you use every day will make you sound

stupid; that to impress your teachers you need to set aside your

everyday voice and write in a way that nobody can understand.

It’s easy to see how this misconception took hold, since aca-

demic writing is notoriously obscure. Students can’t be blamed

for such obscurity when so much of the writing they’re assigned

to read is so hard to understand—as we can see in the follow-

ing sentence from a science paper that linguist Steven Pinker

quotes in his essay “Why Academics Stink at Writing”:

Participants read assertions whose veracity was either affirmed or

denied by the subsequent presentation of an assessment word.

After struggling to determine what the writer of this sentence

was trying to say, Pinker finally decided it was probably some-

thing as simple as this:

Participants read sentences, each followed by the word true or false.

Had the author revised the original statement by tapping into his

or her more relaxed, everyday language, as Pinker did in revising

it, much of this struggle could have been avoided. In our view,

then, mastering academic writing does not mean completely

abandoning your normal voice for one that’s stiff, convoluted,

or pompous, as students often assume. Instead, it means creating

a new voice that draws on the voice you already have.

This is not to suggest that any language you use among

friends has a place in academic writing. Nor is it to suggest

that you may fall back on your everyday voice as an excuse to

remain in your comfort zone and avoid learning the rigorous

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Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

forms and habits that characterize academic culture. After all,

learning new words and forms—moves or templates, as we call

them in this book—is a major part of getting an education.

We do, however, wish to suggest that everyday language can

often enliven such moves and even enhance your precision in

using academic terminology. In our view, then, it is a mistake

to assume that the academic and everyday are completely sepa-

rate languages that can never be used together. Ultimately, we

suggest, academic writing is often at its best when it combines

what we call “everydayspeak” and “academicspeak.”

blend academic and

colloquial styles

In fact, we would argue that, despite their bad reputation, many

academics are highly successful writers who provide models of

how to blend everyday and academic styles. Note, for example,

how Judith Fetterley, a prominent scholar in the field of literary

studies, blends academic and everyday ways of talking in the

following passage on the novelist Willa Cather:

As Merrill Skaggs has put it, “[Cather] is neurotically controlling

and self-conscious about her work, but she knows at all points what

she is doing. Above all else, she is self-conscious.”

Without question, Cather was a control freak.

Judith Fetterley, “Willa Cather and the

Question of Sympathy: An Unofficial Story”

In this passage, Fetterley makes use of what is probably See pp. 369 for

the most common technique for blending academic and an essay that

mixes colloquial

everyday language: she puts them side by side, juxtapos- and academic

styles.

ing “neurotically controlling” and “self-conscious” from

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

a quoted source with her own colloquial term, “control freak.”

In this way, Fetterley lightens a potentially dry subject and

makes it more accessible and even entertaining.

a translation recipe

But Fetterley does more than simply put academicspeak and

everydayspeak side by side. She takes a step further by trans-

lating the one into the other. By translating Skaggs’s poly-

syllabic description of Cather as “neurotically controlling and

self-conscious” into the succinct, if blunt, “control freak,” Fet-

terley shows how rarefied, academic ways of talking and more

familiar language can not only coexist but actually enhance

one another—her informal “control freak” serving to explain

the formal language that precedes it.

To be sure, slangy, colloquial expressions like “control freak”

may be far more common in the humanities than in the sci-

ences, and even in the humanities such casual usages are a

recent development. Fifty years ago academic writing in all

disciplines was the linguistic equivalent of a black-tie affair.

But as times have changed, so has the range of options open to

academic writers—so much so that it is not surprising to find

writers in all fields using colloquial expressions and referring

to movies, music, and other forms of popular culture.

Indeed, Fetterley’s passage offers a simple recipe for mixing

styles that we encourage you to try out in your own writing: first

state the point in academic language, then translate the point

into everyday language. Everyone knows that academic terms like

“neurotically controlling” and “self-conscious”—and others you

might encounter like “subject position” or “bifurcate”—can be

hard to understand. But this translation recipe, we think, eases

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Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

such difficulties by making the academic familiar. Here is one

way you might translate academicspeak into everydayspeak:

j Scholar X argues, “

.” In other words,

.

Instead of “In other words,” you might try variations like the

following:

j Essentially, X argues

.

j X’s point, succinctly put, is that

.

j Plainly put,

.

Following Fetterley’s lead and making moves like these can help

you not only demystify challenging academic material, but also

reinterpret it, showing you understand it (and helping readers

understand it) by putting it into your own terms.

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

self-translation

But this translation recipe need not be limited to clarifying the

ideas of others. It can also be used to clarify your own com-

plex ideas, as the following passage by the philosopher Rebecca

Goldstein illustrates:

We can hardly get through our lives—in fact, it’s hard to get

through a week—without considering what makes specific actions

right and others wrong and debating with ourselves whether that

is a difference that must compel the actions we choose. (Okay, it’s

wrong! I get it! But why should I care?)

Rebecca Goldstein, Plato at the Googleplex:

Why Philosophy Won’t Go Away

Though Goldstein’s first sentence may require several reread-

ings, it is one that most of us, with varying degrees of effort,

can come to understand: that we all wrestle regularly with the

challenging philosophical questions of what the ethics of a

given situation are and whether those ethics should alter our

behavior. But instead of leaving us entirely on our own to figure

out what she is saying, Goldstein helps us out in her closing

parenthenthetical remarks, which translate the abstractions of

her first sentence into the kind of concrete everydayspeak that

runs through our heads.

Yet another example of self-translation—one that actually

uses the word “translation”—can be found on the opening page

of a book by scholar Helen Sword:

There is a massive gap between what most readers consider to be

good writing and what academics typically produce and publish. I’m

not talking about the kinds of formal strictures necessarily imposed

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Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

by journal editors—article length, citation style, and the like—but

about a deeper, duller kind of disciplinary monotony, a compul-

sive proclivity for discursive obscurantism and circumambulatory

diction (translation: an addiction to big words and soggy syntax).

Helen Sword, Stylish Academic Writing

In this passage, Sword gives her own unique twist to the

translation technique we’ve been discussing. After a stream

of difficult polysyllabic words—“a compulsive proclivity for

discursive obscurantism and circumambulatory diction”—she

then concludes by translating these words into everydayspeak:

“an addiction to big words and soggy syntax.” The effect is

to dramatize her larger point: the “massive gap between what

most readers consider to be good writing and what academics

typically produce and publish.”

famous examples

Even notoriously difficult thinkers could be said to use the

translation practice we have been advocating in this chapter,

as the following famous and widely quoted claims illustrate:

I think, therefore I am.

The master’s tools will never

—René Descartes

dismantle the master’s house.

—Audre Lorde

The medium is the message.

Form follows function.

—Marshall McLuhan

—Louis Sullivan

These sentences can be read almost as sound bites, short,

catchy statements that express a more complex idea. Though

the term “sound bite” is usually used to refer to mindless media

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

simplifications, the succinct statements above show what valu-

able work they can do. These distillations are admittedly reduc-

tive in that they do not capture all the nuances of the more

complex ideas they represent. But consider their power to stick

in the minds of readers. Without these memorable translations,

we wonder if these authors’ ideas would have achieved such

widespread circulation.

Consider Descartes’ “I think, therefore I am,” for example,

which comes embedded in the following passage, in which

Descartes is struggling to find a philosophical foundation for

absolute truth in the face of skeptical doctrines that doubt that

anything can be known for certain. After putting himself in the

shoes of a radical skeptic and imagining what it would be like to

believe all apparent truths to be false, Descartes “immediately …

observed,” he writes,

whilst I thus wished to think that all was false, it was absolutely

necessary that I, who thus thought, should be somewhat; and as I

observed that this truth, I think, therefore I am ( cogito ergo sum),

was so certain and of such evidence that no ground of doubt, how-

ever extravagant, could be alleged by the sceptics capable of shak-

ing it, I concluded that I might, without scruple, accept it as the

first principle of the philosophy of which I was in search.

René Descartes, “Discourse on the Method, Part IV”

Had Descartes been less probing and scrupulous, we speculate,

he would have stopped writing and ended the passage after

the statement “it was absolutely necessary that I, who thus

thought, should be somewhat.” After all, the passage up to

this point contains all the basic ingredients that the rest of it

goes on to explain, the simpler, more accessible formulation

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Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

“I think, therefore I am” being merely a reformulation of this

earlier material. But just imagine if Descartes had decided that

his job as a writer was finished after his initial claim and had

failed to add the more accessible phrase “I think, therefore I

am.” We suspect this idea of his would not have become one

of the most famous touchstones of Western philosophy.

everyday language as a thinking tool

As the examples in this chapter suggest, then, translating aca-

demic language into everydayspeak can be an indispensable

tool for clarifying and underscoring ideas for readers. But at an

even more basic level, such translation can be an indispensable

means for you as a writer to clarify your ideas to yourself. In

other words, translating academicspeak into everydayspeak can

function as a thinking tool that enables you to discover what

you are trying to say to begin with.

For as writing theorists often note, writing is generally not

a process in which we start with a fully formed idea in our

heads that we then simply transcribe in an unchanged state

onto the page. On the contrary, writing is more often a means

of discovery in which we use the writing process to figure out

what our idea is. This is why writers are often surprised to find

that what they end up with on the page is quite different from

what they thought it would be when they started. What we

are trying to say here is that everydayspeak is often crucial for

this discovery process, that translating your ideas into more

common, simpler terms can help you figure out what your ideas

really are, as opposed to what you initially imagined they were.

Even Descartes, for example, may not have had the formulation

“I think, therefore I am” in mind before he wrote the passage

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above; instead, he may have arrived at it as he worked through

the writing process.

We ourselves have been reminded of this point when engaged

in our own writing. One major benefit of writing collaboratively,

as the two of us do, is that it repeatedly forces us to explain in

simpler terms our less-than-clear ideas when one of us doesn’t

already know what the other means. In the process of writing

and revising this book, for instance, we were always turning to

each other after reading something the other had written and

asking a version of the “Can-you-explain-that-more-simply?”

question that we described asking our students in our office in

this chapter’s opening anecdote: “What do you mean?” “I don’t

get it—can you explain?” “Huh!?” Sometimes, when the idea is

finally stated in plain, everyday terms, we realize that it doesn’t

make sense or that it amounts to nothing more than a cliché—or

that we have something worth pursuing. It’s as if using everyday

language to talk through a draft—as any writer can do by asking

others to critique his or her drafts—shines a bright light on our

writing to expose its strengths and weaknesses.

still not convinced?

To be sure, not everyone will be as enthusiastic as we are about

the benefits of everydayspeak. Many will insist that, while some

fields in the humanities may be open to everyday language,

colloquial expressions, and slang, most fields in the sciences

are not. And some people in both the humanities and the

sciences will argue that some ideas simply can’t be done justice

to in everyday language. “Theory X,” they will say, “is just too

complex to be explained in simple terms,” or “You have to

be in the field to understand it.” Perhaps so. But at least one

1 2 6

Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

distinguished scientist, the celebrated atomic physicist Enrico

Fermi, thought otherwise. Fermi, it is said, believed that all

faculty in his field should teach basic physics to undergradu-

ates, because having to explain the science in relatively plain

English helped to clarify their thinking. This last point can be

stated as a rule of thumb: if you can’t explain it to your Aunt

Franny, chances are you don’t understand it yourself.

Furthermore, when writers tell themselves that their ideas

are just too complex to be explained to nonspecialists, they risk

fooling themselves into thinking that they are making more

sense than they actually are. Translating academicspeak into

everydayspeak functions as a kind of baloney detector, a way

of keeping us honest when we’re in danger of getting carried

away by our own verbosity.

code-meshing

“But come on,” some may say. “Get real! Academic writing

must, in many cases, mean setting aside our own voices.” Sure,

it may be fine to translate challenging academic ideas into

plain everyday language, as Goldstein, Sword, and Descartes

do above, when it’s a language that your audience will under-

stand and find acceptable. But what if your everyday language—

the one you use when you’re most relaxed, with family and

friends—is filled with slang and questionable grammar? And

what if your everyday language is an ethnic or regional dialect—

or a different language altogether? Is there really a place for such

language in academic, professional, or public writing?

Yes and no. On the one hand, there are many situations—

like when you’re applying for a job or submitting a proposal to

be read by an official screening body—in which it’s probably

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

safest to write in “standard” English. On the other hand, the

line between language that might confuse audiences and lan-

guage that engages or challenges them is not always obvious.

Nor is the line between foreign words that readers don’t already

know and those that readers might happily learn. After all,

“standard” written English is more open and inclusive than it

may at first appear. And readers often appreciate writers who

take risks and mix things up.

Many prominent writers mix standard written English with

other dialects or languages, employing a practice that cultural

and linguistic theorists Vershawn Ashanti Young and Suresh

Canagarajah call “code-meshing.” For instance, in the titles of

two of her books, Talkin and Testifyin: The Language of Black

America and Black Talk: Words and Phrases From the Hood

to the Amen Corner, the language scholar Geneva Smither-

man mixes African American vernacular phrases with more

scholarly language in order to suggest, as she explicitly argues

in these books, that black vernacular English is as legitimate

a variety of language as “standard” English. Here are three

typical passages:

In Black America, the oral tradition has served as a fundamental

vehicle for gittin ovah. That tradition preserves the Afro-American

heritage and reflects the collective spirit of the race.

Blacks are quick to ridicule “educated fools,” people who done

gone to school and read all dem books and still don’t know nothin!

It is a socially approved verbal strategy for black rappers to talk

about how bad they is.

Geneva Smitherman, Talkin and Testifyin:

The Language of Black America

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Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice

In these examples, Smitherman blends the types of terms we

expect in scholarly writing like “oral tradition” and “fundamen-

tal vehicle” with black vernacular phrases like “gittin ovah.”

She even blends the standard English spelling of words with

African American English variants like “dem” and “ovah” in

a way that evokes how some speakers of African American

English sound. Some might object to these unconventional

practices, but this is precisely Smitherman’s point: that our

habitual language practices need to be opened up, and that the

number of participants in the academic conversation needs to

be expanded.

Along similar lines, the writer and activist Gloria Anzaldúa

mixes standard English with what she calls Chicano Spanish

to make a political point about the suppression of the Spanish

language in the United States. In one typical passage, she writes:

From this racial, ideological, cultural, and biological cross-

pollinization, an “alien” consciousness is presently in the making—

a new mestiza consciousness, una conciencia de mujer.

Gloria Anzaldúa,

Borderlands / La Frontera: The New Mestiza

Anzaldúa gets her point across not only through what she says

but through the way she says it, showing that the new hybrid,

or “mestiza consciousness,” that she celebrates is, as she puts

it, “presently in the making.” Ultimately, such code-meshing

suggests that languages, like the people who speak them, are

not distinct, separate islands.

Because there are so many options in writing, then, there is

no need to ever feel limited in your choice of words. You can

always experiment with your language and improve it. Depend-

ing on your audience and purpose, and how much risk you’re

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n i n e “ Y O U M E A N I C A N J U S T S A Y I T T H A T W A Y ? ”

willing to take, you can dress up your language, dress it down,

or some combination of both. You could even recast the title of

this book, “They Say / I Say,” as a teenager might say it: “She

Goes / I’m Like.”

We hope you agree with us, then, that to succeed as a college

writer, you need not always set aside your everyday voice, even

when that voice may initially seem unwelcome in the academic

world. It is by blending everyday language with standard written

English that what counts as “standard” changes and the range

of possibilities open to academic writers continues to grow.

Exercises

1. Take a paragraph from this book and dress it down, rewrit-

ing it in informal colloquial language. Then rewrite the same

paragraph again by dressing it up, making it much more for-

mal. Then rewrite the paragraph one more time in a way that

blends the two styles. Share your paragraphs with a classmate,

and discuss which versions are most effective and why.

2. Find something you’ve written for a course, and study it to see

whether you’ve used any of your own everyday expressions,

any words or structures that are not “academic.” If by chance

you don’t find any, see if there’s a place or two where shifting

into more casual or unexpected language would help you make

a point, get your reader’s attention, or just add liveliness to

your text. Be sure to keep your audience and purpose in mind,

and use language that will be appropriate to both.

1 3 0

TEN

“but don’t get me wrong”

The Art of Metacommentary

H

When we tell people that we are writing a chapter on the

art of metacommentary, they often give us a puzzled look and

tell us that they have no idea what “metacommen tary” is. “We

know what commentary is,” they’ll sometimes say, “but what

does it mean when it’s meta?” Our answer is that whether or

not they know the term, they practice the art of metacommen-

tary on a daily basis whenever they make a point of explain-

ing something they’ve said or written: “What I meant to say

was

,” “My point was not

, but

,”

or “You’re probably not going to like what I’m about to say,

but

.” In such cases, they are not offering new points

but telling an audience how to interpret what they have already

said or are about to say. In short, then, metacommentary is a

way of commenting on your claims and telling others how—and

how not—to think about them.

It may help to think of metacommentary as being like the

chorus in a Greek play that stands to the side of the drama

unfolding on the stage and explains its meaning to the

audience—or like a voice-over narrator who comments on

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t e n “ B U T D O N ’ T G E T M E W R O N G ”

and explains the action in a television show or movie. Think

of metacommentary as a sort of second text that stands along-

side your main text and explains what it means. In the main

text you say something; in the metatext you guide your readers

in interpreting and processing what you’ve said.

What we are suggesting, then, is that you think of your text

as two texts joined at the hip: a main text in which you make

your argument and another in which you “work” your ideas,

distinguishing your views from others they may be confused

with, anticipating and answering objections, connecting one

point to another, explaining why your claim might be contro-

versial, and so forth. The figure below demonstrates what we

mean.

1 3 2

The Art of Metacommentary

use metacommentary to clarify

and elaborate

But why do you need metacommentary to tell readers what

you mean and guide them through your text? Can’t you just

clearly say what you mean up front? The answer is that, no

matter how clear and precise your writing is, readers David

can still fail to understand it in any number of ways. Freedman uses

metacommentory

Even the best writers can provoke reactions in readers when he writes

“to repeat”

that they didn’t intend, and even good readers can get to further

lost in a complicated argument or fail to see how one emphasize his

point, ¶ 32,

point connects with another. Readers may also fail to p. 694.

see what follows from your argument, or they may follow your

reasoning and examples yet fail to see the larger conclusion

you draw from them. They may fail to see your argument’s

overall significance, or mistake what you are saying for a

related argument that they have heard before but that you

want to distance yourself from. As a result, no matter how

straightforward a writer you are, readers still need you to

help them grasp what you really mean. Because the written

word is prone to so much mischief and can be interpreted in

so many different ways, we need metacommentary to keep

misinterpretations and other communication misfires at bay.

Another reason to master the art of metacommentary is that

it will help you develop your ideas and generate more text.

If you have ever had trouble producing the required number

of pages for a writing project, metacommentary can help you

add both length and depth to your writing. We’ve seen many

students who try to produce a five-page paper sputter to a halt

at two or three pages, complaining they’ve said everything

they can think of about their topic. “I’ve stated my thesis and

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t e n “ B U T D O N ’ T G E T M E W R O N G ”

presented my reasons and evidence,” students have told us.

“What else is there to do?” It’s almost as if such writers have

generated a thesis and don’t know what to do with it. When

these students learn to use metacommentary, however, they

get more out of their ideas and write longer, more substantial

texts. In sum, metacommentary can help you extract the full

potential from your ideas, drawing out important implications,

explaining ideas from different perspectives, and so forth.

So even when you may think you’ve said everything pos-

sible in an argument, try inserting the following types of

metacommentary.

j In other words, she doesn’t realize how right she is.

j What

really means is

.

j My point is not

but

.

j Ultimately, then, my goal is to demonstrate that

.

Ideally, such metacommentary should help you recognize some

implications of your ideas that you didn’t initially realize were

there.

Let’s look at how the cultural critic Neil Postman uses meta-

commentary in the following passage describing the shift in

American culture when it began to move from print and read-

ing to television and movies.

It is my intention in this book to show that a great … shift has

taken place in America, with the result that the content of much

of our public discourse has become dangerous nonsense. With this

in view, my task in the chapters ahead is straightforward. I must,

first, demonstrate how, under the governance of the printing

1 3 4

The Art of Metacommentary

press, discourse in America was different from what it is now—

generally coherent, serious and rational; and then how, under the

governance of television, it has become shriveled and absurd.

But to avoid the possibility that my analysis will be interpreted as

standard-brand academic whimpering, a kind of elitist complaint

against “junk” on television, I must first explain that … I appreci-

ate junk as much as the next fellow, and I know full well that the

printing press has generated enough of it to fill the Grand Canyon

to overflowing. Television is not old enough to have matched

printing’s output of junk.

Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death:

Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business

To see what we mean by metacommentary, look at the phrases

above that we have italicized. With these moves, Postman

essentially stands apart from his main ideas to help readers

follow and understand what he is arguing.

He previews what he will argue: It is my intention in this book

to show …

He spells out how he will make his argument: With this in

view, my task in the chapters ahead is … I must, first, dem-

onstrate … and then …

He distinguishes his argument from other arguments it may

easily be confused with: But to avoid the possibility that my

analysis will be interpreted as … I must first explain that …

titles as metacommentary

Even the title of Postman’s book, Amusing Ourselves to Death:

Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business, functions as a form of

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metacommentary since, like all titles, it stands apart from the text

itself and tells readers the book’s main point: that the very plea-

sure provided by contemporary show business is destructive.

Titles, in fact, are one of the most important forms of

metacommentary, functioning rather like carnival barkers

telling passersby what they can expect if they go inside. Sub-

titles, too, function as metacommentary, further explaining

or elaborating on the main title. The subtitle of this book,

for example, not only explains that it is about “the moves

that matter in academic writing,” but indicates that “they

say / I say” is one of these moves. Thinking of a title as

metacommentary can actually help you develop sharper

titles, ones that, like Postman’s, give readers a hint of what

your argument will be. Contrast such titles with unhelpfully

open-ended ones like “Shakespeare” or “Steroids” or “English

Essay” or essays with no titles at all. Essays with vague titles

(or no titles) send the message that the writer has simply

not bothered to reflect on what he or she is saying and is

uninterested in guiding or orienting readers.

use other moves as metacommentary

Many of the other moves covered in this book function as

metacommentary: entertaining objections, adding transitions,

framing quotations, answering “so what?” and “who cares?”

When you entertain objections, you stand outside of your text

and imagine what a critic might say; when you add transitions,

you essentially explain the relationship between various claims.

And when you answer the “so what?” and “who cares?” ques-

tions, you look beyond your central argument and explain who

should be interested in it and why.

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The Art of Metacommentary

templates for introducing

metacommentary

to ward off potential misunderstandings

The following moves help you differentiate certain views from

ones they might be mistaken for.

j Essentially, I am arguing not that we should give up the policy,

but that we should monitor effects far more closely.

j This is not to say

, but rather

.

j X is concerned less with

than with

.

to elaborate on a previous idea

The following moves elaborate on a previous point, saying to

readers: “In case you didn’t get it the first time, I’ll try saying

the same thing in a different way.”

j In other words,

.

j To put it another way,

.

j What X is saying here is that

.

to provide a road map to your text

This move orients readers, clarifying where you have been and

where you are going—and making it easier for them to process

and follow your text.

j

Chapter 2 explores

, while Chapter 3 examines

.

j Having just argued that

, I want now to complicate the

point by

.

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t e n “ B U T D O N ’ T G E T M E W R O N G ”

to move from a general claim to a specific example

These moves help you explain a general point by providing a

concrete example that illustrates what you’re saying.

j For example,

.

j

, for instance, demonstrates

.

j Consider

, for example.

j To take a case in point,

.

to indicate that a claim is more, less, or equally important

The following templates help you give relative emphasis to the

claim that you are introducing, showing whether that claim is

of more or less weight than the previous one, or equal to it.

j Even more important,

.

j But above all,

.

j Incidentally, we will briefly note,

.

j Just as important,

.

j Equally,

.

j Finally,

.

to explain a claim when you anticipate objections

Here’s a template to help you anticipate and respond to pos-

sible objections.

j Although some readers may object that

, I would

answer that

.

1 3 8

The Art of Metacommentary

to guide readers to your most general point

Chapter 6

has more

These moves show that you are wrapping things up and templates for

anticipating

tying up various subpoints previously made.

objections.

j In sum, then,

.

j My conclusion, then, is that

.

j In short,

.

In this chapter we have tried to show that the most persuasive

writing often doubles back and comments on its own claims in

ways that help readers negotiate and process them. Instead of

simply piling claim upon claim, effective writers are constantly

“stage-managing” how their claims will be received. It’s true of

course that to be persuasive a text has to have strong claims

to argue in the first place. But even the strongest arguments

will flounder unless writers use metacommentary to prevent

potential misreadings and make their arguments shine.

Exercises

1. Read an essay or article and annotate it to indicate the

different ways the author uses metacommentary. Use the

templates on pages 137–39 as your guide. For example, you

may want to circle transitional phrases and write “trans” in

the margins, to put brackets around sentences that elaborate

on earlier sentences and mark them “elab,” or underline

sentences in which the author sums up what he or she has

been saying, writing “sum” in the margins.

How does the author use metacommentary? Does the

author follow any of the templates provided in this book

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t e n “ B U T D O N ’ T G E T M E W R O N G ”

word for word? Did you find any forms of metacommentary

not discussed in this chapter? If so, can you identify them,

name them, and perhaps devise templates based on them for

use in your own writing? And finally, how do you think the

author’s use of metacommentary enhances (or harms) his or

her writing?

2. Complete each of the following metacommentary templates

in any way that makes sense.

j

In making a case for the medical use of marijuana, I am not

saying that

.

j

But my argument will do more than prove that one particular

industrial chemical has certain toxic properties. In this article,

I will also

.

j

My point about the national obsessions with sports reinforces

the belief held by many

that

.

j

I believe, therefore, that the war is completely unjustified.

But let me back up and explain how I arrived at this conclu-

sion:

. In this way, I came to believe that this war is

a big mistake.

1 4 0

ELEVEN

“he says contends”

Using the Templates to Revise

H

One of the most important stages of the writing process

is revision, when you look at a draft with an eye for how well

you’ve made your argument and what you need to do to make

it better. The challenge is to figure out what needs work—and

then what exactly you need to do.

Sometimes you’ll have specific comments and suggestions

from a teacher, noting that you need to state your position more

explicitly, that your point is unclear, that you’ve misunderstood

an author you’re summarizing, and so forth. But what if you

don’t have any such guidance, or aren’t sure what to do with

it? The list of guidelines below offers help and points you back

to relevant advice and templates in this book.

Do you present your argument as a response to what others

say? Do you make reference to other views besides your own? Do

you use voice markers to distinguish clearly for readers between

your views and those of others? In order to make your argument

as convincing as possible, would it help to add more concessions

to opposing views, using “yes but” templates?

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e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

Asking yourself these large-scale revision questions will

help you see how well you’ve managed the “they say / I say”

framework and this in turn should help you see where further

revisions are needed. The checklist below follows the order of

chapters in this book.

How Do You Represent What Others Say?

Do you start with what others say? If not, try revising to do so.

See pages 23–28 for templates that can help.

Do you summarize or paraphrase what they’ve said? If so, have you

represented their views accurately—and adequately?

Do you quote others? Do you frame each quotation successfully,

integrating it into your text? Does the quotation support your

argument? Have you introduced each quotation adequately,

naming the person you’re quoting (and saying who that per-

son is if your readers won’t know)? Do you explain in your

own words what the quotation means? Do you then clearly

indicate how the quotation bears on your own argument? See

pages 45–47 for tips on creating a “quotation sandwich.”

Check the verbs you use to introduce any summaries and quo-

tations: do they express accurately what was said? If you’ve

used common signal phrases such as “X said” or “Y believes,”

is there a verb that reflects more accurately what was said?

See pages 40–41 for a list of verbs for introducing summaries

and quotations.

Have you documented all summaries and quotations, both with

parenthetical documentation in your text and a references or

works-cited list?

1 4 2

Using the Templates to Revise

Do you remind readers of what others say at various points

throughout your text? If not, see pages 27–28 for help revising

in order to do so.

What Do You Say?

Do you agree, disagree, or both with those you’re responding to?

Have you said so explicitly?

If you disagree, do you give reasons why you disagree? If you

agree, what more have you added to the conversation? If you

both agree and disagree, do you do so without confusing readers

or seeming evasive?

Have you stated your position and the one it responds to as a

connected unit?

What reasons and evidence do you offer to support your “I say”?

In other words, do your argument and the argument you are

responding to—your “I say” and “they say”—address the same

topic or issue, or does a switch occur that takes you on a tan-

gent that will confuse readers? One way to ensure that your

“I say” and “they say” are aligned rather than seeming like ships

passing in the night is to use the same key terms in both. See

Chapter 8 for tips on how to do so.

Will readers be able to distinguish what you say from what

others say? See Chapter 5 for advice about using voice

markers to make that distinction clear, especially at moments

when you are moving from your view to someone else’s view

or back.

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e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

Have You Introduced Any Naysayers?

Have you acknowledged likely objections to your argument?

If so, have you represented these views fairly—and responded

to them persuasively? See Chapter 6 for tips on how to do so.

If not, think about what other perspectives exist on your topic,

and incorporate them into your draft.

Have You Used Metacommentary to Clarify What You

Do or Don’t Mean?

No matter how clearly you’ve explained your points, it’s a good

idea to explain what you mean—or don’t mean—with phrases

like “in other words” or “don’t get me wrong.” See Chapter 10

for examples of how to do so.

Do you have a title? If so, does it tell readers what your main

point or issue is, and does it do so in a lively manner? Should

you add a subtitle to elaborate on the title?

Have You Tied It All Together?

Can readers follow your argument from one sentence and para-

graph to the next and see how each successive point supports

your overall argument?

Check your use of transitions, words like “however” and “therefore.”

Such words make clear how your ideas relate to one another; if

you need to add transitions, see pages 105–06 for a complete list.

Check your use of pointing words. Do you use common pointers

like “this” and “that,” which help lead readers from one sentence

1 4 4

Using the Templates to Revise

to the next? If so, is it always clear what “this” and “that” refer

to, or do you need to add nouns in order to avoid ambiguity?

See pages 108–10 for help working with pointing words.

Have you used what we call “repetition with a difference” to help

connect parts of your argument? See pages 112–14 for examples

of how to do so.

Have You Shown Why Your Argument Matters?

Don’t assume that readers will see why your argument is

important—or why they should care. Be sure that you have

told them why. See Chapter 7 if you need help.

a revised student essay

Here is an example of how one student, Antonia Peacocke,

used this book to revise an essay. Starting with an article she’d

written for her high school newspaper, Peacocke then followed

the advice in our book as she turned her article into a college-

level academic essay. Her original article was a brief account of

why she liked Family Guy, and her first step in revising was to

open with a “they say” and an “I say,” previewing her overall

argument in brief form at the essay’s beginning. While her

original version had acknowledged that many find the show

“objectionable,” she hadn’t named these people or indicated

why they didn’t like the show. In her revised version, after

doing further research, Peacocke identified those with whom

she disagreed and responded to them at length, as the essay

itself illustrates.

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e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

In addition, Peacocke strengthened existing transitions,

added new ones, and clarified the stakes of her argument, saying

more explicitly why readers should care about whether Family

Guy is good or bad. In making these revisions she gave her own

spin to several templates in this book.

We’ve annotated Peacocke’s essay in the margins to point

out particular rhetorical moves discussed in our book and the

chapters in which those discussions appear. We hope studying

her essay and our annotations will suggest how you might craft

and revise your own writing.

Antonia Peacocke wrote this essay in the summer between

high school and her first year at Harvard. She is now a

PhD student in philosophy at the University of California at

Berkeley.

1 4 6

Using the Templates to Revise

Family Guy and Freud: Jokes and

Their Relation to the Unconscious

a n t o n i a p e a c o c k e

H

While slouching in front of the television after a

long day, you probably don’t think a lot about famous

psychologists of the twentieth century. Somehow, these

figures don’t come up often in prime-time—or even

Starts with

what others

daytime—TV programming. Whether you’re watching

are saying

(Chapter 1)

Living Lohan or the NewsHour, the likelihood is that you

are not thinking of Sigmund Freud, even if you’ve heard

of his book Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious.

Responds to

what they say

I say that you should be.

(Chapter 4)

What made me think of Freud in the first place,

actually, was Family Guy, the cartoon created by Seth

MacFarlane. (Seriously—stay with me here.) Any of

Metacommenmy friends can tell you that this program holds endless

tary wards

off potential

fascination for me; as a matter of fact, my high school

skepticism

(Chapter 10)

rag-sheet “perfect mate” was the baby Stewie Griffin, a

character on the show (see Fig. 1). Embarrassingly enough,

I have almost reached the point at which I can perform

1 4 7

e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

one-woman versions of several episodes. I know every

website that streams the show for free, and I still refuse to

return the five Family Guy DVDs a friend lent me in 2006.

Before I was such a devotee, however, I was adamantly

opposed to the program for its particular brand of humor.

It will come as no surprise that I was not alone in this

view; many still denounce Family Guy as bigoted and crude.

Quotes and

summarizes New York Times journalist Stuart Elliott claimed just this

what others year that “the characters on the Fox television series Family

say (Chapters

2 and 3)

Guy … purposely offen[d] just about every group of people

Fig 1. Peter and Stewie Griffin. (Everett Collection)

1 4 8

Using the Templates to Revise

you could name.” Likewise Stephen Dubner, coauthor of

Freakonomics, called Family Guy “a cartoon comedy that

packs more gags per minute about race, sex, incest, bestiality,

etc. than any other show [he] can think of.” Comparing its

level of offense to that of Don Imus’s infamous comments

about the Rutgers women’s basketball team in the same year,

comments that threw the popular CBS radio talk-show host

off the air, Dubner said he wondered why Imus couldn’t get

away with as much as Family Guy could.

Dubner did not know about all the trouble Family Guy

has had. In fact, it must be one of the few television shows

in history that has been canceled not just once, but twice.

After its premiere in April 1999, the show ran until August

2000, but was besieged by so many complaints, some of

them from MacFarlane’s old high school headmaster, Rev.

Richardson W. Schell, that Fox shelved it until July 2001

(Weinraub). Still afraid of causing a commotion, though,

Fox had the cartoon censored and irregularly scheduled;

as a result, its ratings fell so low that 2002 saw its second

cancellation (Weinraub). But then it came back with a

vengeance—I’ll get into that later.

Family Guy has found trouble more recently, too. In

2007, comedian Carol Burnett sued Fox for 6 million dol-

lars, claiming that the show’s parody of the Charwoman,

a character that she had created for The Carol Burnett

Show, not only violated copyright but also besmirched the

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e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

character’s name in revenge for Burnett’s refusal to grant

permission to use her theme song (“Carol Burnett Sues”).

The suit came after MacFarlane had made the Charwoman

into a cleaning woman for a pornography store in one

episode of Family Guy. Burnett lost, but U.S. district judge

Dean Pregerson agreed that he could “fully appreciate how

distasteful and offensive the segment [was] to Ms. Burnett”

(qtd. in Grossberg).

I must admit, I can see how parts of the show might

seem offensive if taken at face value. Look, for example,

Represents

a naysayer’s at the mock fifties instructional video that features in the

objections

fairly episode “I Am Peter, Hear Me Roar.”

(Chapter 6)

[ The screen becomes black and white. Vapid music

plays in the background. The screen reads “women in

the workplace ca. 1956,” then switches to a shot of

an office with various women working on typewriters.

A businessman speaks to the camera. ]

businessman : Irrational and emotionally fragile by

nature, female coworkers are a peculiar animal. They

are very insecure about their appearance. Be sure to

tell them how good they look every day, even if they’re

homely and unkempt. [ He turns to an unattractive female

typist. ] You’re doing a great job, Muriel, and you’re

prettier than Mamie van Doren! [ She smiles. He grins

at the camera, raising one eyebrow knowingly, and winks. ]

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Using the Templates to Revise

And remember, nothing says “Good job!” like a firm

open-palm slap on the behind. [ He walks past a woman

bent over a file cabinet and demonstrates enthusiastically.

She smiles, looking flattered. He grins at the camera again

as the music comes to an end. ]

Laughing at something so blatantly sexist could cause

anyone a pang of guilt, and before I thought more about

Agrees,

the show this seemed to be a huge problem. I agreed with but with a

Dubner, and I failed to see how anyone could laugh at such difference

(Chapter 4)

jokes without feeling at least slightly ashamed.

Soon, though, I found myself forced to give Family Guy

a chance. It was simply everywhere: my brother and many of

my friends watched it religiously, and its devoted fans relent-

lessly proselytized for it. In case you have any doubts about Anticipates

a naysayer’s

its immense popularity, consider these facts. On Facebook, skepticism

(Chapter 6)

the universal forum for my generation, there are currently

23 separate Family Guy fan groups with a combined member-

ship of 1,669 people (compared with only 6 groups protesting

against Family Guy, with 105 members total). Users of the

well-respected Internet Movie Database rate the show 8.8

out of 10. The box-set DVDs were the best-selling television

DVDs of 2003 in the United States (Moloney). Among the

public and within the industry, the show receives fantastic

acclaim; it has won eight awards, including three prime-

time Emmys (IMDb). Most importantly, each time it was

cancelled fans provided the brute force necessary to get it

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e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

back on the air. In 2000, online campaigns did the trick; in

2002, devotees demonstrated outside Fox Studios, refused to

watch the Fox network, and boycotted any companies that

advertised on it (Moloney). Given the show’s high profile,

both with my friends and family and in the world at large, it

would have been more work for me to avoid the Griffin fam-

ily than to let myself sink into their animated world.

With more exposure, I found myself crafting a more pos-

itive view of Family Guy. Those who don’t often watch the

Distinguishes

between what program, as Dubner admits he doesn’t, could easily come to

others say and think that the cartoon takes pleasure in controversial humor

what she says

(Chapter 5)

just for its own sake. But those who pay more attention and

think about the creators’ intentions can see that Family Guy

intelligently satirizes some aspects of American culture.

Some of this satire is actually quite obvious. Take, for

instance, a quip Brian the dog makes about Stewie’s liter-

Mixes

academic and ary choices in a fourth-season episode, “PTV.” (Never mind

colloquial that a dog and a baby can both read and hold lengthy

styles

(Chapter 9)

conversations.)

[ The Griffins are in their car. Brian turns to Stewie, who

sits reading in his car seat. ]

Uses a

brian : East of Eden? So you, you, you pretty much do

quotation

sandwich

whatever Oprah tells you to, huh?

to explicate

stewie : You know, this book’s been around for fifty

this excerpt

(Chapter 3)

years. It’s a classic.

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Using the Templates to Revise

brian : But you just got it last week. And there’s a giant

Oprah sticker on the front.

stewie : Oh—oh—oh, is that what that is? Oh, lemme

just peel that right off.

brian : So, uh, what are you gonna read after that one?

stewie : Well, she hasn’t told us yet—damn!

Brian and Stewie demonstrate insightfully and comically

how Americans are willing to follow the instructions of a

celebrity blindly—and less willing to admit that they are

doing so.

The more off-color jokes, though, those that give

Family Guy a bad name, attract a different kind of viewer.

Such viewers are not “rats in a behaviorist’s maze,” as

Distinguishes

Slate writer Dana Stevens labels modern American televi- what others

say from what

sion consumers in her article “Thinking Outside the Idiot she says

Box.” They are conscious and critical viewers, akin to the (Chapter 5)

“screenagers” identified by Douglas Rushkoff in an essay

entitled “Bart Simpson: Prince of Irreverence” (294). They

are not—and this I cannot stress enough, self-serving as it

may seem—immoral or easily manipulated people.

Rushkoff’s piece analyzes the humor of The Simpsons,

a show criticized for many of the same reasons as Family

Guy. “The people I call ‘screenagers,’ ” Rushkoff explains,

“speak the media language better than their parents do and

they see through clumsy attempts to program them into

submission” (294). He claims that gaming technology has

1 5 3

e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

made my generation realize that television is programmed

for us with certain intentions; since we can control

characters in the virtual world, we are more aware that

characters on TV are similarly controlled. “Sure, [these

‘screenagers’] might sit back and watch a program now and

again,” Rushkoff explains, “but they do so voluntarily, and

with full knowledge of their complicity. It is not an invol-

untary surrender” (294). In his opinion, our critical eyes

and our unwillingness to be programmed by the program-

mers make for an entirely new relationship with the shows

we watch. Thus we enjoy The Simpsons’ parodies of mass

media culture since we are skeptical of it ourselves.

Rushkoff’s argument about The Simpsons actually

applies to Family Guy as well, except in one dimen-

sion: Rushkoff writes that The Simpsons’ creators do “not

comment on social issues as much as they [do on] the

media imagery around a particular social issue” (296).

MacFarlane and company seem to do the reverse. Trusting

in their viewers’ ability to analyze what they are watch-

ing, the creators of Family Guy point out the weaknesses

and defects of US society in a mocking and sometimes

intolerant way.

Taken in this light, the “instructional video” quoted

Uses

transitions above becomes not only funny but also insightful. In its sat-

to connect ire, viewers can recognize the sickly sweet and falsely sensi-

the parts

(Chapter 8)

tive sexism of the 1950s in observing just how conveniently

1 5 4

Using the Templates to Revise

self-serving the speaker of the video appears. The message

of the clip denounces and ridicules sexism rather than

condoning it. It is an excerpt that perfectly exemplifies the

bald-faced candor of the show, from which it derives a lot of

its appeal.

Making such comically outrageous remarks on the air

also serves to expose certain prejudiced attitudes as outra-

geous themselves. Taking these comments at face value

would be as foolish as taking Jonathan Swift’s “Modest

Proposal” seriously. Furthermore, while they put bigoted

words into the mouths of their characters, the show’s

writers cannot be accused of portraying these characters

positively. Peter Griffin, the “family guy” of the show’s

title, probably says and does the most offensive things of

all—but as a lazy, overweight, and insensitive failure of a

man, he is hardly presented as someone to admire. Nobody

in his or her right mind would observe Peter’s behavior and

deem it worth emulation.

Family Guy has its own responses to accusations

of crudity. In the episode “PTV,” Peter sets up his own

television station broadcasting from home and the Griffin

family finds itself confronting the Federal Communications

Commission directly (see Fig. 2 for a picture of the whole

family). The episode makes many tongue-in-cheek jabs

at the FCC, some of which are sung in a rousing musical

number, but also sneaks in some of the creator’s own

1 5 5

e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

Fig 2. The Griffin family watches TV. (Everett Collection)

opinions. The plot comes to a climax when the FCC

begins to censor “real life” in the town of Quahog; officials

place black censor bars in front of newly showered Griffins

and blow foghorns whenever characters curse. MacFarlane

makes an important point: that no amount of television

censorship will ever change the harsh nature of reality—

and to censor reality is mere folly. Likewise, he puts explicit

arguments about censorship into lines spoken by his

1 5 6

Using the Templates to Revise

characters, as when Brian says that “responsibility lies with

the parents [and] there are plenty of things that are much

worse for children than television.”

It must be said too that not all of Family Guy’s humor

could be construed as offensive. Some of its jokes are more

tame and insightful, the kind you might expect from The

New Yorker. The following light commentary on the useful-

ness of high school algebra from “When You Wish Upon a

Weinstein” could hardly be accused of upsetting anyone—

except, perhaps, a few high school math teachers.

[ Shot of Peter on the couch and his son Chris lying at his

feet and doing homework. ]

chris : Dad, can you help me with my math? [My

teacher] says if I don’t learn it, I won’t be able to func-

tion in the real world.

[ Shot of Chris standing holding a map in a run-down gas

station next to an attendant in overalls and a trucker cap

reading “PUMP THIS.” The attendant speaks with a

Southern accent and gestures casually to show the different

road configurations. ]

attendant : Okay, now what you gotta do is go down

the road past the old Johnson place, and you’re gonna

find two roads, one parallel and one perpendicular.

Now keep going until you come to a highway that

1 5 7

e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

bisects it at a 45-degree angle. [ Crosses his arms. ] Solve

for x.

[ Shot of Chris lying on the ground next to the attendant in

fetal position, sucking his thumb. His map lies abandoned

near him. ]

In fact, Family Guy does not aim to hurt, and its creators

take certain measures to keep it from hitting too hard.

Uses In an interview on Access Hollywood, Seth MacFarlane

transitions

to connect plainly states that there are certain jokes too upsetting to

the parts certain groups to go on the air. Similarly, to ensure that

(Chapter 8)

the easily misunderstood show doesn’t fall into the hands

of those too young to understand it, Fox will not license

Family Guy rights to any products intended for children

under the age of fourteen (Elliott).

However, this is not to say that MacFarlane’s mission

is corrective or noble. It is worth remembering that he

wants only to amuse, a goal for which he was criticized

by several of his professors at the Rhode Island School of

Agrees and

disagrees; Design (Weinraub). For this reason, his humor can be dan-

makes

concessions gerous. On the one hand, I don’t agree with George Will’s

while standing reductive and generalized statement in his article “Reality

her ground

(Chapters 4 Television: Oxymoron” that “entertainment seeking a mass

and 6)

audience is ratcheting up the violence, sexuality, and deg-

radation, becoming increasingly coarse and trying to be …

shocking in an unshockable society.” I believe Family Guy

1 5 8

Using the Templates to Revise

has its intelligent points, and some of its seemingly “coarse”

scenes often have hidden merit. I must concede, though,

that a few of the show’s scenes seem to be doing just what

Will claims; sometimes the creators do seem to cross—or,

perhaps, eagerly race past—the line of indecency. In one

such crude scene, an elderly dog slowly races a paraplegic

and Peter, who has just been hit by a car, to get to a sev-

ered finger belonging to Peter himself (“Whistle While

Your Wife Works”). Nor do I find it particularly funny

when Stewie physically abuses Brian in a bloody fight over

gambling money (“Patriot Games”).

Thus, while Family Guy can provide a sort of relief by

breaking down taboos, we must still wonder whether or not

these taboos exist for a reason. An excess of offensive jokes,

especially those that are often misconstrued, can seem to

Concludes by

grant tacit permission to think offensively if it’s done for

showing who

cares and why

comedy—and laughing at others’ expense can be cruel,

her argument

matters

no matter how funny. Jokes all have their origins, and the (Chapter 7)

funniest ones are those that hit home the hardest; if we

listen to Freud, these are the ones that let our animalistic

and aggressive impulses surface from the unconscious. The

distinction between a shamelessly candid but insightful joke

and a merely shameless joke is a slight but important one.

While I love Family Guy as much as any fan, it’s important

not to lose sight of what’s truly unfunny in real life—even

as we appreciate what is hilarious in fiction.

1 5 9

e l e v e n “ H E S A Y S C O N T E N D S ”

Works Cited

“Carole Burnett Sues over Family Guy Parody.” CBC, 16 Mar.

2007, www.cbc.ca/news/arts/carol-burnett-sues-over

-family-guy-parody-1.693570. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Dubner, Stephen J. “Why Is Family Guy Okay When

Imus Wasn’t?” Freakonomics Blog, 3 Dec. 2007,

freakonomics.com. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Elliott, Stuart. “Crude? So What? These Characters Still

Find Work in Ads.” The New York Times, 19 June

2008, nyti.ms/2bZWSAs. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Facebook search for Family Guy under “Groups.” www

.facebook.com. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Freud, Sigmund. Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious.

1905. Translated by James Strachey, W. W. Norton, 1989.

Grossberg, Josh. “Carole Burnett Can’t Stop Stewie.”

E! News, Entertainment Television, 5 June 2007,

www.eonline.com. Accessed 14 July 2008.

“I Am Peter, Hear Me Roar.” Family Guy, season 2, episode 8,

20th Century Fox, 28 Mar. 2000. Hulu, www.hulu.com/

watch/171050. Accessed 14 July 2008.

“Family Guy.” IMDb, 1999–2016, www.imdb.com/title/

tt0182576. Accessed 14 July 2008.

MacFarlane, Seth. Interview. Access Hollywood, NBC

Universal, 8 May 2007. YouTube, www.youtube.com/

watch?v=rKURWCicyQU. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Moloney, Ben Adam. “Family Guy.” BBC.com, 30 Sept.

2004, www.bbc.com. Accessed 14 July 2008.

1 6 0

Using the Templates to Revise

“Patriot Games.” Family Guy, season 4, episode 20, 20th

Century Fox, 29 Jan. 2006. Hulu, www.hulu.com/

watch/171089. Accessed 22 July 2008.

“PVT.” Family Guy, season 4, episode 14, 20th Century Fox,

6 Nov. 2005. Hulu, www.hulu.com/watch/171083.

Accessed 14 July 2008.

Rushkoff, Douglas. “Bart Simpson: Prince of Irreverence.”

Leaving Springfield: The Simpsons and the Possibility of

Oppositional Culture, edited by John Alberti, Wayne

State UP, 2004, pp. 292–301.

Stevens, Dana. “Thinking Outside the Idiot Box.” Slate,

25 Mar. 2005, www.slate.com/articles/news_and_

politics/surfergirl/2005/04/thinkingoutside_the_

idiot_box.html. Accessed 14 July 2008.

Weinraub, Bernard. “The Young Guy of ‘Family Guy’: A

30-Year-Old’s Cartoon Hit Makes an Unexpected

Comeback.” The New York Times, 7 July 2004,

nyti.ms/1IEBiUA. Accessed 14 July 2008.

“When You Wish Upon a Weinstein.” Family Guy, season 3,

episode 22, 20th Century Fox, 9 Nov. 2003. Hulu,

www.hulu.com/watch/171136. Accessed 22 July 2008.

“Whistle While Your Wife Works.” Family Guy, season 5,

episode 5, 20th Century Fox, 12 Nov. 2006. Hulu,

www.hulu.com/watch/171160. Accessed 22 July 2008.

Will, George F. “Reality Television: Oxymoron.” The

Washington Post, 21 June 2001, p. A25.

1 6 1

TWELVE

“i take your point”

Entering Class Discussions

H

Have you ever been in a class discussion that feels less like

a genuine meeting of the minds than like a series of discrete,

disconnected monologues? You make a comment, say, that

seems provocative to you, but the classmate who speaks after

you makes no reference to what you said, instead going off in

an entirely different direction. Then, the classmate who speaks

next makes no reference either to you or to anyone else, making

it seem as if everyone in the conversation is more interested in

their own ideas than in actually conversing with anyone else.

We like to think that the principles this book advances can

help improve class discussions, which increasingly include various

forms of online communication. Particularly important for class

discussion is the point that our own ideas become more cogent

and powerful the more responsive we are to others, and the more

we frame our claims not in isolation but as responses to what

others before us have said. Ultimately, then, a good face-to-face

classroom discussion (or online communication) doesn’t just hap-

pen spontaneously. It requires the same sorts of disciplined moves

and practices used in many writing situations, particularly that of

identifying to what and to whom you are responding.

1 6 2

Entering Class Discussions

frame your comments as a response

to something that has already been said

The single most important thing you need to do when joining a

class discussion is to link what you are about to say to something

that has already been said.

j I really liked Aaron’s point about the two sides being closer than

they seem. I’d add that both seem rather moderate.

j I take your point, Nadia, that

. Still …

j Though Sheila and Ryan seem to be at odds about

,

they may actually not be all that far apart.

In framing your comments this way, it is usually best to name

both the person and the idea you’re responding to. If you name

the person alone (“I agree with Aaron because

”),

it may not be clear to listeners what part of what Aaron

said you are referring to. Conversely, if you only summa-

rize what Aaron said without naming him, you’ll probably

leave your classmates wondering whose comments you’re

referring to.

But won’t you sound stilted and deeply redundant in

class if you try to restate the point your classmate just made?

After all, in the case of the first template above, the entire

class will have just heard Aaron’s point about the two sides

being closer than they seem. Why then would you need to

restate it?

We agree that in oral situations, it does often sound artificial

to restate what others just said precisely because they just said

it. It would be awkward if, on being asked to pass the salt at

1 6 3

t w e l v e “ I T A K E Y O U R P O I N T ”

lunch, one were to reply: “If I understand you correctly, you

have asked me to pass the salt. Yes, I can, and here it is.” But

in oral discussions about complicated issues that are open to

multiple interpretations, we usually do need to resummarize

what others have said to make sure that everyone is on the

same page. Since Aaron may have made several points when

he spoke and may have been followed by other commentators,

the class will probably need you to summarize which point of his

you are referring to. And even if Aaron made only one point,

restating that point is helpful, not only to remind the group

what his point was (since some may have missed or forgotten it)

but also to make sure that he, you, and others have interpreted

his point in the same way.

to change the subject,

indicate explicitly that you are doing so

It is fine to try to change the conversation’s direction. There’s

just one catch: you need to make clear to listeners that this is

what you are doing. For example:

j So far we have been talking about the characters in the film. But

isn’t the real issue here the cinematography?

j

I’d like to change the subject to one that hasn’t yet been

addressed.

You can try to change the subject without indicating that you

are doing so. But you risk that your comment will come across as

irrelevant rather than as a thoughtful contribution that moves

the conversation forward.

1 6 4

Entering Class Discussions

be even more explicit

than you would be in writing

Because listeners in an oral discussion can’t go back and reread

what you just said, they are more easily overloaded than are

readers of a print text. For this reason, in a class discussion you

will do well to take some extra steps to help listeners follow

your train of thought. (1) When you make a comment, limit

yourself to one point only, though you can elaborate on this

point, fleshing it out with examples and evidence. If you feel

you must make two points, either unite them under one larger

umbrella point, or make one point first and save the other for

later. Trying to bundle two or more claims into one comment

can result in neither getting the attention it deserves. (2) Use

metacommentary to highlight your key point so that listeners

can readily grasp it.

j In other words, what I’m trying to get at here is

.

j My point is this:

.

j My point, though, is not

, but

.

j This distinction is important because

.

1 6 5

THIRTEEN

don’t make them scroll up

Entering Online Conversations

H

The internet has transformed communication in more

ways than we can count. With just a few taps on a keyboard, we

can be connected with what others have said not only through-

out history, but right now, in the most remote places. Almost

instantaneously, communities can be created that are powerful

enough to change the world. In addition, virtually the moment

we voice an opinion online, we can get responses from sup-

porters and critics alike, while any links we provide to sources

can connect readers to voices they might otherwise never have

known about, and to conversations they might never have been

able to join.

Because of this connectivity, the internet lends itself per-

fectly to the type of conversational writing at the core of this

book. Just the other day, we were on a discussion board in which

one of the participants wrote to another, let’s call him X, in

a form that could have provided a template for this textbook:

“Fascinating point about , X. I’d never thought of it

that way before. I’d always thought that , but if you’re

right, then that would explain why .”

1 6 6

Entering Online Conversations

identify what you’re responding to

Unfortunately, not all online writers make clear who or what

prompted them to write. As a result, too many online exchanges

end up being not true conversations but a series of statements

without clear relationships to one another. All too often, it’s

hard to tell if the writer is building on what someone else has

said, challenging it, or trying to change the discussion topic

altogether. So although the digital world may connect us far

more rapidly and with far more people than ever, it doesn’t

always encourage a genuine meeting of minds.

We’ve seen this type of confusion in the writing our own

students submit to online discussions. Even students who use

the “they say / I say” framework routinely and effectively in

the essays they write often neglect to make those same moves

online. While our students engage enthusiastically in online

discussions, their posts are often all “I say” with little or no

“they say.” As a result, they end up talking past rather than to

one another.

What is happening here, we suspect, is that the easy acces-

sibility made possible by the internet makes slowing down and

summarizing or even identifying what others say seem unneces-

sary. Why repeat the views you are responding to, writers seem

to assume, when readers can easily find them by simply scrolling

up or clicking on a link?

The problem with this way of thinking is that readers won’t

always take the time to track down the comments you’re

responding to, assuming they can figure out what those com-

ments are to begin with. And even when readers do make the

effort to find the comments you’re responding to, they may not

be sure what aspect or part of those comments you’re referring to,

1 6 7

t h i r t e e n D O N ’ T M A K E T H E M S C R O L L U P

or how you interpret them. Ultimately, when you fail to iden-

tify your “they say,” you leave readers guessing, like someone

listening to one side of a phone conversation trying to piece

together what’s being said at the other end.

It is true, of course, that there are some situations online

where summarizing what you’re responding to would indeed

be redundant. When, for instance, you’re replying to a friend’s

text asking, “Meet in front of the theater at 7?” a mere “OK”

suffices, whereas a more elaborate response—“With regard to

your suggestion that we meet in front of the theater at 7, my

answer is yes”—would be not only redundant but downright

bizarre. But in more complex academic conversations where

the ideas are challenging, many people are involved, and there

is therefore a greater chance of misunderstanding, you do need

to clarify whom or what you’re responding to.

To see how hard it can be to make sense of a post that

fails to identify the “they say” it is responding to, consider the

following example from an online class discussion devoted to

Nicholas Carr’s article “Is Google Making Us Stupid?”

1 6 8

Entering Online Conversations

Blogs and social media allow us to reach many people all at

once. The internet makes us more efficient.

When we first read this post, we could see that this writer was

making a claim about the efficiency of the internet, but we

weren’t sure what the claim had to do with Carr or with any of

the other comments in the discussion. After all, the writer never

names Carr or anyone else in the conversation. Nor does she

use templates such as “Like Carr, I believe

” or “What

X overlooks is

” to indicate whether she’s agreeing or

disagreeing with Carr or with one of her classmates. Indeed, we

couldn’t tell if the writer had even read Carr or any of the other

posts, or if she was just expressing her own views on the topic.

We suspect, however, that in arguing that the internet is

making us more efficient, this writer was probably trying to

refute Carr’s argument that the internet is, as Carr puts it in his

title, “making us stupid.” Then again, she could also have been

criticizing someone who agreed with Carr—or, conversely, sid-

ing with someone else who disagreed with Carr.

It would have been better if she had used the “they say / I

say” framework taught in this book, opening not with her own

“I say,” as she did, but with the “they say” that’s motivated her

to respond, perhaps using one of the following templates:

j X argues that

.

j Like X, Y would have us believe that

.

j In challenging X’s argument that

, Y asserts

that

.

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t h i r t e e n D O N ’ T M A K E T H E M S C R O L L U P

It would also have helped if, in her “I say,” she had identified the

“they say” she is addressing, using a template like one of these:

j But what X overlooks is that

.

j What both X and Y fail to see is that

.

j Z’s point is well taken. Like him, I contend that

is not,

as X insists,

but

.

Here’s one way this writer might have responded:

Carr argues that Google is undermining our ability to think and

read deeply. But far from making people “stupid,” as Carr puts

it in his title, the internet, in my view, is making people more

efficient. What Carr ignores is how blogs and social media allow

us to reach many people at once.

This version makes clear that the writer is not just making a

claim out of the blue, but that she had a reason for making her

claim: to take a position in a conversation or debate.

technology won’t do all the work

But still, you might wonder, doesn’t the internet enable

writers to connect so directly with others that summariz-

ing their claims is unnecessary? Granted, the internet does

provide several unique ways of referring to what others are

saying, like linking and embedding, that help us connect to

what others are saying. But as the following examples show,

these techniques don’t mean that technology will do all the

work for you.

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Entering Online Conversations

linking to what “they say”

One way the internet makes it especially easy to connect

directly with others is by allowing us to insert a link to what

others have said into our own text. Anything with a URL can

be linked to—blog posts, magazine articles, Facebook posts, and

so forth. Readers can then click on the words to which you’ve

attached the link and be taken directly to that page, as we can

see in the following comment in another online class discussion

about how the internet affects our brains.

In his essay “Is Google Making Us Stupid?” Nicholas Carr

argues that the kind of skimming we do when we read online

destroys deep reading and thinking. But I would argue the

opposite: that all the complex information we’re exposed to

online actually makes us read and think more deeply.

By including a link to Carr’s essay, this writer gives her readers

direct access to Carr’s arguments, allowing them to assess how

well she has summarized and responded to what he wrote. But

the reason the writer’s post succeeds is that she introduces the

link to Carr’s essay, summarizes what she takes Carr to be say-

ing, and gives her response to it.

Here are a few templates for framing a link:

j As X mentions in this article, “

.”

j In making this comment, X warns that

.

j Economists often assume

; however, new research by

X suggests

.

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juxtaposing your “they say”

with your “i say”

Another way that online forums enhance our ability to connect

with others is by allowing readers to respond—not only to the

original article or post but also to one another through what

we might call juxtaposition. On many online forums, when

you reply to someone else’s comment, your response appears

below the original comment and indented slightly, so that it

is visually clear whom you’re responding to. This means that,

in many cases, your “they say” and “I say” are presented almost

as a single conversational unit, as the following example from

the online discussion of Carr’s article illustrates:

Lee, 4/12/17, 3:02 PM

Carr argues that the internet has harmed us by making it hard

for us to read without breaks to look at other things. That

might be true, but overall I think it has improved our lives by

giving us access to so many different viewpoints.

Cody, 4/12/17, 5:15 PM

Like Lee, I think the internet has improved our

lives more than it’s hurt them. I would add that

it’s enabled us to form and participate in political

communities online that make people way more

politically engaged.

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Entering Online Conversations

Twitter also allows for this type of close proximity, by enabling

you to embed someone else’s tweet inside your own. For

instance, consider the following tweet:

Jade T. Moore @JadeTMoore

@willwst I agree—access to books is a social justice issue.

William West @willwst

Every child has the right to access to a school library.

Cody’s response in the discussion board and Jade’s on Twitter

are effective not only because the platforms connect Cody

and Jade to their “they say” but also because they take the

time to make those connections clear. Cody connects his com-

ment to his “they say” by including the words “Like Lee” and

restating Lee’s view, while Jade does so by including West’s

Twitter handle, @willwst, and the words “I agree.” Sure, the

technology does some of the work, by making the comments

being answered directly available for readers to see—no scroll-

ing or searching involved. But it can’t do it all. Imagine if

Cody, for instance, had merely written, “We’re able to form and

participate in political communities online that make people

way more politically engaged.” Or if Jade hadn’t included an

“I agree” with her comment. As readers, we’d have been left

scratching our heads, unable to tell what Cody’s claim had to do

with Lee’s claim, or what Jade’s claim had to do with William’s,

despite how close together these claims are on the screen.

Digital communication, then, does shrink the world, as

is often said, allowing us to connect with others in ways we

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t h i r t e e n D O N ’ T M A K E T H E M S C R O L L U P

couldn’t before. But technology doesn’t relieve writers of the

need to use the “they say / I say” framework. A central prem-

ise of this book is that this framework is a rhetorical move

that transcends the differences between all types of writing.

Whether you’re writing online or off, if you want others to listen

to what you say, you’d better pay attention to what they think,

and start with what they say. However limited your space, what-

ever your format, and whatever the technology, you can always

find a way to identify and summarize your “they say.”

Exercises

1. Look back on some of your old posts on a social media site,

a class discussion board, or some other website. How well

did you let other readers know whom and what you were

responding to and what your own position was? What kinds

of moves did you make? Does that site have any conventions

or special features that you used? Are there any features not

available on that site that might have helped you connect

your comment to other people’s comments? Having read this

chapter, try revising one of your posts to reflect the advice

covered here.

2. Choose an online forum ( Facebook, theysayiblog.com, etc.)

and describe how you might apply the advice given here to

that site. Are there any features or norms specific to that

forum (e.g., embedding, linking, etc.) that would influ-

ence how you formulate your “they say”? Go to that site

and evaluate how well people use these specific features

to communicate their “they say.” Is it easy to tell whom

and what people are responding to? Why or why not? Can

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Entering Online Conversations

you make your own contribution to the forum using the

“they say / I say” format?

3. As a test case for thinking about the questions raised in

this chapter, go to the blog that accompanies this book,

theysayiblog.com. Examine some of the exchanges that

appear there and evaluate the quality of the responses. For

example, how well do the participants in these exchanges

summarize one another’s claims before making their own

responses? How would you characterize any discussion? How

well do people listen to each other? How do these online dis-

cussions compare with the face-to-face discussions you have

in class? What advantages does each offer? Go to other blogs

on topics that interest you and ask these same questions.

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FOURTEEN

what’s motivating this writer?

Reading for the Conversation

H

“What is the author’s argument? What is he or she

trying to say?” For many years, these were the first questions we

would ask our classes in a discussion of an assigned reading. The

discussion that resulted was often halting, as our students strug-

gled to get a handle on the argument, but eventually, after some

awkward silences, the class would come up with something we

could all agree was an accurate summary of the author’s main

thesis. Even after we’d gotten over that hurdle, however, the

discussion would often still seem forced, and would limp along

as we all struggled with the question that naturally arose next:

now that we had determined what the author was saying, what

did we ourselves have to say?

For a long time we didn’t worry much about these halting

discussions, justifying them to ourselves as the predictable result

of assigning difficult, challenging readings. Several years ago,

however, as we started writing this book and began thinking

about writing as the art of entering conversations, we latched

on to the idea of leading with some different questions: “What

other argument(s) is the writer responding to?” “Is the writer

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Reading for the Conversation

disagreeing or agreeing with something, and if so, what?” “What

is motivating the writer’s argument?” “Are there other ideas

that you have encountered in this class or elsewhere that might

be pertinent?” The results were often striking. The discussions

that followed tended to be far livelier and to draw in a greater

number of students. We were still asking students to look for

the main argument, but we were now asking them to see that

argument as a response to some other argument that provoked

it, gave it a reason for being, and helped all of us see why we

should care about it.

What had happened, we realized, was that by changing

the opening question, we changed the way our students

approached reading, and perhaps the way they thought about

academic work in general. Instead of thinking of the argu-

ment of a text as an isolated entity, they now thought of that

argument as one that responded to and provoked other argu-

ments. Since they were now dealing not with one argument

but at least two (the author’s argument and the one[s] he or

she was responding to), they now had alternative ways of see-

ing the topic at hand. This meant that, instead of just trying

to understand the view presented by the author, they were

more able to question that view intelligently and engage in

the type of discussion and debate that is the hallmark of a

college education. In our discussions, animated debates often

arose between students who found the author’s argument con-

vincing and others who were more convinced by the view it

was challenging. In the best of these debates, the binary posi-

tions would be questioned by other students, who suggested

each was too simple, that both might be right or that a third

alternative was possible. Still other students might object that

the discussion thus far had missed the author’s real point and

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suggest that we all go back to the text and pay closer attention

to what it actually said.

We eventually realized that the move from reading for the

author’s argument in isolation to reading for how the author’s

argument is in conversation with the arguments of others helps

readers become active, critical readers rather than passive recip-

ients of knowledge. On some level, reading for the conversa-

tion is more rigorous and demanding than reading for what

one author says. It asks that you determine not only what the

author thinks, but how what the author thinks fits with what

others think, and ultimately with what you yourself think. Yet

on another level, reading this way is a lot simpler and more

familiar than reading for the thesis alone, since it returns writ-

ing to the familiar, everyday act of communicating with other

people about real issues.

deciphering the conversation

We suggest, then, that when assigned a reading, you imagine

the author not as sitting alone in an empty room hunched

over a desk or staring at a screen, but as sitting in a crowded

coffee shop talking to others who are making claims that he

or she is engaging with. In other words, imagine the author as

participating in an ongoing, multisided conversation in which

everyone is trying to persuade others to agree or at least to take

his or her position seriously.

The trick in reading for the conversation is to figure out

what views the author is responding to and what the author’s

own argument is—or, to put it in the terms used in this book,

to determine the “they say” and how the author responds to

it. One of the challenges in reading for the “they say” and

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Reading for the Conversation

“I say” can be figuring out which is which, since it may not

be obvious when writers are summarizing others and when

they are speaking for themselves. Readers need to be alert for

any changes in voice that a writer might make, since instead

of using explicit road-mapping phrases like “although many

believe,” authors may simply summarize the view that they

want to engage with and indicate only subtly that it is not

their own.

Consider again the opening to the selection by David

Zinczenko on page 647.

If ever there were a newspaper headline custom-made for Jay Leno’s

monologue, this was it. Kids taking on McDonald’s this week, suing

the company for making them fat. Isn’t that like middle-aged men

suing Porsche for making them get speeding tickets? Whatever

happened to personal responsibility?

I tend to sympathize with these portly fast-food patrons, though.

Maybe that’s because I used to be one of them.

David Zinczenko, “Don’t Blame the Eater”

Whenever we teach this passage, some students inevitably

assume that Zinczenko must be espousing the view expressed in

his first paragraph: that suing McDonald’s is ridiculous. See Chapter 6

When their reading is challenged by their classmates, for more

discussion of

these students point to the page and reply, “Look. It’s naysayers.

right here on the page. This is what Zinczenko wrote. These

are his exact words.” The assumption these students are mak-

ing is that if something appears on the page, the author must

endorse it. In fact, however, we ventriloquize views that we

don’t believe in, and may in fact passionately disagree with, all

the time. The central clues that Zinczenko disagrees with the

view expressed in his opening paragraph come in the second

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f o u r t e e n W H A T ’ S M O T I V A T I N G T H I S W R I T E R ?

paragraph, when he finally offers a first-person declaration and

uses a contrastive transition, “though,” thereby resolving any

questions about where he stands.

when the “they say” is unstated

Another challenge can be identifying the “they say” when it is

not explicitly identified. Whereas Zinczenko offers an up-front

summary of the view he is responding to, other writers assume

that their readers are so familiar with these views that they need

not name or summarize them. In such cases, you the reader

have to reconstruct the unstated “they say” that is motivating

the text through a process of inference.

See, for instance, if you can reconstruct the position that

Tamara Draut is challenging in the opening paragraph of her

essay “The Growing College Gap.”

“The first in her family to graduate from college.” How many times

have we heard that phrase, or one like it, used to describe a success-

ful American with a modest background? In today’s United States, a

four-year degree has become the all-but-official ticket to middle-class

security. But if your parents don’t have much money or higher edu-

cation in their own right, the road to college—and beyond—looks

increasingly treacherous. Despite a sharp increase in the proportion of

high school graduates going on to some form of postsecondary educa-

tion, socio-economic status continues to exert a powerful influence on

college admission and completion; in fact, gaps in enrollment by class

and race, after declining in the 1960s and 1970s, are once again as

wide as they were thirty years ago, and getting wider, even as college

has become far more crucial to lifetime fortunes.

Tamara Draut, “The Growing College Gap”

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Reading for the Conversation

You might think that the “they say” here is embedded in the

third sentence: they say (or we all think) that a four-year degree

is “the all-but-official ticket to middle-class security,” and you

might assume that Draut will go on to disagree.

If you read the passage this way, however, you would be

mistaken. Draut is not questioning whether a college degree has

become the “ticket to middle-class security,” but whether most

Americans can obtain that ticket, whether college is within the

financial reach of most American families. You may have been

thrown off by the “but” following the statement that college

has become a prerequisite for middle-class security. However,

unlike the “though” in Zinczenko’s opening, this “but” does

not signal that Draut will be disagreeing with the view she has

just summarized, a view that in fact she takes as a given. What

Draut disagrees with is that this ticket to middle-class security

is still readily available to the middle and working classes.

Were one to imagine Draut in a room talking with others

with strong views on this topic, one would need to picture her

challenging not those who think college is a ticket to financial

security (something she agrees with and takes for granted), but

those who think the doors of college are open to anyone willing

to put forth the effort to walk through them. The view that

Draut is challenging, then, is not summarized in her opening.

Instead, she assumes that readers are already so familiar with

this view that it need not be stated.

Draut’s example suggests that in texts where the central “they

say” is not immediately identified, you have to construct it your-

self based on the clues the text provides. You have to start by

locating the writer’s thesis and then imagine some of the argu-

ments that might be made against it. What would it look like

to disagree with this view? In Draut’s case, it is relatively easy

to construct a counterargument: it is the familiar faith in the

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f o u r t e e n W H A T ’ S M O T I V A T I N G T H I S W R I T E R ?

American Dream of equal opportunity when it comes to access

to college. Figuring out the counterargument not only reveals

what motivated Draut as a writer but helps you respond to her

essay as an active, critical reader. Constructing this counter-

argument can also help you recognize how Draut challenges

your own views, questioning opinions that you previously took

for granted.

when the “they say” is about something

“nobody has talked about”

Another challenge in reading for the conversation is that writ-

ers sometimes build their arguments by responding to a lack

of discussion. These writers build their case not by playing off

views that can be identified (like faith in the American Dream

or the idea that we are responsible for our body weight), but by

pointing to something others have overlooked. As the writing

theorists John M. Swales and Christine B. Feak point out, one

effective way to “create a research space” and “establish a niche”

in the academic world is “by indicating a gap in … previous

research.” Much research in the sciences and humanities takes

this “Nobody has noticed X” form.

In such cases, the writer may be responding to scientists,

for example, who have overlooked an obscure plant that offers

insights into global warming, or to literary critics who have been

so busy focusing on the lead character in a play that they have

overlooked something important about the minor characters.

reading particularly challenging texts

Sometimes it is difficult to figure out the views that writers

are responding to not because these writers do not identify

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Reading for the Conversation

those views but because their language and the concepts they

are dealing with are particularly challenging. Consider, for

instance, the first two sentences of Gender Trouble: Feminism

and the Subversion of Identity, a book by the feminist philosopher

and literary theorist Judith Butler, thought by many to be a

particularly difficult academic writer.

Contemporary feminist debates over the meaning of gender lead

time and again to a certain sense of trouble, as if the indeterminacy

of gender might eventually culminate in the failure of feminism.

Perhaps trouble need not carry such a negative valence.

Judith Butler, Gender Trouble:

Feminism and the Subversion of Identity

There are many reasons readers may stumble over this relatively

short passage, not the least of which is that Butler does not

explicitly indicate where her own view begins and the view

she is responding to ends. Unlike Zinczenko, Butler does not

use the first-person “I” or a phrase such as “in my own view” to

show that the position in the second sentence is her own. Nor

does Butler offer a clear transition such as “but” or “however” at

the start of the second sentence to indicate, as Zinczenko does

with “though,” that in the second sentence she is questioning

the argument she has summarized in the first. And finally, like

many academic writers, Butler uses abstract, challenging words

that many readers may need to look up, like “contemporary”

(occurring in the present), “indeterminacy” (the quality of being

impossible to define or pin down), “culminate” (finally result

in), and “negative valence” (a term borrowed from chemistry,

roughly denoting “negative significance” or “meaning”). For all

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f o u r t e e n W H A T ’ S M O T I V A T I N G T H I S W R I T E R ?

these reasons, we can imagine many readers feeling intimidated

before they reach the third sentence of Butler’s book.

But readers who break down this passage into its essential

parts will find that it is actually a lucid piece of writing that

conforms to the classic “they say / I say” pattern. Though it can

be difficult to spot the clashing arguments in the two sentences,

close analysis reveals that the first sentence offers a way of

looking at a certain type of “trouble” in the realm of feminist

politics that is being challenged in the second.

To understand difficult passages of this kind, you need to

For more on

translating,

translate them into your own words—to build a bridge,

see Chapter 9.

in effect, between the passage’s unfamiliar terms and

ones more familiar to you. Building such a bridge should help

you connect what you already know to what the author is say-

ing—and will then help you move from reading to writing,

providing you with some of the language you will need to sum-

marize the text. One major challenge in translating the author’s

words into your own, however, is to stay true to what the author

is actually saying, avoiding what we call “the closest cliché

syndrome,” in which one mistakes a commonplace idea for an

author’s more complex one (mistaking Butler’s critique of the

concept of “woman,” for instance, for the common idea that

women must have equal rights). The work of complex writ-

For more on the

ers like Butler, who frequently challenge conventional

closest cliché

thinking, cannot always be collapsed into the types of

syndrome,

see Chapter 2.

ideas most of us are already familiar with. Therefore,

when you translate, do not try to fit the ideas of such writers

into your preexisting beliefs, but instead allow your own views

to be challenged. In building a bridge to the writers you read,

it is often necessary to meet those writers more than halfway.

So what, then, does Butler’s opening say? Translating But-

ler’s words into terms that are easier to understand, we can

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Reading for the Conversation

see that the first sentence says that for many feminists today,

“the indeterminacy of gender”—the inability to define the

essence of sexual identity—spells the end of feminism; that

for many feminists the inability to define “gender,” presumably

the building block of the feminist movement, means serious

“trouble” for feminist politics. In contrast, the second sen-

tence suggests that this same “trouble” need not be thought of

in such “negative” terms, that the inability to define feminin-

ity, or “gender trouble” as Butler calls it in her book’s title,

may not be such a bad thing—and, as she goes on to argue

in the pages that follow, may even be something that femi-

nist activists can profit from. In other words, Butler suggests,

highlighting uncertainties about masculinity and femininity

can be a powerful feminist tool.

Pulling all these inferences together, then, the opening sen-

tences can be translated as follows: “While many contempo-

rary feminists believe that uncertainty about what it means to

be a woman will undermine feminist politics, I, Judith Butler,

believe that this uncertainty can actually help strengthen femi-

nist politics.” Translating Butler’s point into our own book’s

basic move: “They say that if we cannot define ‘woman,’ femi-

nism is in big trouble. But I say that this type of trouble is

precisely what feminism needs.” Despite its difficulty, then,

we hope you agree that this initially intimidating passage does

make sense if you stay with it.

We hope it is clear that critical reading is a two-way street.

It is just as much about being open to the way that writers

can challenge you, maybe even transform you, as it is about

questioning those writers. And if you translate a writer’s argu-

ment into your own words as you read, you should allow the

text to take you outside the ideas that you already hold and

to introduce you to new terms and concepts. Even if you end

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up disagreeing with an author, you first have to show that you

have really listened to what he or she is saying, have fully

grasped his or her arguments, and can accurately summarize

those arguments. Without such deep, attentive listening, any

critique you make will be superficial and decidedly uncritical.

It will be a critique that says more about you than about the

writer or idea you’re supposedly responding to.

In this chapter we have tried to show that reading for the

conversation means looking not just for the thesis of a text in

isolation but for the view or views that motivate that thesis—

the “they say.” We have also tried to show that reading for

the conversation means being alert for the different strategies

writers use to engage the view(s) that are motivating them,

since not all writers engage other perspectives in the same way.

Some writers explicitly identify and summarize a view they are

responding to at the outset of their text and then return to it

frequently as their text unfolds. Some refer only obliquely to

a view that is motivating them, assuming that readers will be

able to reconstruct that view on their own. Other writers may

not explicitly distinguish their own view from the views they

are questioning in ways that all of us find clear, leaving some

readers to wonder whether a given view is the writer’s own or

one that he or she is challenging. And some writers push off

against the “they say” that is motivating them in a challeng-

ing academic language that requires readers to translate what

they are saying into more accessible, everyday terms. In sum,

then, though most persuasive writers do follow a conversational

“they say / I say” pattern, they do so in a great variety of ways.

What this means for readers is that they need to be armed with

various strategies for detecting the conversations in what they

read, even when those conversations are not self-evident.

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FIFTEEN

“analyze this”

Writing in the Social Sciences

e r i n a c k e r m a n

H

Social science is the study of people—how they behave

and relate to one another, and the organizations and institu-

tions that facilitate these interactions. People are complicated,

so any study of human behavior is at best partial, taking into

account some elements of what people do and why, but not

always explaining those actions definitively. As a result, it is

the subject of constant conversation and argument.

Consider some of the topics studied in the social sciences:

minimum wage laws, immigration policy, health care, what causes

aggressive behavior, employment discrimination. Got an opinion

on any of these topics? You aren’t alone. But in the writing you do

as a student of the social sciences, you need to write about more

Erin Ackerman is the Social Sciences Librarian at The College of

New Jersey and formerly taught political science at John Jay College,

City University of New York. Her research and teaching interests

include American law and politics, women and law, and information

literacy in the social sciences.

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

than just your opinions. Good writing in the social sciences, as

in other academic disciplines, requires that you demonstrate that

you have examined what you think and why. The best way to do

that is to bring your views into conversation with those expressed

by others and to test what you and others think against a review

of evidence. In other words, you’ll need to start with what others

say and then present what you say as a response.

Consider the following example from an op-ed in the New

York Times by two psychology professors:

Is video game addiction a real thing?

It’s certainly common to hear parents complain that their chil-

dren are “addicted” to video games. Some researchers even claim that

these games are comparable to illegal drugs in terms of their influence

on the brain—that they are “digital heroin” (the neuroscientist Peter

C. Whybrow) or “digital pharmakeia” (the neuroscientist Andrew

Doan). The American Psychiatric Association has identified inter-

net gaming disorder as a possible psychiatric illness, and the World

Health Organization has proposed including “gaming disorder” in its

catalog of mental diseases, along with drug and alcohol addiction.

This is all terribly misguided. Playing video games is not addic-

tive in any meaningful sense. It is normal behavior that, while

perhaps in many cases a waste of time, is not damaging or disruptive

of lives in the way drug or alcohol use can be.

Christopher J. Ferguson and Patrick Markey,

“Video Games Aren’t Addictive”

In other words, “they” (parents, other researchers, health

organizations) say that the video games are addictive, whereas

Ferguson and Markey disagree. In the rest of the op-ed, they

argue that video game critics have misinterpreted the evidence

and are not being very precise with what counts as “addiction.”

1 8 8

Writing in the Social Sciences

This chapter explores some of the basic moves social science

writers make. Writing in the social sciences often takes the form

of a research paper that generally includes several core compo-

nents: a strong introduction and thesis, a literature review, and the

writer’s own analysis, including presentation of evidence / data and

consideration of implications. The introduction sets out the thesis,

or point, of the paper, briefly explaining the topic or question you

are investigating and, previewing what you will say in your paper

and how it fits into the preexisting conversation. The literature

review summarizes what has already been said on your topic. Your

analysis allows you to present evidence (the information, or data,

about human behavior that you are measuring or testing against

what other people have said), to explain the conclusions you have

drawn based on your investigation, and to discuss the implications

of your research. Do you agree, disagree, or some combination of

both, with what has been said by others? What reasons can you

give for why you feel that way? And so what? Who should be

interested in what you have to say, and why?

You may get other types of writing assignments in the social

sciences, such as preparing a policy memo, writing a legal brief,

or designing a grant or research proposal. While there may be

differences from the research papers in terms of the format and

audience for these assignments, the purposes of sections of the

research paper and the moves discussed here will help you with

those assignments as well.

the introduction and thesis:

“this paper challenges …”

Your introduction sets forth what you plan to say in your essay.

You might evaluate the work of earlier scholars or certain widely

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

held assumptions and find them incorrect when measured

against new events or data. Alternatively, you might point out

that an author’s work is largely correct, but that it could use

some qualifications or be extended in some way. Or you might

identify a gap in our knowledge—we know a great deal about

topic X but almost nothing about some other closely related

topic. In each of these instances, your introduction needs to

cover both “they say” and “I say” perspectives. If you stop after

the “they say,” your readers won’t know what you are bringing

to the conversation. Similarly, if you were to jump right to the

“I say” portion of your argument, readers might wonder why

you need to say anything at all.

Sometimes you join the conversation at a point where the

discussion seems settled. One or more views about a topic have

become so widely accepted among a group of scholars or society

at large that these views are essentially the conventional way of

thinking about the topic. You may wish to offer new reasons to

support this interpretation, or you may wish to call these standard

views into question. To do so, you must first introduce and iden-

tify these widely held beliefs and then pre sent your own view. In

fact, much of the writing in the social sciences takes the form

of calling into question that which we think we already know.

Consider the following example from an article in The Journal

of Economic Perspectives:

Fifteen years ago, Milton Friedman’s 1957 treatise A Theory of the

Consumption Function seemed badly dated. Dynamic optimization

theory had not been employed much in economics when Friedman

wrote, and utility theory was still comparatively primitive, so his

statement of the “permanent income hypothesis” never actually

specified a formal mathematical model of behavior derived explicitly

from utility maximization … [W]hen other economists subsequently

1 9 0

Writing in the Social Sciences

found multiperiod maximizing models that could be solved explicitly,

the implications of those models differed sharply from Friedman’s

intuitive description of his “model.” Furthermore, empirical tests in

the 1970s and 1980s often rejected these rigorous versions of the

permanent income hypothesis in favor of an alternative hypothesis

that many households simply spent all of their current income.

Today, with the benefit of a further round of mathematical (and

computational) advances, Friedman’s (1957) original analysis looks

more prescient than primitive …

Christopher D. Carroll, “A Theory of Consumption

Function, With and Without Liquidity Constraints,”

The Journal of Economic Perspectives

This introduction makes clear that Carroll will defend Milton

Friedman against some major criticisms of his work. Carroll

mentions what has been said about Friedman’s work and then

goes on to say that the critiques turn out to be wrong and to

suggest that Friedman’s work reemerges as persuasive. A tem-

plate of Carroll’s introduction might look something like this:

Economics research in the last fifteen years suggested Fried-

man’s 1957 treatise was

because

. In other

words, they say that Friedman’s work is not accurate because

of

,

, and

. Recent research

convinces me, however, that Friedman’s work makes sense.

In some cases, however, there may not be a strong consensus

among experts on a topic. You might enter the ongoing debate

by casting your vote with one side or another or by offering an

alternative view. In the following example, Shari Berman iden-

tifies two competing accounts of how to explain world events

in the twentieth century and then puts forth a third view.

Conventional wisdom about twentieth-century ideologies rests on

two simple narratives. One focuses on the struggle for dominance

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

between democracy and its alternatives… . The other narrative

focuses on the competition between free-market capitalism and its

rivals… . Both of these narratives obviously contain some truth.

… Yet both only tell part of the story, which is why their common

conclusion—neoliberalism as the “end of History”—is unsatisfying

and misleading.

What the two conventional narratives fail to mention is that

a third struggle was also going on: between those ideologies that

believed in the primacy of economics and those that believed in

the primacy of politics.

Shari Berman, “The Primacy of Economics versus the

Primacy of Politics: Understanding the Ideological Dynamics

of the Twentieth Century,” Perspectives on Politics

After identifying the two competing narratives, Berman sug-

gests a third view—and later goes on to argue that this third

view explains current debates over globalization. A template

for this type of introduction might look something like this:

In recent discussions of

, a controversial aspect has

been

. On the one hand, some argue that

.

On the other hand, others argue that

. Neither of

these arguments, however, considers the alternative view

that

.

Given the complexity of many of the issues studied in

the social sciences, however, you may sometimes agree and

disagree with existing views—pointing out things that you

For more on

believe are correct or have merit, while disagreeing

different ways

with or refining other points. In the example below,

of responding,

see Chapter 4.

anthropologist Sally Engle Merry agrees with another

scholar about something that is a key trait of modern society

but argues that this trait has a different origin than the other

author identifies.

1 9 2

Writing in the Social Sciences

Although I agree with Rose that an increasing emphasis on

governing the soul is characteristic of modern society, I see the

transformation not as evolutionary but as the product of social

mobilization and political struggle.

Sally Engle Merry, “Rights, Religion, and Community:

Approaches to Violence against Women in the

Context of Globalization,” Law and Society Review

Here are some templates for agreeing and disagreeing:

j Although I agree with X up to a point, I cannot accept his overall

conclusion that

.

j Although I disagree with X on

and

, I agree

with her conclusion that

.

j

Political scientists studying

have argued that it

is caused by

. While

contributes to the

problem,

is also an important factor.

j While noting

, I contend

.

In the process of examining people from different angles, social

scientists sometimes identify gaps—areas that have not been

explored in previous research.

In the following example, several sociologists identify such

a gap.

Family scholars have long argued that the study of dating deserves

more attention (Klemer, 1971), as dating is an important part of the

life course at any age and often a precursor to marriage (Levesque

& Caron, 2004)… .

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

The central research questions we seek to answer with this study

are whether and how the significance of particular dating rituals

are patterned by gender and race simultaneously. We use a racially

diverse data set of traditional-aged college students from a variety

of college contexts. Understanding gender and racial differences

in the assessment of dating rituals helps us explore the extent to

which relationship activities are given similar importance across

institutional and cultural lines. Most of the studies that inform our

knowledge of dating and relationships are unable to draw conclu-

sions regarding racial differences because the sample is Caucasian

(e.g., Bogle, 2008), or primarily so (e.g., Manning & Smock, 2005).

Race has been recently argued to be an often-overlooked variable

in studies examining social psychological processes because of the

prevalence of sample limitations as well as habitual oversight in the

literature (Hunt, Jackson, Powell, & Steelman, 2000). Addition-

ally, a failure to examine both gender and race prevents assessment

of whether gendered beliefs are shared across groups. Gauging the

extent of differences in beliefs among different population sub-

groups is critical to advancing the study of relationship dynamics

(see Weaver & Ganong, 2004).

Pamela Braboy Jackson, Sibyl Kleiner,

Claudia Geist, and Kara Cebulko, “Conventions of Courtship:

Gender and Race Differences in the Significance of Dating Rituals,”

Journal of Family Issues

Jackson and her coauthors note that, while other scholars have

said that studying dating is important and have examined some

aspects of dating, we have little information about whether

attitudes about dating activities (such as sexual intimacy, gift

exchange, and meeting the family) vary across groups by gender

and race. Their study aims to fill this gap in our understanding

of relationships.

1 9 4

Writing in the Social Sciences

Here are some templates for introducing gaps in the existing

research:

j Studies of X have indicated

. It is not clear, however,

that this conclusion applies to

.

j

often take for granted that

. Few have

investigated this assumption, however.

j X’s work tells us a great deal about

. Can this work

be generalized to

?

j Our understanding of

remains incomplete because

previous work has not examined

.

Again, a good introduction indicates what you have to say in

the larger context of what others have said. Throughout the

rest of your paper, you will move back and forth between the

“they say” and the “I say,” adding more details.

the literature review:

“prior research indicates …”

The point of a literature review is to establish the state of

knowledge on your topic. Before you (and your reader) can

properly consider an issue, you need to understand the con-

versation about your topic that has already taken place (and

is likely still in progress). In the literature review, you explain

what “they say” in more detail, summarizing, paraphrasing, or

quoting the viewpoints to which you are responding. But you

need to balance what they are saying with your own focus. You

need to characterize someone else’s work fairly and accurately

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

but set up the points you yourself want to make by select-

ing the details that are relevant to your own perspective and

observations.

It is common in the social sciences to summarize several

arguments in a single paragraph or even a single sentence,

grouping several sources together by their important ideas or

other attributes. The example below cites some key findings

and conclusions of psychological research that should be of

interest to motivated college students looking to improve their

academic performance.

Some people may associate sacrificing hours of sleep with being

studious, but the reality is that sleep deprivation can hurt your

cognitive functioning without your being aware of it (e.g., becom-

ing worse at paying attention and remembering things; Goel, Rao,

Durmer, & Dinges, 2009; Pilcher & Walters, 1997)… . Sleep affects

learning and memory by organizing and consolidating memories

from the day (Diekelmann & Born, 2010; Rasch & Born, 2013),

which can lead to better problem-solving ability and creativity

(Verleger, Rose, Wagner, Yordanova, & Kolev, 2013).

Adam L. Putnam, Victor W. Sungkhasettee, and

Henry L. Roediger, III, “Optimizing Learning in College:

Tips from Cognitive Psychology,” Perspectives on

Psychological Science

A template for this paragraph might look like this: Students

believe

, but researchers disagree because

.

According to researchers, negative consequences of sleep depri-

vation include

. The research shows that a positive

effect of sleep is

, which improves

.

Such summaries are brief, bringing together relevant

arguments by several scholars to provide an overview of

1 9 6

Writing in the Social Sciences

scholarly work on a particular topic. In writing such a sum-

mary, you need to ask yourself how the authors themselves

might describe their positions and also consider what in their

work is relevant for the point you wish to make. This kind

of summary is especially appropriate when you have a large

amount of research material on a topic and want to identify

the major strands of a debate or to show how the work of one

author builds on that of another. Here are some templates for

overview summaries:

j

In addressing the question of

, researchers have

considered several explanations for

. X argues

that

. According to Y and Z, another plausible expla-

nation is

.

j What is the effect of

on

? Previous work

on

by X and by Y and Z supports

.

j Scholars point to the role of

in

.

j Existing research on

presents convincing evidence of

.

Sometimes you may need to say more about the works you cite.

On a midterm or final exam, for example, you may need to

demonstrate that you have a deep familiarity with a particular

work. And in some disciplines of the social sciences, longer,

more detailed literature reviews are the standard. Your instruc-

tor and the articles he or she has assigned are your best guides

for the length and level of detail of your literature review. Other

times, the work of certain authors is especially important for

your argument, and therefore you need to provide more details

to explain what these authors have said. See how political sci-

entists Hahrie Han and Lisa Argyle, in a report for the Ford

1 9 7

F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

Foundation, summarize an argument that is central to their

investigation of improving democratic participation.

[A]t the root of declining rates of participation is the sense that

people do not feel like their participation matters. People do not

feel like they have any real reason or opportunity to exercise voice

in the political process. People’s sense of agency is in decline,

especially given negative or incomplete experiences of govern-

ment in their lives.

This lack of caring comes as no surprise when we examine

research showing that most people have negative or, at best,

incomplete experiences of the role of government in their lives.

Suzanne Mettler, for instance, finds that many middle-class people

who benefit from different government programs—ranging from

education savings accounts to welfare to tax credits—believe that

they “have not used a government social program.” In addition,

other scholars find a trend towards increasing privatization of pub-

lic goods and political processes in the twenty-first century. As a

result, government is what Mettler calls a “submerged state,” since

the role of government in people’s lives is effectively submerged

from view.

Hahrie Han and Lisa Argyle, “A Program Review of the

Promoting Electoral Reform and Democratic

Participation (PERDP) Initiative,” Ford Foundation

Note that Han and Argyle start by identifying the broad prob-

lem of lack of participation and then explain how Mettler’s

work describes how middle-class people may be unaware of the

role of government in their lives, leading Mettler to argue for

the idea of the “submerged state.”

You may want to include direct quotations of what others

have said, as Han and Argyle do. Using an author’s exact words

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Writing in the Social Sciences

helps you demonstrate that you are representing him or her

fairly. But you cannot simply insert a quotation; you need to

explain to your readers what it means for your point. Consider

the following example drawn from a political science book on

the debate over tort reform.

The essence of agenda setting was well enunciated by E. E.

Schattschneider: “In politics as in everything else, it makes a great

difference whose game we play” (1960, 47). In short, the ability to

define or control the rules, terms, or perceived options in a contest

over policy greatly affects the prospects for winning.

William Haltom and Michael McCann,

Distorting the Law: Politics, Media, and the Litigation Crisis

Notice how Haltom and McCann first quote Schattschneider

and then explain in their own words how political agenda set-

ting can be thought of as a game, with winners and losers.

Remember that whenever you summarize, quote, or paraphrase

the work of others, credit must be given in the form of a citation

to the original work. The words may be your own, but if the idea

comes from someone else you must give credit to the original

work. There are several formats for documenting sources. Consult

your instructor for help choosing which citation style to use.

the analysis

The literature review covers what others have said on your

topic. The analysis allows you to present and support your own

response. In the introduction you indicate whether you agree,

disagree, or some combination of both with what others have

said. You will want to expand on how you have formed your

opinion and why others should care about your topic.

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

“The Data Indicate …”

The social sciences use evidence to develop and test explana-

tions. This evidence is often referred to as data. Data can be

quantitative or qualitative and can come from a number of

sources. You might use statistics related to GDP growth, unem-

ployment, voting rates, or demographics. You might report

results from an experiment or simulation. Or you could use

surveys, interviews, or other first-person accounts.

Regardless of the type of data used, it is important to do

three things: define your data, indicate where you got the data,

and then say what you have done with your data. For a chapter

in their book assessing media coverage of female candidates,

political scientists Danny Hayes and Jennifer Lawless explain

how they assembled a data set.

From the perspective of campaign professionals and voters, local

newspaper coverage remains the most important news source dur-

ing House campaigns … .

We began by selecting the appropriate newspaper for each

House race in 2010 and 2014 … . [W]e identified every news story

during the thirty days leading up to the election that mentioned

at least one of the two major-party candidates … .

Our data collection efforts produced 10,375 stories about 1,550

candidates who received at least some local news coverage in either

the 2010 or 2014 midterms … .

Coders read the full text of each article and recorded several

pieces of information. First, they tracked the number of times a

candidate’s sex or gender was mentioned … . Second, we recorded

the number of explicit references to candidate traits, both positive

and negative (e.g., “capable” and “ineffective”) … .

Third, we tracked every time an issue was mentioned in con-

nection with a candidate … . We then classified issues in two ways:

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Writing in the Social Sciences

(1) We assigned each issue to one of the eight broad categories …

and (2) we classified a subset of the topics as “women’s” or “men’s”

issues.

Danny Hayes and Jennifer L. Lawless, Women on the Run:

Gender, Media, and Political Campaigns in a Polarized Era

Hayes and Lawless explain how they collected their data—local

newspaper coverage of congressional candidates—and explain

how they coded and classified the coverage to allow them to

perform statistical analysis of the news pieces. While you prob-

ably won’t collect 10,000+ news items for a class project, you

could collect information (such as media coverage, interview

responses, or legal briefs) and analyze and sort them to identify

patterns such as repeated words and ideas.

If your data are quantitative, you also need to explain

them. Sociologist Jonathan Horowitz’s research concludes

that job quality influences personal assessments of well-being

by “improving social life, altering class identification, affecting

physical health, and increasing amounts of leisure time.” See

how he introduces the data he analyzes:

In this study, I use data from the General Social Survey (GSS) and

structural equation modeling to test relationships between job qual-

ity and subjective wellbeing. The GSS is a nationally representative

sample of adults in the United States that asks a large number of

questions about experiences at work (Smith et al. 2010). In particu-

lar, the GSS introduced a new battery of questions titled “Quality

of Working Life” in 2002 (and repeated in 2006 and 2010) which

includes multiple questions about several job quality dimensions.

Jonathan Horowitz, “Dimensions of Job Quality,

Mechanisms, and Subjective Well-Being in the United States,”

Sociological Forum

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

Here are some templates for discussing data:

j In order to test the hypothesis that

, we assessed

. Our calculations suggest

.

j I used

to investigate

. The results of this

investigation indicate

.

“But Others May Object …”

No matter how strongly your data support your argument, there

are almost surely other perspectives (and thus other data) that

you need to acknowledge. By considering possible objections

to your argument and taking them seriously, you demonstrate

that you’ve done your work and that you’re aware of other

perspectives—and most important, you present your own argu-

ment as part of an ongoing conversation.

See how law professor Michelle Alexander acknowledges

that there may be objections to her argument describing trends

in mass incarceration as “the new Jim Crow.”

Some might argue that as disturbing as this system appears to be,

there is nothing particularly new about mass incarceration; it is

merely a continuation of past drug wars and biased law enforcement

practices. Racial bias in our criminal justice system is simply an old

problem that has gotten worse, and the social excommunication of

“criminals” has a long history; it is not a recent invention. There

is some merit to this argument.

Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow:

Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

Alexander imagines a conversation with people who might be

skeptical about her argument, particularly her claim that this

represents a “new” development. And she responds that they

2 0 2

Writing in the Social Sciences

are correct, to a point. After acknowledging her agreement with

the assessment of historical racial bias in the criminal justice

system, she goes on in the rest of her chapter to explain that

the expanded scope and consequences of contemporary mass

incarceration have caused dramatic differences in society.

Someone may object because there are related phenomena

that your analysis does not explain or because you do not have

the right data to investigate a particular question. Or perhaps

someone may object to assumptions underlying your argument

or how you handled your data. Here are some templates for

considering naysayers:

j

might object that

.

j Is my claim realistic? I have argued

, but readers may

question

.

j My explanation accounts for

but does not explain

. This is because

.

“Why Should We Care?”

Who should care about your research, and why? Since the social

sciences attempt to explain human behavior, it is important to

consider how your research affects the assumptions we make

about human behavior. In addition, you might offer recom-

mendations for how other social scientists might continue to

explore an issue, or what actions policymakers should take.

In the following example, sociologist Devah Pager identi-

fies the implications of her study of the way having a criminal

record affects a person applying for jobs.

[I]n terms of policy implications, this research has troubling con-

clusions. In our frenzy of locking people up, our “crime control”

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F I F T E E N “ A N A LY Z E T H I S ”

policies may in fact exacerbate the very conditions that lead to

crime in the first place. Research consistently shows that finding

quality steady employment is one of the strongest predictors of

desistance from crime (Shover 1996; Sampson and Laub 1993;

Uggen 2000). The fact that a criminal record severely limits

employment opportunities—particularly among blacks—suggests

that these individuals are left with few viable alternatives.

Devah Pager, “The Mark of a Criminal Record,”

The American Journal of Sociology

Pager’s conclusion that a criminal record negatively affects

employment chances creates a vicious circle, she says: steady

employment discourages recidivism, but a criminal record

makes it harder to get a job.

In answering the “so what?” question, you need to explain

why your readers should care. Although sometimes the impli-

cations of your work may be so broad that they would be

of interest to almost anyone, it’s never a bad idea to iden-

tify explicitly any groups of people who will find your work

important.

Templates for establishing why your claims matter:

j X is important because

.

j Ultimately, what is at stake here is

.

j The finding that

should be of interest to

because

.

As noted at the beginning of this chapter, the complexity of

people allows us to look at their behavior from many different

viewpoints. Much has been, and will be, said about how and

why people do the things they do. As a result, we can look

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Writing in the Social Sciences

at writing in the social sciences as an ongoing conversation.

When you join this conversation, the “they say / I say” frame-

work will help you figure out what has already been said (they

say) and what you can add (I say). The components of social

science writing presented in this chapter are tools to help you

join that conversation.

2 0 5

READINGS

SIXTEEN

how can we bridge

the differences that divide us?

H

“Can we talk?” The late, great comedian Joan Rivers often

began her TV shows by asking the audience that question, and

it became her trademark line. Audiences knew to expect funny,

snarky, sometimes outrageous jokes and stories from her, and

it helped her to establish a close, almost intimate connection

with viewers. But today in the United States, the question “Can

we talk?” has taken on a far less humorous meaning, because

increasingly the answer is “No.”

We have always been divided by such factors as geogra-

phy, political orientation, socioeconomic class, race, gender,

and age, but in recent years it seems like we have become a

nation of people estranged from one another. Social media

and niche viewing have exacerbated these divisions as more

and more we hear from and interact with only those who

share our views.

Across the dividing lines, Americans are increasingly bit-

ter, angry, and suspicious toward one another. In an article

entitled “‘Go to Hell!’ A Divided America Struggles to Heal

after Ugly Election,” Jason Szep, a reporter for Reuters, an inter-

national news agency, wrote that “the 2016 US election was

unprecedented in the way it turned Americans against each

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H O W C A N W E B R I D G E T H E D I F F E R E N C E S T H A T D I V I D E U S ?

other, according to dozens of interviews in rural United States

and across some of the most politically charged battleground

states.” According to Szep, some family members no longer

speak with one another, and longtime friendships have dis-

solved due to differing views. And in January 2017, the Pew

Research Center, a nonpartisan think tank, surveyed over 1,000

people throughout the United States and found that 86 percent

described the country as “more politically divided today than

in the past.”

Many people living in the United States believe that, as

a nation, we need to work to improve communication and

understanding across communities, but where exactly do we

start? Possible first steps involve venturing out of our comfort

zones to listen and pay attention to viewpoints that might chal-

lenge our own, and finding ways of responding respectfully.

The readings in this chapter offer a genuine and much-needed

attempt to break down those differences—probably not to the

point where we can all agree on the burning issues of the day,

but at least to where we can once again live and work together

comfortably and productively.

Several of the writers in this chapter identify divisions that

have arisen, and go further to pose possible ways to bridge the

differences that divide us. Sean Blanda, writer and technology

entrepreneur, suggests that we show compassion and respect for

“the other side,” his term for how we label people who don’t

think exactly the way we do. And danah boyd, a researcher who

examines the intersection of technology and society, reveals

how Americans have self-segregated in recent decades—online,

in college, in the military, and at work—arguing that “we

must find a healthy way to diversify our social connections.”

College student Gabriela Moro explores the role of minority

student clubs on college campuses. She finds that, while such

2 1 0

How Can We Bridge The Differences That Divide us?

organizations offer a positive environment for their members,

such clubs should be supplemented with initiatives that offer

students opportunities to meet and interact across groups.

Other writers in this chapter analyze the attitudes and back-

grounds of particular groups that many see as having been left

behind. Robert Leonard, a news reporter from Iowa, writes

about the economic hardships and political frustrations that

he believes have led many Americans living in rural parts of

the country to a conservative ideology and a deep distrust of

people they see as liberals. In telling his own story, author

J. D. Vance writes about growing up in Ohio and Kentucky

and the sense of hopelessness that he believes is pervading his

community. Legal scholar Michelle Alexander then takes us

to prisons across America to describe the discrimination faced

by incarcerated members of our society, who, as she argues, are

overwhelmingly African American. This prison system is at the

root of what she calls “the new Jim Crow.” Joseph E. Stiglitz,

a Nobel Prize–winning economist, uses tax and income data

to demonstrate that the US tax system continues to favor the

wealthiest 1 percent of our population, to the serious detriment

of the rest of us. Finally, former President Barack Obama, in

a commencement speech at Howard University, urges young

people to get involved in politics—to cast votes and not just

write hashtags—and, above all, to work with people from across

the political spectrum.

As you read this chapter, and its companion blog,

theysayiblog.com you will have the opportunity to listen to a multitude of perspectives, think about and perhaps reconsider

your own opinions, and make your own contribution to this

vital, ongoing conversation.

2 1 1

The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb

s e a n b l a n d a

H

There’s a fun game I like to play in a group of trusted

friends called “Controversial Opinion.” The rules are simple:

Don’t talk about what was shared during Controversial Opinion

afterward and you aren’t allowed to “argue” — only to ask ques-

tions about why that person feels that way. Opinions can range

from “I think James Bond movies are overrated” to “I think

Donald Trump would make an excellent president.”

Usually, someone responds to an opinion with, “Oh my god!

I had no idea you were one of those people!” Which is really

another way of saying “I thought you were on my team!”

In psychology, the idea that everyone is like us is called the

“false-consensus bias.” This bias often manifests itself when we

see TV ratings (“Who the hell are all these people that watch

NCIS?”) or in politics (“Everyone I know is for stricter gun

Sean Blanda is the author of Hacking PR: A Guide for Boot-Strapped

Startups (2013) and the editor-in-chief of the websites GrowthLab and I

Will Teach You to Be Rich, both of which advise entrepreneurs on business

innovations. Blanda is also the cofounder of Technically, a startup based

in Philadelphia that “grows local technology communities by connecting

organizations and people through news, events, and services.” This essay

first appeared in Medium, a website for news and commentary.

2 1 2

The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb

control! Who are these backwards rubes that disagree?!”) or

polls (“Who are these people voting for Ben Carson?”).

Online it means we can be blindsided by the opinions of

our friends or, more broadly, America. Over time, this morphs

into a subconscious belief that we and our friends are the sane

ones and that there’s a crazy “Other Side” that must be laughed

at — an Other Side that just doesn’t “get it,” and is clearly not

as intelligent as “us.” But this holier-than-thou social media

behavior is counterproductive; it’s self-aggrandizement at the

cost of actual nuanced discourse, and if we want to consider

online discourse productive, we need to move past this.

What is emerging is the worst kind of echo chamber, one 5

where those inside are increasingly convinced that everyone

shares their world view, that their ranks are growing when they

aren’t. It’s like clockwork: an event happens and then your social

media circle is shocked when a non–social media peer group

public reacts to news in an unexpected way. They then mock

the Other Side for being “out of touch” or “dumb.”

2 1 3

S E A N B l A N D A

Fredrik deBoer, one of my favorite writers around, touched

on this in his essay “Getting Past the Coalition of the Cool.”

He writes:

[The Internet] encourages people to collapse any distinction

between their work life, their social life, and their political life.

“Hey, that person who tweets about the TV shows I like also dis-

likes injustice,” which over time becomes “I can identify an ally by

the TV shows they like.” The fact that you can mine a Rihanna

video for political content becomes, in that vague internety way,

the sense that people who don’t see political content in Rihanna’s

music aren’t on your side.

When someone communicates that they are not “on our side”

our first reaction is to run away or dismiss them as stupid. To

be sure, there are hateful, racist people not worthy of the small

amount of electricity it takes [for] just one of your synapses to

fire. I’m instead referencing those who actually believe in an

opposing viewpoint of a complicated issue, and do so for genuine,

considered reasons. Or at least, for reasons just as good as yours.

This is not a “political correctness” issue. It’s a fundamental

rejection of the possibility to consider that the people who don’t

feel the same way you do might be right. It’s a preference to see

2 1 4

The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb

the Other Side as a cardboard cutout, and not the complicated

individual human beings that they actually are.

What happens instead of genuine intellectual curiosity is

the sharing of Slate or Daily Kos or Fox News or Red State links.

Sites that exist almost solely to produce content to be shared

so friends can pat each other on the back and mock the Other

Side. Look at the Other Side! So dumb and unable to see this

the way I do!

Sharing links that mock a caricature of the Other Side isn’t

signaling that we’re somehow more informed. It signals that

we’d rather be smug assholes than consider alternative views. It

signals that we’d much rather show our friends that we’re like

them, than try to understand those who are not.

It’s impossible to consider yourself a curious person and 10

participate in social media in this way. We cannot consider

ourselves “empathetic” only to turn around and belittle those

who don’t agree with us.

On Twitter and Facebook this means we prioritize by shar-

ing stuff that will garner approval of our peers over stuff that’s

actually, you know, true. We share stuff that ignores wider

realities, selectively shares information, or is just an outright

falsehood. The misinformation is so rampant that the Washington

Post stopped publishing its Internet fact-checking column because people didn’t seem to care if stuff was true.

Where debunking an Internet fake once involved some research,

it’s now often as simple as clicking around for an “about” or “dis-

claimer” page. And where a willingness to believe hoaxes once

seemed to come from a place of honest ignorance or misunderstand-

ing, that’s frequently no longer the case. Headlines like “Casey

Anthony found dismembered in truck” go viral via old-fashioned schadenfreude — even hate.

2 1 5

S E A N B l A N D A

Institutional distrust is so high right now, and cognitive bias so

strong always, that the people who fall for hoax news stories are

frequently only interested in consuming information that conforms

with their views — even when it’s demonstrably fake.

The solution, as deBoer says: “You have to be willing to sac-

rifice your carefully curated social performance and be willing

to work with people who are not like you. ” In other words you

have to recognize that the Other Side is made of actual people.

But I’d like to go a step further. We should all enter every

issue with the very real possibility that we might be wrong

this time.

Isn’t it possible that you, reader of Medium and Twitter

power user, like me, suffer from this from time to time? Isn’t it

possible that we’re not right about everything? That those who

live in places not where you live, watch shows that you don’t

watch, and read books that you don’t read, have opinions and

belief systems just as valid as yours? That maybe you don’t see

the entire picture?

Think political correctness has gotten out of control? Fol-

low the many great social activists on Twitter. Think Amer-

ica’s stance on guns is puzzling? Read the stories of the 31%

of Americans that own a firearm. This is not to say See pp. 133–34

for ways to

the Other Side is “right” but that they likely have real

clarify and

elaborate on

reasons to feel that way. And only after understanding

your point.

those reasons can a real discussion take place.

As any debate club veteran knows, if you can’t make your 15

opponent’s point for them, you don’t truly grasp the issue. We

can bemoan political gridlock and a divisive media all we want.

But we won’t truly progress as individuals until we make an

2 1 6

The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb

honest effort to understand those that are not like us. And

you won’t convince anyone to feel the way you do if you don’t

respect their position and opinions.

A dare for the next time you’re in a discussion with

someone you disagree with: Don’t try to “win.” Don’t try

to “convince” anyone of your viewpoint. Don’t score points

by mocking them to your peers. Instead try to “lose.” Hear

them out. Ask them to convince you and mean it. No one

is going to tell your environmentalist friends that you merely

asked follow-up questions after your brother made his pro-

fracking case.

Or, the next time you feel compelled to share a link on

social media about current events, ask yourself why you are

doing it. Is it because that link brings to light information

you hadn’t considered? Or does it confirm your world view,

reminding your circle of intellectual teammates that you’re not

on the Other Side?

I implore you to seek out your opposite. When you hear

someone cite “facts” that don’t support your viewpoint don’t

think “that can’t be true!” Instead consider, “Hm, maybe that

person is right? I should look into this.” Because refusing to

truly understand those who disagree with you is intellectual

laziness and worse, is usually worse than what you’re accusing

the Other Side of doing.

Joining the Conversation

1. Sean Blanda begins his essay by defining “false-consensus

bias.” Explain what this concept is, and give an example

from your own experience or observation that you think

demonstrates this bias.

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S E A N B l A N D A

2. In paragraph 6, Blanda introduces a quotation by Fredrik

deBoer, but he doesn’t follow it with an explanation. How

would you recommend that Blanda do so? (See pp. 45–47

for ways to create a quotation sandwich.)

3. So what? Who cares? Where in this piece does Blanda

explain why his argument matters? Has he persuaded you,

and if not, why not?

4. Robert Leonard (pp. 279–85) examines why some Americans

living in rural areas view liberals with disdain. What concrete

suggestions do you think Blanda would make to encourage

them to move beyond the stereotypes they might have of

liberals?

5. Choose an issue of importance to you and write a tweet

(140 characters or less) or a Facebook post that demonstrates

respect for “the Other Side.”

6. Go to theysayiblog.com and search for “(Alt) right and wrong” by Brendan Novak. How do Novak’s views compare with Blanda’s—how are they similar, and how are they

different?

2 1 8

Why America Is Self-Segregating

d a n a h b o y d

H

The United States has always been a diverse but segre-

gated country. This has shaped American politics profoundly.

Yet, throughout history, Americans have had to grapple with

divergent views and opinions, political ideologies, and experi-

ences in order to function as a country. Many of the institu-

tions that underpin American democracy force people in the

United States to encounter difference. This does not inherently

produce tolerance or result in healthy resolution. Hell, the his-

tory of the United States is fraught with countless examples of

people enslaving and oppressing other people on the basis of

difference. This isn’t about our past; this is about our present.

And today’s battles over laws and culture are nothing new.

danah boyd is a principal researcher at Microsoft Research and a vis-

iting professor in New York University’s interactive telecommunica-

tions program. She is the author of It’s Complicated: The Social Lives of

Networked Teens (2014) and the founder of Data & Society, a research

institute “focused on the social and cultural issues arising from data-

centric technological development.” This essay first appeared in 2017

on Points, a blog of Data & Society.

2 1 9

D A N A H B O y D

Ironically, in a world in which we have countless tools to con-

nect, we are also watching fragmentation, polarization, and

de-diversification happen en masse. The American public is self-

segregating, and this is tearing at the social fabric of the country.

Many in the tech world imagined that the Internet would

connect people in unprecedented ways, allow for divisions to be

bridged and wounds to heal. It was the kumbaya dream. Today,

those same dreamers find it quite unsettling to watch as the

tools that were designed to bring people together are used by

people to magnify divisions and undermine social solidarity.

These tools were built in a bubble, and that bubble has burst.

Nowhere is this more acute than with Facebook. Naive as

hell, Mark Zuckerberg dreamed he could build the tools that

would connect people at unprecedented scale, both domesti-

cally and internationally. I actually feel bad for him as he clings

to that hope while facing increasing attacks from people around

the world about the role that Facebook is playing in magnify-

ing social divisions. Although critics love to paint him as only

motivated by money, he genuinely wants to make the world

a better place and sees Facebook as a tool to connect people,

not empower them to self-segregate.

The problem is not simply the “filter bubble,” Eli Pariser’s 5

notion that personalization-driven algorithmic systems help

silo people into segregated content streams. Facebook’s claim

that content personalization plays a small role in shaping what

people see compared to their own choices is accurate. And they

have every right to be annoyed. I couldn’t imagine TimeWarner

being blamed for who watches Duck Dynasty vs. Modern Family.

And yet, what Facebook does do is mirror and magnify a trend

that’s been unfolding in the United States for the last twenty

years, a trend of self-segregation that is enabled by technology

in all sorts of complicated ways.

2 2 0

Why America Is Self-Segregating

The United States can only function as a healthy democracy

if we find a healthy way to diversify our social connections,

if we find a way to weave together a strong social fabric that

bridges ties across difference.

Yet, we are moving in the opposite direction with See p. 137 for

serious consequences. To understand this, let’s talk ways to provide

a roadmap for

about two contemporary trend lines and then think your readers.

about the implications going forward.

Privatizing the Military

The voluntary US military is, in many ways, a social engineer-

ing project. The public understands the military as a service

organization, dedicated to protecting the country’s interests.

Yet, when recruits sign up, they are promised training and job

opportunities. Individual motivations vary tremendously, but

many are enticed by the opportunity to travel the world, partici-

pate in a cause with a purpose, and get the heck out of Dodge.

Everyone expects basic training to be physically hard, but few

recognize that some of the most grueling aspects of signing up

have to do with the diversification project that is central to

the formation of the American military.

When a soldier is in combat, she must trust her fellow sol-

diers with her life. And she must be willing to do what it takes

to protect the rest of her unit. In order to make that possible,

the military must wage war on prejudice. This is not an easy

task. Plenty of generals fought hard to fight racial desegregation

and to limit the role of women in combat. Yet, the US military

was desegregated in 1948, six years before Brown v. Board forced

desegregation of schools. And the Supreme Court ruled that

LGB individuals could openly serve in the military before they

could legally marry.

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D A N A H B O y D

Morale is often raised as the main reason that soldiers should 10

not be forced to entrust their lives to people who are different

than them. Yet, time and again, this justification collapses under

broader interests to grow the military. As a result, commanders are

forced to find ways to build up morale across difference, to actively

and intentionally seek to break down barriers to teamwork, and to

find a way to gel a group of people whose demographics, values,

politics, and ideologies are as varied as the country’s.

In the process, they build one of the most crucial social

infrastructures of the country. They build the diverse social

fabric that underpins democracy.

Tons of money was poured into defense after 9/11, but the

number of people serving in the US military today is far lower

than it was throughout the 1980s. Why? Starting in the 1990s

and accelerating after 9/11, the US privatized huge chunks of the

military. This means that private contractors and their employees

play critical roles in everything from providing food services to

equipment maintenance to military housing. The impact of this

2 2 2

Why America Is Self-Segregating

on the role of the military in society is significant. For example,

this undermines recruits’ ability to get training to develop critical

skills that will be essential for them in civilian life. Instead, while

serving on active duty, they spend a much higher amount of time

on the front lines and in high-risk battle, increasing the likeli-

hood that they will be physically or psychologically harmed. The

impact on skills development and job opportunities is tremen-

dous, but so is the impact on the diversification of the social fabric.

Private vendors are not engaged in the same social engi-

neering project as the military and, as a result, tend to hire

and fire people based on their ability to work effectively as a

team. Like many companies, they have little incentive to invest

in helping diverse teams learn to work together as effectively

as possible. Building diverse teams — especially ones in which

members depend on each other for their survival — is extremely

hard, time-consuming, and emotionally exhausting. As a result,

private companies focus on “culture fit,” emphasize teams that

get along, and look for people who already have the necessary

skills, all of which helps reinforce existing segregation patterns.

The end result is that, in the last 20 years, we’ve watched

one of our major structures for diversification collapse without

anyone taking notice. And because of how it’s happened, it’s

also connected to job opportunities and economic opportunity

for many working- and middle-class individuals, seeding resent-

ment and hatred.

A Self-Segregated College Life

If you ask a college admissions officer at an elite institution 15

to describe how they build a class of incoming freshman, you

will quickly realize that the American college system is a

diversification project. Unlike colleges in most parts of the

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D A N A H B O y D

world, the vast majority of freshman at top tier universities

in the United States live on campus with roommates who are

assigned to them. Colleges approach housing assignments as

an opportunity to pair diverse strangers with one another to

build social ties. This makes sense given how many friendships

emerge out of freshman dorms. By pairing middle class kids

with students from wealthier families, elite institutions help

diversify the elites of the future.

This diversification project produces a tremendous amount

of conflict. Although plenty of people adore their college room-

mates and relish the opportunity to get to know people from

different walks of life as part of their college experience, there

is an amazing amount of angst about dorm assignments and

the troubles that brew once folks try to live together in close

quarters. At many universities, residential life is often in the

business of student therapy as students complain about their

roommates and dormmates. Yet, just like in the military, learn-

ing how to negotiate conflict and diversity in close quarters can

be tremendously effective in sewing the social fabric.

In the spring of 2006, I was doing fieldwork with teenagers

at a time when they had just received acceptances to college. I

giggled at how many of them immediately wrote to the college

in which they intended to enroll, begging for a campus email

address so that they could join that school’s Facebook (before

Facebook was broadly available). In the previous year, I had

watched the previous class look up roommate assignments on

MySpace so I was prepared for the fact that they’d use Facebook

to do the same. What I wasn’t prepared for was how quickly

they would all get on Facebook, map the incoming freshman

class, and use this information to ask for a roommate switch.

Before they even arrived on campus in August/September of

2006, they had self-segregated as much as possible.

2 2 4

Why America Is Self-Segregating

A few years later, I watched another trend hit: cell phones.

While these were touted as tools that allowed students to stay

connected to parents (which prompted many faculty to com-

plain about “helicopter parents” arriving on campus), they

really ended up serving as a crutch to address homesickness, as

incoming students focused on maintaining ties to high school

friends rather than building new relationships.

Students go to elite universities to “get an education.” Few

realize that the true quality product that elite colleges in the

US have historically offered is social network diversification.

Even when it comes to job acquisition, sociologists have long

known that diverse social networks (“weak ties”) are what increase job prospects. By self-segregating on campus, students

undermine their own potential while also helping fragment the

diversity of the broader social fabric.

Diversity Is Hard

Diversity is often touted as highly desirable. Indeed, in profes- 20

sional contexts, we know that more diverse teams often out-

perform homogeneous teams. Diversity also increases cognitive

development, both intellectually and socially. And yet, actually

encountering and working through diverse viewpoints, experi-

ences, and perspectives is hard work. It’s uncomfortable. It’s

emotionally exhausting. It can be downright frustrating.

Thus, given the opportunity, people typically revert to situ-

ations where they can be in homogeneous environments. They

look for “safe spaces” and “culture fit.” And systems that are

“personalized” are highly desirable. Most people aren’t looking

to self-segregate, but they do it anyway. And, increasingly, the

technologies and tools around us allow us to self-segregate with

ease. Is your uncle annoying you with his political rants? Mute

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D A N A H B O y D

him. Tired of getting ads for irrelevant products? Reveal your

preferences. Want your search engine to remember the things

that matter to you? Let it capture data. Want to watch a TV show

that appeals to your senses? Here are some recommendations.

Any company whose business model is based on advertising

revenue and attention is incentivized to engage you by giving

you what you want. And what you want in theory is different

than what you want in practice.

Consider, for example, what Netflix encountered when it

started its streaming offer. Users didn’t watch the movies that

they had placed into their queue. Those movies were the movies

they thought they wanted, movies that reflected their ideal self —

12 Years a Slave, for example. What they watched when they

could stream whatever they were in the mood for at that

moment was the equivalent of junk food — reruns of Friends,

for example. (This completely undid Netflix’s recommendation

Netflix recommends shows to its users based on what they have already

watched.

2 2 6

Why America Is Self-Segregating

infrastructure, which had been trained on people’s idealistic

self-images.)

The divisions are not just happening through commercial-

ism though. School choice has led people to self-segregate from

childhood on up. The structures of American work life mean

that fewer people work alongside others from different socioeco-

nomic backgrounds. Our contemporary culture of retail and ser-

vice labor means that there’s a huge cultural gap between workers

and customers with little opportunity to truly get to know one

another. Even many religious institutions are increasingly frag-

mented such that people have fewer interactions across diverse

lines. (Just think about how there are now “family services” and

“traditional services” which age-segregate.) In so many parts of

public, civic, and professional life, we are self-segregating and

the opportunities for doing so are increasing every day.

By and large, the American public wants to have strong 25

connections across divisions. They see the value politically and

socially. But they’re not going to work for it. And given the

option, they’re going to renew their license remotely, try to

get out of jury duty, and use available data to seek out housing

and schools that are filled with people like them. This is the

conundrum we now face.

Many pundits remarked that, during the 2016 election sea-

son, very few Americans were regularly exposed to people whose

political ideology conflicted with their own. This is true. But it

cannot be fixed by Facebook or news media. Exposing people

to content that challenges their perspective doesn’t actually

make them more empathetic to those values and perspectives.

To the contrary, it polarizes them. What makes people will-

ing to hear difference is knowing and trusting people whose

worldview differs from their own. Exposure to content cannot

make up for self-segregation.

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D A N A H B O y D

If we want to develop a healthy democracy, we need a diverse

and highly connected social fabric. This requires creating

contexts in which the American public voluntarily struggles

with the challenges of diversity to build bonds that will last a

lifetime. We have been systematically undoing this, and the

public has used new technological advances to make their lives

easier by self-segregating. This has increased polarization, and

we’re going to pay a heavy price for this going forward. Rather

than focusing on what media enterprises can and should do,

we need to focus instead on building new infrastructures for

connection where people have a purpose for coming together

across divisions. We need that social infrastructure just as much

as we need bridges and roads.

Joining the Conversation

1. Writer danah boyd argues that, rather than becoming a more

diverse nation, the United States is becoming a nation of

self-contained identity groups. What evidence does she pro-

vide to support her argument? In what ways does your own

experience support or challenge boyd’s view?

2. In paragraph 4, boyd writes that Mark Zuckerberg is “naive

as hell,” using language that is informal, especially in con-

trast to her discussion of “fragmentation, polarization, and

de-diversification,” which is happening “en masse” (para-

graph 2). How does this blend of styles affect your response

to the essay?

3. According to boyd, we like the idea of diversity, but we’re

not willing to work for it (paragraph 25). How do you think

Sean Blanda (pp. 212–18) or Barack Obama (pp. 296–313)

might respond?

2 2 8

Why America Is Self-Segregating

4. Write an essay responding to boyd, drawing on your own

experiences in college, online, in the military, or with some-

thing else. Frame your argument as a response to boyd.

5. Self-segregation in college life is a topic on the minds of

other writers, too. Go to theysayiblog.com and search for Conor Friedersdorf. Read his essay on elitism in college

dorms. What does he say about them?

2 2 9

The New Jim Crow

m i c h e l l e a l e x a n d e r

H

Jarvious Cotton cannot vote. Like his father, grandfather,

great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather, he has been

denied the right to participate in our electoral democracy. Cot-

ton’s family tree tells the story of several generations of black

men who were born in the United States but who were denied

the most basic freedom that democracy promises—the freedom

to vote for those who will make the rules and laws that govern

one’s life. Cotton’s great-great-grandfather could not vote as a

slave. His great-grandfather was beaten to death by the Ku Klux

Klan for attempting to vote. His grandfather was prevented

from voting by Klan intimidation. His father was barred from

voting by poll taxes and literacy tests. Today, Jarvious Cotton

Michelle Alexander is a lawyer and scholar known for her work to

protect civil rights. She has taught at Stanford Law School and has a

joint appointment at Ohio State University’s law school and its insti-

tute for the study of race and ethnicity. She has written opinion pieces

for the New York Times, Huffington Post, The Nation, Washington Post,

and Los Angeles Times, among other publications. She is the author

of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

(2010); this selection is from the book’s introduction.

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The New Jim Crow

cannot vote because he, like many black men in the United

States, has been labeled a felon and is currently on parole.1

Cotton’s story illustrates, in many respects, the old adage

“The more things change, the more they remain the same.”

In each generation, new tactics have been used for achieving

the same goals—goals shared by the Founding Fathers. Denying

African Americans citizenship was deemed essential to the

formation of the original union. Hundreds of years later, Amer-

ica is still not an egalitarian democracy. The arguments and

rationalizations that have been trotted out in support of racial

exclusion and discrimination in its various forms have changed

and evolved, but the outcome has remained largely the same.

An extraordinary percentage of black men in the United States

are legally barred from voting today, just as they have been

throughout most of American history. They are also subject to

legalized discrimination in employment, housing, education,

public benefits, and jury service, just as their parents, grand-

parents, and great-grandparents once were.

What has changed since the collapse of Jim Crow has less to do

with the basic structure of our society than with the language we

use to justify it. In the era of colorblindness, it is no longer socially

permissible to use race, explicitly, as a justification for discrimina-

tion, exclusion, and social contempt. So we don’t. Rather than rely

on race, we use our criminal justice system to label people of color

“criminals” and then engage in all the practices we supposedly left

behind. Today it is perfectly legal to discriminate against criminals

in nearly all the ways that it was once legal to discriminate against

African Americans. Once you’re labeled a felon, the old forms of

discrimination— employment discrimination, housing discrimina-

tion, denial of the right to vote, denial of educational opportunity,

denial of food stamps and other public benefits, and exclusion from

jury service—are suddenly legal. As a criminal, you have scarcely

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

more rights, and arguably less respect, than a black man living in

Alabama at the height of Jim Crow. We have not ended racial

caste in America; we have merely redesigned it.

I have reached these conclusions reluctantly. Ten years ago, I

would have argued strenuously against the central claim made

here—namely, that something akin to a racial caste system

currently exists in the United States. Indeed, if Barack Obama

had been elected president back then, I would have argued that

his election marked the nation’s triumph over racial caste—the

final nail in the coffin of Jim Crow. My elation would have

been tempered by the distance yet to be traveled to reach the

promised land of racial justice in America, but my conviction

that nothing remotely similar to Jim Crow exists in this country

would have been steadfast.

Today my elation over Obama’s election is tempered by a 5

far more sobering awareness. As an African American woman,

with three young children who will never know a world in

which a black man could not be president of the United States,

I was beyond thrilled on election night. Yet when I walked

out of the election night party, full of hope and enthusiasm,

I was immediately reminded of the harsh realities of the New

Jim Crow. A black man was on his knees in the gutter, hands

cuffed behind his back, as several police officers stood around

him talking, joking, and ignoring his human existence. People

poured out of the building; many stared for a moment at the

black man cowering in the street, and then averted their gaze.

What did the election of Barack Obama mean for him?

Like many civil rights lawyers, I was inspired to attend law

school by the civil rights victories of the 1950s and 1960s. Even

in the face of growing social and political opposition to remedial

policies such as affirmative action, I clung to the notion that

2 3 2

The New Jim Crow

the evils of Jim Crow are behind us and that, while we have a

long way to go to fulfill the dream of an egalitarian, multiracial

democracy, we have made real progress and are now struggling

to hold on to the gains of the past. I thought my job as a civil

rights lawyer was to join with the allies of racial progress to resist

attacks on affirmative action and to eliminate the vestiges of

Jim Crow segregation, including our still separate and unequal

system of education. I understood the problems plaguing poor

communities of color, including problems associated with crime

and rising incarceration rates, to be a function of poverty and

lack of access to quality education—the continuing legacy of

slavery and Jim Crow. Never did I seriously consider the pos-

sibility that a new racial caste system was operating in this

country. The new system had been developed and implemented

swiftly, and it was largely invisible, even to people, like me, who

spent most of their waking hours fighting for justice.

I first encountered the idea of a new racial caste system more

than a decade ago, when a bright orange poster caught my eye. I

was rushing to catch the bus, and I noticed a sign stapled to a tele-

phone pole that screamed in large bold print: The Drug War Is

the New Jim Crow. I paused for a moment and skimmed the text

of the flyer. Some radical group was holding a community meeting

about police brutality, the new three-strikes law in California,

and the expansion of America’s prison system. The meeting was

being held at a small community church a few blocks away; it

had seating capacity for no more than fifty people. I sighed, and

muttered to myself something like, “Yeah, the criminal justice

system is racist in many ways, but it really doesn’t help to make

such an absurd comparison. People will just think you’re crazy.”

I then crossed the street and hopped on the bus. I was headed to

my new job, director of the Racial Justice Project of the American

Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in Northern California.

2 3 3

m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

Michelle Alexander speaks about her book The New Jim Crow.

When I began my work at the ACLU, I assumed that the

criminal justice system had problems of racial bias, much in the

same way that all major institutions in our society are plagued

with problems associated with conscious and unconscious bias.

As a lawyer who had litigated numerous class-action employ-

ment-discrimination cases, I understood well the many ways

in which racial stereotyping can permeate subjective decision-

making processes at all levels of an organization, with devastating

consequences. I was familiar with the challenges associated with

reforming institutions in which racial stratification is thought to

be normal—the natural consequence of differences in education,

culture, motivation, and, some still believe, innate ability. While

at the ACLU, I shifted my focus from employment discrimi-

nation to criminal justice reform and dedicated myself to the

task of working with others to identify and eliminate racial bias

whenever and wherever it reared its ugly head.

2 3 4

The New Jim Crow

By the time I left the ACLU, I had come to suspect that I was

wrong about the criminal justice system. It was not just another

institution infected with racial bias but rather a different beast

entirely. The activists who posted the sign on the telephone pole

were not crazy; nor were the smattering of lawyers and advocates

around the country who were beginning to connect the dots

between our current system of mass incarceration and earlier forms

of social control. Quite belatedly, I came to see that mass incar-

ceration in the United States had, in fact, emerged as a stunningly

comprehensive and well-disguised system of racialized social con-

trol that functions in a manner strikingly similar to Jim Crow.

In my experience, people who have been incarcerated rarely 10

have difficulty identifying the parallels between these systems of

social control. Once they are released, they are often denied the

right to vote, excluded from juries, and relegated to a racially seg-

regated and subordinated existence. Through a web of laws, regu-

lations, and informal rules, all of which are powerfully reinforced

by social stigma, they are confined to the margins of mainstream

society and denied access to the mainstream economy. They are

legally denied the ability to obtain employment, housing, and

public benefits—much as African Americans were once forced

into a segregated, second-class citizenship in the Jim Crow era.

Those of us who have viewed that world from a comfort-

able distance—yet sympathize with the plight of the so-called

underclass—tend to interpret the experience of those caught

up in the criminal justice system primarily through the lens of

popularized social science, attributing the staggering increase in

incarceration rates in communities of color to the predictable,

though unfortunate, consequences of poverty, racial segrega-

tion, unequal educational opportunities, and the presumed real-

ities of the drug market, including the mistaken belief that most

drug dealers are black or brown. Occasionally, in the course

2 3 5

m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

of my work, someone would make a remark suggesting that

perhaps the War on Drugs is a racist conspiracy to put blacks

back in their place. This type of remark was invariably accom-

panied by nervous laughter, intended to convey the impression

that although the idea had crossed their minds, it was not an

idea a reasonable person would take seriously.

Most people assume the War on Drugs was launched in

response to the crisis caused by crack cocaine in inner-city

See p. 25 for

neighborhoods. This view holds that the racial disparities

more ways

to introduce

in drug convictions and sentences, as well as the rapid

something

explosion of the prison population, reflect nothing more

implied or

assumed.

than the government’s zealous—but benign—efforts to

address rampant drug crime in poor, minority neighborhoods.

This view, while understandable, given the sensational media

coverage of crack in the 1980s and 1990s, is simply wrong.

While it is true that the publicity surrounding crack cocaine

led to a dramatic increase in funding for the drug war (as well

as to sentencing policies that greatly exacerbated racial dis-

parities in incarceration rates), there is no truth to the notion

that the War on Drugs was launched in response to crack

cocaine. President Ronald Reagan officially announced the

current drug war in 1982, before crack became an issue in the

media or a crisis in poor black neighborhoods. A few years

after the drug war was declared, crack began to spread rapidly

in the poor black neighborhoods of Los Angeles and later

emerged in cities across the country.2 The Reagan administra-

tion hired staff to publicize the emergence of crack cocaine in

1985 as part of a strategic effort to build public and legislative

support for the war. The media campaign was an extraordi-

nary success. Almost overnight, the media was saturated with

images of black “crack whores,” “crack dealers,” and “crack

babies”— images that seemed to confirm the worst negative

2 3 6

The New Jim Crow

Then-President Ronald Reagan and his wife Nancy Reagan prepare for their

joint address, calling for a national campaign against drug abuse.

racial stereotypes about impoverished inner-city residents. The

media bonanza surrounding the “new demon drug” helped to

catapult the War on Drugs from an ambitious federal policy

to an actual war.

The timing of the crack crisis helped to fuel conspiracy theo-

ries and general speculation in poor black communities that the

War on Drugs was part of a genocidal plan by the government

to destroy black people in the United States. From the outset,

stories circulated on the street that crack and other drugs were

2 3 7

m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

being brought into black neighborhoods by the CIA. Eventually,

even the Urban League came to take the claims of genocide seri-

ously. In its 1990 report “The State of Black America,” it stated:

“There is at least one concept that must be recognized if one is to

see the pervasive and insidious nature of the drug problem for the

African American community. Though difficult to accept, that

is the concept of genocide.”3 While the conspiracy theories were

initially dismissed as far-fetched, if not downright loony, the word

on the street turned out to be right, at least to a point. The CIA

admitted in 1998 that guerrilla armies it actively supported in

Nicaragua were smuggling illegal drugs into the United States—

drugs that were making their way onto the streets of inner-city

black neighborhoods in the form of crack cocaine. The CIA also

admitted that, in the midst of the War on Drugs, it blocked law

enforcement efforts to investigate illegal drug networks that were

helping to fund its covert war in Nicaragua.4*

It bears emphasis that the CIA never admitted (nor has any 15

evidence been revealed to support the claim) that it intention-

ally sought the destruction of the black community by allowing

illegal drugs to be smuggled into the United States. Nonethe-

less, conspiracy theorists surely must be forgiven for their bold

accusation of genocide, in light of the devastation wrought by

crack cocaine and the drug war, and the odd coincidence that

an illegal drug crisis suddenly appeared in the black community

after—not before—a drug war had been declared. In fact, the

War on Drugs began at a time when illegal drug use was on

the decline.5 During this same time period, however, a war was

*Covert war in Nicaragua In December 1981, then-President Ronald

Reagan authorized the CIA to support the Contras, an opposition group that

fought the Sandanistas, a revolutionary socialist group that the United States

opposed in its fight against communism during the Cold War.

2 3 8

The New Jim Crow

declared, causing arrests and convictions for drug offenses to

skyrocket, especially among people of color.

The impact of the drug war has been astounding. In less

than thirty years, the U.S penal population exploded from

around 300,000 to more than 2 million, with drug convictions

accounting for the majority of the increase.6 The United States

now has the highest rate of incarceration in the world, dwarfing

the rates of nearly every developed country, even surpassing

those in highly repressive regimes like Russia, China, and Iran.

In Germany, 93 people are in prison for every 100,000 adults

and children. In the United States, the rate is roughly eight

times that, or 750 per 100,000.7

The racial dimension of mass incarceration is its most strik-

ing feature. No other country in the world imprisons so many

of its racial or ethnic minorities. The United States imprisons a

larger percentage of its black population than South Africa did

at the height of apartheid. In Washington, D.C., our nation’s

capitol, it is estimated that three out of four young black men

(and nearly all those in the poorest neighborhoods) can expect

to serve time in prison.8 Similar rates of incarceration can be

found in black communities across America.

These stark racial disparities cannot be explained by rates of

drug crime. Studies show that people of all colors use and sell

illegal drugs at remarkably similar rates.9 If there are significant

differences in the surveys to be found, they frequently suggest

that whites, particularly white youth, are more likely to engage

in drug crime than people of color.10 That is not what one

would guess, however, when entering our nation’s prisons and

jails, which are overflowing with black and brown drug offend-

ers. In some states, black men have been admitted to prison on

drug charges at rates twenty to fifty times greater than those of

white men.11 And in major cities wracked by the drug war, as

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

many as 80 percent of young African American men now have

criminal records and are thus subject to legalized discrimina-

tion for the rest of their lives.12 These young men are part of

a growing undercaste, permanently locked up and locked out

of mainstream society.

It may be surprising to some that drug crime was declining, not

rising, when a drug war was declared. From a historical perspec-

tive, however, the lack of correlation between crime and pun-

ishment is nothing new. Sociologists have frequently observed

that governments use punishment primarily as a tool of social

control, and thus the extent or severity of punishment is often

unrelated to actual crime patterns. Michael Tonry explains in

Thinking About Crime: “Governments decide how much pun-

ishment they want, and these decisions are in no simple way

related to crime rates.”13 This fact, he points out, can be seen

most clearly by putting crime and punishment in comparative

perspective. Although crime rates in the United States have

not been markedly higher than those of other Western coun-

tries, the rate of incarceration has soared in the United States

while it has remained stable or declined in other countries.

Between 1960 and 1990, for example, official crime rates in

Finland, Germany, and the United States were close to iden-

tical. Yet the U.S. incarceration rate quadrupled, the Finnish

rate fell by 60 percent, and the German rate was stable in that

period.14 Despite similar crime rates, each government chose

to impose different levels of punishment.

Today, due to recent declines, U.S. crime rates have dipped 20

below the international norm. Nevertheless, the United States

now boasts an incarceration rate that is six to ten times greater

than that of other industrialized nations15—a development

directly traceable to the drug war. The only country in the

2 4 0

The New Jim Crow

world that even comes close to the American rate of incarcera-

tion is Russia, and no other country in the world incarcerates

such an astonishing percentage of its racial or ethnic minorities.

The stark and sobering reality is that, for reasons largely

unrelated to actual crime trends, the American penal system

has emerged as a system of social control unparalleled in world

history. And while the size of the system alone might suggest

that it would touch the lives of most Americans, the primary

targets of its control can be defined largely by race. This is an

astonishing development, especially given that as recently as

the mid-1970s, the most well-respected criminologists were pre-

dicting that the prison system would soon fade away. Prison did

not deter crime significantly, many experts concluded. Those who

had meaningful economic and social opportunities were unlikely

to commit crimes regardless of the penalty, while those who

went to prison were far more likely to commit crimes again in the

future. The growing consensus among experts was perhaps best

reflected by the National Advisory Commission on Criminal

Justice Standards and Goals, which issued a recommendation

in 1973 that “no new institutions for adults should be built

and existing institutions for juveniles should be closed.”16 This

recommendation was based on their finding that “the prison, the

reformatory and the jail have achieved only a shocking record of

failure. There is overwhelming evidence that these institutions

create crime rather than prevent it.”17

These days, activists who advocate “a world without prisons” are

often dismissed as quacks, but only a few decades ago, the notion

that our society would be much better off without prisons—

and that the end of prisons was more or less inevitable—not

only dominated mainstream academic discourse in the field of

criminology but also inspired a national campaign by reformers

demanding a moratorium on prison construction. Marc Mauer,

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

the executive director of the Sentencing Project, notes that what

is most remarkable about the moratorium campaign in retrospect

is the context of imprisonment at the time. In 1972, fewer than

350,000 people were being held in prisons and jails nationwide,

compared with more than 2 million people today. The rate of

incarceration in 1972 was at a level so low that it no longer seems

in the realm of possibility, but for moratorium supporters, that

magnitude of imprisonment was egregiously high. “Supporters of

the moratorium effort can be forgiven for being so naïve,” Mauer

suggests, “since the prison expansion that was about to take place

was unprecedented in human history.”18 No one imagined that

the prison population would more than quintuple in their life-

time. It seemed far more likely that prisons would fade away.

Far from fading away, it appears that prisons are here to stay. And

despite the unprecedented levels of incarceration in the African

American community, the civil rights community is oddly quiet.

One in three young African American men will serve time in

prison if current trends continue, and in some cities more than

half of all young adult black men are currently under correctional

control—in prison or jail, on probation or parole.19 Yet mass

incarceration tends to be categorized as a criminal justice issue

as opposed to a racial justice or civil rights issue (or crisis).

The attention of civil rights advocates has been largely

devoted to other issues, such as affirmative action. During the

past twenty years, virtually every progressive, national civil

rights organization in the country has mobilized and rallied in

defense of affirmative action. The struggle to preserve affirma-

tive action in higher education, and thus maintain diversity in

the nation’s most elite colleges and universities, has consumed

much of the attention and resources of the civil rights commu-

nity and dominated racial justice discourse in the mainstream

2 4 2

The New Jim Crow

media, leading the general public to believe that affirmative

action is the main battlefront in U.S. race relations—even as

our prisons fill with black and brown men… .

This is not to say that important criminal justice reform work 25

has not been done. Civil rights advocates have organized vigor-

ous challenges to specific aspects of the new caste system. One

notable example is the successful challenge led by the NAACP

Legal Defense Fund to a racist drug sting operation in Tulia,

Texas. The 1999 drug bust incarcerated almost 15 percent of

the black population of the town, based on the uncorroborated

false testimony of a single informant hired by the sheriff of Tulia.

More recently, civil rights groups around the country have helped

to launch legal attacks and vibrant grassroots campaigns against

felon disenfranchisement laws and have strenuously opposed

discriminatory crack sentencing laws and guidelines, as well as

“zero tolerance” policies that effectively funnel youth of color

from schools to jails. The national ACLU recently developed a

racial justice program that includes criminal justice issues among

its core priorities and has created a promising Drug Law Reform

Project. And thanks to the aggressive advocacy of the ACLU,

NAACP, and other civil rights organizations around the country,

racial profiling is widely condemned, even by members of law

enforcement who once openly embraced the practice.

Still, despite these significant developments, there seems to

be a lack of appreciation for the enormity of the crisis at hand.

There is no broad-based movement brewing to end mass incar-

ceration and no advocacy effort that approaches in scale the

fight to preserve affirmative action. There also remains a persis-

tent tendency in the civil rights community to treat the criminal

justice system as just another institution infected with lingering

racial bias. The NAACP’s Web site offers one example. As

recently as May 2008, one could find a brief introduction to

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

the organization’s criminal justice work in the section entitled

Legal Department. The introduction explained that “despite the

civil rights victories of our past, racial prejudice still pervades

the criminal justice system.” Visitors to the Web site were urged

to join the NAACP in order to “protect the hard-earned civil

rights gains of the past three decades.” No one visiting the

Web site would learn that the mass incarceration of African

Americans had already eviscerated many of the hard-earned

gains it urged its members to protect.

Imagine if civil rights organizations and African American

leaders in the 1940s had not placed Jim Crow segregation at the

forefront of their racial justice agenda. It would have seemed

absurd, given that racial segregation was the primary vehicle of

racialized social control in the United States during that period.

Mass incarceration is, metaphorically, the New Jim Crow and

all those who care about social justice should fully commit

themselves to dismantling this new racial caste system. Mass

incarceration—not attacks on affirmative action or lax civil

rights enforcement—is the most damaging manifestation of the

backlash against the Civil Rights Movement. The popular nar-

rative that emphasizes the death of slavery and Jim Crow and

celebrates the nation’s “triumph over race” with the election of

Barack Obama, is dangerously misguided. The colorblind public

consensus that prevails in America today—i.e., the widespread

belief that race no longer matters—has blinded us to the reali-

ties of race in our society and facilitated the emergence of a

new caste system.

The language of caste may well seem foreign or unfamiliar to

some. Public discussions about racial caste in America are rela-

tively rare. We avoid talking about caste in our society because

we are ashamed of our racial history. We also avoid talking

2 4 4

The New Jim Crow

about race. We even avoid talking about class. Conversations

about class are resisted in part because there is a tendency

to imagine that one’s class reflects upon one’s character.

What is key to America’s understanding of class is the persistent

belief—despite all evidence to the contrary—that anyone, with

the proper discipline and drive, can move from a lower class

to a higher class. We recognize that mobility may be difficult,

but the key to our collective self-image is the assumption that

mobility is always possible, so failure to move up reflects on

one’s character. By extension, the failure of a race or ethnic

group to move up reflects very poorly on the group as a whole.

What is completely missed in the rare public debates today

about the plight of African Americans is that a huge percent-

age of them are not free to move up at all. It is not just that

they lack opportunity, attend poor schools, or are plagued by

poverty. They are barred by law from doing so. And the major

institutions with which they come into contact are designed to

prevent their mobility. To put the matter starkly: The current

system of control permanently locks a huge percentage of the

African American community out of the mainstream society

and economy. The system operates through our criminal justice

institutions, but it functions more like a caste system than a

system of crime control. Viewed from this perspective, the so-

called underclass is better understood as an undercaste—a lower

caste of individuals who are permanently barred by law and

custom from mainstream society. Although this new system of

racialized social control purports to be colorblind, it creates and

maintains racial hierarchy much as earlier systems of control

did. Like Jim Crow (and slavery), mass incarceration operates

as a tightly networked system of laws, policies, customs, and

institutions that operate collectively to ensure the subordinate

status of a group defined largely by race… .

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

Skepticism about the claims made here is warranted. There are 30

important differences, to be sure, among mass incarceration, Jim

Crow, and slavery—the three major racialized systems of control

adopted in the United States to date. Failure to acknowledge the

relevant differences, as well as their implications, would

For more on

ways to address

be a disservice to racial justice discourse. Many of the

a skeptical

reader, see

differences are not as dramatic as they initially appear,

Chapter 6.

however; others serve to illustrate the ways in which sys-

tems of racialized social control have managed to morph, evolve,

and adapt to changes in the political, social, and legal context

over time. Ultimately, I believe that the similarities between

these systems of control overwhelm the differences and that mass

incarceration, like its predecessors, has been largely immunized

from legal challenge. If this claim is substantially correct, the

implications for racial justice advocacy are profound.

With the benefit of hindsight, surely we can see that piece-

meal policy reform or litigation alone would have been a futile

approach to dismantling Jim Crow segregation. While those

strategies certainly had their place, the Civil Rights Act of 1964

and the concomitant cultural shift would never have occurred

without the cultivation of a critical political consciousness in

the African American community and the widespread, strategic

activism that flowed from it. Likewise, the notion that the New

Jim Crow can ever be dismantled through traditional litigation

and policy-reform strategies that are wholly disconnected from

a major social movement seems fundamentally misguided.

Such a movement is impossible, though, if those most com-

mitted to abolishing racial hierarchy continue to talk and behave

as if a state-sponsored racial caste system no longer exists. If we

continue to tell ourselves the popular myths about racial progress

or, worse yet, if we say to ourselves that the problem of mass

incarceration is just too big, too daunting for us to do anything

2 4 6

The New Jim Crow

about and that we should instead direct our energies to battles

that might be more easily won, history will judge us harshly. A

human rights nightmare is occurring on our watch.

A new social consensus must be forged about race and the

role of race in defining the basic structure of our society, if we

hope ever to abolish the New Jim Crow. This new consensus

must begin with dialogue, a conversation that fosters a critical

consciousness, a key prerequisite to effective social action. My

writing is an attempt to ensure that the conversation does not

end with nervous laughter.

Notes

1. Jarvious Cotton was a plaintiff in Cotton v. Fordice, 157 F.3d 388 (5th

Cir. 1998), which held that Mississippi’s felon disenfranchisement provision

had lost its racially discriminatory taint. The information regarding Cotton’s

family tree was obtained by Emily Bolton on March 29, 1999, when she inter-

viewed Cotton at Mississippi State Prison. Jarvious Cotton was released on

parole in Mississippi, a state that denies voting rights to parolees.

2. The New York Times made the national media’s first specific reference

to crack in a story published in late 1985. Crack became known in a few

impoverished neighborhoods in Los Angeles, New York, and Miami in early

1986. See Craig Reinarman and Harry Levine, “The Crack Attack: America’s

Latest Drug Scare, 1986–1992,” in Images of Issues: Typifying Contemporary

Social Problems (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1995), 152.

3. Clarence Page, “‘The Plan’: A Paranoid View of Black Problems,” Dover

(Delaware) Herald, Feb. 23, 1990. See also Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945–1990 (Jackson:

University Press of Mississippi, 1991), 212–13.

4. See Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: The CIA,

Drugs, and the Press (New York: Verso, 1999). See also Nick Shou, “The

Truth

in ‘Dark Alliance,’” Los Angeles Times, Aug. 18, 2006; Peter Kornbluh, “CIA’s

Challenge in South Central.” Los Angeles Times (Washington edition), Nov.

15, 1996; and Alexander Cockburn, “Why They Hated Gary Webb,’’ The

Nation, Dec. 16, 2004.

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

5. Katherine Beckett and Theodore Sasson, The Politics oj Injustice: Crime

and Punishment in America (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2004), 163.

6. Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, rev. ed. (New York: The New Press,

2006), 33.

7. PEW Center on the States, One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008

(Washington, DC: PEW Charitable Trusts, 2008), 5.

8. Donald Braman, Doing Time on the Outside: Incarceration and Family Life

in Urban America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 3, citing

D.C. Department of Corrections data for 2000.

9. See, e.g., U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance

Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Summary of Findings from

the 2000 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, NHSDA series H-13, DHHS

pub. no. SMA 01-3549 (Rockville, MD: 2001), reporting that 6.4 percent of

whites, 6.4 percent of blacks, and 5.3 percent of Hispanics were current users

of illegal drugs in 2000; Results from the 2002 National Survey on Drug Use and

Health: National Findings, NHSDA series H-22, DHHS pub. no. SMA 03- 3836

(2003), revealing nearly identical rates of illegal drug use among whites and

blacks, only a single percentage point between them; and Results from the

2007

National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, NSDUH series H-34,

DHHS pub. no. SMA 08-4343 (2007), showing essentially the same finding.

See also Marc Mauer and Ryan S. King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The “War on

Drugs” and Its Impact on American Society (Washington, DC: Sentencing Proj-

ect, 2007), 19, citing a study suggesting that African Americans have slightly

higher rates of illegal drug use than whites.

10. See, e.g., Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickman, Juvenile Offenders

and Victims: 2006 National Report, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice

Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (Washing-

ton, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2006), reporting that white youth are

more likely than black youth to engage in illegal drug sales. See also Lloyd D.

Johnson, Patrick M. O’Malley, Jerald G. Bachman, and John E. Schulunberg,

Monitoring the Future, National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975–2006, vol. 1,

Secondary School Students, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,

National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 07-6205 (Bethesda, MD:

2007), 32, “African American 12th graders have consistently shown lower

usage rates than White 12th graders for most drugs, both licit and illicit”; and

Lloyd D. Johnston, Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman, Monitoring

the Future: National Results on Adolescent Drug Use: Overview of Key Findings

2002, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on

2 4 8

The New Jim Crow

Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 03-5374 (Bethesda, MD: 2003), presenting data

showing that African American adolescents have slightly lower rates of illicit

drug use than their white counterparts.

11. Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the

War on Drugs, HRW Reports, vol. 12, no. 2 (New York, 2000).

12. See, e.g., Paul Street, The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs, and Com-

munity in Chicago, Illinois, and the Nation (Chicago: Chicago Urban League,

Department of Research and Planning, 2002).

13. Michael Tonry, Thinking About Crime: Sense and Sensibility in American

Penal Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 14.

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid., 20.

16. National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and

Goals, Task Force Report on Corrections (Washington, DC: Government Print-

ing Office, 1973), 358.

17. Ibid., 597.

18. Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 17–18.

19. The estimate that one in three black men will go to prison during their

lifetime is drawn from Thomas P. Boncszar, “Prevalence of Imprisonment in

the U.S. Population, 1974–2001,” U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice

Statistics, August 2003. In Baltimore, like many large urban areas, the majority

of young African American men are currently under correctional supervision.

See Eric Lotke and Jason Ziedenberg, “Tipping Point: Maryland’s Overuse of

Incarceration and the Impact on Community Safety,” Justice Policy Institute,

March 2005, 3.

Joining the Conversation

1. Michelle Alexander argues that in the United States mass

incarceration is a “well-disguised system of racialized social

control” (paragraph 9). Why, as she acknowledges in

paragraph 4, did it take her so long to reach this conclusion?

2. Throughout the essay, Alexander presents and then responds

to the views of others. Find two examples where Alexander

introduces the views of others. In each case, how does she

make clear to readers that the view in question is not hers?

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m I C H E l l E A l E x A N D E R

3. The author states that “the racial dimension of mass incarcera-

tion is its most striking feature” (paragraph 17). What does she

mean, and what evidence does she provide to support her claim?

4. According to Alexander, African Americans “are not free to

move up at all” (paragraph 29) and “the more things change

the more they stay the same.” What do you think Barack

Obama (pp. 296–313) would say to that?

5. Write an essay responding to the reading in which you agree,

disagree, or both with the author’s argument that mass incar-

ceration allows for continued discrimination against African

Americans.

2 5 0

Hillbilly Elegy

j . d . v a n c e

H

I arrived for orientation at Ohio State in early September

2007, and I couldn’t have been more excited. I remember every

little detail about that day: lunch at Chipotle, the first time

Lindsay* had ever eaten there; the walk from the orientation

building to the south campus house that would soon be my

Columbus home; the beautiful weather. I met with a guidance

counselor who talked me through my first college schedule,

which put me in class only four days per week, never before

nine thirty in the morning. After the Marine Corps and its

five thirty a.m. wake-ups, I couldn’t believe my good fortune.

Ohio State’s main campus in Columbus is about a hundred miles

away from Middletown, meaning it was close enough for weekend

visits to my family. For the first time in a few years, I could drop

J. D. Vance works at an investment firm in Silicon Valley and has

written articles for the National Review and the New York Times. He

is the author of Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in

Crisis (2016), which describes his experiences growing up in Jackson,

Kentucky and Middletown, Ohio. The selection reprinted here is a

chapter from that book.

*Lindsay Vance’s sister.

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j . D . V A N C E

in on Middletown whenever I felt like it. And while Havelock

(the North Carolina city closest to my Marine Corps base) was

not too different from Middletown, Columbus felt like an urban

paradise. It was (and remains) one of the fastest-growing cities in

the country, powered in large part by the bustling university that

was now my home. OSU grads were starting businesses, historic

buildings were being converted into new restaurants and bars, and

even the worst neighborhoods seemed to be undergoing significant

revitalization. Not long after I moved to Columbus, one of my best

friends began working as the promotions director for a local radio

station, so I always knew what was happening around town and

always had an in to the city’s best events, from local festivals to

VIP seating for the annual fireworks show.

In many ways, college was very familiar. I made a lot of new

friends, but virtually all of them were from southwest Ohio.

My six roommates included five graduates of Middletown High

School and one graduate of Edgewood High School in nearby

Trenton. They were a little younger (the Marine Corps had

aged me past the age of the typical freshman), but I knew most

of them from back home. My closest friends had already gradu-

ated or were about to, but many stayed in Columbus after gradu-

ation. Though I didn’t know it, I was witnessing a phenomenon

that social scientists call “brain drain”—people who are able

to leave struggling cities often do, and when they find a new

home with educational and work opportunities, they stay there.

Years later, I looked at my wedding party of six groomsmen and

realized that every single one of them had, like me, grown up

in a small Ohio town before leaving for Ohio State. To a man,

all of them had found careers outside of their hometowns, and

none of them had any interest in ever going back.

By the time I started at Ohio State, the Marine Corps had

instilled in me an incredible sense of invincibility. I’d go to

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Hillbilly Elegy

classes, do my homework, study at the library, and make it home

in time to drink well past midnight with my buddies, then wake

up early to go running. My schedule was intense, but every-

thing that had made me fear the independent college life when I

was eighteen felt like a piece of cake now. I had puzzled through

those financial aid forms with Mamaw* a few years earlier, argu-

ing about whether to list her or Mom as my “parent/guardian.”

We had worried that unless I somehow obtained and submitted

the financial information of Bob Hamel (my legal father), I’d be

guilty of fraud. The whole experience had made both of us pain-

fully aware of how unfamiliar we were with the outside world. I

had nearly failed out of high school, earning Ds and Fs in English

I. Now I paid my own bills and earned As in every class I took

at my state’s flagship university. I felt completely in control of

my destiny in a way that I never had before.

I knew that Ohio State was put-up-or-shut-up time. I had left 5

the Marine Corps not just with a sense that I could do what I

wanted but also with the capacity to plan. I wanted to go to law

school, and I knew that to go to the best law school, I’d need

good grades and to ace the infamous Law School Admissions

Test, or LSAT. There was much I didn’t know, of course. I

couldn’t really explain why I wanted to go to law school besides

the fact that in Middletown the “rich kids” were born to either

doctors or lawyers, and I didn’t want to work with blood. I didn’t

know how much else was out there, but the little knowledge

I had at least gave me direction, and that was all I needed.

I loathed debt and the sense of limitation it imposed. Though

the GI Bill paid for a significant chunk of my education, and

Ohio State charged relatively little to an in-state resident, I

still needed to cover about twenty thousand dollars of expenses

*Mamaw Vance’s grandmother.

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j . D . V A N C E

on my own. I took a job at the Ohio Statehouse, working for

a remarkably kind senator from the Cincinnati area named

Bob Schuler. He was a good man, and I liked his politics, so

when constituents called and complained, I tried to explain his

positions. I watched lobbyists come and go and overheard the

senator and his staff debate whether a particular bill was good

for his constituents, good for his state, or good for both. Observ-

ing the political process from the inside made me appreciate

it in a way that watching cable news never had. Mamaw had

thought all politicians were crooks, but I learned that, no matter

their politics, that was largely untrue at the Ohio Statehouse.

After a few months at the Ohio Senate, as my bills piled up

and I found fewer and fewer ways to make up the difference

between my spending and my income (one can donate plasma

only twice per week, I learned), I decided to get another job.

One nonprofit advertised a part-time job that paid ten dollars

an hour, but when I showed up for the interview in khakis, an

ugly lime-green shirt, and Marine Corps combat boots (my only

non-sneakers at the time) and saw the interviewer’s reaction, I

knew that I was out of luck. I barely noticed the rejection email

a week later. A local nonprofit did work for abused and neglected

children, and they also paid ten dollars an hour, so I went to

Target, bought a nicer shirt and a pair of black shoes, and came

away with a job offer to be a “consultant.” I cared about their

mission, and they were great people. I began work immediately.

With two jobs and a full-time class load, my schedule inten-

sified, but I didn’t mind. I didn’t realize there was anything

unusual about my commitments until a professor emailed me

about meeting after class to discuss a writing assignment. When

I sent him my schedule, he was aghast. He sternly told me that

I should focus on my education and not let work distractions

stand in my way. I smiled, shook his hand, and said thanks,

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Hillbilly Elegy

but I did not heed his advice. I liked staying up late to work

on assignments, waking up early after only three or four hours

of sleep, and patting myself on the back for being able to do it.

After so many years of fearing my own future, of worrying that

I’d end up like many of my neighbors or family—addicted to

drugs or alcohol, in prison, or with kids I couldn’t or wouldn’t

take care of—I felt an incredible momentum. I knew the sta-

tistics. I had read the brochures in the social worker’s office

when I was a kid. I had recognized the look of pity from the

hygienist at the low-income dental clinic. I wasn’t supposed to

make it, but I was doing just fine on my own.

Did I take it too far? Absolutely. I didn’t sleep enough. I

drank too much and ate Taco Bell at nearly every meal. A

week into what I thought was just a really awful cold, a doctor

told me that I had mono. I ignored him and kept on living

as though NyQuil and DayQuil were magical elixirs. After a

week of this, my urine turned a disgusting brown shade, and

my temperature registered 103. I realized I might need to take

care of myself, so I downed some Tylenol, drank a couple of

beers, and went to sleep.

When Mom found out what was happening, she drove to 10

Columbus and took me to the emergency room. She wasn’t

perfect, she wasn’t even a practicing nurse, but she took it as

a point of pride to supervise every interaction we had with the

health care system. She asked the right questions, got annoyed

with doctors when they didn’t answer directly, and made sure

I had what I needed. I spent two full days in the hospital as

doctors emptied five bags of saline to rehydrate me and dis-

covered that I had contracted a staph infection in addition to

the mono, which explained why I grew so sick. The doctors

released me to Mom, who wheeled me out of the hospital and

took me home to recover.

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j . D . V A N C E

My illness lasted another few weeks, which, happily, coin-

cided with the break between Ohio State’s spring and summer

terms. When I was in Middletown, I split time between Aunt

Wee’s and Mom’s; both of them cared for me and treated me like

a son. It was my first real introduction to the competing emo-

tional demands of Middletown in a post-Mamaw world: I didn’t

want to hurt Mom’s feelings, but the past had created rifts that

would likely never go away. I never confronted these demands

head-on. I never explained to Mom that no matter how nice and

caring she was at any given time—and while I had mono, she

couldn’t have been a better mother—I just felt uncomfortable

around her. To sleep in her house meant talking to husband

number five, a kind man but a stranger who would never be

anything to me but the future ex–Mr. Mom. It meant looking at

her furniture and remembering the time I hid behind it during

one of her fights with Bob. It meant trying to understand how

Mom could be such a contradiction—a woman who sat patiently

with me at the hospital for days and an addict who would lie to

her family to extract money from them a month later.

I knew that my increasingly close relationship with Aunt

Wee hurt Mom’s feelings. She talked about it all the time.

“I’m your mother, not her,” she’d repeat. To this day, I often

wonder whether, if I’d had the courage as an adult that I’d had

as a child, Mom might have gotten better. Addicts are at their

weakest during emotionally trying times, and I knew that I had

the power to save her from at least some bouts of sadness. But

I couldn’t do it any longer. I didn’t know what had changed,

but I wasn’t that person anymore. Perhaps it was nothing more

than self-preservation. Regardless, I couldn’t pretend to feel at

home with her.

After a few weeks of mono, I felt well enough to return

to Columbus and my classes. I’d lost a lot of weight—twenty

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Hillbilly Elegy

pounds over four weeks—but otherwise felt pretty good. With

the hospital bills piling up, I got a third job (as an SAT tutor

at the Princeton Review), which paid an incredible eighteen

dollars an hour. Three jobs were too much, so I dropped the job

I loved the most—my work at the Ohio senate—because it paid

the least. I needed money and the financial freedom it provided,

not rewarding work. That, I told myself, would come later.

Shortly before I left, the Ohio senate debated a measure that

would significantly curb payday-lending practices. My senator

opposed the bill (one of the few senators to do so), and though

he never explained why, I liked to think that maybe he and

I had something in common. The senators and policy staff

debating the bill had little appreciation for the role of payday

lenders in the shadow economy that people like me occupied.

To them, payday lenders were predatory sharks, charging high

interest rates on loans and exorbitant fees for cashed checks.

The sooner they were snuffed out, the better.

To me, payday lenders could solve important financial prob- 15

lems. My credit was awful, thanks to a host of terrible finan-

cial decisions (some of which weren’t my fault, many of which

were), so credit cards weren’t a possibility. If I wanted to take a

girl out to dinner or needed a book for school and didn’t have

money in the bank, I didn’t have many options. (I probably

could have asked my aunt or uncle, but I desperately wanted

to do things on my own.) One Friday morning I dropped off

my rent check, knowing that if I waited another day, the fifty-

dollar late fee would kick in. I didn’t have enough money to

cover the check, but I’d get paid that day and would be able to

deposit the money after work. However, after a long day at the

senate, I forgot to grab my paycheck before I left. By the time

I realized the mistake, I was already home, and the Statehouse

staff had left for the weekend. On that day, a three-day payday

2 5 7

j . D . V A N C E

loan, with a few dollars of interest, enabled me to avoid a

significant overdraft fee. The legislators debating the merits of

payday lending didn’t mention situations like that. The lesson?

Powerful people sometimes do things to help people like me

without really understanding people like me.

My second year of college started pretty much as my first year

had, with a beautiful day and a lot of excitement. With a new

job, I was a bit busier, but I didn’t mind the work. What I did

mind was the gnawing feeling that, at twenty-four, I was a little

too old to be a second-year college student. But with four years

in the Marine Corps behind me, more separated me from the

other students than age. During an undergraduate seminar in

foreign policy, I listened as a nineteen-year-old classmate with

a hideous beard spouted off about the Iraq war. He explained

that those fighting the war were typically less intelligent than

those (like him) who immediately went to college. It showed, he

argued, in the wanton way soldiers butchered and disrespected

Iraqi civilians. It was an objectively terrible opinion—my friends

from the Marine Corps spanned the political spectrum and held

nearly every conceivable opinion about the war. Many of my

Marine Corps friends were staunch liberals who had no love for

our commander in chief—then George W. Bush—and felt that

we had sacrificed too much for too little gain. But none of them

had ever uttered such unreflective tripe.

As the student prattled on, I thought about the never-ending

training on how to respect Iraqi culture—never show anyone the

bottom of your foot, never address a woman in traditional Muslim

garb without first speaking to a male relative. I thought

See pp. 110–12

for ways to

about the security we provided for Iraqi poll workers,

repeat key

and how we studiously explained the importance of their

terms and

phrases.

mission without ever pushing our own political views on

them. I thought about listening to a young Iraqi (who couldn’t

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Hillbilly Elegy

speak a word of English) flawlessly rap every single word of 50

Cent’s “In Da Club” and laughing along with him and his friends.

I thought about my friends who were covered in third-degree

burns, “lucky” to have survived an IED attack in the Al-Qaim

region of Iraq. And here was this dipshit in a spotty beard telling

our class that we murdered people for sport.

I felt an immediate drive to finish college as quickly as pos-

sible. I met with a guidance counselor and plotted my exit—I’d

need to take classes during the summer and more than double

the full-time course load during some terms. It was, even by

my heightened standards, an intense year. During a particularly

terrible February, I sat down with my calendar and counted

the number of days since I’d slept more than four hours in a

day. The tally was thirty-nine. But I continued, and in August

2009, after one year and eleven months at Ohio State, I gradu-

ated with a double major, summa cum laude. I tried to skip my

graduation ceremony, but my family wouldn’t let me. So I sat in

an uncomfortable chair for three hours before I walked across

the podium and received my college diploma. When Gordon

Gee, then president of the Ohio State University, paused for

an unusually long photograph with the girl who stood in front

of me in line, I extended my hand to his assistant, nonverbally

asking for the diploma. She handed it to me, and I stepped

behind Dr. Gee and down off the podium. I may have been the

only graduating student that day to not shake his hand. On to

the next one, I thought.

I knew I’d go to law school later the next year (my August

graduation precluded a 2009 start to law school), so I moved

home to save money. Aunt Wee had taken Mamaw’s place

as the family matriarch: She put out the fires, hosted family

gatherings, and kept us all from breaking apart. She had always

provided me with a home base after Mamaw’s death, but ten

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j . D . V A N C E

months seemed like an imposition; I didn’t like the idea of

disrupting her family’s routine. But she insisted, “J.D., this is

your home now. It’s the only place for you to stay.”

Those last months living in Middletown were among the 20

happiest of my life. I was finally a college graduate, and I knew

that I’d soon accomplish another dream—going to law school.

I worked odd jobs to save money and grew closer to my aunt’s

two daughters. Every day I’d get home from work, dusty and

sweaty from manual labor, and sit at the dinner table to hear

my teenage cousins talk about their days at school and trials

with friends. Sometimes I’d help with homework. On Fridays

during Lent, I helped with the fish fries at the local Catho-

lic church. That feeling I had in college—that I had survived

decades of chaos and heartbreak and finally come out on the

other side—deepened.

The incredible optimism I felt about my own life contrasted

starkly with the pessimism of so many of my neighbors. Years

of decline in the blue-collar economy manifested themselves

in the material prospects of Middletown’s residents. The Great

Recession, and the not-great recovery that followed, had has-

tened Middletown’s downward trajectory. But there was some-

thing almost spiritual about the cynicism of the community

at large, something that went much deeper than a short-term

recession.

As a culture, we had no heroes. Certainly not any politician—

Barack Obama was then the most admired man in America

(and likely still is), but even when the country was enrap-

tured by his rise, most Middletonians viewed him suspiciously.

George W. Bush had few fans in 2008. Many loved Bill Clinton,

but many more saw him as the symbol of American moral decay,

and Ronald Reagan was long dead. We loved the military but

had no George S. Patton figure in the modern army. I doubt

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Hillbilly Elegy

my neighbors could even name a high-ranking military officer.

The space program, long a source of pride, had gone the way of

the dodo, and with it the celebrity astronauts. Nothing united

us with the core fabric of American society. We felt trapped in

two seemingly unwinnable wars, in which a disproportionate

share of the fighters came from our neighborhood, and in an

economy that failed to deliver the most basic promise of the

American Dream—a steady wage.

To understand the significance of this cultural detachment,

you must appreciate that much of my family’s, my neighborhood’s,

and my community’s identity derives from our love of country. I

couldn’t tell you a single thing about Breathitt County’s mayor,

its health care services, or its famous residents. But I do know this:

“Bloody Breathitt” allegedly earned its name because the county

filled its World War I draft quota entirely with volunteers—the

only county in the entire United States to do so. Nearly a century

later, and that’s the factoid about Breathitt that I remember best:

It’s the truth that everyone around me ensured I knew. I once

interviewed Mamaw for a class project about World War II. After

seventy years filled with marriage, children, grandchildren, death,

poverty, and triumph, the thing about which Mamaw was unques-

tionably the proudest and most excited was that she and her

family did their part during World War II. We spoke for minutes

about everything else; we spoke for hours about war rations, Rosie

the Riveter, her dad’s wartime love letters to her mother from

the Pacific, and the day “we dropped the bomb.” Mamaw always

had two gods: Jesus Christ and the United States of America. I

was no different, and neither was anyone else I knew.

I’m the kind of patriot whom people on the Acela corri-

dor laugh at. I choke up when I hear Lee Greenwood’s cheesy

anthem “Proud to Be an American.” When I was sixteen, I

vowed that every time I met a veteran, I would go out of my way

2 6 1

j . D . V A N C E

J. D. Vance

to shake his or her hand, even if I had to awkwardly interject to

do so. To this day, I refuse to watch Saving Private Ryan around

anyone but my closest friends, because I can’t stop from crying

during the final scene.

Mamaw and Papaw taught me that we live in the best and 25

greatest country on earth. This fact gave meaning to my child-

hood. Whenever times were tough—when I felt overwhelmed

by the drama and the tumult of my youth—I knew that better

days were ahead because I lived in a country that allowed me to

make the good choices that others hadn’t. When I think today

about my life and how genuinely incredible it is—a gorgeous,

kind, brilliant life partner; the financial security that I dreamed

about as a child; great friends and exciting new experiences—I

feel overwhelming appreciation for these United States. I know

it’s corny, but it’s the way I feel.

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Hillbilly Elegy

If Mamaw’s second God was the United States of America,

then many people in my community were losing something

akin to a religion. The tie that bound them to their neighbors,

that inspired them in the way my patriotism had always inspired

me, had seemingly vanished.

The symptoms are all around us. Significant percentages

of white conservative voters—about one-third—believe that

Barack Obama is a Muslim. In one poll, 32 percent of conser-

vatives said that they believed Obama was foreign-born and

another 19 percent said they were unsure—which means that

a majority of white conservatives aren’t certain that Obama is

even an American. I regularly hear from acquaintances or dis-

tant family members that Obama has ties to Islamic extremists,

or is a traitor, or was born in some far-flung corner of the world.

Many of my new friends blame racism for this perception

of the president. But the president feels like an alien to many

Middletonians for reasons that have nothing to do with skin

color. Recall that not a single one of my high school classmates

attended an Ivy League school. Barack Obama attended two of

them and excelled at both. He is brilliant, wealthy, and speaks

like a constitutional law professor—which, of course, he is.

Nothing about him bears any resemblance to the people I

admired growing up: His accent—clean, perfect, neutral—is

foreign; his credentials are so impressive that they’re frightening;

he made his life in Chicago, a dense metropolis; and he conducts

himself with a confidence that comes from knowing that the

modern American meritocracy was built for him. Of course,

Obama overcame adversity in his own right—adversity familiar

to many of us—but that was long before any of us knew him.

President Obama came on the scene right as so many people

in my community began to believe that the modern American

meritocracy was not built for them. We know we’re not doing

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j . D . V A N C E

well. We see it every day: in the obituaries for teenage kids

that conspicuously omit the cause of death (reading between

the lines: overdose), in the deadbeats we watch our daughters

waste their time with. Barack Obama strikes at the heart of our

deepest insecurities. He is a good father while many of us aren’t.

He wears suits to his job while we wear overalls, if we’re lucky

enough to have a job at all. His wife tells us that we shouldn’t be

feeding our children certain foods, and we hate her for it—not

because we think she’s wrong but because we know she’s right.

Many try to blame the anger and cynicism of working-class 30

whites on misinformation. Admittedly, there is an industry of

conspiracy-mongers and fringe lunatics writing about all manner

of idiocy, from Obama’s alleged religious leanings to his ances-

try. But every major news organization, even the oft-maligned

Fox News, has always told the truth about Obama’s citizenship

status and religious views. The people I know are well aware of

what the major news organizations have to say about the issue;

they simply don’t believe them. Only 6 percent of American

voters believe that the media is “very trustworthy.”1 To many

of us, the free press—that bulwark of American democracy—is

simply full of shit.

With little trust in the press, there’s no check on the Internet

conspiracy theories that rule the digital world. Barack Obama is

a foreign alien actively trying to destroy our country. Everything

the media tells us is a lie. Many in the white working class

believe the worst about their society. Here’s a small sample of

emails or messages I’ve seen from friends or family:

• From right-wing radio talker Alex Jones on the ten-year

anniversary of 9/11, a documentary about the “unanswered

question” of the terrorist attacks, suggesting that the U.S.

government played a role in the massacre of its own people.

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Hillbilly Elegy

• From an email chain, a story that the Obamacare legislation

requires microchip implantation in new health care patients.

This story carries extra bite because of the religious implica-

tions: Many believe that the End Times “mark of the beast”

foretold in biblical prophecy will be an electronic device. Mul-

tiple friends warned others about this threat via social media.

• From the popular website WorldNetDaily, an editorial sug-

gesting that the Newtown gun massacre was engineered by

the federal government to turn public opinion on gun con-

trol measures.

• From multiple Internet sources, suggestions that Obama will

soon implement martial law in order to secure power for a

third presidential term.

The list goes on. It’s impossible to know how many people

believe one or many of these stories. But if a third of our com-

munity questions the president’s origin—despite all evidence to

the contrary—it’s a good bet that the other conspiracies have

broader currency than we’d like. This isn’t some libertarian

mistrust of government policy, which is healthy in any democ-

racy. This is deep skepticism of the very institutions of our

society. And it’s becoming more and more mainstream.

We can’t trust the evening news. We can’t trust our politi-

cians. Our universities, the gateway to a better life, are rigged

against us. We can’t get jobs. You can’t believe these things

and participate meaningfully in society. Social psychologists

have shown that group belief is a powerful motivator in per-

formance. When groups perceive that it’s in their interest to

work hard and achieve things, members of that group outper-

form other similarly situated individuals. It’s obvious why: If

you believe that hard work pays off, then you work hard; if

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j . D . V A N C E

you think it’s hard to get ahead even when you try, then why

try at all?

Similarly, when people do fail, this mind-set allows them to

look outward. I once ran into an old acquaintance at a Middletown

bar who told me that he had recently quit his job because he was

sick of waking up early. I later saw him complaining on Facebook

about the “Obama economy” and how it had affected his life. I

don’t doubt that the Obama economy has affected many, but this

man is assuredly not among them. His status in life is directly

attributable to the choices he’s made, and his life will improve

only through better decisions. But for him to make better choices,

he needs to live in an environment that forces him to ask tough

questions about himself. There is a cultural movement in the

white working class to blame problems on society or the govern-

ment, and that movement gains adherents by the day.

Here is where the rhetoric of modern conservatives (and 35

I say this as one of them) fails to meet the real challenges of

their biggest constituents. Instead of encouraging engagement,

conservatives increasingly foment the kind of detachment that

has sapped the ambition of so many of my peers. I have watched

some friends blossom into successful adults and others fall

victim to the worst of Middletown’s temptations—premature

parenthood, drugs, incarceration. What separates the successful

from the unsuccessful are the expectations that they had for

their own lives. Yet the message of the right is increasingly: It’s

not your fault that you’re a loser; it’s the government’s fault.

My dad, for example, has never disparaged hard work, but

he mistrusts some of the most obvious paths to upward mobil-

ity. When he found out that I had decided to go to Yale Law,

he asked whether, on my applications, I had “pretended to be

black or liberal.” This is how low the cultural expectations of

working-class white Americans have fallen. We should hardly

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Hillbilly Elegy

be surprised that as attitudes like this one spread, the number

of people willing to work for a better life diminishes.

The Pew Economic Mobility Project studied how Americans

evaluated their chances at economic betterment, and what

they found was shocking. There is no group of Americans

more pessimistic than working-class whites. Well over half of

blacks, Latinos, and college-educated whites expect that their

children will fare better economically than they have. Among

working-class whites, only 44 percent share that expectation.

Even more surprising, 42 percent of working-class whites—by

far the highest number in the survey—report that their lives

are less economically successful than those of their parents’.

In 2010, that just wasn’t my mind-set. I was happy about

where I was and overwhelmingly hopeful about the future. For

the first time in my life, I felt like an outsider in Middletown.

And what turned me into an alien was my optimism.

Note

1. “Only 6% Rate News Media as Very Trustworthy,” Rasmussen Report.

February 28, 2013, http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/

general_politics/february_2013/only_6- rate_news_media_as_very_trustworthy

(accessed November 17, 2015). [Vance’s note]

Joining the Conversation

1. J. D. Vance tells his own story, in part, to illustrate how the

optimism he felt about his future “contrasted starkly with

the pessimism of so many of [his] neighbors.” What other

arguments does Vance make throughout his narrative? In

addition to citing personal experience, what kinds of evi-

dence does he offer to support his views?

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j . D . V A N C E

2. Vance uses metacommentary to explain to readers how to

interpret something he has just said. Find two examples in

the reading where Vance uses this technique.

3. An elegy is a sad, mournful lament. Why do you think Vance

called his book Hillbilly Elegy? How does his own story relate

to the title?

4. Nicholas Eberstadt (pp. 605–19) writes about the dramatic

increase in unemployment and underemployment among

men with a high school education or less. How might Vance

use the statistics Eberstadt cites to support his argument

about the challenges facing many working-class Americans?

5. Vance tells his own story and also makes observations about

his greater community. Think of a challenge or experience

you have had. Write an essay about what happened, making

an argument about how your personal experience reflects a

greater trend taking place in your community or hometown.

2 6 8

Minority Student Clubs:

Segregation or Integration?

g a b r i e l a m o r o

H

Minority representation on US college campuses has

increased significantly in recent years, and many schools have

made it a priority to increase diversity on their campuses in

order to prepare students for a culturally diverse US demo-

cratic society (Hurtado and Ruiz 3–4). To complement this

increase, many schools have implemented minority student

clubs to provide safe and comfortable environments where

minority students can thrive academically and socially with

peers from similar backgrounds. However, do these minority

groups amplify students’ tendency to interact only with those

who are similar to themselves? Put another way, do these groups

inhibit students from engaging in diverse relationships?

Many view such programs to be positive and integral to

minority students’ college experience; some, however, feel that

Gabriela Moro wrote this essay in her first-year composition class at

the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana. It was published

in 2015 in the university’s journal Fresh Writing, “an interactive archive

of exemplary first-year writing projects.” A neuroscience and behavior

pre-health major, Moro plans to pursue a career in medicine.

2 6 9

G A B R I E l A m O R O

these clubs are not productive for promoting cross-cultural

interaction. While minority clubs have proven to be beneficial

to minority students in some cases, particularly on campuses

that are not very diverse, my research suggests that colleges

would enrich the educational experience for all students by

introducing multicultural clubs as well.

To frame my discussion, I will use an article from College

Student Journal that distinguishes between two types of students:

one who believes minority clubs are essential for helping minor-

ity students stay connected with their cultures, and another

who believes these clubs isolate minorities and work against

diverse interaction among students. To pursue the question of

whether or not such groups segregate minorities from the rest

of the student body and even discourage cultural awareness,

I will use perspectives from minority students to show that

these programs are especially helpful for first-year students. I

will also use other student testimonials to show that when taken

too far, minority groups can lead to self-segregation and defy

what most universities claim to be their diversity goals. Find-

ings from research will contribute to a better understanding

of the role minority clubs play on college campuses and offer

a complete answer to my question about the importance of

minority programs.

Before I go further, I would like to differentiate among three

kinds of diversity that Gurin et al. identify in their article

“Diversity and Higher Education: Theory and Impact on Edu-

cational Outcomes.” The first type is structural diversity, “the

numerical representation of diverse [racial and ethnic] groups.”

The existence of structural diversity alone does not assure that

students will develop valuable intergroup relationships. Class-

room diversity, the second type, involves gaining “content

knowledge” or a better understanding about diverse peers and

2 7 0

Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?

their backgrounds by doing so in the classroom. The third type

of diversity, informal interactional diversity, refers to “both the

frequency and the quality of intergroup interaction as keys

to meaningful diversity experiences during college.” Students

often encounter this kind of diversity in social settings outside

the classroom (Gurin 332–33). Informal interactional diversity

is the focus of my research, since it is the concept that leads

colleges to establish social events and organizations that allow

all students to experience and appreciate the variety of cultures

present in a student body.

In a study published in College Student Journal, three admin- 5

istrators at Pennsylvania State University explored how biracial

students interact with others on a college campus. The authors

concluded that views of minority clubs and related programs,

which the authors call race-oriented student services (ROSS),

tend to fall into two groups: “Although some argue that these

race-oriented student services (ROSS) are divisive and damage

white-minority relations (Stern & Gaiter, 1994), others support

these services as providing a safe place and meeting the needs of

minority students to develop a sense of racial pride, community

and importance (Patton, 2006)” (Ingram 298). I will start by

examining the point of view of those who associate minority

clubs with positive outcomes.

A study by Samuel D. Museus in the Journal of College Stu-

dent Development found that minority student programs help

students to stay connected with their culture in college and

help ease first-year minority students’ transition into the college

environment. The study also shows that ethnic student organi-

zations help students adjust and find their place at universities

that have a predominantly white student body (584). Museus

concluded that universities should stress the importance of

racial and ethnic groups and develop more opportunities for

2 7 1

G A B R I E l A m O R O

minority students to make connections with them. This way,

students can find support from their minority peers as they

work together to face academic and social challenges. Museus’s

findings suggest that minority student groups are essential for

allowing these students to preserve and foster connections to

their own cultures.

In another study, Hall et al. evaluated how minority and

non-minority students differed in their inclinations to take part

in diversity activities and to communicate with racially and

ethnically diverse peers at a predominantly white university.

These scholars concluded that “engagement [with diverse peers]

is learned” (434). Students who engaged with diverse students

before going to college were more likely to interact with diverse

peers by the end of their sophomore year. Minority students

were more predisposed than their white peers to interact with

diverse peers during their freshman year (435). These findings

indicate that minority student clubs can be helpful for first-year

minority students who have not previously engaged with other

minority students, especially if the university has a predomi-

nantly white student body.

Professors and scholars are not the only ones who strongly

support minority clubs. For example, three students at Harvard

College—Andrea Delgado, Denzel (no last name given), and

Kimi Fafowora—give their perspective on student life and

multicultural identity on campus to incoming students via

YouTube. The students explain how minority programs on

campus have helped them adjust to a new college environ-

ment as first-year students. As Delgado put it, “I thought [cul-

tural clubs were] something I maybe didn’t need, but come

November, I missed speaking Spanish and I missed having

tacos, and other things like that. That’s the reason why I

started attending meetings more regularly. Latinas Unidas

2 7 2

Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?

has been a great intersection of my cultural background and

my political views.” The experiences these minority students

shared support the scholarly evidence that minority clubs help

incoming students transition into a new and often intimidat-

ing environment.

While the benefits of these clubs are quite evident, several

problems can also arise from them. The most widely recognized

is self-segregation. Self-segregating tendencies are not exclusive

to minority students: college students in general tend to self-

segregate as they enter an unfamiliar environment. As a study

by Martin et al. finds, “Today, the student bodies of our leading

colleges and universities are more diverse than ever. However,

college students are increasingly self-segregating by race or eth-

nicity” (720). Several studies as well as interviews with students

suggest that minority clubs exacerbate students’ inclination to

self-segregate. And as students become comfortable with their

minority peers, they may no longer desire or feel the need to

branch out of their comfort zone.

In another study, Julie J. Park, a professor at the University 10

of Maryland, examined the relationship between participation

in college student organizations and the development of inter-

racial friendships. Park suggests, “if students spend the majority

of time in such groups [Greek, ethnic, and religious student

organizations], participation may affect student involvement in

the broader diversity of the institution” (642). In other words,

if minority students form all of their social and academic ties

within their minority group, the desired cultural exchange

among the study body could suffer.

So what can be done? In the Penn State study mentioned

earlier, in which data were collected by an online survey, partic-

ipants were asked to respond to an open-ended question about

what they think universities should do to create a more inviting

2 7 3

G A B R I E l A m O R O

environment for biracial students (Ingram et al. 303). On one

hand, multiple students responded with opinions opposing the

formation of both biracial and multiracial clubs: “I feel instead

of having biracial and multiracial clubs the colleges should have

diversity clubs and just allow everyone to get together. All

these ‘separate’ categorizing of clubs, isn’t that just separation

of groups?” “Having a ton of clubs that are for specific races

is counter-productive. It creates segregation and lack of com-

munication across cultures” (304–305).

On the other hand, students offered suggestions for the

formation of multicultural activities: “Encourage more racial

integration to show students races aren’t so different from each

other and to lessen stereotypes.” “Hold cultural events that

allow students of different races to express/share their heritage.”

Ingram et al. concluded that, while biracial and multiracial

student organizations are helpful in establishing an inviting

college environment for minority students,

creating a truly inclusive environment … requires additional efforts:

these include multicultural awareness training for faculty, staff, and

students, and incorporation of multicultural issues into the cur-

riculum (White, 2006; Gasser, 2002). In addition to the creation

of biracial/multiracial clubs and organization, the students in this

study want to increase awareness of the mixed heritage population

among others on college campuses. (308)

The two very different opinions reported in this study point

to the challenges minority student programs can create, but

also suggest ways to resolve these challenges. Now that evi-

dence from both research studies and student perspectives

confirm that these clubs, while beneficial to minority students’

experiences, can inhibit cultural immersion, I will continue

2 7 4

Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?

with my original argument that the entire student body For tips on

clarifying

would benefit if campuses also implemented multicul-

where you

tural advocacy clubs, rather than just selective minor-

have been

and where you

ity clubs. Gurin et al., the researchers who identified are going, see

p. 137.

the three types of diversity in higher education, con-

tend that even with the presence of diverse racial and ethnic

groups and regular communication among students formally

and informally, a greater push from educators is needed:

In order to foster citizenship for a diverse democracy, educators

must intentionally structure opportunities for students to leave the

comfort of their homogenous peer group and build relationships

across racially/ethnically diverse student communities on campus.

(363)

This suggestion implies that participation from students

and faculty is needed to foster cultural immersion in higher

education.

Another way to improve cross-cultural exchange is by

developing a diverse curriculum. An article on multicultural-

ism in higher education by Alma Clayton-Pedersen and Caryn

McTighe Musil in the Encyclopedia of Education reviewed the

ways in which universities have incorporated diversity studies

into their core curriculum over the last several decades. They

found that the numbers of courses that seek to prepare students

for a democratic society rich in diversity have increased (1711,

1714). However, they recommend that institutions need to

take a more holistic approach to their academic curricula

in order to pursue higher education programs that prepare

students to face “complex and demanding questions” and to

“use their new knowledge and civic, intercultural capacities

to address real-world problems” (1714). My research supports

2 7 5

G A B R I E l A m O R O

that a more holistic approach to the importance of diversity

studies in the college curriculum, as well as multicultural advo-

cacy clubs, are necessary in order to prepare all students, not

just minority students, for the diverse world and society ahead

of them.

Thus, even though minority student clubs can lead to self-

segregation among students and result in less cross-cultural

interaction, their benefits to minority students suggest that

a balance needs to be found between providing support for

minorities and avoiding segregation of these groups from the

rest of the student body. Besides sponsoring minority student

programs, colleges and universities can implement multicul-

tural events and activities for all students to participate in,

especially during the freshman year. An initiative like this

would enhance the diverse interactions that occur on campuses,

promote cultural immersion, and garner support for minority

student clubs.

Beyond the reach of this evaluation, further research should 15

be conducted, specifically on the types of cultural events that

are most effective in promoting cultural awareness and mean-

ingful diverse interactions among the student body. By exam-

ining different multicultural organizations from both public

and private institutions, and comparing student experiences

and participation in those programs, researchers can suggest

an ideal multicultural program to provide an optimal student

experience.

Works Cited

Clayton-Pedersen, Alma R., and Caryn McTighe Musil. “Multiculturalism

in Higher Education.” Encyclopedia of Education, edited by James W.

Guthrie, 2nd ed., vol. 5, Macmillan, 2002, pp. 1709–1716. Gale Virtual

Reference Library. Accessed 26 Feb. 2015.

2 7 6

Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?

Gurin, Patricia, Eric L. Dey, Sylvia Hurtado, and Gerald Gurin. “Diversity

and Higher Education: Theory and Impact on Educational

Outcomes.” Harvard Educational Review, vol. 72, no. 3, 2002, pp. 330–36.

ResearchGate, doi:10.17763/haer.72.3.01151786u134n051. Accessed

28 Mar. 2015.

Hall, Wendell, Alberto Cabrera, and Jeffrey Milem. “A Tale of Two Groups:

Differences Between Minority Students and Non-Minority Students

in Their Predispositions to and Engagement with Diverse Peers at a

Predominantly White Institution.” Research in Higher Education, vol. 52,

no. 4, 2011, pp. 420–439. Academic Search Premier, doi: 10.1007/s11162

-010-9201-4. Accessed 10 Mar. 2015.

Harvard College Admissions & Financial Aid. “Student Voices: Multicultural

Perspectives.” YouTube, 7 Aug. 2014, https://www.youtube.com/

watch?v=djIWQgDx-Jc. Accessed 12 Mar. 2015.

Hurtado, Sylvia, and Adriana Ruiz. “The Climate for Underrepresented

Groups and Diversity on Campus.” Higher Education Research Institute

at UCLA (HERI) and Cooperative Institutional Research Program

(CIRP), 2012, heri.ucla.edu/briefs/urmbrief.php. Accessed 26 Feb. 2015.

Ingram, Patreese, Anil Kumar Chaudhary, and Walter Terrell Jones. “How Do

Biracial Students Interact with Others on the College Campus?” College

Student Journal, vol. 48, no. 2, 2014, pp. 297–311. Questia, www.questia

.com/library/journal/1G1-377286773/how-do-biracial-students-interact

-with-others-on-the. Accessed 28 July 2017.

Martin, Nathan D., William Tobin, and Kenneth I. Spenner. “Interracial

Friendships Across the College Years: Evidence from a Longitudinal

Case Study.” Journal of College Student Development, vol. 55, no. 7, 2014,

pp. 720–725. Academic Search Premier, doi: 10.1353/csd.2014.0075.

Accessed 16 Mar. 2015.

Museus, Samuel D. “The Role of Ethnic Student Organizations in Fostering

African American and Asian American Students’ Cultural Adjustment

and Membership at Predominantly White Institutions.” Journal of College

Student Development, vol. 49, no. 6, 2008, pp. 568–86. Project MUSE,

doi:10.1353/csd.0.0039. Accessed 26 Feb. 2015.

Park, Julie J. “Clubs and the Campus Racial Climate: Student Organizations

and Interracial Friendship in College.” Journal of College Student

Development, vol. 55, no. 7, 2014, pp. 641–660. Academic Search Premier,

doi:10.1353/csd.2014.0076. Accessed 16 March. 2015.

2 7 7

G A B R I E l A m O R O

Joining the Conversation

1. What larger conservation is Gabriela Moro responding to in

this essay?

2. What are some of the connecting words, phrases, and sen-

tences Moro uses to transition from one paragraph to another?

(See pp. 105–06 for a list of commonly used transitions.)

3. Notice how many direct quotations Moro includes. Why do

you think she includes so many? What do the quotations

contribute that a summary or paraphrase would not?

4. Writer danah boyd (pp. 219–29) criticizes the many ways

in which Americans are now self-segregating. How might

she respond to Moro’s description of Notre Dame’s cam-

pus and to Moro’s proposal to support minority clubs and

multiculturalism?

5. Develop an argument of your own that responds to Moro’s

proposal, agreeing, disagreeing, or both. However you choose

to argue, be sure to consider other positions in addition to

your own, including other authors in this chapter.

2 7 8

Why Rural America Voted for Trump

r o b e r t l e o n a r d

H

Knoxville, Iowa—One recent morning, I sat near two

young men at a coffee shop here whom I’ve known since they

were little boys. Now about 18, they pushed away from the

table, and one said: “Let’s go to work. Let the liberals sleep

in.” The other nodded.

They’re hard workers. As a kid, one washed dishes, took

orders and swept the floor at a restaurant. Every summer, the

other picked sweet corn by hand at dawn for a farm stand

and for grocery stores, and then went to work all day on his

parents’ farm. Now one is a welder, and the other is in his first

year at a state university on an academic scholarship. They are

conservative, believe in hard work, family, the military and

cops, and they know that abortion and socialism are evil, that

Jesus Christ is our savior, and that Donald J. Trump will be

good for America.

Robert Leonard is the news director for the radio station KNIA

KRLS in Marion County, Iowa. He has contributed essays to The Hill

and Salon, online news publications focused on politics, and his book

Yellow Cab (2006) describes his experiences working as a cabdriver

while he was an anthropology professor. This essay first appeared in

the New York Times on January 5, 2017.

2 7 9

R O B E R T l E O N A R D

They are part of a growing movement in rural America that

immerses many young people in a culture—not just conserva-

tive news outlets but also home and church environments—

that emphasizes contemporary conservative values. It views

liberals as loathsome, misinformed and weak, even dangerous.

Who are these rural, red-county people who brought

Mr. Trump into power? I’m a native Iowan and reporter in rural

Marion County, Iowa. I consider myself fairly liberal. My fam-

ily has mostly voted Democratic since long before I was born.

To be honest, for years, even I have struggled to understand

how these conservative friends and neighbors I respect—and at

times admire—can think so differently from me, not to men-

tion how over 60 percent of voters in my county could have chosen Mr. Trump.

Political analysts have talked about how ignorance, racism, 5

sexism, nationalism, Islamophobia, economic disenfranchise-

See Chapter 5

ment and the decline of the middle class contributed

for ways to signal

to the popularity of Mr. Trump in rural America. But

who is saying

what.

this misses the deeper cultural factors that shape the

thinking of the conservatives who live here.

For me, it took a 2015 pre-caucus stop in Pella by J. C.

Watts, a Baptist minister raised in the small town of Eufaula,

Oklahoma, who was a Republican congressman from 1995 to

2003, to begin to understand my neighbors—and most likely

other rural Americans as well.

“The difference between Republicans and Democrats is

that Republicans believe people are fundamentally bad, while

Democrats see people as fundamentally good,” said Mr. Watts,

who was in the area to campaign for Senator Rand Paul. “We

are born bad,” he said and added that children did not need

to be taught to behave badly—they are born knowing how

to do that.

2 8 0

Why Rural America Voted for Trump

“We teach them how to be good,” he said. “We become

good by being reborn—born again.”

He continued: “Democrats believe that we are born good,

that we create God, not that he created us. If we are our own

God, as the Democrats say, then we need to look at something

else to blame when things go wrong—not us.”

Mr. Watts talked about the 2015 movie theater shoot- 10

ing in Lafayette, Louisiana, in which two people were killed.

Mr. Watts said that Republicans knew that the gunman was a

bad man, doing a bad thing. Democrats, he added, “would look

for other causes—that the man was basically good, but that

it was the guns, society or some other place where the blame

lies and then they will want to control the guns, or something

else—not the man.” Republicans, he said, don’t need to look

anywhere else for the blame.

Hearing Mr. Watts was an epiphany for me. For the first

time I had a glimpse of where many of my conservative friends

and neighbors were coming from. I thought, no wonder Repub-

licans and Democrats can’t agree on things like gun control,

regulations or the value of social programs. We live in different

philosophical worlds, with different foundational principles.

Overlay this philosophical perspective on the American

rural-urban divides of history, economy and geography, and

the conservative individual responsibility narrative becomes

even more powerful. In my experience, the urban-rural divide

isn’t really so much a red state versus blue state issue, it’s red

county versus blue county. Rural Iowans have more in com-

mon with the rural residents of Washington State and New

Mexico—places I’ve also lived—than with the residents of Des

Moines, Seattle and Albuquerque.

Look at a national map of which counties went for Democrats

and which for Republicans: Overwhelmingly the blue counties

2 8 1

R O B E R T l E O N A R D

Trump supporters at a rally in lowa, January 2016.

are along waterways, where early river transportation encouraged

the formation of cities, and surround state capitals. This is also

where most investment in infrastructure and services is made.

Rural Americans recognize that this is how it must be, as the

cities are where most of the people are, yet it’s a sore spot.

In state capitols across America, lawmakers spend billions

of dollars to take a few seconds off a city dweller’s commute to

his office, while rural counties’ farm-to-market roads fall into

disrepair. Some of the paved roads in my region are no longer

maintained and are reverting to gravel. For a couple of genera-

tions now, services that were once scattered across rural areas

have increasingly been consolidated in urban areas, and rural

towns die. It’s all done in the name of efficiency.

In cities, firefighters and E.M.T.s are professionals whose 15

departments are funded by local, state and federal tax dollars.

Rural America relies on volunteers. If I have a serious heart

2 8 2

Why Rural America Voted for Trump

attack at home, I’ll be cold to the touch by the time the vol-

unteer ambulance crew from a town 22 miles away gets here.

Urban police officers have the latest in computer equipment

and vehicles, while small-town cops go begging.

In this view, blue counties are where most of our tax dollars

are spent, and that’s where all of our laws are written and passed.

To rural Americans, sometimes it seems our taxes mostly go to

making city residents live better. We recognize that the truth is

more complex, particularly when it comes to social programs,

but it’s the perception that matters—certainly to the way most

people vote.

To make matters worse, jobs are continuing to move to met-

ropolitan areas. Small-town chamber of commerce directors

and mayors still have big dreams, and use their perkiest grins

and tax abatements to try to lure new businesses, only to see

their hopes dashed, time and again. Many towns with a rich

history and strong community pride are already dead; their citi-

zens just don’t know it yet.

Many moderate rural Republicans became supporters of

Mr. Trump when he released his list of potential Supreme

Court nominees who would allow the possibility of overturn-

ing Roe v. Wade. They also think the liberal worldview creates

unnecessary rules and regulations that cripple the economy

and take away good jobs that may belong to them or their

neighbor. Public school systems and colleges are liberal tools

of indoctrination that go after what we love and value most—

our children.

Some of what liberals worry about they see as pure nonsense. 20

When you are the son or daughter of a carpenter or mechanic

and a housewife or secretary who lives paycheck to paycheck,

who can’t afford to send kids to college, as many rural residents

are, white privilege is meaningless and abstract.

2 8 3

R O B E R T l E O N A R D

It’s not just older people. The two young men at breakfast

exemplify a younger generation with this view. When Ted Cruz

campaigned in a neighboring town in 2015, I watched as a

couple of dozen grade-school pupils sat at his feet, as if they

were at a children’s service at church. His campaign speech was

nearly a sermon, and the children listened wide-eyed when he

told them the world is a scary place, and it’s godly men like him

who are going to save them from the evils of President Obama,

Hillary Clinton and their fellow Democrats.

While many blame poor decisions by Mrs. Clinton for her

loss, in an environment like this, the Democratic candidate

probably didn’t matter. And the Democratic Party may not

for generations to come. The Republican brand is strong in

rural America—perhaps even strong enough to withstand a

disastrous Trump presidency.

Rural conservatives feel that their world is under siege,

and that Democrats are an enemy to be feared and loathed.

Given the philosophical premises Mr. Watts presented as the

difference between Democrats and Republicans, reconciliation

seems a long way off.

Joining the Conversation

1. Robert Leonard, a reporter from Iowa, describes the con-

servative values as well as the social and economic con-

ditions that he believes led a majority of people living in

rural America to vote for Donald Trump. Summarize his

description in two or three sentences.

2. This piece was originally published in the New York Times,

a newspaper with a predominantly liberal, college-educated

readership. Why do you think Leonard chose to write his

piece for this newspaper?

2 8 4

Why Rural America Voted for Trump

3. Leonard includes quotations from several people whose

views differ from his own, such as J. C. Watts, a conserva-

tive Baptist minister. Find three examples where Leonard

presents conservative views, and show how he is able to

clearly distinguish those views from his own.

4.

Michelle Alexander (pp. 230–50) argues that African

Americans are at the bottom of what she calls “a new

racial caste system.” How might the people who believe that

“white privilege is meaningless and abstract” (paragraph 20)

respond to Alexander’s argument?

5. Leonard argues that Republicans and Democrats “live in

different philosophical worlds, with different foundational

principles” (paragraph 11) and concludes that reconciliation

seems unlikely, at least for now. Write an essay in which

you agree, disagree, or both with this argument, citing ideas

from readings in this chapter.

2 8 5

A Tax System Stacked

against the 99 Percent

j o s e p h e . s t i g l i t z

H

Leona Helmsley, the hotel chain executive who was con-

victed of federal tax evasion in 1989, was notorious for, among

other things, reportedly having said that “only the little people

pay taxes.”

As a statement of principle, the quotation may well have

earned Mrs. Helmsley, who died in 2007, the title Queen of

Mean. But as a prediction about the fairness of American

tax policy, Mrs. Helmsley’s remark might actually have been

prescient.

Today [April 15], the deadline for filing individual income-tax

returns, is a day when Americans would do well to pause and

Joseph E. Stiglitz, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics in

2001, teaches at Columbia University. Formerly, Stiglitz was a senior

vice president and chief economist at the World Bank, and served as

chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers. His books include The

Euro: How a Common Currency Threatens the Future of Europe (2016)

and The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and What We Can Do About

Them (2015). This essay first appeared in the New York Times series

about inequality, “The Great Divide,” on April 14, 2013.

2 8 6

A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent

reflect on our tax system and the society it creates. No one enjoys

paying taxes, and yet all but the extreme libertarians agree, as

Oliver Wendell Holmes said, that taxes are the price we pay for

civilized society. But in recent decades, the burden for paying

that price has been distributed in increasingly unfair ways.

About 6 in 10 of us believe that the tax system is unfair—and

they’re right: put simply, the very rich don’t pay their fair share.

The richest 400 individual taxpayers, with an average income

of more than $200 million, pay less than 20 percent of their

income in taxes—far lower than mere millionaires, who pay

about 25 percent of their income in taxes, and about the same

as those earning a mere $200,000 to $500,000. And in 2009,

116 of the top 400 earners—almost a third—paid less than

15 percent of their income in taxes.

Conservatives like to point out that the richest Americans’ 5

tax payments make up a large portion of total receipts. This

is true, as well it should be in any tax system that is See p. 88 for

progressive—that is, a system that taxes the affluent at tips on making

higher rates than those of modest means. It’s also true concessions while

still standing your

that as the wealthiest Americans’ incomes have sky-

ground.

rocketed in recent years, their total tax payments have grown.

This would be so even if we had a single flat income-tax rate

across the board.

What should shock and outrage us is that as the top 1 percent

has grown extremely rich, the effective tax rates they pay have

markedly decreased. Our tax system is much less progressive

than it was for much of the 20th century. The top marginal

income tax rate peaked at 94 percent during World War II

and remained at 70 percent through the 1960s and 1970s; it is

now 39.6 percent. Tax fairness has gotten much worse in the

30 years since the Reagan “revolution” of the 1980s.

2 8 7

j O S E p H E . S T I G l I T z

As the author argues, the wealth that belongs to the 1 percent continues to

increase, while the incomes of the 99 percent have stagnated or fallen.

Citizens for Tax Justice, an organization that advocates for a

more progressive tax system, has estimated that, when federal,

state and local taxes are taken into account, the top 1 percent

paid only slightly more than 20 percent of all American taxes

in 2010—about the same as the share of income they took

home, an outcome that is not progressive at all.

With such low effective tax rates—and, importantly, the

low tax rate of 20 percent on income from capital gains—it’s

not a huge surprise that the share of income going to the top

1 percent has doubled since 1979, and that the share going to

the top 0.1 percent has almost tripled, according to the econo-

mists Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez. Recall that the

wealthiest 1 percent of Americans own about 40 percent of the

nation’s wealth, and the picture becomes even more disturbing.

2 8 8

A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent

If these numbers still don’t impress you as being unfair,

consider them in comparison with other wealthy countries.

The United States stands out among the countries of the 10

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the

world’s club of rich nations, for its low top marginal income

tax rate. These low rates are not essential for growth—consider

Germany, for instance, which has managed to maintain its

status as a center of advanced manufacturing, even though

its top income-tax rate exceeds America’s by a considerable

margin. And in general, our top tax rate kicks in at much

higher incomes. Denmark, for example, has a top tax rate of

more than 60 percent, but that applies to anyone making more

than $54,900. The top rate in the United States, 39.6 percent,

doesn’t kick in until individual income reaches $400,000 (or

$450,000 for a couple). Only three O.E.C.D. countries—South

Korea, Canada and Spain—have higher thresholds.

Most of the Western world has experienced an increase in

inequality in recent decades, though not as much as the United

States has. But among most economists there is a general under-

standing that a country with excessive inequality can’t function

well; many countries have used their tax codes to help “correct”

the market’s distribution of wealth and income. The United

States hasn’t—or at least not very much. Indeed, the low rates

at the top serve to exacerbate and perpetuate the inequality—

so much so that among the advanced industrial countries,

America now has the highest income inequality and the least

equality of opportunity. This is a gross inversion of America’s

traditional meritocratic ideals—ideals that our leaders, across

the spectrum, continue to profess.

Over the years, some of the wealthy have been enor-

mously successful in getting special treatment, shifting an

ever greater share of the burden of financing the country’s

2 8 9

j O S E p H E . S T I G l I T z

expenditures—defense, education, social programs—onto oth-

ers. Ironically, this is especially true of some of our multinational

corporations, which call on the federal government to negotiate

favorable trade treaties that allow them easy entry into foreign

markets and to defend their commercial interests around the

world, but then use these foreign bases to avoid paying taxes.

General Electric has become the symbol for multinational

corporations that have their headquarters in the United States

but pay almost no taxes—its effective corporate-tax rate averaged

less than 2 percent from 2002 to 2012—just as Mitt Romney,

the [former] Republican presidential nominee, became the

symbol for the wealthy who don’t pay their fair share when

he admitted that he paid only 14 percent of his income in

taxes in 2011, even as he notoriously complained that 47 percent

of Americans were freeloaders. Neither G.E. nor Mr. Romney

has, to my knowledge, broken any tax laws, but the sparse taxes

they’ve paid violate most Americans’ basic sense of fairness.

In looking at such statistics, one has to be careful: they typi-

cally reflect taxes as a percentage of reported income. And the

tax laws don’t require the reporting of all kinds of income. For

the rich, hiding such assets has become an elite sport. Many avail

themselves of the Cayman Islands or other offshore tax shelters to

avoid taxes (and not, you can safely assume, because of the sunny

weather). They don’t have to report income until it is brought

back (“repatriated”) to the United States. So, too, capital gains

have to be reported as income only when they are realized.

And if the assets are passed on to one’s children or grand- 15

children at death, no taxes are ever paid, in a peculiar loophole

called the “step-up in cost basis at death.” Yes, the tax privileges

of being rich in America extend into the afterlife.

As Americans look at some of the special provisions in the

tax code—for vacation homes, racetracks, beer breweries, oil

2 9 0

A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent

refineries, hedge funds and movie studios, among many other

favored assets or industries—it is no wonder that they feel

disillusioned with a tax system that is so riddled with special

rewards. Most of these tax-code loopholes and giveaways did

not materialize from thin air, of course—usually, they were

enacted in pursuit of, or at least in response to, campaign con-

tributions from influential donors. It is estimated that these

kinds of special tax provisions amount to some $123 billion a

year, and that the price tag for offshore tax loopholes is not

far behind. Eliminating these provisions alone would go a long

way toward meeting deficit-reduction targets called for by fis-

cal conservatives who worry about the size of the public debt.

Yet another source of unfairness is the tax treatment on

so-called carried interest. Some Wall Street financiers are able

to pay taxes at lower capital gains tax rates on income that

comes from managing assets for private equity funds or hedge

funds. But why should managing financial assets be treated any

differently from managing people, or making discoveries? Of

course, those in finance say they are essential. But so are doc-

tors, lawyers, teachers and everyone else who contributes to

making our complex society work. They say they are necessary

for job creation. But in fact, many of the private equity firms

that have excelled in exploiting the carried interest loophole

are actually job destroyers; they excel in restructuring firms to

“save” on labor costs, often by moving jobs abroad.

Economists often eschew the word “fair”—fairness, like

beauty, is in the eye of the beholder. But the unfairness of the

American tax system has gotten so great that it’s dishonest to

apply any other label to it.

Traditionally, economists have focused less on issues of

equality than on the more mundane issues of growth and effi-

ciency. But here again, our tax system comes in with low marks.

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j O S E p H E . S T I G l I T z

Our growth was higher in the era of high top marginal tax rates

than it has been since 1980. Economists—even at traditional,

conservative international institutions like the International

Monetary Fund—have come to realize that excessive inequal-

ity is bad for growth and stability. The tax system can play an

important role in moderating the degree of inequality. Ours,

however, does remarkably little about it.

One of the reasons for our poor economic performance is the 20

large distortion in our economy caused by the tax system. The

one thing economists agree on is that incentives matter—if you

lower taxes on speculation, say, you will get more speculation.

We’ve drawn our most talented young people into financial

shenanigans, rather than into creating real businesses, making

real discoveries, providing real services to others. More efforts

go into “rent-seeking”—getting a larger slice of the country’s

economic pie—than into enlarging the size of the pie.

Research in recent years has linked the tax rates, sluggish

growth and rising inequality. Remember, the low tax rates

at the top were supposed to spur savings and hard work, and

thus economic growth. They didn’t. Indeed, the household

savings rate fell to a record level of near zero after President

George W. Bush’s two rounds of cuts, in 2001 and 2003, on

taxes on dividends and capital gains. What low tax rates at

the top did do was increase the return on rent-seeking. It

flourished, which meant that growth slowed and inequality

grew. This is a pattern that has now been observed across

countries. Contrary to the warnings of those who want to

preserve their privileges, countries that have increased their

top tax bracket have not grown more slowly. Another piece

of evidence is here at home: if the efforts at the top were

resulting in our entire economic engine’s doing better, we

would expect everyone to benefit. If they were engaged

2 9 2

A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent

in rent-seeking, as their incomes increased, we’d expect

that of others to decrease. And that’s exactly what’s been

happening. Incomes in the middle, and even the bottom,

have been stagnating or falling.

Aside from the evidence, there is a strong intuitive case to be

made for the idea that tax rates have encouraged rent-seeking at

the expense of wealth creation. There is an intrinsic satisfaction

in creating a new business, in expanding the horizons of our

knowledge, and in helping others. By contrast, it is unpleas-

ant to spend one’s days fine-tuning dishonest and deceptive

practices that siphon money off the poor, as was common in

the financial sector before the 2007–8 financial crisis. I believe

that a vast majority of Americans would, all things being equal,

choose the former over the latter. But our tax system tilts the

field. It increases the net returns from engaging in some of these

intrinsically distasteful activities, and it has helped us become

a rent-seeking society.

It doesn’t have to be this way. We could have a much simpler

tax system without all the distortions—a society where those

who clip coupons for a living pay the same taxes as someone with

the same income who works in a factory; where someone who

earns his income from saving companies pays the same tax as a

doctor who makes the income by saving lives; where someone

who earns his income from financial innovations pays the same

taxes as someone who does research to create real innovations

that transform our economy and society. We could have a tax

system that encourages good things like hard work and thrift and

discourages bad things, like rent-seeking, gambling, financial

speculation and pollution. Such a tax system could raise far more

money than the current one—we wouldn’t have to go through

all the wrangling we’ve been going through with sequestration,

fiscal cliffs and threats to end Medicare and Social Security as

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j O S E p H E . S T I G l I T z

we know it. We would be in a sound fiscal position, for at least

the next quarter-century.

The consequences of our broken tax system are not just

economic. Our tax system relies heavily on voluntary compli-

ance. But if citizens believe that the tax system is unfair, this

voluntary compliance will not be forthcoming. More broadly,

government plays an important role not just in social protec-

tion, but in making investments in infrastructure, technology,

education and health. Without such investments, our economy

will be weaker, and our economic growth slower.

Society can’t function well without a minimal sense of 25

national solidarity and cohesion, and that sense of shared

purpose also rests on a fair tax system. If Americans believe

that government is unfair—that ours is a government of the

1 percent, for the 1 percent, and by the 1 percent—then faith

in our democracy will surely perish.

Joining the Conversation

1. Joseph E. Stiglitz begins this essay with a “they say” state-

ment uttered by a wealthy hotel owner, that “only the lit-

tle people pay taxes.” How would you summarize Stiglitz’s

corresponding “I say” statement?

2. What evidence does Stiglitz provide for his assertion that

the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans pay far less in taxes

than they should? How convincing is this evidence to you?

3. In paragraph 17, Stiglitz begins, “Yet another source of unfair-

ness is the tax treatment on so-called carried interest.” Stiglitz

states a view he does not agree with, and then counters this

view with his own argument in the rest of paragraph. How

does he let you know that he is beginning with an assertion

he will then disagrees with?

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A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent

4. Imagine that Stiglitz wrote his article for an audience in

favor of the tax policies he argues against. How might Stiglitz

have developed his argument differently to appeal to such

readers? Consider his title, for instance, and suggest another

title that would be more likely to interest such an audience.

5. The final paragraph of this essay offers a “so what” statement

explaining why the author believes his argument matters.

In a paragraph, respond to this point by either agreeing,

disagreeing, or both.

2 9 5

Howard University

Commencement Speech

b a r a c k o b a m a

H

To President Frederick, the Board of Trustees, faculty

and staff, fellow recipients of honorary degrees, thank you for

the honor of spending this day with you. And congratulations

to the Class of 2016! (Applause.) Four years ago, back when

you were just freshmen, I understand many of you came by my

house the night I was reelected. (Laughter.) So I decided to

return the favor and come by yours.

To the parents, the grandparents, aunts, uncles, brothers,

sisters, all the family and friends who stood by this class, cheered

them on, helped them get here today—this is your day, as well.

Let’s give them a big round of applause, as well. (Applause.) …

Barack Obama, 44th President of the United States from 2009–

2017, worked as a community organizer and civil rights attorney—and

taught at the University of Chicago—before entering politics. He is

the author of several books, including a memoir of his youth titled

Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance (1995) and

a personal commentary on US politics titled The Audacity of Hope:

Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream (2006). Obama delivered

this speech at Howard University’s commencement ceremony in

Washington, DC, on May 7, 2016.

2 9 6

Howard University Commencement Speech

I know you’re all excited today. You might be a little tired,

as well. Some of you were up all night making sure your credits

were in order. (Laughter.) Some of you stayed up too late, ended

up at HoChi* at 2:00 a.m. (Laughter.) Got some mambo sauce

on your fingers. (Laughter.)

But you got here. And you’ve all worked hard to reach this 5

day. You’ve shuttled between challenging classes and Greek

life. You’ve led clubs, played an instrument or a sport. You

volunteered, you interned. You held down one, two, maybe

three jobs. You’ve made lifelong friends and discovered exactly

what you’re made of. The “Howard Hustle” has strengthened

your sense of purpose and ambition.

Which means you’re part of a long line of Howard graduates.

Some are on this stage today. Some are in the audience. That

*HoChi Howard China, late-night counter-service restaurant near

the college campus.

2 9 7

B A R A C k O B A m A

spirit of achievement and special responsibility has defined this

campus ever since the Freedman’s Bureau established Howard

just four years after the Emancipation Proclamation; just two

years after the Civil War came to an end. They created this

university with a vision—a vision of uplift; a vision for an

America where our fates would be determined not by our race,

gender, religion or creed, but where we would be free—in every

sense—to pursue our individual and collective dreams.

It is that spirit that’s made Howard a centerpiece of African-

American intellectual life and a central part of our larger

American story. This institution has been the home of many

firsts: The first black Nobel Peace Prize winner. The first black

Supreme Court justice. But its mission has been to ensure those

firsts were not the last. Countless scholars, professionals, art-

ists, and leaders from every field received their training here.

The generations of men and women who walked through this

yard helped reform our government, cure disease, grow a black

middle class, advance civil rights, shape our culture. The seeds

of change—for all Americans—were sown here. And that’s

what I want to talk about today.

As I was preparing these remarks, I realized that when I was

first elected President, most of you—the Class of 2016—were

just starting high school. Today, you’re graduating college. I

used to joke about being old. Now I realize I’m old. (Laughter.)

It’s not a joke anymore. (Laughter.)

But seeing all of you here gives me some perspective. It

makes me reflect on the changes that I’ve seen over my own

lifetime. So let me begin with what may sound like a contro-

versial statement—a hot take.

Given the current state of our political rhetoric and debate, 10

let me say something that may be controversial, and that is this:

America is a better place today than it was when I graduated

2 9 8

Howard University Commencement Speech

from college. (Applause.) Let me repeat: America is by almost

every measure better than it was when I graduated from col-

lege. It also happens to be better off than when I took office—

(laughter)—but that’s a longer story. (Applause.) That’s a

different discussion for another speech.

But think about it. I graduated in 1983. New York City,

America’s largest city, where I lived at the time, had endured

a decade marked by crime and deterioration and near bank-

ruptcy. And many cities were in similar shape. Our nation had

gone through years of economic stagnation, the stranglehold

of foreign oil, a recession where unemployment nearly scraped

11 percent. The auto industry was getting its clock cleaned by for-

eign competition. And don’t even get me started on the clothes

and the hairstyles. I’ve tried to eliminate all photos of me from

this period. I thought I looked good. (Laughter.) I was wrong.

Since that year—since the year I graduated—the poverty

rate is down. Americans with college degrees, that rate is up.

Crime rates are down. America’s cities have undergone a renais-

sance. There are more women in the workforce. They’re earning

more money. We’ve cut teen pregnancy in half. We’ve slashed

the African American dropout rate by almost 60 percent, and

all of you have a computer in your pocket that gives you the

world at the touch of a button. In 1983, I was part of fewer than

10 percent of African Americans who graduated with a bach-

elor’s degree. Today, you’re part of the more than 20 percent

who will. And more than half of blacks say we’re better off

than our parents were at our age—and that our kids will be

better off, too.

So America is better. And the world is better, too. A wall

came down in Berlin. An Iron Curtain was torn asunder. The

obscenity of apartheid came to an end. A young generation

in Belfast and London have grown up without ever having to

2 9 9

B A R A C k O B A m A

think about IRA bombings. In just the past 16 years, we’ve

come from a world without marriage equality to one where it’s

a reality in nearly two dozen countries. Around the world, more

people live in democracies. We’ve lifted more than 1 billion

people from extreme poverty. We’ve cut the child mortality

rate worldwide by more than half.

See Chapter 6

America is better. The world is better. And stay with

for tips on

me now—race relations are better since I graduated.

entertaining

objections.

That’s the truth. No, my election did not create a post-

racial society. I don’t know who was propagating that notion.

That was not mine. But the election itself—and the subsequent

one—because the first one, folks might have made a mistake.

(Laughter.) The second one, they knew what they were get-

ting. The election itself was just one indicator of how attitudes

had changed.

In my inaugural address, I remarked that just 60 years earlier, 15

my father might not have been served in a D.C. restaurant—at

least not certain of them. There were no black CEOs of Fortune

500 companies. Very few black judges. Shoot, as Larry Wilmore*

pointed out last week, a lot of folks didn’t even think blacks had

the tools to be a quarterback. Today, former Bull Michael Jordan

isn’t just the greatest basketball player of all time—he owns the

team. (Laughter.) When I was graduating, the main black hero

on TV was Mr. T. (Laughter.) Rap and hip hop were coun-

terculture, underground. Now, Shonda Rhimes owns Thursday

night, and Beyoncé runs the world. (Laughter.) We’re no longer

only entertainers, we’re producers, studio executives. No longer

small business owners—we’re CEOs, we’re mayors, representa-

tives, Presidents of the United States. (Applause.)

*Larry Wilmore Comedian who spoke at the White House Correspon-

dents’ Dinner, an annual event for journalists covering news about the

White House and president, a week before Obama’s address.

3 0 0

Howard University Commencement Speech

I am not saying gaps do not persist. Obviously, they do. Racism

persists. Inequality persists. Don’t worry—I’m going to get to

that. But I wanted to start, Class of 2016, by opening your eyes to

the moment that you are in. If you had to choose one moment in

history in which you could be born, and you didn’t know ahead of

time who you were going to be—what nationality, what gender,

what race, whether you’d be rich or poor, gay or straight, what

faith you’d be born into—you wouldn’t choose 100 years ago.

You wouldn’t choose the fifties, or the sixties, or the seventies.

You’d choose right now. If you had to choose a time to be, in

the words of Lorraine Hansberry, “young, gifted, and black” in

America, you would choose right now. (Applause.)

I tell you all this because it’s important to note progress.

Because to deny how far we’ve come would do a disservice to

the cause of justice, to the legions of foot soldiers; to not only

the incredibly accomplished individuals who have already been

mentioned, but your mothers and your dads, and grandparents

and great grandparents, who marched and toiled and suffered

and overcame to make this day possible. I tell you this not to

lull you into complacency, but to spur you into action—because

there’s still so much more work to do, so many more miles to

travel. And America needs you to gladly, happily take up that

work. You all have some work to do. So enjoy the party, because

you’re going to be busy. (Laughter.)

Yes, our economy has recovered from crisis stronger than

almost any other in the world. But there are folks of all races

who are still hurting—who still can’t find work that pays enough

to keep the lights on, who still can’t save for retirement. We’ve

still got a big racial gap in economic opportunity. The overall

unemployment rate is 5 percent, but the black unemployment

rate is almost nine. We’ve still got an achievement gap when

black boys and girls graduate high school and college at lower

3 0 1

B A R A C k O B A m A

rates than white boys and white girls. Harriet Tubman may be

going on the twenty, but we’ve still got a gender gap when a

black woman working full-time still earns just 66 percent of

what a white man gets paid. (Applause.)

We’ve got a justice gap when too many black boys and

girls pass through a pipeline from underfunded schools to

overcrowded jails. This is one area where things have gotten

worse. When I was in college, about half a million people in

America were behind bars. Today, there are about 2.2 million.

Black men are about six times likelier to be in prison right now

than white men.

Around the world, we’ve still got challenges to solve that 20

threaten everybody in the 21st century—old scourges like dis-

ease and conflict, but also new challenges, from terrorism and

climate change.

So make no mistake, Class of 2016—you’ve got plenty of

work to do. But as complicated and sometimes intractable as

these challenges may seem, the truth is that your generation is

better positioned than any before you to meet those challenges,

to flip the script.

Now, how you do that, how you meet these challenges, how

you bring about change will ultimately be up to you. My genera-

tion, like all generations, is too confined by our own experi-

ence, too invested in our own biases, too stuck in our ways to

provide much of the new thinking that will be required. But

us old-heads have learned a few things that might be useful

in your journey. So with the rest of my time, I’d like to offer

some suggestions for how young leaders like you can fulfill your

destiny and shape our collective future—bend it in the direc-

tion of justice and equality and freedom.

First of all—and this should not be a problem for this group—

be confident in your heritage. (Applause.) Be confident in your

3 0 2

Howard University Commencement Speech

blackness. One of the great changes that’s occurred in our coun-

try since I was your age is the realization there’s no one way to be

black. Take it from somebody who’s seen both sides of the debate

about whether I’m black enough. (Laughter.) In the past couple

months, I’ve had lunch with the Queen of England and hosted

Kendrick Lamar in the Oval Office. There’s no straitjacket,

there’s no constraints, there’s no litmus test for authenticity.

Look at Howard. One thing most folks don’t know about

Howard is how diverse it is. When you arrived here, some of you

were like, oh, they’ve got black people in Iowa? (Laughter.) But

it’s true—this class comes from big cities and rural communities,

and some of you crossed oceans to study here. You shatter stereo-

types. Some of you come from a long line of Bison. Some of you

are the first in your family to graduate from college. (Applause.)

You all talk different, you all dress different. You’re Lakers fans,

Celtics fans, maybe even some hockey fans. (Laughter.)

And because of those who’ve come before you, you have 25

models to follow. You can work for a company, or start your

own. You can go into politics, or run an organization that holds

politicians accountable. You can write a book that wins the

National Book Award, or you can write the new run of “Black

Panther.” Or, like one of your alumni, Ta-Nehisi Coates, you

can go ahead and just do both. You can create your own style,

set your own standard of beauty, embrace your own sexuality.

Think about an icon we just lost—Prince. He blew up catego-

ries. People didn’t know what Prince was doing. (Laughter.)

And folks loved him for it.

You need to have the same confidence. Or as my daughters

tell me all the time, “You be you, Daddy.” (Laughter.) Sometimes

Sasha puts a variation on it—“You do you, Daddy.” (Laughter.)

And because you’re a black person doing whatever it is that

you’re doing, that makes it a black thing. Feel confident.

3 0 3

B A R A C k O B A m A

Second, even as we each embrace our own beautiful, unique,

and valid versions of our blackness, remember the tie that does

bind us as African Americans—and that is our particular aware-

ness of injustice and unfairness and struggle. That means we

cannot sleepwalk through life. We cannot be ignorant of his-

tory. (Applause.) We can’t meet the world with a sense of

entitlement. We can’t walk by a homeless man without asking

why a society as wealthy as ours allows that state of affairs to

occur. We can’t just lock up a low-level dealer without asking

why this boy, barely out of childhood, felt he had no other

options. We have cousins and uncles and brothers and sisters

who we remember were just as smart and just as talented as

we were, but somehow got ground down by structures that are

unfair and unjust.

And that means we have to not only question the world as it

is, and stand up for those African Americans who haven’t been

so lucky—because, yes, you’ve worked hard, but you’ve also

been lucky. That’s a pet peeve of mine: People who have been

successful and don’t realize they’ve been lucky. That God may

have blessed them; it wasn’t nothing you did. So don’t have an

attitude. But we must expand our moral imaginations to under-

stand and empathize with all people who are struggling, not just

black folks who are struggling—the refugee, the immigrant, the

rural poor, the transgender person, and yes, the middle-aged

white guy who you may think has all the advantages, but over

the last several decades has seen his world upended by economic

and cultural and technological change, and feels powerless to

stop it. You got to get in his head, too.

Number three: You have to go through life with more than

just passion for change; you need a strategy. I’ll repeat that. I

want you to have passion, but you have to have a strategy. Not

just awareness, but action. Not just hashtags, but votes.

3 0 4

Howard University Commencement Speech

You see, change requires more than righteous anger. It requires 30

a program, and it requires organizing. At the 1964 Democratic

Convention, Fannie Lou Hamer—all five-feet-four-inches tall—

gave a fiery speech on the national stage. But then she went back

home to Mississippi and organized cotton pickers. And she didn’t

have the tools and technology where you can whip up a movement

in minutes. She had to go door to door. And I’m so proud of the

new guard of black civil rights leaders who understand this. It’s

thanks in large part to the activism of young people like many of

you, from Black Twitter to Black Lives Matter, that America’s eyes

have been opened—white, black, Democrat, Republican—to the

real problems, for example, in our criminal justice system.

But to bring about structural change, lasting change, aware-

ness is not enough. It requires changes in law, changes in

custom. If you care about mass incarceration, let me ask you:

How are you pressuring members of Congress to pass the crimi-

nal justice reform bill now pending before them? (Applause.) If

you care about better policing, do you know who your district

attorney is? Do you know who your state’s attorney general is?

Do you know the difference? Do you know who appoints the

police chief and who writes the police training manual? Find

out who they are, what their responsibilities are. Mobilize the

community, present them with a plan, work with them to bring

about change, hold them accountable if they do not deliver.

Passion is vital, but you’ve got to have a strategy.

And your plan better include voting—not just some of the

time, but all the time. (Applause.) It is absolutely true that

50 years after the Voting Rights Act, there are still too many bar-

riers in this country to vote. There are too many people trying to

erect new barriers to voting. This is the only advanced democracy

on Earth that goes out of its way to make it difficult for people

to vote. And there’s a reason for that. There’s a legacy to that.

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B A R A C k O B A m A

But let me say this: Even if we dismantled every barrier to

voting, that alone would not change the fact that America has

some of the lowest voting rates in the free world. In 2014, only

36 percent of Americans turned out to vote in the midterms—

the second lowest participation rate on record. Youth turnout—

that would be you—was less than 20 percent. Less than

20 percent. Four out of five did not vote. In 2012, nearly two in

three African Americans turned out. And then, in 2014, only

two in five turned out. You don’t think that made a difference

in terms of the Congress I’ve got to deal with? And then people

are wondering, well, how come Obama hasn’t gotten this done?

How come he didn’t get that done? You don’t think that made

a difference? What would have happened if you had turned

out at 50, 60, 70 percent, all across this country? People try to

make this political thing really complicated. Like, what kind

of reforms do we need? And how do we need to do that? You

know what, just vote. It’s math. If you have more votes than

the other guy, you get to do what you want. (Laughter.) It’s

not that complicated.

And you don’t have excuses. You don’t have to guess the

number of jellybeans in a jar or bubbles on a bar of soap to register

to vote. You don’t have to risk your life to cast a ballot. Other

people already did that for you. (Applause.) Your grandparents,

your great-grandparents might be here today if they were work-

ing on it. What’s your excuse? When we don’t vote, we give

away our power, disenfranchise ourselves—right when we need

to use the power that we have; right when we need your power

to stop others from taking away the vote and rights of those more

vulnerable than you are—the elderly and the poor, the formerly

incarcerated trying to earn their second chance.

So you got to vote all the time, not just when it’s cool, not 35

just when it’s time to elect a President, not just when you’re

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Howard University Commencement Speech

inspired. It’s your duty. When it’s time to elect a member of

Congress or a city councilman, or a school board member, or a

sheriff. That’s how we change our politics—by electing people

at every level who are representative of and accountable to us.

It is not that complicated. Don’t make it complicated.

And finally, change requires more than just speaking out—it

requires listening, as well. In particular, it requires listening to

those with whom you disagree, and being prepared to compro-

mise. When I was a state senator, I helped pass Illinois’s first

racial profiling law, and one of the first laws in the nation

requiring the videotaping of confessions in capital cases. And

we were successful because, early on, I engaged law enforcement.

I didn’t say to them, oh, you guys are so racist, you need to

do something. I understood, as many of you do, that the over-

whelming majority of police officers are good, and honest, and

courageous, and fair, and love the communities they serve.

And we knew there were some bad apples, and that even the

good cops with the best of intentions—including, by the way,

African American police officers—might have unconscious

biases, as we all do. So we engaged and we listened, and we

kept working until we built consensus. And because we took

the time to listen, we crafted legislation that was good for the

police—because it improved the trust and cooperation of the

community—and it was good for the communities, who were

less likely to be treated unfairly. And I can say this unequivo-

cally: Without at least the acceptance of the police organiza-

tions in Illinois, I could never have gotten those bills passed.

Very simple. They would have blocked them.

The point is, you need allies in a democracy. That’s just the

way it is. It can be frustrating and it can be slow. But history

teaches us that the alternative to democracy is always worse.

That’s not just true in this country. It’s not a black or white

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B A R A C k O B A m A

thing. Go to any country where the give and take of democ-

racy has been repealed by one-party rule, and I will show you

a country that does not work.

And democracy requires compromise, even when you are

100 percent right. This is hard to explain sometimes. You can

be completely right, and you still are going to have to engage

folks who disagree with you. If you think that the only way for-

ward is to be as uncompromising as possible, you will feel good

about yourself, you will enjoy a certain moral purity, but you’re

not going to get what you want. And if you don’t get what

you want long enough, you will eventually think the whole

system is rigged. And that will lead to more cynicism, and less

participation, and a downward spiral of more injustice and more

anger and more despair. And that’s never been the source of

our progress. That’s how we cheat ourselves of progress.

We remember Dr. King’s soaring oratory, the power of his 40

letter from a Birmingham jail, the marches he led. But he also

sat down with President Johnson in the Oval Office to try and

get a Civil Rights Act and a Voting Rights Act passed. And

those two seminal bills were not perfect—just like the Eman-

cipation Proclamation was a war document as much as it was

some clarion call for freedom. Those mileposts of our progress

were not perfect. They did not make up for centuries of slavery

or Jim Crow or eliminate racism or provide for 40 acres and a

mule. But they made things better. And you know what, I will

take better every time. I always tell my staff—better is good,

because you consolidate your gains and then you move on to

the next fight from a stronger position.

Brittany Packnett, a member of the Black Lives Matter

movement and Campaign Zero, one of the Ferguson protest

organizers, she joined our Task Force on 21st Century Policing.

Some of her fellow activists questioned whether she should

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Howard University Commencement Speech

participate. She rolled up her sleeves and sat at the same table

with big city police chiefs and prosecutors. And because she

did, she ended up shaping many of the recommendations of that

task force. And those recommendations are now being adopted

across the country—changes that many of the protesters called

for. If young activists like Brittany had refused to participate

out of some sense of ideological purity, then those great ideas

would have just remained ideas. But she did participate. And

that’s how change happens.

America is big and it is boisterous and it is more diverse

than ever. The president told me that we’ve got a signifi-

cant Nepalese contingent here at Howard. I would not have

guessed that. Right on. But it just tells you how intercon-

nected we’re becoming. And with so many folks from so many

places, converging, we are not always going to agree with

each other.

Another Howard alum, Zora Neale Hurston, once said—this

is a good quote here: “Nothing that God ever made is the same

thing to more than one person.” Think about that. That’s why

our democracy gives us a process designed for us to settle our

disputes with argument and ideas and votes instead of violence

and simple majority rule.

So don’t try to shut folks out, don’t try to shut them down, no

matter how much you might disagree with them. There’s been

a trend around the country of trying to get colleges to disinvite

speakers with a different point of view, or disrupt a politician’s

rally. Don’t do that—no matter how ridiculous or offensive you

might find the things that come out of their mouths. Because

as my grandmother used to tell me, every time a fool speaks,

they are just advertising their own ignorance. Let them talk.

Let them talk. If you don’t, you just make them a victim, and

then they can avoid accountability.

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B A R A C k O B A m A

That doesn’t mean you shouldn’t challenge them. Have the 45

confidence to challenge them, the confidence in the rightness

of your position. There will be times when you shouldn’t com-

promise your core values, your integrity, and you will have the

responsibility to speak up in the face of injustice. But listen.

Engage. If the other side has a point, learn from them. If they’re

wrong, rebut them. Teach them. Beat them on the battlefield

of ideas. And you might as well start practicing now, because

one thing I can guarantee you—you will have to deal with

ignorance, hatred, racism, foolishness, trifling folks. (Laughter.)

I promise you, you will have to deal with all that at every stage

of your life. That may not seem fair, but life has never been

completely fair. Nobody promised you a crystal stair. And if

you want to make life fair, then you’ve got to start with the

world as it is.

So that’s my advice. That’s how you change things. Change

isn’t something that happens every four years or eight years;

change is not placing your faith in any particular politician and

then just putting your feet up and saying, okay, go. Change is the

effort of committed citizens who hitch their wagons to something

bigger than themselves and fight for it every single day.

That’s what Thurgood Marshall understood—a man who

once walked this yard, graduated from Howard Law; went

home to Baltimore, started his own law practice. He and his

mentor, Charles Hamilton Houston, rolled up their sleeves and

they set out to overturn segregation. They worked through the

NAACP. Filed dozens of lawsuits, fought dozens of cases. And

after nearly 20 years of effort—20 years—Thurgood Marshall

ultimately succeeded in bringing his righteous cause before

the Supreme Court, and securing the ruling in Brown v. Board

of Education that separate could never be equal. (Applause.)

Twenty years.

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Howard University Commencement Speech

Marshall, Houston—they knew it would not be easy. They

knew it would not be quick. They knew all sorts of obstacles

would stand in their way. They knew that even if they won, that

would just be the beginning of a longer march to equality. But

they had discipline. They had persistence. They had faith—and

a sense of humor. And they made life better for all Americans.

And I know you graduates share those qualities. I know it

because I’ve learned about some of the young people graduating

here today. There’s a young woman named Ciearra Jefferson,

who’s graduating with you. And I’m just going to use her as

an example. I hope you don’t mind, Ciearra. Ciearra grew up

in Detroit and was raised by a poor single mom who worked

seven days a week in an auto plant. And for a time, her family

found themselves without a place to call home. They bounced

around between friends and family who might take them in. By

her senior year, Ciearra was up at 5:00 a.m. every day, juggling

homework, extracurricular activities, volunteering, all while

taking care of her little sister. But she knew that education

was her ticket to a better life. So she never gave up. Pushed

herself to excel. This daughter of a single mom who works on

the assembly line turned down a full scholarship to Harvard to

come to Howard. (Applause.)

And today, like many of you, Ciearra is the first in her fam- 50

ily to graduate from college. And then, she says, she’s going to

go back to her hometown, just like Thurgood Marshall did, to

make sure all the working folks she grew up with have access

to the health care they need and deserve. As she puts it, she’s

going to be a “change agent.” She’s going to reach back and

help folks like her succeed.

And people like Ciearra are why I remain optimistic about

America. (Applause.) Young people like you are why I never

give in to despair.

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B A R A C k O B A m A

Ciearra Jefferson celebrates with her classmates at Howard’s commencement

ceremony.

James Baldwin once wrote, “Not everything that is faced

can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced.”

Graduates, each of us is only here because someone else

faced down challenges for us. We are only who we are because

someone else struggled and sacrificed for us. That’s not just

Thurgood Marshall’s story, or Ciearra’s story, or my story, or

your story—that is the story of America. A story whispered

by slaves in the cotton fields, the song of marchers in Selma,

the dream of a King in the shadow of Lincoln. The prayer of

immigrants who set out for a new world. The roar of women

demanding the vote. The rallying cry of workers who built

America. And the GIs who bled overseas for our freedom.

Now it’s your turn. And the good news is, you’re ready.

And when your journey seems too hard, and when you run

into a chorus of cynics who tell you that you’re being foolish

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Howard University Commencement Speech

to keep believing or that you can’t do something, or that you

should just give up, or you should just settle—you might say

to yourself a little phrase that I’ve found handy these last eight

years: Yes, we can.

Congratulations, Class of 2016! (Applause.) Good luck! 55

God bless you. God bless the United States of America. I’m

proud of you.

Joining the Conversation

1. One purpose of this speech was to celebrate the achieve-

ments of the graduates. But at the same time, Barack Obama

is making an argument about how the graduates should think

and act as they make their way in the world. What are his

main points, and how does he support them?

2. Obama says that we’ve got plenty of work to do, but things

are better than they used to be. What evidence does he

provide to support his claim?

3. Obama addresses much of his speech to the graduates. Find

some examples of how he tries to make a connection with

this audience. What other audiences, not at the ceremony,

might he also be appealing to?

4. Obama emphasizes that we must listen to and, whenever

possible, work with those with whom we disagree, because

democracy requires compromise. How might danah boyd

(pp. 219–29) respond to this view?

5. Imagine you were in the audience that day at Howard Uni-

versity. Write a tweet summarizing something Obama said

and then responding in some way. You may need to write

two tweets.

3 1 3

SEVENTEEN

is college the best option?

H

American culture may be more divided than ever,

but not when it comes to college—or so it seems. The readings

in this chapter focus on the present state of higher education

in the United States and examine the potential benefits and

pitfalls of going to college—not only for people who were born

here or who enjoy the benefits of citizenship, but for immigrants

and refugees, too.

From a very early age, we get the message that going to col-

lege is a crucial step in life. We hear this message regularly from

our families, our schools, our communities. We see this message

constantly in the media: movies, television shows, sports broad-

casts, newspapers, magazines, and websites all show the allure

and advantages of college. Even on the highways, billboards

portray attractive, smiling, confident, intelligent-looking stu-

dents on a tree-lined campus promoting the virtues of particu-

lar colleges: strong academics, excellent career opportunities,

a friendly atmosphere, affordable tuition. Indeed, young people

in the United States grow up to see college as inevitable, and

many others living outside the country hope to have the chance

of studying at one of America’s many colleges or universities.

But not everyone sees this rosy picture. As college student

blogger Hannah Fouks recently wrote for the website Odyssey,

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I S C O L L E G E T H E B E S T O P T I O N ?

“It frustrates me to no end that instead of educating students

on all of their options, teachers make students focus on plans

to attend college. This sends the message that to be success-

ful they need to go to college, but this is not the case.” If we

look closely, we can glimpse another side to the college story:

graduates unable to find good jobs, or, in some cases, any job

at all; students with large amounts of college debt from loans

that can take years, even decades, to pay off; stories of uncaring

professors, huge classes, mazelike bureaucracies, distracted advi-

sors; students who for a variety of reasons wake up one day to

find themselves in academic trouble. As with all paths in life,

it’s possible to take a wrong turn in college. If students choose

to attend, it’s advisable for them to go in with their eyes open,

with specific reasons for pursuing a so-called higher education,

and with a plan for how best to succeed.

The chapter begins with Stephanie Owen and Isabel

Sawhill’s study showing that while college graduates on aver-

age make significantly more money in their lifetimes than high

school graduates do, there is wide variation in the return on

investment, based on such factors as college attended, major,

whether or not the student graduates, and occupation. Politi-

cal scientist Charles Murray advances the view that far too

many American students currently go on to college and would

be better off attending a vocational program or going right to

work after high school.

Other authors in the chapter argue, in different ways, that

faculty and institutions as a whole can support student success.

Former college president Sanford J. Ungar, for instance, writes

about the value of a college education steeped in the liberal arts,

as opposed to the preprofessional training that many students

now prefer. Liz Addison, drawing upon her own experiences,

articulates the often underappreciated value of a community

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Is College

the Best Option?

college education. Ben Casselman argues that mainstream news

organizations focus far too much on the tiny percentage of stu-

dents who attend elite institutions even though the major-

ity of college students attend community colleges or four-year

regional schools. Focusing on students at one such school in

rural Minnesota, Steve Kolowich writes about one university’s

attempts to become a place of tolerance and acceptance for its

Muslim students from Somalia.

Finally, two pieces argue that education can take place in set-

tings other than college and about topics other than “academic”

ones. Gerald Graff suggests that it matters less whether we read

Macbeth or a Marvel comic book, as long as we approach what

we read with a critical eye and question it in analytical, intel-

lectual ways. And Mike Rose makes the case that people in

blue-collar occupations who never attend college nonetheless

develop sophisticated knowledge of how to do their work.

As a college student yourself, you’ll find plenty to

think about in this chapter—and on its companion blog,

theysayiblog.com.

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Should Everyone Go to College?

s t e p h a n i e o w e n a n d i s a b e l s a w h i l l

H

Summary

For the past few decades, it has been widely argued that

a college degree is a prerequisite to entering the middle class

See pp. 25–27

in the United States. Study after study reminds us that

on introducing

higher education is one of the best investments we can

an ongoing

debate.

make, and President Obama has called it “an economic

imperative.” We all know that, on average, college graduates

make significantly more money over their lifetimes than those

with only a high school education. What gets less attention

Stephanie Owen and Isabel Sawhill are the authors of Should

Everyone Go to College? , a report published in 2013 by the Brook-

ings Institution, a centrist think tank in Washington, D.C. Owen

was a senior research assistant at Brookings’ Center on Children and

Families at the time of the report’s publication and is currently a PhD

student in public policy and economics at the University of Michigan.

Sawhill is a senior fellow in economic studies at Brookings and the

author of Generation Unbound: Drifting into Sex and Parenthood with-

out Marriage (2014).

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Should Everyone Go to College?

is the fact that not all college degrees or college graduates

are equal. There is enormous variation in the so-called return

to education depending on factors such as institution attended,

field of study, whether a student graduates, and post-graduation

occupation. While the average return to obtaining a college

degree is clearly positive, we emphasize that it is not universally

so. For certain schools, majors, occupations, and individuals,

college may not be a smart investment. By telling all young

people that they should go to college no matter what, we are

actually doing some of them a disservice.

The Rate of Return on Education

One way to estimate the value of education is to look at the

increase in earnings associated with an additional year of

schooling. However, correlation is not causation, and getting

at the true causal effect of education on earnings is not so

easy. The main problem is one of selection: if the smartest,

most motivated people are both more likely to go to college

and more likely to be financially successful, then the observed

difference in earnings by years of education doesn’t measure

the true effect of college.

Researchers have attempted to get around this problem of

causality by employing a number of clever techniques, includ-

ing, for example, comparing identical twins with different levels

of education. The best studies suggest that the return to an

additional year of school is around 10 percent. If we apply this

10 percent rate to the median earnings of about $30,000 for

a 25- to 34-year-old high school graduate working full time

in 2010, this implies that a year of college increases earnings

by $3,000, and four years increases them by $12,000. Notice

that this amount is less than the raw differences in earnings

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S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

between high school graduates and bachelor’s degree holders

of $15,000, but it is in the same ballpark. Similarly, the raw

difference between high school graduates and associate’s degree

holders is about $7,000, but a return of 10% would predict the

causal effect of those additional two years to be $6,000.

There are other factors to consider. The cost of college mat-

ters as well: the more someone has to pay to attend, the lower

the net benefit of attending. Furthermore, we have to factor in

the opportunity cost of college, measured as the foregone earn-

ings a student gives up when he or she leaves or delays entering

the workforce in order to attend school. Using average earn-

ings for 18- and 19-year-olds and 20- and 21-year-olds with

high school degrees (including those working part-time or not

at all), Michael Greenstone and Adam Looney of Brookings’

Hamilton Project calculate an opportunity cost of $54,000 for

a four-year degree.

In this brief, we take a rather narrow view of the value of 5

a college degree, focusing on the earnings premium. However,

there are many non-monetary benefits of schooling which are

harder to measure but no less important. Research suggests that

additional education improves overall wellbeing by affecting

things like job satisfaction, health, marriage, parenting, trust,

and social interaction. Additionally, there are social benefits

to education, such as reduced crime rates and higher political

participation. We also do not want to dismiss personal prefer-

ences, and we acknowledge that many people derive value from

their careers in ways that have nothing to do with money. While

beyond the scope of this piece, we do want to point out that

these noneconomic factors can change the cost-benefit calculus.

As noted above, the gap in annual earnings between young

high school graduates and bachelor’s degree holders working full

time is $15,000. What’s more, the earnings premium associated

3 2 0

Should Everyone Go to College?

with a college degree grows over a lifetime. Hamilton Project

research shows that 23- to 25-year-olds with bachelor’s degrees

make $12,000 more than high school graduates but by age 50,

the gap has grown to $46,500 (Figure 1). When we look at

lifetime earnings—the sum of earnings over a career—the total

premium is $570,000 for a bachelor’s degree and $170,000 for

an associate’s degree. Compared to the average up-front cost of

four years of college (tuition plus opportunity cost) of $102,000,

the Hamilton Project is not alone in arguing that investing in

college provides “a tremendous return.”

It is always possible to quibble over specific calculations,

but it is hard to deny that, on average, the benefits of a college

degree far outweigh the costs. The key phrase here is “on aver-

age.” The purpose of this brief is to highlight the reasons why,

Figure 1. Earning Trajectories

by Educational Attainment

Source: Greenstone and Looney (2011).

Note: Sample includes all civilian U.S. citizens, excluding those in school.

Annual earnings are averaged over the entire sample, including those without

work. Source: March CPS 2007–2010.

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S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

for a given individual, the benefits may not outweigh the costs.

We emphasize that a 17- or 18-year-old deciding whether and

where to go to college should carefully consider his or her own

likely path of education and career before committing a consid-

erable amount of time and money to that degree. With tuitions

rising faster than family incomes, the typical college student is

now more dependent than in the past on loans, creating serious

risks for the individual student and perhaps for the system as a

whole, should widespread defaults occur in the future. Federal

student loans now total close to $1 trillion, larger than credit

card debt or auto loans and second only to mortgage debt on

household balance sheets.

Variation in the Return to Education

It is easy to imagine hundreds of dimensions on which college

degrees and their payoffs could differ. Ideally, we’d like to be

able to look into a crystal ball and know which individual

school will give the highest net benefit for a given student

with her unique strengths, weaknesses, and interests. Of course,

we are not able to do this. What we can do is lay out several

key dimensions that seem to significantly affect the return to

a college degree. These include school type, school selectiv-

ity level, school cost and financial aid, college major, later

occupation, and perhaps most importantly, the probability of

completing a degree.

Variation by School Selectivity

Mark Schneider of the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) and

the American Institutes for Research (AIR) used longitudinal

3 2 2

Should Everyone Go to College?

data from the Baccalaureate and Beyond survey to calculate

lifetime earnings for bachelor’s earners by type of institution

attended, then compared them to the lifetime earnings of high

school graduates. The difference (after accounting for tuition

costs and discounting to a present value) is the value of a bach-

elor’s degree. For every type of school (categorized by whether

the school was a public institution or a nonprofit private insti-

tution and by its selectivity) this value is positive, but it varies

widely. People who attended the most selective private schools

have a lifetime earnings premium of over $620,000 (in 2012

dollars). For those who attended a minimally selective or open

admission private school, the premium is only a third of that.

Schneider performed a similar exercise with campus-level data

on college graduates (compiled by the online salary information

company PayScale), calculating the return on investment

(ROI) of a bachelor’s degree (Figure 2). These calculations sug-

gest that public schools tend to have higher ROIs than private

schools, and more selective schools offer higher returns than

less selective ones. Even within a school type and selectivity

category, the variation is striking. For example, the average

ROI for a competitive public school in 2010 is 9 percent, but

the highest rate within this category is 12 percent while the

lowest is 6 percent.

Another important element in estimating the ROI on a col- 10

lege education is financial aid, which can change the expected

return dramatically. For example, Vassar College is one of the

most expensive schools on the 2012 list and has a relatively

low annual ROI of 6%. But when you factor in its generous aid

packages (nearly 60% of students receive aid, and the average

amount is over $30,000), Vassar’s annual ROI increases 50%,

to a return of 9% (data available at http://www.payscale.com/

college-education-value-2012).

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S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

Figure 2. Return on Investment of a Bachelor’s

Degree by Institution Type

Source: Schneider (2010).

Note: Data uses PayScale return on investment data and Barron’s index of

school selectivity.

One of the most important takeaways from the PayScale

data is that not every bachelor’s degree is a smart investment.

After attempting to account for in-state vs. out-of-state tuition,

financial aid, graduation rates, years taken to graduate, wage

inflation, and selection, nearly two hundred schools on the

2012 list have negative ROIs. Students may want to think twice

about attending the Savannah College of Art and Design in

Georgia or Jackson State University in Mississippi. The prob-

lem is compounded if the students most likely to attend these

less selective schools come from disadvantaged families.

Variation by Field of Study and Career

Even within a school, the choices a student makes about his or

her field of study and later career can have a large impact on

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Should Everyone Go to College?

what he or she gets out of her degree. It is no coincidence that

the three schools with the highest 30-year ROIs on the 2012

PayScale list—Harvey Mudd, Caltech, and MIT—specialize in

the STEM fields: science, technology, engineering, and math.

Recent analysis by the Census Bureau also shows that the lifetime

earnings of workers with bachelor’s degrees vary widely by college

major and occupation. The highest paid major is engineering, fol-

lowed by computers and math. The lowest paid major, with barely

half the lifetime earnings of engineering majors, is education, fol-

lowed by the arts and psychology (Figure 3). The highest-earning

Figure 3. Work-Life Earnings of Bachelor’s Degree

Holders by College Major

Source: Julian (2012).

Note: Synthetic work-life earnings estimates are calculated by finding median

earnings for each 5-year age group between 25 and 64 (25–29, 30–34, etc.).

Earnings for each group is multiplied by 5 to get total earnings for that period,

then aggregated to get total lifetime earnings. This is done for high school

graduates, bachelor’s degree holders, and bachelor’s degree holders by major.

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S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

Figure 4. Work-Life Earnings of Bachelor’s Degree

Holders by Occupation

Source: Julian (2012).

Note: Synthetic work-life earnings estimates are calculated by finding median

earnings for each 5-year age group between 25 and 64 (25–29, 30–34, etc.).

Earnings for each group is multiplied by 5 to get total earnings for that period,

then aggregated to get total lifetime earnings. This is done for high school grad-

uates, bachelor’s degree holders, and bachelor’s degree holders by occupation.

occupation category is architecture and engineering, with comput-

ers, math, and management in second place. The lowest-earning

occupation for college graduates is service (Figure 4). According

to Census’s calculations, the lifetime earnings of an education or

arts major working in the service sector are actually lower than

the average lifetime earnings of a high school graduate.

When we dig even deeper, we see that just as not all col-

lege degrees are equal, neither are all high school diplomas.

3 2 6

Should Everyone Go to College?

Anthony Carnevale and his colleagues at the Georgetown

Center on Education and the Workforce use similar method-

ology to the Census calculations but disaggregate even further,

estimating median lifetime earnings for all education levels by

occupation. They find that 14 percent of people with a high

school diploma make at least as much as those with a bachelor’s

degree, and 17 percent of people with a bachelor’s degree make

more than those with a professional degree. The authors argue

that much of this finding is explained by occupation. In every

occupation category, more educated workers earn more.

But, for example, someone working in a STEM job with only

a high school diploma can expect to make more over a lifetime

than someone with a bachelor’s degree working in education,

community service and arts, sales and office work, health sup-

port, blue collar jobs, or personal services.

The numbers above are for full-time workers in a given field. 15

In fact, choice of major can also affect whether a college graduate

can find a job at all. Another recent report from the Georgetown

Center on Education and the Workforce breaks down unemploy-

ment rates by major for both recent (age 22–26) and experienced

(age 30–54) college graduates in 2009–2010. People who majored

in education or health have very low unemployment—even

though education is one of the lowest-paying majors. Architecture

graduates have particularly high unemployment, which may simply

reflect the decline of the construction industry during the Great

Recession. Arts majors don’t fare too well, either. The expected

earnings (median full-time earnings times the probability of being

employed) of a young college graduate with a theater degree are

about $6,000 more than the expected earnings of a young high

school graduate. For a young person with a mechanical engineering

degree, the expected earnings of the college graduate is a staggering

$35,000 more than that of a typical high school graduate.

3 2 7

S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

Variation in Graduation Rates

Comparisons of the return to college by highest degree attained

include only people who actually complete college. Students

who fail to obtain a degree incur some or all of the costs of a

bachelor’s degree without the ultimate payoff. This has major

implications for inequalities of income and wealth, as the stu-

dents least likely to graduate—lower-income students—are also

the most likely to take on debt to finance their education.

Fewer than 60 percent of students who enter four-year

schools finish within six years, and for low-income students

it’s even worse. Again, the variation in this measure is huge.

Just within Washington, D.C., for example, six-year graduation

rates range from a near-universal 93 percent at Georgetown

University to a dismal 19 percent at the University of D.C. Of

course, these are very different institutions, and we might expect

high-achieving students at an elite school like Georgetown to

have higher completion rates than at a less competitive school

like UDC. In fact, Frederick Hess and his colleagues at AEI

have documented that the relationship between selectivity and

completion is positive, echoing other work that suggests that

students are more likely to succeed in and graduate from col-

lege when they attend more selective schools (Figure 5). At the

most selective schools, 88 percent of students graduate within

six years; at non-competitive schools, only 35 percent do. Fur-

thermore, the range of completion rates is negatively correlated

with school ranking, meaning the least selective schools have

the widest range. For example, one non-competitive school,

Arkansas Baptist College, graduates 100 percent of its students,

while only 8 percent of students at Southern University at

New Orleans finish. Not every student can get into Harvard,

where the likelihood of graduating is 97 percent, but students

3 2 8

Should Everyone Go to College?

Figure 5. Average Six-Year Graduation Rates

by School Selectivity

Source: Hess et al. (2009).

can choose to attend a school with a better track record within

their ability level.

Unfortunately, recent evidence by Caroline Hoxby of

Stanford and Christopher Avery of Harvard shows that most

high-achieving low-income students never even apply to the

selective schools that they are qualified to attend—and at

which they would be eligible for generous financial aid. There

is clearly room for policies that do a better job of matching

students to schools.

Policy Implications

All of this suggests that it is a mistake to unilaterally tell

young Americans that going to college—any college—is the

best decision they can make. If they choose wisely and attend

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S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

a school with generous financial aid and high expected earn-

ings, and if they don’t just enroll but graduate, they can greatly

improve their lifetime prospects. The information needed to

make a wise decision, however, can be difficult to find and

hard to interpret.

One solution is simply to make the type of information dis- 20

cussed above more readily available. A study by Andrew Kelly

and Mark Schneider of AEI found that when parents were asked

to choose between two similar public universities in their state,

giving them information on the schools’ graduation rates caused

them to prefer the higher-performing school.

The PayScale college rankings are a step in the right direc-

tion, giving potential students and their parents information

with which to make better decisions. Similarly, the Obama

Administration’s new College Scorecard is being developed to

increase transparency in the college application process. As

it operates now, a prospective student can type in a college’s

name and learn its average net price, graduation rate, loan

default rate, and median borrowed amount. The Department

of Education is working to add information about the earnings

of a given school’s graduates. There is also a multi-dimensional

search feature that allows users to find schools by location, size,

and degrees and majors offered. The Student Right to Know

Before You Go Act, sponsored by Senators Ron Wyden (D-OR)

and Marco Rubio (R-FL), also aims to expand the data avail-

able on the costs and benefits of individual schools, as well as

programs and majors within schools.

The College Scorecard is an admirable effort to help students

and parents navigate the complicated process of choosing a

college. However, it may not go far enough in improving trans-

parency and helping students make the best possible decisions.

A recent report by the Center for American Progress (CAP)

3 3 0

Should Everyone Go to College?

showed a draft of the Scorecard to a focus group of college-

bound high school students and found, among other things,

that they are frequently confused about the term “net price”

and give little weight to six-year graduation rates because they

expect to graduate in four. It appears that the White House

has responded to some of these critiques, for example showing

median amount borrowed and default rates rather than the

confusing “student loan repayment.” Nevertheless, more infor-

mation for students and their parents is needed.

There is also room for improvement in the financial aid

system, which can seem overwhelmingly complex for families

not familiar with the process. Studies have shown that stu-

dents frequently underestimate how much aid they are eligible

for, and don’t claim the tax incentives that would save them

money. Since 2009, the Administration has worked to simplify

the FAFSA, the form that families must fill out to receive fed-

eral aid—but more could be done to guide low-income families

through the process.

In the longer run, colleges need to do more to ensure that

their students graduate, particularly the lower-income students

who struggle most with persistence and completion. Research

suggests that grants and loans increase enrollment but that aid

must be tied to performance in order to affect persistence. Cur-

rently, we spend over $100 billion on Pell Grants and federal

loans, despite a complete lack of evidence that this money

leads to higher graduation rates. Good research on programs

like Georgia’s HOPE scholarships or West Virginia’s PROM-

ISE scholarships suggest that attaching strings to grant aid can

improve college persistence and completion.

Finally, we want to emphasize that the personal character- 25

istics and skills of each individual are equally important. It

may be that for a student with poor grades who is on the fence

3 3 1

S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

about enrolling in a four-year program, the most bang for the

buck will come from a vocationally oriented associate’s degree

or career-specific technical training. Indeed, there are many

well-paid job openings going unfilled because employers can’t

find workers with the right skills—skills that young potential

workers could learn from training programs, apprenticeships,

a vocational certificate, or an associate’s degree. Policymak-

ers should encourage these alternatives at the high school as

well as the postsecondary level, with a focus on high-demand

occupations and high-growth sectors. There has long been

resistance to vocational education in American high schools,

for fear that “tracking” students reinforces socioeconomic (and

racial) stratification and impedes mobility. But if the default

for many lower-achieving students was a career-focused training

path rather than a path that involves dropping out of tradi-

tional college, their job prospects would probably improve. For

example, Career Academies are high schools organized around

an occupational or industry focus, and have partnerships with

local employers and colleges. They have been shown by gold

standard research to increase men’s wages, hours worked, and

employment stability after high school, particularly for those

at high risk of dropping out.

Conclusions

In this brief, we have corralled existing research to make the

point that while on average the return to college is highly

positive, there is a considerable spread in the value of going to

college. A bachelor’s degree is not a smart investment for every

student in every circumstance. We have outlined three impor-

tant steps policymakers can take to make sure every person

does make a smart investment in their choice of postsecondary

3 3 2

Should Everyone Go to College?

education. First, we must provide more information in a com-

prehensible manner. Second, the federal government should

lead the way on performance-based scholarships to incentivize

college attendance and persistence. Finally, there should be

more good alternatives to a traditional academic path, includ-

ing career and technical education and apprenticeships.

Additional Reading

Anthony P. Carnevale, Ban Cheah, and Jeff Strohl, “Hard Times: College

Majors, Unemployment, and Earnings: Not All College Degrees Are

Created Equal” (Washington, D.C.: The Georgetown University Center

on Education and the Workforce, January 2012).

Anthony P. Carnevale, Stephen J. Rose, and Ban Cheah, “The College

Payoff: Education, Occupations, Lifetime Earnings ” (Washington, D.C.:

The Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce,

August 2011).

Michael Greenstone and Adam Looney, “Where Is the Best Place to Invest

$102,000—In Stocks, Bonds, or a College Degree?” (Washington, D.C.:

The Brookings Institution, June 2011).

Frederick M. Hess, Mark Schneider, Kevin Carey, and Andrew P. Kelly,

“Diplomas and Dropouts: Which Colleges Actually Graduate Their

Students (and Which Don’t)” (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise

Institute for Public Policy Research, June 2009).

Harry J. Holzer and Robert I. Lerman, “The Future of Middle-Skill Jobs,”

(Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, February 2009).

Caroline M. Hoxby and Christopher Avery, “The Missing ‘One-Offs’: The

Hidden Supply of High-Achieving, Low Income Students” (Cambridge,

MA, Working Paper, National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012).

Tiffany Julian, “Work-Life Earnings by Field of Degree and Occupation for

People With a Bachelor’s Degree: 2011” (Washington, D.C.: U.S.

Census Bureau, October 2012).

Andrew P. Kelly and Mark Schneider, “Filling In the Blanks: How Information

Can Affect Choice in Higher Education” (Washington, D.C.: American

Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, January 2011).

3 3 3

S T E P H a N I E O w E N a N d I S a B E L S a w H I L L

Julie Margetta Morgan and Gadi Dechter, “Improving the College

Scorecard: Using Student Feedback to Create an Effective Disclosure”

(Washington, D.C.: Center for American Progress, November 2012).

Mark Schneider, “How Much Is That Bachelor’s Degree Really Worth?

The Million Dollar Misunderstanding” (Washington, D.C.: American

Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, May 2009).

Mark Schneider, “Is College Worth the Investment?” (Washington, D.C.:

American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, October

2010).

Joining the Conversation

1. Stephanie Owen and Isabel Sawhill announce the “they

say” in their second sentence—“Study after study reminds

us that higher education is one of the best investments we

can make”—and then proceed to report on how the return

on that investment varies. What factors do they say make

college a questionable investment?

2. This report draws upon quite a bit of quantitative data on

the economic effects of graduating from college. Look care-

fully at one of the graphs that Owen and Sawhill provide,

and explain in your own words what the data say.

3. Owen and Sawhill’s analysis seems to favor baccalaure-

ate degree programs as conferring the greatest advantages

upon students. How might essayist Liz Addison, whose essay

appears on pages 265–68, respond to their argument?

4.

In the essay’s concluding paragraphs, the authors note

information that students and parents should know before

choosing a college. What information do they consider most

important? What did you know and what did you not know

about colleges you were considering as you were deciding

3 3 4

Should Everyone Go to College?

which school to attend? How might additional knowledge

have helped you make a more informed choice?

5. According to Owen and Sawhill, “For certain schools,

majors, occupations, and individuals, college may not be a

smart investment.” Taking this statement as a “they say,”

write a short essay responding with what you think. Dis-

cuss your own reasons for attending college, and refer to

the authors’ argument and data about the pros and cons of

attending college.

3 3 5

The New Liberal Arts

s a n f o r d j . u n g a r

H

Hard economic times inevitably bring scrutiny of all

accepted ideals and institutions, and this time around liberal-arts

education has been especially hard hit. Something that has long

been held up as a uniquely sensible and effective approach to

learning has come under the critical gaze of policy makers and

the news media, not to mention budget-conscious families.

But the critique, unfortunately, seems to be fueled by reli-

ance on common misperceptions. Here are a few of those

misperceptions, from my vantage point as a liberal-arts college

president, and my reactions to them:

Sanford J. Ungar was the president of Goucher College in

Baltimore, Maryland, from 2001 to 2014. He is the author of Fresh

Blood: The New American Immigrants (1998) and Africa: The People

and Politics of an Emerging Continent (1986). Ungar has also worked in

broadcast journalism both at National Public Radio and at the Voice

of America, the U.S. government–funded broadcast network for a

global audience. His extensive print journalism work includes articles

in Newsweek, the Economist, and the Washington Post. This article first

appeared in The Chronicle of Higher Education, a publication read by

college faculty and administrators, on March 5, 2010.

3 3 6

The New Liberal Arts

Misperception No. 1: A liberal-arts degree is a luxury that most

families can no longer afford. “Career education” is what we

now must focus on. Many families are indeed struggling, in the

depths of the recession, to pay for their children’s college edu-

cation. Yet one could argue that the traditional, well-rounded

preparation that the liberal arts offer is a better investment than

ever—that the future demands of citizenship will require not

narrow technical or job-focused training, but rather a subtle

understanding of the complex influences that shape the world

we live in.

No one could be against equipping oneself for a career. But

the “career education” bandwagon seems to suggest that short-

cuts are available to students that lead directly to high-paying

jobs—leaving out “frills” like learning how to write and speak

well, how to understand the nuances of literary texts and sci-

entific concepts, how to collaborate with others on research.

Many states and localities have officials or task forces in 5

charge of “work-force development,” implying that business and

industry will communicate their needs and educational institu-

tions will dutifully turn out students who can head straight to

the factory floor or the office cubicle to fulfill them. But history

is filled with examples of failed social experiments that treated

people as work units rather than individuals capable of inspi-

ration and ingenuity. It is far wiser for students to prepare for

change—and the multiple careers they are likely to have—than

to search for a single job track that might one day become a

dead end.

I recently heard Geoffrey Garin, president of Hart Research

Associates, suggest that the responsibility of higher education

today is to prepare people “for jobs that do not yet exist.” It

may be that studying the liberal arts is actually the best form

of career education.

3 3 7

S a N f O r d j . u N G a r

Misperception No. 2: College graduates are finding it harder

to get good jobs with liberal-arts degrees. Who wants to hire

somebody with an irrelevant major like philosophy or French?

Yes, recent graduates have had difficulty in the job market, but

See Chapter 4

the recession has not differentiated among major fields

for tips on

explaining why

of study in its impact. A 2009 survey for the Association

you disagree.

of American Colleges and Universities actually found

that more than three-quarters of our nation’s employers recom-

mend that collegebound students pursue a “liberal education.”

An astounding 89 percent said they were looking for more

emphasis on “the ability to effectively communicate orally and

in writing,” and almost as many urged the development of bet-

ter “critical thinking and analytical reasoning skills.” Seventy

percent said they were on the lookout for “the ability to inno-

vate and be creative.”

It is no surprise, then, that a growing number of corpora-

tions, including some in highly technical fields, are headed

by people with liberal-arts degrees. Plenty of philosophy and

physics majors work on Wall Street, and the ability to analyze

and compare literature across cultures is a skill linked to many

other fields, including law and medicine. Knowledge of foreign

languages is an advantage in all lines of work. What seemed

a radical idea in business education 10 years or so ago—that

critical and creative thinking is as “relevant” as finance or

accounting—is now commonplace.

Misperception No. 3: The liberal arts are particularly irrelevant

for low-income and first-generation college students. They,

more than their more-affluent peers, must focus on something

more practical and marketable. It is condescending to imply

that those who have less cannot understand and appreciate

the finer elements of knowledge—another way of saying, really,

3 3 8

The New Liberal Arts

that the rich folks will do the important thinking, and the lower

classes will simply carry out their ideas. That is just a form of

prejudice and cannot be supported intellectually.

Perhaps students who come with prior acquaintance with 10

certain fields and a reservoir of experience have an advantage at

the start of college. But in my experience, it is often the people

who are newest to certain ideas and approaches who are the

most original and inventive in the discussion and application

of those ideas. They catch up quickly.

We should respect what everyone brings to the table and

train the broadest possible cross section of American society

to participate in, and help shape, civil discourse. We cannot

assign different socioeconomic groups to different levels or types

of education. This is a country where a mixed-race child raised

overseas by a struggling single mother who confronts impos-

sible odds can grow up to be president. It is precisely a liberal

education that allowed him to catch up and move ahead.

Misperception No. 4: One should not, in this day and age,

study only the arts. The STEM fields—science, technology,

engineering, and mathematics—are where the action is. The

liberal arts encompass the broadest possible range of disci-

plines in the natural sciences, the humanities, and the social

sciences. In fact, the historical basis of a liberal education is in

the classical artes liberales, comprising the trivium (grammar,

logic, and rhetoric) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry,

astronomy, and music). Another term sometimes substituted for

liberal arts, for the sake of clarity, is “the arts and sciences.”

Thus, many universities have colleges, divisions, or schools of

arts and sciences among their academic units.

To be sure, there is much concern about whether America

is keeping up with China and other rising economies in the

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S a N f O r d j . u N G a r

STEM disciplines. No evidence suggests, however, that success

in scientific and technical fields will be greater if it comes at the

expense of a broad background in other areas of the liberal arts.

Misperception No. 5: It’s the liberal Democrats who got this

country into trouble in recent years, so it’s ridiculous to con-

tinue indoctrinating our young people with a liberal education.

A liberal education, as properly defined above, has nothing

whatsoever to do with politics—except insofar as politics is

one of the fields that students often pursue under its rubric.

On the contrary, because of its inclusiveness and its respect for

classical traditions, the liberal arts could properly be described

as a conservative approach to preparation for life. It promotes

the idea of listening to all points of view and not relying on

a single ideology, and examining all approaches to solving

a problem rather than assuming that one technique or per-

spective has all the answers. That calm and balanced sort of

dialogue may be out of fashion in the American public arena

today, when shouting matches are in vogue and many people

seek information only from sources they know in advance they

agree with. But it may be only liberal education that can help

lead the way back to comity and respectful conversation about

issues before us.

Misperception No. 6: America is the only country in the 15

world that clings to such an old-fashioned form of postsecond-

ary education as the liberal arts. Other countries, with more

practical orientations, are running way ahead of us. It is often

difficult to explain the advantages of a liberal-arts education

to people from other cultures, where it is common to special-

ize early. In many places, including Europe, the study of law

or medicine often begins directly after high school, without

3 4 0

The New Liberal Arts

any requirement to complete an undergraduate degree first.

We should recognize, however, that a secondary education in

some systems—say, those that follow the model of the German

Gymnasium—often includes much that is left out of the typi-

cal high-school curriculum in America. One need only look

in on a student preparing for the baccalaureat examination in

France to understand the distinction: Mastery of philosophical

and scientific concepts is mandatory.

Further, in recent years delegations from China have been

visiting the United States and asking pointed questions about

the liberal arts, seemingly because they feel there may be good

reason to try that approach to education. The Chinese may be

coming around to the view that a primary focus on technical

training is not serving them adequately—that if they aspire to

world leadership, they will have to provide young people with

a broader perspective. Thus, it is hardly a propitious moment to

toss out, or downgrade, one element of higher education that

has served us so well.

Misconception No. 7: The cost of American higher education

is spiraling out of control, and liberal-arts colleges are becoming

irrelevant because they are unable to register gains in productiv-

ity or to find innovative ways of doing things. There is plenty

wrong with American higher education, including the runaway

costs. But the problem of costs goes beyond individual institutions.

Government at all levels has come nowhere close to supporting

colleges in ways that allow them to provide the kind of access and

affordability that’s needed. The best way to understand genuine

national priorities is to follow the money, and by that standard,

education is really not all that important to this country.

Many means exist to obtain a liberal education, including

at some large universities, public and private. The method

3 4 1

S a N f O r d j . u N G a r

I happen to advocate, for obvious reasons, is the small, resi-

dential liberal-arts college, usually independent, where there

is close interaction between faculty members and students

and, at its best, a sense of community emerges that prepares

young people to develop high standards for themselves and

others.

Efficiency is hardly the leading quality of liberal-arts col-

leges, and indeed, their financial model is increasingly com-

ing into question. But because of their commitment to expand

need-based financial aid, the net cost of attending a small

liberal-arts college can be lower than that of a large public

university. One can only hope that each institution will find

ways to cut costs and develop distinguishing characteristics that

help it survive through the tough times ahead.

20

The debate over liberal education will surely continue

through the recession and beyond, but it would be helpful to put

these misperceptions aside. Financial issues cannot be ignored,

but neither can certain eternal verities: Through immersion

in liberal arts, students learn not just to make a living, but

also to live a life rich in values and character. They come

to terms with complexity and diversity, and otherwise devise

means to solve problems—rather than just complaining about

them. They develop patterns that help them understand how

to keep learning for the rest of their days.

3 4 2

The New Liberal Arts

Joining the Conversation

1. Summarize in a few sentences the seven misperceptions that

Sanford Ungar discusses. These of course are all things that

“they say”—and that he uses to launch what he wants to

say. How does calling them “misperceptions” affect the way

you read his argument? Would you read it any differently if

he instead called them “common assumptions”?

2. See paragraph 6, where Geoffrey Garin suggests that “the

responsibility of higher education today is to prepare people

‘for jobs that do not yet exist.’ ” Thus, according to Ungar,

“It may be that studying the liberal arts is actually the best

form of career education.” How would you respond to this

claim?

3. Misperception 5 relates liberal education to political affilia-

tion. What does Ungar have to say on this issue, and what

do you think about his response?

4. On what specific points do you think Ungar would agree

with Charles Murray (pp. 344–64)? On what points would

he be likely to disagree?

5. Write your own essay listing and explaining five assumptions

about college education. Follow Ungar’s essay as a model,

and use the “they say / I say” pattern to organize your essay,

with each assumption as a “they say” that sets up what you

want to say.

3 4 3

Are Too Many People Going to College?

c h a r l e s m u r r a y

H

To ask whether too many people are going to college requires

us to think about the importance and nature of a liberal edu-

cation. “Universities are not intended to teach the knowledge

required to fit men for some special mode of gaining their

livelihood,” John Stuart Mill told students at the University

of St. Andrews in 1867. “Their object is not to make skillful

lawyers, or physicians, or engineers, but capable and cultivated

human beings.” If this is true (and I agree that it is), why say that

too many people are going to college? Surely a mass democracy

should encourage as many people as possible to become “capable

and cultivated human beings” in Mill’s sense. We should not

restrict the availability of a liberal education to a rarefied intel-

lectual elite. More people should be going to college, not fewer.

Charles Murray is the W. H. Brady Scholar at the American

Enterprise Institute, a “public policy think tank dedicated to defending

human dignity, expanding human potential, and building a freer and

safer world.” He is the author, most recently, of By the People: Rebuilding

Liberty without Permission (2015). This essay, adapted from his book

Real Education: Four Simple Truths for Bringing America’s Schools Back to

Reality (2008) first appeared on September 8, 2008, in The American,

the journal of the American Enterprise Institute.

3 4 4

Are Too Many People Going to College?

Yes and no. More people should be getting the basics of a

liberal education. But for most students, the places to provide

those basics are elementary and middle school. E. D. Hirsch Jr.

is the indispensable thinker on this topic, beginning with his

1987 book Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs See Chapter 4

to Know. Part of his argument involves the importance for ways to

agree, but with

of a body of core knowledge in fostering reading speed a difference.

and comprehension. With regard to a liberal education, Hirsch

makes three points that are germane here:

Full participation in any culture requires familiarity with a

body of core knowledge. To live in the United States and not

recognize Teddy Roosevelt, Prohibition, the Minutemen, Wall

Street, smoke-filled rooms, or Gettysburg is like trying to read

without knowing some of the ten thousand most commonly

used words in the language. It signifies a degree of cultural

illiteracy about America. But the core knowledge transcends

one’s own country. Not to recognize Falstaff, Apollo, the Sistine

Chapel, the Inquisition, the twenty-third Psalm, or Mozart sig-

nifies cultural illiteracy about the West. Not to recognize the

solar system, the Big Bang, natural selection, relativity, or the

periodic table is to be scientifically illiterate. Not to recognize

the Mediterranean, Vienna, the Yangtze River, Mount Everest,

or Mecca is to be geographically illiterate.

This core knowledge is an important part of the glue that

holds the culture together. All American children, of whatever

ethnic heritage, and whether their families came here 300 years

ago or three months ago, need to learn about the Pilgrims,

Valley Forge, Duke Ellington, Apollo 11, Susan B. Anthony,

George C. Marshall, and the Freedom Riders. All students need

to learn the iconic stories. For a society of immigrants such as

3 4 5

C H a r L E S m u r r a y

ours, the core knowledge is our shared identity that makes us

Americans together rather than hyphenated Americans.

K–8 are the right years to teach the core knowledge, and the 5

effort should get off to a running start in elementary school.

Starting early is partly a matter of necessity: There’s a lot to

learn, and it takes time. But another reason is that small children

enjoy learning myths and fables, showing off names and dates

they have memorized, and hearing about great historical figures

and exciting deeds. The educational establishment sees this kind

of curriculum as one that forces children to memorize boring

facts. That conventional wisdom is wrong on every count. The

facts can be fascinating (if taught right); a lot more than memo-

rization is entailed; yet memorizing things is an indispensable

part of education, too; and memorizing is something that chil-

dren do much, much better than adults. The core knowledge

is suited to ways that young children naturally learn and enjoy

learning. Not all children will be able to do the reading with

the same level of comprehension, but the fact-based nature of

the core knowledge actually works to the benefit of low-ability

students—remembering facts is much easier than making infer-

ences and deductions. The core knowledge curriculum lends

itself to adaptation for students across a wide range of academic

ability.

In the 20 years since Cultural Literacy was published, Hirsch and

his colleagues have developed and refined his original formula-

tion into an inventory of more than 6,000 items that approxi-

mate the core knowledge broadly shared by literate Americans.

Hirsch’s Core Knowledge Foundation has also developed a

detailed, grade-by-grade curriculum for K–8, complete with

lists of books and other teaching materials.

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

The Core Knowledge approach need not stop with eighth

grade. High school is a good place for survey courses in the

humanities, social sciences, and sciences taught at a level below

the demands of a college course and accessible to most students

in the upper two-thirds of the distribution of academic ability.

Some students will not want to take these courses, and it can

be counterproductive to require them to do so, but high school

can put considerable flesh on the liberal education skeleton for

students who are still interested.

Liberal Education in College

Saying “too many people are going to college” is not the same

as saying that the average student does not need to know about

history, science, and great works of art, music, and literature.

They do need to know—and to know more than they are cur-

rently learning. So let’s teach it to them, but let’s not wait for

college to do it.

Liberal education in college means taking on the tough

stuff. A high-school graduate who has acquired Hirsch’s core

knowledge will know, for example, that John Stuart Mill was

an important 19th-century English philosopher who was associ-

ated with something called Utilitarianism and wrote a famous

book called On Liberty. But learning philosophy in college,

which is an essential component of a liberal education, means

that the student has to be able to read and understand the

actual text of On Liberty. That brings us to the limits set by

the nature of college-level material. Here is the first sentence

of On Liberty: “The subject of this essay is not the so-called

liberty of the will, so unfortunately opposed to the misnamed

doctrine of philosophical necessity; but civil, or social liberty:

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

the nature and limits of the power which can be legitimately

exercised by society over the individual.” I will not burden you

with On Liberty’s last sentence. It is 126 words long. And Mill is

one of the more accessible philosophers, and On Liberty is one

of Mill’s more accessible works. It would be nice if everyone

could acquire a fully formed liberal education, but they cannot.

Specifically: When College Board researchers defined “col- 10

lege readiness” as the SAT score that is associated with a

65 percent chance of getting at least a 2.7 grade point average

in college during the freshman year, and then applied those

criteria (hardly demanding in an era of soft courses and grade

inflation) to the freshmen in a sample of 41 major colleges and

universities, the threshold “college readiness” score was found

to be 1180 on the combined SAT math and verbal tests. It is

a score that only about 10 percent of American 18-year-olds

would achieve if they all took the SAT, in an age when more

than 30 percent of 18-year-olds go to college.

Should all of those who do have the academic ability to absorb

a college-level liberal education get one? It depends. Suppose

we have before us a young woman who is in the 98th percentile

of academic ability and wants to become a lawyer and eventu-

ally run for political office. To me, it seems essential that she

spend her undergraduate years getting a rigorous liberal educa-

tion. Apart from a liberal education’s value to her, the nation

will benefit. Everything she does as an attorney or as an elected

official should be informed by the kind of wisdom that a rigorous

liberal education can encourage. It is appropriate to push her

into that kind of undergraduate program.

But the only reason we can get away with pushing her is

that the odds are high that she will enjoy it. The odds are high

because she is good at this sort of thing—it’s no problem for her

to read On Liberty or Paradise Lost. It’s no problem for her to

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

come up with an interesting perspective on what she’s read and

weave it into a term paper. And because she’s good at it, she is

also likely to enjoy it. It is one of Aristotle’s central themes in

his discussion of human happiness, a theme that John Rawls later

distilled into what he called the Aristotelian Principle: “Other

things equal, human beings enjoy the exercise of the irrealized

capacities (their innate or trained abilities), and this enjoyment

increases the more the capacity is realized, or the greater its

complexity.” And so it comes to pass that those who take the

hardest majors and who enroll in courses that look most like an

old fashioned liberal education are concentrated among the stu-

dents in the top percentiles of academic ability. Getting a liberal

education consists of dealing with complex intellectual material

day after day, and dealing with complex intellectual material is

what students in the top few percentiles are really good at, in the

same way that other people are really good at cooking or making

pottery. For these students, doing it well is fun.

Every percentile down the ability ladder—and this applies

to all abilities, not just academic—the probability that a person

will enjoy the hardest aspects of an activity goes down as well.

Students at the 80th percentile of academic ability are still

smart kids, but the odds that they will respond to a course that

assigns Mill or Milton are considerably lower than the odds

that a student in the top few percentiles will respond. Virtue

has nothing to do with it. Maturity has nothing to do with it.

Appreciation of the value of a liberal education has nothing

to do with it. The probability that a student will enjoy Paradise

Lost goes down as his linguistic ability goes down, but so does

the probability that he works on double acrostic puzzles in his

spare time or regularly plays online Scrabble, and for the identi-

cal reason. The lower down the linguistic ladder he is, the less

fun such activities are.

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

And so we return to the question: Should all of those who

have the academic ability to absorb a college-level liberal edu-

cation get one? If our young woman is at the 80th percentile

of linguistic ability, should she be pushed to do so? She has

enough intellectual capacity, if she puts her mind to it and

works exceptionally hard.

The answer is no. If she wants to, fine. But she probably 15

won’t, and there’s no way to force her. Try to force her (for

example, by setting up a demanding core curriculum), and she

will transfer to another school, because she is in college for

vocational training. She wants to write computer code. Start

a business. Get a job in television. She uses college to take

vocational courses that pertain to her career interests. A large

proportion of people who are theoretically able to absorb a

liberal education have no interest in doing so.

And reasonably so. Seen dispassionately, getting a tradi-

tional liberal education over four years is an odd way to enjoy

spending one’s time. Not many people enjoy reading for hour

after hour, day after day, no matter what the material may be.

To enjoy reading On Liberty and its ilk—and if you’re going

to absorb such material, you must in some sense enjoy the

process—is downright peculiar. To be willing to spend many

more hours writing papers and answers to exam questions about

that material approaches masochism.

We should look at the kind of work that goes into acquiring

a liberal education at the college level in the same way that

we look at the grueling apprenticeship that goes into becom-

ing a master chef: something that understandably attracts only

a few people. Most students at today’s colleges choose not to

take the courses that go into a liberal education because the

capabilities they want to develop lie elsewhere. These students

are not lazy, any more than students who don’t want to spend

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

hours learning how to chop carrots into a perfect eighth-inch

dice are lazy. A liberal education just doesn’t make sense for

them.

For Learning How to Make a Living,

the Four-Year Brick-and-Mortar Residential College

Is Increasingly Obsolete

We now go from one extreme to the other, from the ideal

of liberal education to the utilitarian process of acquiring

the knowledge that most students go to college to acquire—

practical and vocational. The question here is not whether

the traditional four-year residential college is fun or valuable

as a place to grow up, but when it makes sense as a place

to learn how to make a living. The answer is: in a sensible

world, hardly ever.

Start with the time it takes—four years. Assuming a semes-

ter system with four courses per semester, four years of class

work means 32 semester-long courses. The occupations for

which “knowing enough” requires 32 courses are exceedingly

rare. For some professions—medicine and law are the obvious

examples—a rationale for four years of course work can be con-

cocted (combining pre-med and pre-law undergraduate courses

with three years of medical school and law school), but for every

other occupation, the body of knowledge taught in classrooms

can be learned more quickly. Even Ph.D.s don’t require four

years of course work. The Ph.D. is supposed to signify expertise,

but that expertise comes from burrowing deep in to a specialty,

not from dozens of courses.

Those are the jobs with the most stringent academic require- 20

ments. For the student who wants to become a good hotel

manager, software designer, accountant, hospital administrator,

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

farmer, high-school teacher, social worker, journalist, optome-

trist, interior designer, or football coach, four years of class work

is ridiculous. Actually becoming good in those occupations

will take longer than four years, but most of the competence

is acquired on the job. The two-year community college and

online courses offer more flexible options for tailoring course

work to the real needs of the job.

A brick-and-mortar campus is increasingly obsolete. The

physical infrastructure of the college used to make sense for

three reasons. First, a good library was essential to higher learn-

ing, and only a college faculty and student body provided the

economies of scale that made good libraries affordable. Second,

scholarship flourishes through colleagueships, and the college

campus made it possible to put scholars in physical proximity

to each other. Third, the best teaching requires interaction

between teachers and students, and physical proximity was

the only way to get it. All three rationales for the brick-and-

mortar campus are fading fast.

The rationale for a physical library is within a few years of

extinction. Even now, the Internet provides access, for a price,

to all the world’s significant technical journals. The books are

about to follow. Google is scanning the entire text of every

book in the libraries of Harvard, Princeton, Stanford, Oxford,

the New York Public Library, the Bavarian State Library,

Ghent University Library, Keio Library (Tokyo), the National

Library of Catalonia, University of Lausanne, and an expand-

ing list of others. Collectively, this project will encompass close

to the sum total of human knowledge. It will be completely

searchable. Everything out of copyright will be free. Everything

still under copyright will be accessible for a fee. Libraries will

still be a selling point for colleges, but as a place for students

to study in pleasant surroundings—an amenity in the same

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

way that an attractive student union is an amenity. Colleges

and universities will not need to exist because they provide

libraries.

The rationale for colleges based on colleagueships has

eroded. Until a few decades ago, physical proximity was impor-

tant because correspondence and phone calls just weren’t as

good. As email began to spread during the 1980s, physical prox-

imity became less important. As the capacity of the Internet

expanded in the 1990s, other mechanisms made those inter-

actions richer. Now, regular emails from professional groups

inform scholars of the latest publications in their field of inter-

est. Specialized chat groups enable scholars to bounce new ideas

off other people working on the same problems. Drafts are

exchanged effortlessly and comments attached electronically.

Whether physical proximity still has any advantages depends

mostly on the personality of the scholar. Some people like being

around other people during the workday and prefer face-to-face

conversations to emails. For those who don’t, the value of being

on a college campus instead of on a mountaintop in Montana

is nil. Their electronic access to other scholars is incompara-

bly greater than any scholar enjoyed even within the world’s

premier universities before the advent of the Internet. Like

the library, face-to-face colleagueships will be an amenity that

colleges continue to provide. But colleges and universities will

not need to exist because they provide a community of scholars.

The third rationale for the brick-and-mortar college is that

it brings teachers together with students. Working against that

rationale is the explosion in the breadth and realism of what

is known as distance learning. The idea of distance learning

is surprisingly old—Isaac Pitman was teaching his shorthand

system to British students through the postal service in the

1840s, and the University of London began offering degrees for

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

correspondence students in 1858—but the technology of dis-

tance learning changed little for the next century. The advent

of inexpensive videocassettes in the 1980s opened up a way for

students to hear and see lectures without being in the class-

room. By the early 1990s, it was possible to buy college-level

courses on audio or videotape, taught by first-rate teaching

professors, on a wide range of topics, for a few hundred dollars.

But without easy interaction between teacher and student,

distance learning remained a poor second-best to a good col-

lege seminar.

Once again, the Internet is revolutionizing everything. As 25

personal computers acquired the processing power to show

high-definition video and the storage capacity to handle big

video files, the possibilities for distance learning expanded by

orders of magnitude. We are now watching the early expres-

sion of those possibilities: podcasts and streaming videos in real

time of professors’ lectures, online discussions among students

scattered around the country, online interaction between stu-

dents and professors, online exams, and tutorials augmented by

computer-aided instruction software.

Even today, the quality of student-teacher interactions in a

virtual classroom competes with the interactions in a brick-and-

mortar classroom. But the technology is still in its early stages

of development and the rate of improvement is breathtaking.

Compare video games such as Myst and SimCity in the 1990s to

their descendants today; the Walkman you used in the 1990s to

the iPod you use today; the cell phone you used in the 1990s

to the BlackBerry or iPhone you use today. Whatever technical

limitations might lead you to say, “Yes, but it’s still not the

same as being there in the classroom,” are probably within a

few years of being outdated.

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

College Isn’t All It’s Cracked Up to Be

College looms so large in the thinking of both parents and

students because it is seen as the open sesame to a good job.

Reaping the economic payoff for college that shows up in econo-

metric analyses is a long shot for large numbers of young people.

When high-school graduates think that obtaining a B.A.

will help them get a higher-paying job, they are only narrowly

correct. Economists have established beyond doubt that people

with B.A.s earn more on average than people without them.

But why does the B.A. produce that result? For whom does the

B.A. produce that result? For some jobs, the economic premium

for a degree is produced by the actual education that has gone

into getting the degree. Lawyers, physicians, and engineers can

earn their high incomes only by deploying knowledge and skills

that take years to acquire, and degrees in law, medicine, and

engineering still signify competence in those knowledges and

skills. But for many other jobs, the economic premium for the

B.A. is created by a brutal fact of life about the American job

market: Employers do not even interview applicants who do

not hold a B.A. Even more brutal, the advantage conferred

by the B.A. often has nothing to do with the content of the

education. Employers do not value what the student learned,

just that the student has a degree.

Employers value the B.A. because it is a no-cost (for them)

screening device for academic ability and perseverance. The

more people who go to college, the more sense it makes for

employers to require a B.A. When only a small percentage

of people got college degrees, employers who required a B.A.

would have been shutting themselves off from access to most

of the talent. With more than a third of 23-year-olds now get-

ting a B.A., many employers can reasonably limit their hiring

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

pool to college graduates because bright and ambitious high-

school graduates who can go to college usually do go to college.

An employer can believe that exceptions exist but rationally

choose not to expend time and money to identify them. Know-

ing this, large numbers of students are in college to buy their

admission ticket—the B.A.

But while it is true that the average person with a B.A. 30

makes more than the average person without a B.A., getting

a B.A. is still going to be the wrong economic decision for

many high-school graduates. Wages within occupations form

a distribution. Young people with okay-but-not-great academic

ability who are thinking about whether to go after a B.A. need

to consider the competition they will face after they graduate.

Let me put these calculations in terms of a specific example,

a young man who has just graduated from high school and is

trying to decide whether to become an electrician or go to

college and major in business, hoping to become a white-collar

manager. He is at the 70th percentile in linguistic ability and

logical mathematical ability—someone who shouldn’t go to

college by my standards, but who can, in today’s world, easily

find a college that will give him a degree. He is exactly average

in interpersonal and intrapersonal ability. He is at the 95th

percentile in the small-motor skills and spatial abilities that

are helpful in being a good electrician.

He begins by looking up the average income of electricians

and managers on the Bureau of Labor Statistics website, and

finds that the mean annual income for electricians in 2005 was

$45,630, only about half of the $88,450 mean for management

occupations. It looks as if getting a B.A. will buy him a huge wage

premium. Should he try to get the B.A. on economic grounds?

To make his decision correctly, our young man must start

by throwing out the averages. He has the ability to become

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

an excellent electrician and can reasonably expect to be near

the top of the electricians’ income distribution. He does not

have it in him to be an excellent manager, because he is

only average in interpersonal and intrapersonal ability and

only modestly above average in academic ability, all of which

are important for becoming a good manager, while his com-

petitors for those slots will include many who are high in

all of those abilities. Realistically, he should be looking at

the incomes toward the bottom of the distribution of man-

agers. With that in mind, he goes back to the Bureau of

Labor Statistics website and discovers that an electrician at

the 90th percentile of electricians’ incomes made $70,480

in 2005, almost twice the income of a manager at the 10th

percentile of managers’ incomes ($37,800). Even if our young

man successfully completes college and gets a B.A. (which is

far from certain), he is likely to make less money than if he

becomes an electrician.

Then there is job security to consider. A good way to make

sure you always can find work is to be among the best at what

you do. It also helps to have a job that does not require you

to compete with people around the globe. When corporations

downsize, they lay off mediocre managers before they lay off

top electricians. When the economy gets soft, top electricians

can find work when mediocre managers cannot. Low-level

management jobs can often be outsourced to India, whereas

electricians’ jobs cannot.

What I have said of electricians is true throughout the

American job market. The income for the top people in a

wide variety of occupations that do not require a college degree

is higher than the average income for many occupations that

require a B.A. Furthermore, the range and number of such jobs

are expanding rapidly. The need for assembly-line workers in

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

factories (one of the most boring jobs ever invented) is fall-

ing, but the demand for skilled technicians of every kind—in

healthcare, information technology, transportation networks,

and every other industry that relies on high-tech equipment—

is expanding. The service sector includes many low-skill, low-

paying jobs, but it also includes growing numbers of specialized

jobs that pay well (for example, in healthcare and the enter-

tainment and leisure industries). Construction offers an array

of high-paying jobs for people who are good at what they do.

It’s not just skilled labor in the standard construction trades

that is in high demand. The increase in wealth in American

society has increased the demand for all sorts of craftsman-

ship. Today’s high-end homes and office buildings may entail

the work of specialized skills in stonework, masonry, glazing,

painting, cabinetmaking, machining, landscaping, and a dozen

other crafts. The increase in wealth is also driving an increased

demand for the custom-made and the exquisitely wrought,

meaning demand for artisans in everything from pottery to

jewelry to metalworking. There has never been a time in his-

tory when people with skills not taught in college have been

in so much demand at such high pay as today, nor a time when

the range of such jobs has been so wide. In today’s America,

finding a first-rate lawyer or physician is easy. Finding first-rate

skilled labor is hard.

Intrinsic Rewards

The topic is no longer money but job satisfaction—intrinsic 35

rewards. We return to our high-school graduate trying to decide

between going to college and becoming an electrician. He knows

that he enjoys working with his hands and likes the idea of not

being stuck in the same place all day, but he also likes the idea

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

of being a manager sitting behind a desk in a big office, telling

people what to do and getting the status that goes with it.

However, he should face facts that he is unlikely to know

on his own, but that a guidance counselor could help him face.

His chances of getting the big office and the status are slim.

He is more likely to remain in a cubicle, under the thumb of

the boss in the big office. He is unlikely to have a job in which

he produces something tangible during the course of the day.

If he becomes a top electrician instead, he will have an

expertise that he exercises at a high level. At the end of a

workday, he will often be able to see that his work made a dif-

ference in the lives of people whose problems he has solved. He

will not be confined to a cubicle and, after his apprenticeship,

will be his own supervisor in the field. Top electricians often

become independent contractors who have no boss at all.

The intrinsic rewards of being a top manager can be just as

great as those of a top electrician (though I would not claim

they are greater), but the intrinsic rewards of being a mediocre

manager are not. Even as people in white-collar jobs lament the

soullessness of their work, the intrinsic rewards of exercising

technical skills remain undiminished.

Finally, there is an overarching consideration so important it

is hard to express adequately: the satisfaction of being good at

what one does for a living (and knowing it), compared to the

melancholy of being mediocre at what one does for a living (and

knowing it). This is another truth about living a human life that

a 17-year-old might not yet understand on his own, but that a

guidance counselor can bring to his attention. Guidance coun-

selors and parents who automatically encourage young people

to go to college straight out of high school regardless of their

skills and interests are being thoughtless about the best interests

of young people in their charge.

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

The Dark Side of the B.A. as Norm

It is possible to accept all that I have presented as fact and still 40

disagree with the proposition that too many people are going

to college. The argument goes something like this:

The meaning of a college education has evolved since the

19th century. The traditional liberal education is still available

for students who want it, but the curriculum is appropriately

broader now, and includes many courses for vocational prepa-

ration that today’s students want. Furthermore, intellectual

requirements vary across majors. It may be true that few stu-

dents can complete a major in economics or biology, but larger

proportions can handle the easier majors. A narrow focus on

curriculum also misses the important nonacademic functions of

college. The lifestyle on today’s campuses may leave something

to be desired, but four years of college still give youngsters in

late adolescence a chance to encounter different kinds of peo-

ple, to discover new interests, and to decide what they want to

make of their lives. And if it is true that some students spend

too much of their college years partying, that was also true of

many Oxford students in the 18th century. Lighten up.

If the only people we had to worry about were those who are

on college campuses and doing reasonably well, this position

would have something to be said for it. It does not address the

issues of whether four years makes sense or whether a residential

facility makes sense; nevertheless, college as it exists is not an

intrinsically evil place for the students who are there and are

coping academically. But there is the broader American soci-

ety to worry about as well. However unintentionally, we have

made something that is still inaccessible to a majority of the

population—the B.A.—into a symbol of first-class citizenship.

We have done so at the same time that other class divisions are

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

becoming more powerful. Today’s college system is implicated

in the emergence of class-riven America.

The problem begins with the message sent to young peo-

ple that they should aspire to college no matter what. Some

politicians are among the most visible offenders, treating every

failure to go to college as an injustice that can be remedied by

increasing government help. American educational administra-

tors reinforce the message by instructing guidance counselors to

steer as many students as possible toward a college-prep track

(more than 90 percent of high-school students report that

their guidance counselors encouraged them to go to college).

But politicians and educators are only following the lead of

the larger culture. As long as it remains taboo to acknowledge

that college is intellectually too demanding for most young

people, we will continue to create crazily unrealistic expecta-

tions among the next generation. If “crazily unrealistic” sounds

too strong, consider that more than 90 percent of high school

seniors expect to go to college, and more than 70 percent of

them expect to work in professional jobs.

One aspect of this phenomenon has been labeled misaligned

ambitions, meaning that adolescents have career ambitions that

are inconsistent with their educational plans. Data from the

Sloan Study of Youth and Social Development conducted dur-

ing the 1990s indicate that misaligned ambitions characterized

more than half of all adolescents. Almost always, the misalign-

ment is in the optimistic direction, as adolescents aspire to be

attorneys or physicians without understanding the educational

hurdles they must surmount to achieve their goals. They end up

at a four-year institution not because that is where they can take

the courses they need to meet their career goals, but because

college is the place where B.A.s are handed out, and everyone

knows that these days you’ve got to have a B.A. Many of them

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C H a r L E S m u r r a y

drop out. Of those who entered a four-year college in 1995,

only 58 percent had gotten their B.A. five academic years later.

Another 14 percent were still enrolled. If we assume that half

of that 14 percent eventually get their B.A.s, about a third of

all those who entered college hoping for a B.A. leave without

one.

If these numbers had been produced in a culture where the 45

B.A. was a nice thing to have but not a big deal, they could

be interpreted as the result of young adults deciding that they

didn’t really want a B.A. after all. Instead, these numbers were

produced by a system in which having a B.A. is a very big deal

indeed, and that brings us to the increasingly worrisome role

of the B.A. as a source of class division. The United States has

always had symbols of class, and the college degree has always

been one of them. But through the first half of the 20th century,

there were all sorts of respectable reasons a person might not

go to college—not enough money to pay for college; needing

to work right out of high school to support a wife, parents,

or younger siblings; or the commonly held belief that going

straight to work was better preparation for a business career

than going to college. As long as the percentage of college

graduates remained small, it also remained true, and everybody

knew it, that the majority of America’s intellectually most able

people did not have B.A.s.

Over the course of the 20th century, three trends gath-

ered strength. The first was the increasing proportion of jobs

screened for high academic ability due to the advanced level

of education they require—engineers, physicians, attorneys,

college teachers, scientists, and the like. The second was the

increasing market value of those jobs. The third was the open-

ing up of college to more of those who had the academic ability

to go to college, partly because the increase in American wealth

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Are Too Many People Going to College?

meant that more parents could afford college for their children,

and partly because the proliferation of scholarships and loans

made it possible for most students with enough academic ability

to go.

The combined effect of these trends has been to overturn

the state of affairs that prevailed through World War II. Now

the great majority of America’s intellectually most able peo-

ple do have a B.A. Along with that transformation has come

a downside that few anticipated. The acceptable excuses for

not going to college have dried up. The more people who go

to college, the more stigmatizing the failure to complete col-

lege becomes. Today, if you do not get a B.A., many people

assume it is because you are too dumb or too lazy. And all this

because of a degree that seldom has an interpretable substan-

tive meaning.

Let’s approach the situation from a different angle. Imagine

that America had no system of postsecondary education and

you were made a member of a task force assigned to create one

from scratch. Ask yourself what you would think if one of your

colleagues submitted this proposal:

First, we will set up a common goal for every young person

that represents educational success. We will call it a B.A. We

will then make it difficult or impossible for most people to

achieve this goal. For those who can, achieving the goal will

take four years no matter what is being taught. We will attach

an economic reward for reaching the goal that often has little

to do with the content of what has been learned. We will lure

large numbers of people who do not possess adequate ability

or motivation to try to achieve the goal and then fail. We will

then stigmatize everyone who fails to achieve it.

What I have just described is the system that we have in 50

place. There must be a better way.

3 6 3

C H a r L E S m u r r a y

Joining the Conversation

1. The “I say” here is explicit: “too many people are going to

college.” We know what Charles Murray thinks. But why

does he think this? In the rest of his essay, he tells us why.

Summarize his argument, noting all the reasons and evi-

dence he gives to support his claim.

2. Is Murray right—are too many people going to college? If

you disagree, why? Whether or not you agree with him, do

you find his argument persuasive?

3. In the middle of the essay is a lengthy narrative about some-

one who is trying to decide what to be when he grows up,

an electrician or a manager. What does this narrative con-

tribute to Murray’s argument? Where would the argument

be without the narrative?

4. Compare Murray’s argument that college is a waste of time

for many with Sanford J. Ungar’s argument (pp. 336–43)

that anyone can benefit from a college education. Which

one do you find more convincing?

5. In one or two paragraphs, reflect on why you chose your

current school. Did you consider, first and foremost, how

your college would help you “learn how to make a living,” as

Murray would recommend? Did you consider other poten-

tial benefits of your college education? If you could have a

well-paying job without a college education, would you go

to college anyway?

3 6 4

Two Years Are Better Than Four

l i z a d d i s o n

H

Oh, the hand wringing. “College as America used to

understand it is coming to an end,” bemoans Rick Perlstein and

his beatnik friend of fallen face. Those days, man, when a pre-

tentious reading list was all it took to lift a child from suburbia.

When jazz riffs hung in the dorm lounge air with the smoke of

a thousand bongs, and college really mattered. Really mattered?

Rick Perlstein thinks so. It mattered so much to him that

he never got over his four years at the University of Privilege.

So he moved back to live in its shadow, like a retired ballerina

taking a seat in the stalls. But when the curtain went up he saw

students working and studying and working some more. Adults

Liz Addison attended Piedmont Virginia Community College and

Southern Maine Community College, where she graduated with a

degree in biology in 2008. She received a graduate degree from the

Royal Veterinary College in London in 2014 and now works as a

veterinarian in Virginia. This essay, published in 2007, was a runner-

up in a New York Times Magazine college essay contest. The essay

responds to Rick Perlstein’s opinion piece “What’s the Matter With

College?,” in which he argues that universities no longer matter as

much as they once did.

3 6 5

L I z a d d I S O N

before their time. Today, at the University of Privilege, the stu-

dent applies with a Curriculum Vitae not a book list. Shudder.

Thus, Mr. Perlstein concludes, the college experience—a

rite of passage as it was meant it to be—must have come to an

end. But he is wrong. For Mr. Perlstein, so rooted in his own

nostalgia, is looking for himself—and he would never think to

look for himself in the one place left where the college experi-

ence of self-discovery does still matter to those who get there.

My guess, reading between the lines, is that Mr. Perlstein has

never set foot in an American community college.

The philosophy of the community college, and I have been

to two of them, is one that unconditionally allows its students to

begin. Just begin. Implicit in this belief is the understanding

that anything and everything is possible. Just follow any one of

the 1,655 road signs, and pop your head inside—yes, they let

anyone in—and there you will find discoveries of a first inde-

pendent film, a first independent thought, a first independent

study. This college experience remains as it should. This college

brochure is not marketing for the parents—because the parents,

nor grandparents, probably never went to college themselves.

Upon entry to my first community college I had but one 5

O’level to my name. These now disbanded qualifications once

marked the transition from lower to upper high school in

the Great British education system. It was customary for the

average student to proceed forward with a clutch of O’levels,

say eight or nine. On a score of one, I left school hurriedly at

sixteen. Thomas Jefferson once wrote, “Everybody should have

an education proportional to their life.” In my case, my life

became proportional to my education. But, in doing so, it had

the good fortune to land me in an American community college

and now, from that priceless springboard, I too seek admission

to the University of Privilege. Enter on empty and leave with

3 6 6

Two Years Are Better Than Four

a head full of dreams? How can Mr. Perlstein say college does

not matter anymore?

The community college system is America’s hidden public

service gem. If I were a candidate for office I would campaign

from every campus. Not to score political points, but simply to

make sure that anyone who is looking to go to college in this

country knows where to find one. Just recently, I read an article

in the New York Times describing a “college application essay”

workshop for low-income students. I was strangely disturbed

that those interviewed made no mention of community college.

Mr. Perlstein might have been equally disturbed, for the thrust

of the workshop was no different to that of an essay coach to

the affluent. “Make Life Stories Shine,” beams the headline.

Or, in other words, prove yourself worldly, insightful, cultured,

mature, before you get to college.

Yet, down at X.Y.C.C. it is still possible to enter the college

experience as a rookie. That is the understanding—that you

will grow up a little bit with your first English class, a bit See Chapter

more with your first psychology class, a whole lot more 9 on mixing

academic and

with your first biology, physics, chemistry. That you colloquial

may shoot through the roof with calculus, philosophy, styles.

or genetics. “College is the key,” a young African American

student writes for the umpteenth torturous revision of his col-

lege essay, “as well as hope.” Oh, I wanted desperately to say,

please tell him about community college. Please tell him that

hope can begin with just one placement test.

When Mr. Perlstein and friends say college no longer holds

importance, they mourn for both the individual and society.

Yet, arguably, the community college experience is more criti-

cal to the nation than that of former beatnik types who, lest we

forget, did not change the world. The community colleges of

America cover this country college by college and community

3 6 7

L I z a d d I S O N

by community. They offer a network of affordable future, of

accessible hope, and an option to dream. In the cold light of

day, is it perhaps not more important to foster students with

dreams rather than a building take-over?

I believe so. I believe the community college system to be

one of America’s uniquely great institutions. I believe it should

be celebrated as such. “For those who find it necessary to go to

a two-year college,” begins one University of Privilege admis-

sions paragraph. None too subtle in its implication, but very

true. For some students, from many backgrounds, would never

breathe the college experience if it were not for the community

college. Yes, it is here that Mr. Perlstein will find his college

years of self-discovery, and it is here he will find that college

does still matter.

Joining the Conversation

1. What view is Liz Addison responding to? Write out a sen-

tence or two summarizing the “they say.”

2. Addison discusses her own educational experience as part of

her argument. What role does this use of autobiographical

narrative play in her argument?

3. How does Addison make clear that her topic is important—

and that it should matter to readers?

4. In closing, Addison writes of community colleges: “It is

here that Mr. Perlstein will find his college years of self-

discovery, and it is here he will find that college does still

matter.” Do you think college still matters? Write an essay

responding to this point from your own perspective as a

college student.

3 6 8

Hidden Intellectualism

g e r a l d g r a f f

H

Everyone knows some young person who is impressively

“street smart” but does poorly in school. What a waste, we

think, that one who is so intelligent about so many things in

life seems unable to apply that intelligence to academic work.

What doesn’t occur to us, though, is that schools and colleges

might be at fault for missing the opportunity to tap into such

street smarts and channel them into good academic work.

Nor do we consider one of the major reasons why schools

and colleges overlook the intellectual potential of street

smarts: the fact that we associate those street smarts with anti-

intellectual concerns. We associate the educated life, the life of

the mind, too narrowly and exclusively with subjects and texts

that we consider inherently weighty and academic. We assume

that it’s possible to wax intellectual about Plato, Shakespeare,

Gerald Graff, a coauthor of this book, is a professor of English

and education at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He is a past

president of the Modern Language Association, the world’s largest

professional association of university scholars and teachers. This essay

is adapted from his 2003 book, Clueless in Aca deme: How Schooling

Obscures the Life of the Mind.

3 6 9

G E r a L d G r a f f

the French Revolution, and nuclear fission, but not about cars,

dating, fashion, sports, TV, or video games.

The trouble with this assumption is that no necessary con-

nection has ever been established between any text or subject

and the educational depth and weight of the discussion it can

See pp. 58–59

generate. Real intellectuals turn any subject, however

for tips on

disagreeing,

lightweight it may seem, into grist for their mill through

with reasons.

the thoughtful questions they bring to it, whereas a

dullard will find a way to drain the interest out of the richest

subject. That’s why a George Orwell writing on the cultural

meanings of penny postcards is infinitely more substantial than

the cogitations of many professors on Shakespeare or globaliza-

tion (104–16).

Students do need to read models of intellectually challeng-

ing writing—and Orwell is a great one—if they are to become

intellectuals themselves. But they would be more prone to take

on intellectual identities if we encouraged them to do so at first

on subjects that interest them rather than ones that interest us.

I offer my own adolescent experience as a case in point. Until I 5

entered college, I hated books and cared only for sports. The only

reading I cared to do or could do was sports magazines, on which

I became hooked, becoming a regular reader of Sport magazine

in the late forties, Sports Illustrated when it began publishing in

1954, and the annual magazine guides to professional baseball,

football, and basketball. I also loved the sports novels for boys of

John R. Tunis and Clair Bee and autobiographies of sports stars

like Joe DiMaggio’s Lucky to Be a Yankee and Bob Feller’s Strikeout

Story. In short, I was your typical teenage anti-intellectual—or

so I believed for a long time. I have recently come to think,

however, that my preference for sports over schoolwork was not

anti-intellectualism so much as intellectualism by other means.

In the Chicago neighborhood I grew up in, which had become

a melting pot after World War II, our block was solidly middle

3 7 0

Hidden Intellectualism

class, but just a block away—doubtless concentrated there by

the real estate companies—were African Americans, Native

Americans, and “hillbilly” whites who had recently fled postwar

joblessness in the South and Appalachia. Negotiating this class

boundary was a tricky matter. On the one hand, it was neces-

sary to maintain the boundary between “clean-cut” boys like

me and working-class “hoods,” as we called them, which meant

that it was good to be openly smart in a bookish sort of way.

On the other hand, I was desperate for the approval of the

hoods, whom I encountered daily on the playing field and in

the neighborhood, and for this purpose it was not at all good

to be book-smart. The hoods would turn on you if they sensed

you were putting on airs over them: “Who you lookin’ at, smart

ass?” as a leather-jacketed youth once said to me as he relieved

me of my pocket change along with my self-respect.

I grew up torn, then, between the need to prove I was smart

and the fear of a beating if I proved it too well; between the

need not to jeopardize my respectable future and the need to

impress the hoods. As I lived it, the conflict came down to a

choice between being physically tough and being verbal. For

a boy in my neighborhood and elementary school, only being

“tough” earned you complete legitimacy. I still recall endless,

complicated debates in this period with my closest pals over

who was “the toughest guy in the school.” If you were less than

negligible as a fighter, as I was, you settled for the next best

thing, which was to be inarticulate, carefully hiding telltale

marks of literacy like correct grammar and pronunciation.

In one way, then, it would be hard to imagine an adolescence

more thoroughly anti-intellectual than mine. Yet in retrospect,

I see that it’s more complicated, that I and the 1950s themselves

were not simply hostile toward intellectualism, but divided and

ambivalent. When Marilyn Monroe married the playwright

Arthur Miller in 1956 after divorcing the retired baseball star

3 7 1

G E R A L D G R A F F

Joe DiMaggio, the symbolic triumph of geek over jock suggested

the way the wind was blowing. Even Elvis, according to his

biographer Peter Guralnick, turns out to have supported Adlai

over Ike in the presidential election of 1956. “I don’t dig the

intellectual bit,” he told reporters. “But I’m telling you, man,

he knows the most” (327).

Though I too thought I did not “dig the intellectual bit,”

I see now that I was unwittingly in training for it. The germs

had actually been planted in the seemingly philistine debates

about which boys were the toughest. I see now that in the

interminable analysis of sports teams, movies, and toughness

that my friends and I engaged in—a type of analysis, needless

to say, that the real toughs would never have stooped to—I

was already betraying an allegiance to the egghead world. I was

practicing being an intellectual before I knew that was what

I wanted to be.

It was in these discussions with friends about toughness and 10

sports, I think, and in my reading of sports books and maga-

zines, that I began to learn the rudiments of the intellectual

life: how to make an argument, weigh different kinds of evi-

dence, move between particulars and generalizations, summa-

rize the views of others, and enter a conversation about ideas.

It was in reading and arguing about sports and toughness that

I experienced what it felt like to propose a generalization,

restate and respond to a counterargument, and perform other

intellectualizing operations, including composing the kind of

sentences I am writing now.

Only much later did it dawn on me that the sports world

was more compelling than school because it was more intellectual

than school, not less. Sports after all was full of challenging argu-

ments, debates, problems for analysis, and intricate statistics

that you could care about, as school conspicuously was not. I

believe that street smarts beat out book smarts in our culture

3 7 2

Hidden Intellectualism

not because street smarts are nonintellectual, as we generally

suppose, but because they satisfy an intellectual thirst more

thoroughly than school culture, which seems pale and unreal.

They also satisfy the thirst for community. When you

entered sports debates, you became part of a community that

was not limited to your family and friends, but was national

and public. Whereas schoolwork isolated you from others, the

pennant race or Ted Williams’s .400 batting average was some-

thing you could talk about with people you had never met.

Sports introduced you not only to a culture steeped in argu-

ment, but to a public argument culture that transcended the

personal. I can’t blame my schools for failing to make intel-

lectual culture resemble the Super Bowl, but I do fault them

for failing to learn anything from the sports and entertainment

worlds about how to organize and represent intellectual culture,

how to exploit its gamelike element and turn it into arresting

public spectacle that might have competed more successfully

for my youthful attention.

For here is another thing that never dawned on me and is

still kept hidden from students, with tragic results: that the

real intellectual world, the one that existed in the big world

beyond school, is organized very much like the world of team

sports, with rival texts, rival interpretations and evaluations

of texts, rival theories of why they should be read and taught,

and elaborate team competitions in which “fans” of writers,

intellectual systems, methodologies, and -isms contend against

each other.

To be sure, school contained plenty of competition, which

became more invidious as one moved up the ladder (and has

become even more so today with the advent of high-stakes

testing). In this competition, points were scored not by mak-

ing arguments, but by a show of information or vast reading,

by grade-grubbing, or other forms of one-upmanship. School

3 7 3

G E R A L D G R A F F

competition, in short, reproduced the less attractive features

of sports culture without those that create close bonds and

community.

And in distancing themselves from anything as enjoyable 15

and absorbing as sports, my schools missed the opportunity to

capitalize on an element of drama and conflict that the intel-

lectual world shares with sports. Consequently, I failed to see

the parallels between the sports and academic worlds that could

have helped me cross more readily from one argument culture

to the other.

Sports is only one of the domains whose potential for literacy

training (and not only for males) is seriously underestimated by

educators, who see sports as competing with academic develop-

ment rather than a route to it. But if this argument suggests

why it is a good idea to assign readings and topics that are

close to students’ existing interests, it also suggests the limits

of this tactic. For students who get excited about the chance

to write about their passion for cars will often write as poorly

and unreflectively on that topic as on Shakespeare or Plato.

Here is the flip side of what I pointed out before: that there’s

no necessary relation between the degree of interest a student

shows in a text or subject and the quality of thought or expres-

sion such a student manifests in writing or talking about it.

The challenge, as college professor Ned Laff has put it, “is not

simply to exploit students’ nonacademic interests, but to get

them to see those interests through academic eyes.”

To say that students need to see their interests “through

academic eyes” is to say that street smarts are not enough. Mak-

ing students’ nonacademic interests an object of academic study

is useful, then, for getting students’ attention and overcoming

their boredom and alienation, but this tactic won’t in itself

necessarily move them closer to an academically rigorous treat-

ment of those interests. On the other hand, inviting students to

3 7 4

Hidden Intellectualism

write about cars, sports, or clothing fashions does not have to

be a pedagogical cop-out as long as students are required to see

these interests “through academic eyes,” that is, to think and

write about cars, sports, and fashions in a reflective, analytical

way, one that sees them as microcosms of what is going on in

the wider culture.

If I am right, then schools and colleges are missing an

opportunity when they do not encourage students to take their

nonacademic interests as objects of academic study. It is self-

defeating to decline to introduce any text or subject that figures

to engage students who will otherwise tune out academic work

entirely. If a student cannot get interested in Mill’s On Liberty

but will read Sports Illustrated or Vogue or the hip-hop magazine

Source with absorption, this is a strong argument for assigning

the magazines over the classic. It’s a good bet that if students get

hooked on reading and writing by doing term papers on Source,

they will eventually get to On Liberty. But even if they don’t,

the magazine reading will make them more literate and reflec-

tive than they would be otherwise. So it makes pedagogical

sense to develop classroom units on sports, cars, fashions, rap

music, and other such topics. Give me the student anytime who

writes a sharply argued, sociologically acute analysis of an issue

in Source over the student who writes a lifeless explication of

Hamlet or Socrates’ Apology.

Works Cited

Cramer, Richard Ben. Joe DiMaggio: The Hero’s Life. Simon, 2000.

DiMaggio, Joe. Lucky to Be a Yankee. Bantam, 1949.

Feller, Bob. Strikeout Story. Bantam, 1948.

Guralnick, Peter. Last Train to Memphis: The Rise of Elvis Presley. Little,

Brown, 1994.

Orwell, George. A Collection of Essays. Harcourt, 1953.

3 7 5

G E R A L D G R A F F

Joining the Conversation

1. Gerald Graff begins his essay with the view that we gen-

erally associate “book smarts” with intellectualism and

“street smarts” with anti-intellectualism. Graff then provides

an extended example from his early life to counter this view-

point. What do you think of his argument that boyhood

conversations about sports provided a solid foundation for

his later intellectual life? What support does he provide, and

how persuasive is it?

2. Graff argues in paragraph 13 that the intellectual world is

much like the world of team sports, with “rival texts … ,

rival theories … , and elaborate team competitions.” Can

you think of any examples from your own experience that

support this assertion? In what ways do you think “the real

intellectual world” is different from the world of team sports?

3.

Imagine a conversation between Graff and Mike Rose

(pp. 277–89) on the intellectual skills people can develop

outside the realm of formal education and the benefits of

these skills.

4. So what? Who cares? Graff does not answer these questions

explicitly. Do it for him: write a brief paragraph saying why

his argument matters, and for whom.

5. Graff argues that schools should encourage students to think

critically, read, and write about areas of personal interest

such as cars, fashion, or music—as long as they do so in an

intellectually serious way. What do you think? Write an

essay considering the educational merits of such a proposal,

taking Graff’s argument as a “they say.”

3 7 6

Blue-Collar Brilliance

m i k e r o s e

H

My mother, Rose Meraglio Rose (Rosie), shaped her adult

identity as a waitress in coffee shops and family restaurants.

When I was growing up in Los Angeles during the 1950s, my

father and I would occasionally hang out at the restaurant until

her shift ended, and then we’d ride the bus home with her.

Sometimes she worked the register and the counter, and we sat

there; when she waited booths and tables, we found a booth in

the back where the waitresses took their breaks.

There wasn’t much for a child to do at the restaurants, and

so as the hours stretched out, I watched the cooks and waitresses

and listened to what they said. At mealtimes, the pace of the

kitchen staff and the din from customers picked up. Weaving

in and out around the room, waitresses warned behind you in

Mike Rose is a professor at the UCLA Graduate School of Education

and Information Studies. He is well known for his writing on issues of

literacy, including the books Lives on the Boundary: The Struggles and

Achievements of America’s Underprepared (1989) and Back to School:

Why Everyone Deserves a Second Chance at Education (2012). He also

coedited a collection of essays, Public Education Under Siege (2014).

This article originally appeared in 2009 in the American Scholar, a

magazine published by the Phi Beta Kappa Society.

3 7 7

m I k E r O S E

Rosie solved technical problems and human problems on the fly.

impassive but urgent voices. Standing at the service window

facing the kitchen, they called out abbreviated orders. Fry four

on two, my mother would say as she clipped a check onto

the metal wheel. Her tables were deuces, four-tops, or six-tops

according to their size; seating areas also were nicknamed. The

racetrack, for instance, was the fast-turnover front section.

Lingo conferred authority and signaled know-how.

Rosie took customers’ orders, pencil poised over pad, while

fielding questions about the food. She walked full tilt through the

room with plates stretching up her left arm and two cups of coffee

somehow cradled in her right hand. She stood at a table or booth

and removed a plate for this person, another for that person,

then another, remembering who had the hamburger, who had

3 7 8

Blue-Collar Brilliance

the fried shrimp, almost always getting it right. She would haggle

with the cook about a returned order and rush by us, saying, He

gave me lip, but I got him. She’d take a minute to flop down in

the booth next to my father. I’m all in, she’d say, and whisper

something about a customer. Gripping the outer edge of the table

with one hand, she’d watch the room and note, in the flow of our

conversation, who needed a refill, whose order was taking longer

to prepare than it should, who was finishing up.

I couldn’t have put it in words when I was growing up, but

what I observed in my mother’s restaurant defined the world of

adults, a place where competence was synonymous with physical

work. I’ve since studied the working habits of blue-collar work-

ers and have come to understand how much my mother’s kind

of work demands of both body and brain. A waitress acquires

knowledge and intuition about the ways and the rhythms of the

restaurant business. Waiting on seven to nine tables, each with

two to six customers, Rosie devised memory strategies so that

she could remember who ordered what. And because she knew

the average time it took to prepare different dishes, she could

monitor an order that was taking too long at the service station.

Like anyone who is effective at physical work, my mother 5

learned to work smart, as she put it, to make every move count.

She’d sequence and group tasks: What could she do first, then

second, then third as she circled through her station? What tasks

could be clustered? She did everything on the fly, and when

problems arose—technical or human—she solved them within

the flow of work, while taking into account the emotional state

of her co-workers. Was the manager in a good mood? Did the

cook wake up on the wrong side of the bed? If so, how could she

make an extra request or effectively return an order?

And then, of course, there were the customers who entered

the restaurant with all sorts of needs, from physiological ones,

3 7 9

m I k E r O S E

including the emotions that accompany hunger, to a sometimes

complicated desire for human contact. Her tip depended on

how well she responded to these needs, and so she became adept

at reading social cues and managing feelings, both the custom-

ers’ and her own. No wonder, then, that Rosie was intrigued by

psychology. The restaurant became the place where she studied

human behavior, puzzling over the problems of her regular cus-

tomers and refining her ability to deal with people in a difficult

world. She took pride in being among the public, she’d say.

There isn’t a day that goes by in the restaurant that you don’t

learn something.

My mother quit school in the seventh grade to help raise her

brothers and sisters. Some of those siblings made it through high

school, and some dropped out to find work in railroad yards,

factories, or restaurants. My father finished a grade or two in

primary school in Italy and never darkened the schoolhouse

door again. I didn’t do well in school either. By high school I

had accumulated a spotty academic record and many hours of

hazy disaffection. I spent a few years on the vocational track,

but in my senior year I was inspired by my English teacher and

managed to squeak into a small college on probation.

My freshman year was academically bumpy, but gradually

I began to see formal education as a means of fulfillment and

as a road toward making a living. I studied the humanities

and later the social and psychological sciences and taught for

ten years in a range of situations—elementary school, adult

education courses, tutoring centers, a program for Vietnam

veterans who wanted to go to college. Those students had

socio economic and educational backgrounds similar to mine.

Then I went back to graduate school to study education and

cognitive psychology and eventually became a faculty member

in a school of education.

3 8 0

Blue-Collar Brilliance

Intelligence is closely associated with formal education—

the type of schooling a person has, how much and how

long—and most people seem to move comfortably See Chapter 1

from that notion to a belief that work requiring less for ways to

schooling requires less intelligence. These assumptions introduce

something

run through our cultural history, from the post-Revo-

implied or

assumed.

lutionary War period, when mechanics were character-

ized by political rivals as illiterate and therefore incapable of

participating in government, until today. More than once I’ve

heard a manager label his workers as “a bunch of dummies.”

Generalizations about intelligence, work, and social class

deeply affect our assumptions about ourselves and each other,

guiding the ways we use our minds to learn, build knowledge,

solve problems, and make our way through the world.

Although writers and scholars have often looked at the work-

ing class, they have generally focused on the values such work-

ers exhibit rather than on the thought their work requires—a

subtle but pervasive omission. Our cultural iconography pro-

motes the muscled arm, sleeve rolled tight against biceps, but

no brightness behind the eye, no image that links hand and 10

brain.

One of my mother’s brothers, Joe Meraglio, left school in the

ninth grade to work for the Pennsylvania Railroad. From there

he joined the Navy, returned to the railroad, which was already

in decline, and eventually joined his older brother at General

Motors where, over a 33-year career, he moved from working

on the assembly line to supervising the paint-and-body depart-

ment. When I was a young man, Joe took me on a tour of the

factory. The floor was loud—in some places deafening—and

when I turned a corner or opened a door, the smell of chemicals

knocked my head back. The work was repetitive and taxing,

and the pace was inhumane.

3 8 1

m I k E r O S E

Still, for Joe the shop floor provided what school did not;

it was like schooling, he said, a place where you’re constantly

learning. Joe learned the most efficient way to use his body by

acquiring a set of routines that were quick and preserved energy.

Otherwise he would never have survived on the line.

As a foreman, Joe constantly faced new problems and

became a consummate multi-tasker, evaluating a flurry of

demands quickly, parceling out physical and mental resources,

keeping a number of ongoing events in his mind, returning to

whatever task had been interrupted, and maintaining a cool

head under the pressure of grueling production schedules. In

the midst of all this, Joe learned more and more about the auto

industry, the technological and social dynamics of the shop

floor, the machinery and production processes, and the basics

of paint chemistry and of plating and baking. With further

promotions, he not only solved problems but also began to find

problems to solve: Joe initiated the redesign of the nozzle on a

paint sprayer, thereby eliminating costly and unhealthy over-

spray. And he found a way to reduce energy costs on the baking

ovens without affecting the quality of the paint. He lacked

formal knowledge of how the machines under his supervision

worked, but he had direct experience with them, hands-on

knowledge, and was savvy about their quirks and operational

capabilities. He could experiment with them.

In addition, Joe learned about budgets and management.

Coming off the line as he did, he had a perspective of workers’

needs and management’s demands, and this led him to think of

ways to improve efficiency on the line while relieving some of

the stress on the assemblers. He had each worker in a unit learn

his or her co-workers’ jobs so they could rotate across stations to

relieve some of the monotony. He believed that rotation would

allow assemblers to get longer and more frequent breaks. It was

3 8 2

Blue-Collar Brilliance

With an eighth-grade education, Joe (hands together) advanced to supervisor

of a G.M. paint-and-body department.

an easy sell to the people on the line. The union, however, had

to approve any modification in job duties, and the managers

were wary of the change. Joe had to argue his case on a number

of fronts, providing him a kind of rhetorical education.

Eight years ago I began a study of the thought processes 15

involved in work like that of my mother and uncle. I catalogued

the cognitive demands of a range of blue-collar and service jobs,

from waitressing and hair styling to plumbing and welding. To

gain a sense of how knowledge and skill develop, I observed

experts as well as novices. From the details of this close exami-

nation, I tried to fashion what I called “cognitive biographies”

of blue-collar workers. Biographical accounts of the lives of

scientists, lawyers, entrepreneurs, and other professionals are

rich with detail about the intellectual dimension of their work.

3 8 3

m I k E r O S E

But the life stories of working-class people are few and are typi-

cally accounts of hardship and courage or the achievements

wrought by hard work.

Our culture—in Cartesian fashion—separates the body from

the mind, so that, for example, we assume that the use of a

tool does not involve abstraction. We reinforce this notion

by defining intelligence solely on grades in school and num-

bers on IQ tests. And we employ social biases pertaining to

a person’s place on the occupational ladder. The distinctions

among blue, pink, and white collars carry with them attribu-

tions of character, motivation, and intelligence. Although we

rightly acknowledge and amply compensate the play of mind

in white-collar and professional work, we diminish or erase it

in considerations about other endeavors—physical and service

work particularly. We also often ignore the experience of every-

day work in administrative deliberations and policymaking.

But here’s what we find when we get in close. The plumber

seeking leverage in order to work in tight quarters and the hair

stylist adroitly handling scissors and comb manage their bodies

strategically. Though work-related actions become routine with

experience, they were learned at some point through observa-

tion, trial and error, and, often, physical or verbal assistance

from a co-worker or trainer. I’ve frequently observed novices

talking to themselves as they take on a task, or shaking their

head or hand as if to erase an attempt before trying again. In

fact, our traditional notions of routine performance could keep

us from appreciating the many instances within routine where

quick decisions and adjustments are made. I’m struck by the

thinking-in-motion that some work requires, by all the mental

activity that can be involved in simply getting from one place

to another: the waitress rushing back through her station to

the kitchen or the foreman walking the line.

3 8 4

Blue-Collar Brilliance

The use of tools requires the studied refinement of stance,

grip, balance, and fine-motor skills. But manipulating tools is

intimately tied to knowledge of what a particular instrument

can do in a particular situation and do better than other similar

tools. A worker must also know the characteristics of the mate-

rial one is engaging—how it reacts to various cutting or com-

pressing devices, to degrees of heat, or to lines of force. Some

of these things demand judgment, the weighing of options,

the consideration of multiple variables, and, occasionally, the

creative use of a tool in an unexpected way.

In manipulating material, the worker becomes attuned to

aspects of the environment, a training or disciplining of per-

ception that both enhances knowledge and informs perception.

Carpenters have an eye for length, line, and angle; mechanics

troubleshoot by listening; hair stylists are attuned to shape,

texture, and motion. Sensory data merge with concept, as when

an auto mechanic relies on sound, vibration, and even smell to

understand what cannot be observed.

Planning and problem solving have been studied since the 20

earliest days of modern cognitive psychology and are considered

core elements in Western definitions of intelligence. To work

is to solve problems. The big difference between the psycholo-

gist’s laboratory and the workplace is that in the former the

problems are isolated and in the latter they are embedded in

the real-time flow of work with all its messiness and social

complexity.

Much of physical work is social and interactive. Movers

determining how to get an electric range down a flight of stairs

require coordination, negotiation, planning, and the establish-

ing of incremental goals. Words, gestures, and sometimes a

quick pencil sketch are involved, if only to get the rhythm

right. How important it is, then, to consider the social and

3 8 5

m I k E r O S E

communicative dimension of physical work, for it provides the

medium for so much of work’s intelligence.

Given the ridicule heaped on blue-collar speech, it might

seem odd to value its cognitive content. Yet, the flow of talk

at work provides the channel for organizing and distributing

tasks, for troubleshooting and problem solving, for learning new

information and revising old. A significant amount of teaching,

often informal and indirect, takes place at work. Joe Meraglio

saw that much of his job as a supervisor involved instruction.

In some service occupations, language and communication are

central: observing and interpreting behavior and expression,

inferring mood and motive, taking on the perspective of oth-

ers, responding appropriately to social cues, and knowing when

you’re understood. A good hair stylist, for instance, has the

ability to convert vague requests (I want something light and

summery) into an appropriate cut through questions, pictures,

and hand gestures.

Verbal and mathematical skills drive measures of intelli-

gence in the Western Hemisphere, and many of the kinds of

work I studied are thought to require relatively little proficiency

in either. Compared to certain kinds of white-collar occupa-

tions, that’s true. But written symbols flow through physical

work.

Numbers are rife in most workplaces: on tools and gauges,

as measurements, as indicators of pressure or concentration

or temperature, as guides to sequence, on ingredient labels,

on lists and spreadsheets, as markers of quantity and price.

Certain jobs require workers to make, check, and verify calcu-

lations, and to collect and interpret data. Basic math can be

involved, and some workers develop a good sense of numbers

and patterns. Consider, as well, what might be called material

mathematics: mathematical functions embodied in materials

3 8 6

Blue-Collar Brilliance

and actions, as when a carpenter builds a cabinet or a flight of

stairs. A simple mathematical act can extend quickly beyond

itself. Measuring, for example, can involve more than record-

ing the dimensions of an object. As I watched a cabinetmaker

measure a long strip of wood, he read a number off the tape

out loud, looked back over his shoulder to the kitchen wall,

turned back to his task, took another measurement, and

paused for a moment in thought. He was solving a problem

involving the molding, and the measurement was important

to his deliberation about structure and appearance.

In the blue-collar workplace, directions, plans, and refer- 25

ence books rely on illustrations, some representational and

others, like blueprints, that require training to interpret. Eso-

teric symbols—visual jargon—depict switches and receptacles,

pipe fittings, or types of welds. Workers themselves often make

sketches on the job. I frequently observed them grab a pencil

to sketch something on a scrap of paper or on a piece of the

material they were installing.

Though many kinds of physical work don’t require a high

literacy level, more reading occurs in the blue-collar workplace

than is generally thought, from manuals and catalogues to work

orders and invoices, to lists, labels, and forms. With routine

tasks, for example, reading is integral to understanding produc-

tion quotas, learning how to use an instrument, or applying

a product. Written notes can initiate action, as in restaurant

orders or reports of machine malfunction, or they can serve as

memory aids.

True, many uses of writing are abbreviated, routine, and repet-

itive, and they infrequently require interpretation or analysis. But

analytic moments can be part of routine activities, and seem-

ingly basic reading and writing can be cognitively rich. Because

workplace language is used in the flow of other activities, we

3 8 7

m I k E r O S E

can overlook the remarkable coordination of words, numbers,

and drawings required to initiate and direct action.

If we believe everyday work to be mindless, then that will

affect the work we create in the future. When we devalue the

full range of everyday cognition, we offer limited educational

opportunities and fail to make fresh and meaningful instructional

connections among disparate kinds of skill and knowledge. If

we think that whole categories of people—identified by class or

occupation—are not that bright, then we reinforce social separa-

tions and cripple our ability to talk across cultural divides.

Affirmation of diverse intelligence is not a retreat to a

softhearted definition of the mind. To acknowledge a broader

range of intellectual capacity is to take seriously the concept

of cognitive variability, to appreciate in all the Rosies and Joes

the thought that drives their accomplishments and defines who

they are. This is a model of the mind that is worthy of a demo-

cratic society.

Joining the Conversation

1. This essay begins with a fairly detailed description of Mike

Rose’s mother at her work as a waitress in the 1950s, when

he was a child. How is this description related to his argu-

ment? Is it an effective opening? Why or why not?

2. How would you summarize Rose’s overall argument? What

evidence does he offer as support? How convincing is his

argument?

3. Where does Rose mention differing views, and what is his

reason for bringing them up? What are these other views,

and who holds them?

3 8 8

Blue-Collar Brilliance

4. How do you think Rose would respond to Charles Murray’s

argument (pp. 344–64) that many students lack the intel-

lectual potential to succeed in college?

5. Write an essay in which you consider the intellectual

demands of a kind of work that you have done or are

interested in.

3 8 9

Shut Up about Harvard

b e n c a s s e l m a n

H

A focus on elite schools ignores the issues most college students face.

It’s college admissions season, which means it’s time

once again for the annual flood of stories that badly misrep-

resent what higher education looks like for most American

students—and skew the public debate over everything from

student debt to the purpose of college in the process.

“How college admissions has turned into something akin

to ‘The Hunger Games,’ ” screamed a Washington Post head-

line Monday. “What you need to remember about fate dur-

ing college admission season,” wrote Elite Daily earlier this

month. “Use rejection to prepare teens for college,” advised

The Huffington Post.

Ben Casselman is an economics writer and senior editor for FiveThirty-

Eight, a website that “uses statistical analysis—hard numbers—to tell

compelling stories about elections, politics, sports, science, economics,

and culture.” Previously, Casselman worked for Salem News and the

Wall Street Journal, where he was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize for a

story about the Deepwater Horizon oil spill. This essay first appeared on

FiveThirtyEight on March 30, 2016.

3 9 0

Shut Up about Harvard

Here’s how the national media usually depicts the admis-

sions process: High school seniors spend months visiting col-

leges; writing essays; wrangling letters of recommendation; and

practicing, taking and retaking an alphabet soup of ACTs,

SATs and AP exams. Then the really hard part: months of

nervously waiting to find out if they are among the lucky few

(fewer every year, we’re told!) with the right blend of academic

achievement, extracurricular involvement and an odds-defying

personal story to gain admission to their favored university.

Here’s the reality: Most students never have to write a

college entrance essay, pad a résumé or sweet-talk a poten-

tial letter-writer. Nor are most, as the Atlantic put it Monday,

“obsessively checking their mailboxes” awaiting acceptance

decisions. (Never mind that for most schools, those decisions

now arrive online.) According to data from the Department of

Education,1 more than three-quarters of U.S. undergraduates2

attend colleges that accept at least half their applicants; just 4

percent attend schools that accept 25 percent or less, and hardly

any—well under 1 percent—attend schools like Harvard and

Yale that accept less than 10 percent.

Media misconceptions don’t end with admission. “College,” 5

in the mainstream media, seems to mean people in their late

teens and early 20s living in dorms, going to parties, study-

ing English (or maybe pre-med) and emerging four years later

with a degree and an unpaid internship. But that image, never

truly representative, is increasingly disconnected from reality.

Nearly half of all college students attend community colleges3;

among those at four-year schools, nearly a quarter attend part

time and about the same share are 25 or older. In total, less

than a third of U.S. undergraduates are “traditional” students

in the sense that they are full-time, degree-seeking students at

primarily residential four-year colleges.4

3 9 1

B E N C a S S E L m a N

College Doesn’t Always Mean Leafy Campuses

Source: Department of Education.

Note: Data are the most recent available.

3 9 2

Shut Up about Harvard

Of course, the readerships of the Atlantic and Washington Post

probably don’t mirror the U.S. as a whole. Many readers See pp. 88–89

probably did attend selective institutions or have children for other ways

to make

they are hoping will. It’s understandable that media outlets concessions

would want to cater to their readers, particularly in stories while still

standing your

that aim to give advice to students or their parents.

ground.

But it’s hard not to suspect that there is also another reason for

reporters’ focus on elite colleges: At least in major national media

outlets, that’s where most of them went. There’s no definitive

data on where reporters went to school, but the newsrooms of

influential media outlets in New York and Washington, D.C., are

full of graduates from Ivy League or similarly selective colleges.

Those who attended public colleges often went to a handful of

top research universities such as the University of Michigan or

the University of California, Berkeley. FiveThirtyEight is just as

bad: The vast majority of our editorial staff, including me, went

to elite, selective colleges. (I went to Columbia.)

“Ninety-five percent of the newsroom probably went to

private institutions, they went to four-year institutions, and

they went to elite institutions,” said Jeff Selingo, a longtime

higher-education journalist who has a new book focused on

giving advice to a broader group of students. “It is exactly the

opposite of the experience for the bulk of American students.”

It isn’t just newsrooms. Hollywood is guilty of this too—think

of a movie about college, and it probably took place on a leafy

suburban campus. That’s true even of movies that aren’t set in the

real world; when the writers of the Pixar film Monsters University

wanted a model for their animated campus, they visited Harvard,

MIT and Berkeley, according to The Wall Street Journal. 5 One

result, Selingo said: “We tend to view higher education through

the eyes of private higher education,” even though nearly two-

thirds of U.S. undergraduates6 attend public institutions.

3 9 3

B E N C a S S E L m a N

That myopia has real consequences for education policy. 10

Based on media accounts, it would be easy to think that the

biggest issues on U.S. campuses today are the spread of “trigger

warnings,” the rise of “hookup culture” and the spiraling cost

of amenity-filled dorms and rec centers. Meanwhile, issues that

matter to a far larger share of students get short shrift.

The media’s focus on elite schools draws attention away from

state cuts to higher-education funding, for example. Private

colleges, which feature disproportionately in media accounts,

aren’t affected by state budget cuts; top-tier public universi-

ties, which have outside resources such as alumni donations,

research grants and patent revenue, are much less dependent

on public dollars than less selective schools.

Or consider the breathless coverage of the college applica-

tion game that few students ever play: For most students, or

at least most high school graduates, getting into college isn’t

nearly as big a challenge as getting out. Barely half of first-time,

full-time bachelor’s degree students graduate within six years;

for part-time or community college students, that share is even

lower. But it took years for what is known in education jargon

as “college completion” to break into mainstream education

coverage, perhaps because at selective schools, the vast majority

of students graduate on time or close to it.

Even issues that do get attention, such as student debt, are

often covered through the lens of elite institutions. Reporters

can’t resist stories of students with eye-popping debt loads in

the six figures. But many of those stories involve people who

went to graduate school, most (though not all) of whom will

end up making good salaries in the long run. Meanwhile,

those who are struggling most to pay off loans are often those

with smaller balances who either have degrees that don’t help

them find jobs (often from for-profit colleges) or who never

3 9 4

Shut Up about Harvard

got a degree in the first place. Nearly one in five Americans

age 25 to 34 has some college credits but no degree,7 and a

growing share of them have student debt.

“The biggest issue is that people can’t afford to spend enough

time in college to actually finish their darn degrees,” said Sara

Goldrick-Rab, a sociology professor and education-policy expert

at the University of Wisconsin.8

What few journalists seem to understand, Goldrick-Rab said, 15

is how tenuous a grasp many students have on college. They

are working while in school, often juggling multiple jobs that

don’t readily align with class schedules. They are attending part

time, which makes it take longer to graduate and reduces the

chances of finishing at all. They are raising children, supporting

parents and racking up debt trying to pay for it all.

One little thing goes awry and it just falls apart,” Goldrick-

Rab said. “And the consequences of it falling apart when they’re

taking on all this debt are just so severe.”

Students keep taking that risk for a reason: A college degree

remains the most likely path to a decent-paying job. They aren’t

studying literary theory or philosophy; the most popular under-

graduate majors in recent years have been business and health-

related fields such as nursing.

Yet the public debate over whether college is “worth it,” and

the related conversation over how to make higher education

more affordable, too often focuses on issues that are far removed

from the lives of most students: administrative salaries, runaway

construction costs, the value of the humanities. Lost in those

discussions are the challenges that affect far more students: How

to design college schedules to accommodate students who work,

as more than half of students do;9 how to make sure students keep

their credits when they transfer, as more than a third of students

do at least once; and, of course, how to make college affordable

3 9 5

B E N C a S S E L m a N

not just for the few who attend Harvard but for the many who

attend regional public universities and community colleges.

Notes

1. Unless otherwise noted, all data in this article is from the Department

of Education’s College Scorecard database. Data is the most recent available.

2. Degree-seeking undergraduates at four-year schools.

3. Defined as schools offering primarily associate degrees or certificates.

4. “Primarily residential” colleges are those where at least 25 percent of

students live on campus.

5. Thanks to Selingo for pointing out this anecdote.

6. At four-year colleges.

7. According to the Current Population Survey, via IPUMS.

8. Goldrick-Rab is leaving Wisconsin for Temple University at the end

of the academic year.

9. CPS, via IPUMS.

Joining the Conversation

1. Why does Ben Casselman believe the media focuses too

much on students at Harvard and other elite colleges? In his

view, what effect does this bias have on higher education?

2. Examine the table on page x listing data from the US Depart-

ment of Education. How do the data support Casselman’s

argument? What other sorts of information relating to the

essay’s argument might you like to see displayed, and what

would you hope to learn from it?

3. In presenting his “they say,” Casselman gives numerous

examples of mainstream media’s emphasis on elite colleges.

What words and phrases does he use to distinguish his views

from those of other newspapers and magazines?

3 9 6

Shut Up about Harvard

4. Read Liz Addison’s essay (pp. 365–68), and compare what

she says with what Casselman says.

5. Go to theysayiblog.com and read Devoney Looser’s article

“Why I Teach Online.” How do you think Casselman would

respond to her argument?

3 9 7

On the Front Lines

of a New Culture War

s t e v e k o l o w i c h

H

St. Cloud State University spent 15 years trying to become a

beacon of diversity and tolerance while its city fought over the

arrival of Muslim refugees. Then Donald Trump came along.

St. Cloud, Minnesota. The Somali students watched the

news with a sense of dread: Someone had hit six people with

a car and then stabbed five more at Ohio State University.

Just don’t let him be Somali, some of the students thought to

themselves as details of the attack started percolating on social

media. Don’t let him be Muslim.

It had happened on a different campus in a different state,

but the Somali refugees at St. Cloud State University had lived

in the United States for long enough to know how this worked:

Steve Kolowich is a staff reporter for The Chronicle of Higher Educa-

tion, “the No. 1 source of news, information, and jobs for college and

university faculty members and administrators.” He has also written

for Inside Higher Education, Slate, and the Washington City Paper. This

essay appeared in The Chronicle of Higher Education on January 1, 2017.

3 9 8

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

Mohamed Warsame, president of the Somali Student Association at

St. Cloud State University.

Any act of violence by a foreign-born Muslim could reignite

fears of immigration and terrorism, and there was no place more

flammable than St. Cloud, Minn.

The bad news had arrived in short order: The Ohio State

attacker, Abdul Artan, was Somali, Muslim, and a student.

The next day, the Somali Muslim students at St. Cloud State

gathered for their weekly meeting in the student union to talk

about what, if anything, Mr. Artan had to do with them.

They had beaten long odds to get here. Their families fled 5

a civil war that left hundreds of thousands of Somalis starved,

brutalized, and stranded. Some of the students had been raised

in refugee camps. They came to the United States at the invi-

tation of the federal government and put down roots in Min-

nesota. They now stood to earn college degrees and the chance

to climb the social ladder in their adoptive country.

3 9 9

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

But it was not clear that their country wanted them.

Earlier that month, U.S. voters had elected Donald J. Trump

as their next president. During his campaign, he had spoken of

Somali refugees as a “disaster” for Minnesota and called for a ban

on Muslims entering the country. He had specifically mentioned

St. Cloud, a city that sits at the axis of three counties in central

Minnesota. On Election Day, more than 60 percent of voters

in those counties cast ballots for Mr. Trump—the most support

here for any presidential candidate in more than half a century.

The election dealt a moral blow to the Somali students.

Now news of the Ohio State attack threatened to validate the

suspicions stirred by Mr. Trump’s message.

The details of the attack were sadly familiar. They echoed

a September incident here, in St. Cloud, where a Muslim man

with Somali roots had hit a cyclist with his car and then stabbed

10 people at a local shopping mall. The attacker was a former

student at St. Cloud State.

After the mall attack, Somali students at the university led 10

a rally on campus to show solidarity with the city. Now, in the

student union, they talked about whether they should make a

statement addressing what happened in Ohio.

White people, they had noticed, always seemed to expect

Muslims everywhere to condemn violence committed by Mus-

lims anywhere. But why should they have to take responsibility

for the actions of a stranger 800 miles away?

It felt unfair. The majority of the Somali students at St.

Cloud State had spent most of their lives in America. They

watch football on Sundays. They laugh at impersonations of

Homer Simpson and Arnold Schwarzenegger. They aspire to

be social workers, police officers, and beauty queens.

They are part of a generation of refugees who are trying to

do what immigrants in the United States have done for years:

4 0 0

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

get educated, expand their horizons, and build better lives for

themselves while also staying connected to the culture that

sustained their elders through the traumas of war and disloca-

tion. For the younger Somalis, a college degree repre-

See pp. 94–95

sents a chance to avoid the powerlessness of life in the for ways to

indicate who

nonwhite working class.

cares.

What it might not offer them is a privilege afforded to many

Americans regardless of education: the freedom to speak for

themselves, and no one else.

St. Cloud sits along the chilliest stretch of the Mississippi River,

about 65 miles northwest of Minneapolis. German was spo-

ken in its downtown business district, and in many homes and 15

schools, until a wave of nativism swept the state during World

War I. Many German immigrants suppressed their heritage for

fear of being seen as disloyal.

A few blocks south, the city opens up on a series of Brutalist

buildings. Here, in the middle of a deep red gash in the Demo-

cratic Party’s crumbling upper-Midwest firewall, sits a public

university that, over the past decade and a half, has tried to

embody diversity, tolerance, and globalist optimism.

St. Cloud State, whose 15,000 students include 300 Somalis, now

faces the task of making a case for those values in hostile territory.

For two decades, the city has been a destination for refugees

fleeing the Horn of Africa. Some residents of the Minnesota

city once known as “White Cloud” have been jarred by the

influx of African Muslims.

In recent years, relationships have become tense. Somalis

have reported being harassed on the street and in the hallways

of a local high school. Somali-owned businesses have been tagged

with graffiti. Last winter a Minneapolis-based newspaper declared

St. Cloud to be “the worst place in Minnesota to be Somali.”

4 0 1

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

The university wants to be an exception to that rule. St. 20

Cloud State prides itself on being safe and welcoming to stu-

dents of color and to religious minorities, although this has not

always been the case. At the time St. Cloud State hired its first

nonwhite president, Roy H. Saigo, in 2000, it had been named

in dozens of discrimination lawsuits.

Mr. Saigo, a Japanese-American who spent three years of

his childhood in an Arizona internment camp during World

War II, started working on making the campus more inclusive.

The first step was to force the university to look in the mirror.

Mr. Saigo asked the Equal Employment Opportunity Commis-

sion to investigate how St. Cloud State was failing its minority

students and staff members, and how it could do better.

Investigators found a “perception of ignorance and an acute

lack of sensitivity among faculty, students, and administrators

in regard to religious and cultural differences,” both on the

campus and in the city.

“The university,” they wrote in a report, “suffers from a

severe lack of credibility with regard to diversity issues.”

Mr. Saigo set about trying to fix that. He visited urban

high schools in the Twin Cities, where St. Cloud State had

never recruited. He faced some resistance. Three black faculty

members, apparently worried that the new recruits might not

know what they were getting themselves into, sent letters to

guidance counselors in Twin Cities high schools warning that

“residency in St. Cloud can be hazardous for black people.” At

around the same time, a “cultural audit” by a consulting firm

noted that the special attention given to minorities on campus

had irked some white employees. “The white culture is feeling

oppressed and left out,” wrote the auditors in 2002, “and wants

to be recognized.” In 2007 and 2008, swastikas were scrawled

on campus.

4 0 2

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

Since then the numbers of international students and stu- 25

dents of color have ticked upward.

In the student union on an afternoon in late November,

the progress is evident: The air is alive with the sound of

a half-dozen languages and accents. Indian students in saris

offer temporary henna tattoos. Muslim women in head scarves

gossip around laptops. A grinning white guy with a patchy

beard lumbers through in a Green Bay Packers jersey and a

cheese head.

The student population at St. Cloud State is now more

diverse than those of Minnesota and the country as a whole.

But diversity alone does not erase boundaries. Seventy per-

cent of students at the university are white Americans, many

of them drawn from the mostly white counties around the

city. And here, just as on many campuses, those white stu-

dents can still sail through four years without spending sig-

nificant time with people whose backgrounds differ greatly

from their own.

Ashish Vaidya, St. Cloud State’s interim president, wants to

do what he can to change that.

For Mr. Vaidya, diversity does not mean just better serv-

ing students of color. It also means preparing white kids from

Minnesota to navigate a diverse world with grace and empathy.

St. Cloud State requires students to take courses that focus on

“multicultural, gender, and minority studies,” and Mr. Vaidya

wants it to develop tools than can measure whether students

have absorbed those lessons.

“If, at the end of their educational experience at St. Cloud 30

State, they emerge without knowing very well how to engage

in a diverse and multicultural environment,” says the president,

“we have failed.”

4 0 3

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

“Diversity is not just a nice social norm,” says Ashish Vaidya, interim

president of St. Cloud State. “I’m convinced that it is a primary driving

force for creativity and innovation.”

Mr. Vaidya, an Indian-born economist, became president

unexpectedly last year, when the man who had hired him as

provost, Earl H. Potter III, died in a car crash. His father was a

telecommunications engineer for the Indian government, a job

that uprooted his family every few years. Mr. Vaidya was raised

in an ever-changing backdrop of locales, including two years on

the African island of Mauritius, where the children at his school

spoke French and Creole. At the University of California at

Davis, where he got his doctorate, he studied alongside students

4 0 4

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

from Spain, China, and Iran. “My wife thinks I have no roots,”

he says, “which is probably accurate.”

The interim president, who came to St. Cloud State from

Los Angeles in 2015, is enthusiastic about the “internation-

alization” that he sees as part of the university’s identity.

He is bullish on study-abroad programs, and the university

is pushing more students to incorporate international travel

into their education. If he could afford to send all 15,000

students at the university to study in foreign countries, he

says, he would. His realistic goal is more modest: to increase

study-abroad enrollment from 450 to 700 over the next

three years.

As for central Minnesota, Mr. Vaidya believes his best pitch

for diversity is an economic one. “Diversity is not just a nice

social norm,” he says. “I’m convinced that it is a primary driv-

ing force for creativity and innovation that’s going to lead to

economic success.”

Minnesota businesses have global ambitions, he says, and

a state university that promotes multiculturalism will better

serve both its students and the companies that might want to

hire them, “It’s a globally interconnected world. There is no

‘other.’ There is no ‘the other side.’ ”

That is, of course, exactly the kind of optimism that typified 35

Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign and failed to inspire so

many voters here in central Minnesota. On the morning after

Election Day, college leaders woke up to the realization that

they were the “other.”

Mr. Trump’s victory was a reminder that big swaths of the

population don’t cherish “safe spaces,” political correctness, or

multiculturalism—to say nothing of fact-checking or the sci-

entific method.

4 0 5

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

This might not have come as a shock to state universities,

many of which have been gradually starved by state legisla-

tors as they have become more diverse. In the wake of the

Trump victory, St. Cloud State has reason to feel especially

disconnected from the regional political mood. If the voting

results are any indication, most people around here seem to

think that cultural and economic boundaries exist for good

reasons, and would rather see them reinforced than blurred

beyond recognition.

Two days before the election, Mr. Trump held a rally in an

airplane hangar at the Minneapolis–St. Paul airport. He did

not talk about the college graduates Minnesota was sending

out into the world. He talked about people invading the state

from the other side of civilization.

“Everybody’s reading about the disaster taking place in Min-

nesota,” Mr. Trump had told the crowd, referring to the Somali

refugees. “Everybody’s reading about it. You don’t even have

the right to talk about it. … You don’t even know who’s com-

ing in—you have no idea. You’ll find out.”

He was not talking to Minnesota business leaders eager to 40

leverage the “globally interconnected world,” or to college

presidents who could help them do it. He was talking to white

people who feel less connected than ever to the world right

outside their doorsteps.

Two days before Election Day, Mohamed Warsame was at a

friend’s apartment, watching a football game. His Minnesota

Vikings were in the process of letting one slip away at home.

Mr. Warsame, a 24-year-old business major at St. Cloud State

who is president of the Somali Student Association, checked

Facebook and saw that Mr. Trump was trying to pull off a similar

upset, decrying the presence of Somalis in places like St. Cloud.

4 0 6

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

“You’ve suffered enough,” Mr. Trump told the hangar full

of white Minnesotans.

Mr. Warsame was not impressed. “We’ve dealt with civil

war, we’ve dealt with some family members dying because of

tribal issues that didn’t even make sense,” he says. “What else

can you do to us? We’ve been survivalists all our lives. So, say-

ing we’re bad people, that doesn’t really do anything to us.”

His family fled Somalia in 2001. Mr. Warsame doesn’t 45

remember those days vividly, and doesn’t care to. There were

guns, there were “travel issues,” there were people who died. He

doesn’t see any point in dwelling on the past. “It’s very hard,

and it’s a very divided issue,” he says. “If you bring it up, you’re

just bringing problems.”

The family arrived in Minnesota the way a lot of Somalis

did: by traveling from wherever else the U.S. government had

placed them. They were in Tennessee but headed north after

getting a call from a relative in Minnesota. The Somalis there

had a community and a foothold in the working class. Mr.

Warsame’s mother got a job at a turkey-processing plant in a

small city called Faribault, and after a few years she moved the

family to the Twin Cities.

Mr. Warsame has a soccer player’s build, but since moving

to Minnesota as a teenager he has become a fan of American

football. He and Mr. Trump share a favorite player, the New

England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady, whom the president-

elect has called a “great champion.” Mr. Warsame likes Mr.

Brady because nobody else wanted him on their team, and he

proved them all wrong.

He believes in underdog stories, including his own. In

junior high school, he remembers spending a long time work-

ing through the English sentences in his homework under the

guidance of a Somali neighbor who had been in the country

4 0 7

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

for a longer time. It was hard work, but Mr. Warsame didn’t

give up, and made the honor roll.

When it came time to go to college, he almost slipped

through the cracks. He applied to Minnesota State University

at Mankato at the suggestion of a friend, but had to scramble

to get his financial-aid forms in order. This time he had no one

to guide him. “I didn’t have anyone to lead the way for me, to

say, ‘This is how you do stuff.’ ”

At Mankato he was stressed out. He made some friends but 50

couldn’t afford a car, and as the days grew colder and shorter

he felt more and more isolated. He left after a year and enrolled

in community college. He took a job at a computer-chip manu-

facturer for $12 per hour.

It was hard manual work, and it wore him down. Mr.

Warsame noticed that a lot of the other immigrants there were

hired on a temporary basis and did not get benefits. “I figured

out, I can’t do this for the rest of my life,” he says.

Finally he enrolled at St. Cloud State, where he found a

home among the Somali students and student-government

types. After the Somali student group elected him president,

Mr. Warsame had the idea to pair up new Somali students with

older mentors who could help them find their way.

As a campaign message, optimism might seem corny, but as

a personal philosophy, Mr. Warsame sees it a key for survival.

Experience has shown him how some people start out with dis-

advantages—but, like bad memories, he doesn’t see any upside

in focusing on them.

“There’s two ways of being an underdog,” he says. One

way is to say the system is rigged and you’ll be shut out. But

“there’s another way: I’ll find my way in, and I’ll do whatever

it takes.”

4 0 8

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

Patrick Nelson, a St. Cloud student, says he might feel more positive about

Islam if he had Muslim friends: “Most of the problems I have with Islam is

the belief system, not the individuals.”

Patrick Nelson was at the airport for Mr. Trump’s speech. The 55

Republican candidate, wearing his trademark red hat, gripped

the sides of the podium and recounted the knife attack in St.

Cloud. Then, pinching thumb to forefinger and gesturing deci-

sively, he promised he would not allow any refugees to be placed

in any town that didn’t want them there.

The crowd cheered, and so did Mr. Nelson.

The stereotype of a Trump supporter is an alpha male of a

certain age who longs for a time in American history when he

felt less bitter about his place in the country and the country’s

place in the world. Mr. Nelson does not fit that mold. He is

19 years old, fresh-faced and polite, too young to be nostalgic

about anything. Like a lot of college kids, he professes to be

antiwar, pro–gender equality, and pro–gay rights.

4 0 9

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

Mr. Nelson grew up in St. Cloud just as the Somali popula-

tion was becoming more visible. The Somalis in his neighbor-

hood lived up the road in an apartment complex overseen by

Catholic Charities, which Mr. Nelson knew as “the projects.”

He kept his distance from the Somali boys at his school, who

always seemed to be involved in fights. They spoke their own

language with one another and didn’t seem interested in him.

That was fine with Mr. Nelson, who was a shy, anxious kid and

wasn’t interested in them, either.

As he approached voting age, Mr. Nelson became curious

about Islam, the dominant religion among the new immigrants.

He says he read the Quran and did some research online—on

his own, not for a class—on Shariah law and the differences

between Sunni and Shiite Muslims. He concluded that Islam

was an intolerant religion, and that Muslims arriving from con-

servative cultures posed a threat to the gay-rights movement at a

moment when homophobia in the United States was finally on

the wane.

He says he used to worry about Christian extremists, like 60

the Westboro Baptist Church. Now he worries about Muslims.

Mr. Nelson grew up around Somalis—in school and at the

warehouse where he once worked as a janitor—but has not been

close with any of them. “I think some of that was my choice,”

he says, “just because I probably had some internal racism or

something.”

He’s open to the possibility that he might feel differently

about Islam if he had Muslim friends, but says his critique is

ideological, not personal. “Most of the problems I have with

Islam is the belief system,” he says, “not the individuals.”

Mr. Nelson, who transferred to St. Cloud State this year

and lives at his childhood home, south of campus, describes his

parents as center-left Democrats who like President Obama. He

4 1 0

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

remembers learning concepts like racism from them and from

his teachers in school. It was on YouTube and on 8chan, an

anything-goes online hub popular among gamers and hackers,

that he learned the term “race realism”: the idea that race,

rather than being a social construct, marks actual biological

differences among people.

As the election approached, the first presidential contest in

which he would be eligible to vote, Mr. Nelson started con-

structing his own political identity.

He believes in “race realism” but not white supremacy. 65

He supports stemming the arrival of new refugees but not kick-

ing out the ones who already live here. He doesn’t think Muslim

immigrants are more violent than other groups, but he worries

that Islam might attract people who are inherently violent.

He does not believe everything that Donald Trump says, but

he doesn’t think Mr. Trump believes everything he says, either.

The guys on 8chan saw Mr. Trump as a cult hero: a trash-

talking boss who broke the rules of politics and got away with

it. “A lot of my peers online were into him,” says Mr. Nelson,

“so I thought, ‘Jump on the bandwagon.”

After Mr. Trump won the Republican nomination, Mr.

Nelson started taking his positions seriously. The candidate

started looking like a guy capable of ushering his party to the

left on gay-rights issues. (His running mate, Mike Pence, who

has a record of supporting policies that would enable discrimi-

nation against gay people, is another matter. Mr. Nelson says,

half-seriously, that he thinks Mr. Trump picked the Indiana

governor to discourage would-be assassins on the left who would

not want to be stuck with a President Pence.)

After Mr. Trump gave a foreign-policy speech railing against

the country’s attempts at nation-building in the Middle East,

he started looking like the antiwar candidate, too.

4 1 1

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

Mr. Nelson was sold, and he wasn’t alone. At an election-night 70

watch party on campus, he was pleased to find that some of his

fellow St. Cloud State students were also pulling for Mr. Trump.

He knows that some people think education should neces-

sarily immunize voters to Mr. Trump’s charms, but he finds that

view demeaning. Mr. Nelson sees his reasons for supporting

the president-elect as legitimate, evidence-based, and moderate

compared with some of the chatter he reads online.

“I’ve done my homework,” he says. “I’m not coming in com-

pletely stupid.”

On September 17, with the presidential race heating up, Mr.

Nelson checked Facebook and saw a friend’s message with a link

to a local news story. Something had happened at a shopping

mall three miles west of campus.

A 20-year-old man with Somali roots had grabbed two long

knives and driven to the mall, hitting a cyclist on the way. In

the parking lot he slashed a pregnant woman and her boyfriend.

Inside the mall, the man stabbed eight more people before being

shot and killed by an off-duty police officer.

“The suspect made some references to Allah,” noted the

story, “and asked at least one person in the mall if they were 75

Muslim before attacking them.”

Details of the attacker’s life soon emerged. His name was

Dahir Adan. He was born in Kenya to Somali parents and came

to the United States when he was 2 years old. Other Somalis

in St. Cloud knew him as a “normal American kid” who liked

basketball, soccer, and video games. He was a good student, and

after high school he had enrolled at St. Cloud State, where he

studied information systems.

Earlier last year, something had changed. According to the

FBI, Mr. Adan “flunked out” of college, lost weight, seemed

4 1 2

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

unusually agitated, and took an intense interest in the Quran.

The agency looked into whether Mr. Adan had ties to any ter-

ror groups. They did not immediately find any links, although

the investigation remains open.

Faisa Salah, a student studying social work at the university,

wonders if Mr. Adan might have been suffering from psycholog-

ical problems—a possibility that, she notes with dismay, never

seems to come up when an attacker is Muslim and foreign-born.

(Mr. Adan’s family and his soccer coach have said they do not

believe he was mentally ill.)

Ms. Salah, too, was born in Kenya to Somali parents. They

came to the United States when she was 6, days after the ter-

rorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The refugee-resettlement

office placed them in San Diego, but before long they, too, beat

a path to Minnesota.

Growing up in St. Cloud, Ms. Salah did not learn much

about mental health. Like many Americans, Somali immigrants

see psychological disorders as shameful, she says, and usually 80

they are swept under the rug. “With us, it’s more of a stigma,”

she says. “If a family member is disabled, the whole family is

frowned upon.”

When a cousin began acting out, Ms. Salah says, her aunt

insisted that he needed the Quran, not psychiatric treatment.

The cousin later jumped off a third-floor balcony. (He survived,

she says, and eventually got medical help.) That experience

made her want to study psychology at St. Cloud State. Now she

plans to stay for a master’s degree and become a clinical social

worker.

She knows how stressful it can be to try to build a life on a

cultural fault line. In the early 2010s, she felt the plates start

to slip. The ethnic tensions at her high school started to reflect

those of St. Cloud generally. Ms. Salah has felt pulled between

4 1 3

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

the culture she had inherited from her Somali relatives and the

one she had adopted in Minnesota.

“I felt like it was ‘them’ and ‘us,’ and I didn’t know who to

pick,” she says.

Ms. Salah considered herself an American. She had white

friends, and all of her memories are of St. Cloud. But the arrival

of newer Somalis, who don’t identify with the kids who grew

up in central Minnesota, complicated the question of where

she fit in socially.

“They thought we were too Americanized, or like we wanted 85

to be like the white kids,” says Ms. Salah. But she and the other

“Americanized” Somalis didn’t fully fit in with the white kids,

either. “So, we were kind of stuck in the middle.”

Ms. Salah is Muslim—she wears a head scarf and does not

shake hands with men who are not family—but she’s also a

modern woman, who, despite her mother’s reservations, is

planning on a career despite having two young children her-

self. She says her sense of identity has been shaped by her

education and professional aspirations as much as by her faith

and heritage.

“I can relate more to a white person who has the same ideas

as me,” she says. “I can relate more to the social workers who

are white than someone who is in my culture.”

The older generation of Somali refugees witnessed murder

and the rape of family members during the conflict that turned

their home country into what some have described as hell on

earth. Ms. Salah believes there are cases of post-traumatic

stress disorder among them that have never been diagnosed.

She hopes a degree in social work will help her teach her elders

about mental health.

But it’s complicated. Among Somalis, she says, credibility

is conferred by age, not education. She sometimes tries to tell

4 1 4

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

her mother what she’s learned about symptoms and treatments.

“She goes, ‘No, you just need prayers,’” says Ms. Salah. “Prayers

do help, but it’s not the only factor. You need medicine, too.”

Ms. Salah hopes that fewer Somalis in her generation will 90

see a family member showing signs of psychological distress and

point to the Quran as the only solution.

She also hopes that fewer Americans in her generation will

see a Somali Muslim commit an act of violence and point to

the Quran as the problem.

St. Cloud State provides its Somali students with a relatively

safe place in a world that they know, better than most, is any-

thing but safe.

Whatever refuge the campus offers is temporary, of course.

The students will continue their journeys in a country where

many other people see them as a threat.

Abdi H. Daisane’s journey has been improbable. His father, a

military man, took the family from one Somali city to the next

during the civil war, trying desperately to avoid the purgatory

of a refugee camp. They ended up in one anyway, in Kenya,

where Mr. Daisane spent the next 18 years, until he was finally

delivered, courtesy of the U.S. government and a Lutheran

charity, to an apartment in Omaha.

His journey then took him to a couple of Nebraska towns 95

and finally to Minnesota, where he earned a degree in interna-

tional relations and planning and community development at

St. Cloud State. Last winter, after he graduated, Mr. Daisane’s

journey took him a few miles west of campus, to a small office

with green walls, a space heater, and a window looking out on

the parking lot of a Buffalo Wild Wings.

Mr. Daisane is a lanky 29-year-old with an easy smile. His

desk is covered in printed forms and schedules, alongside a

4 1 5

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

Abdi Daisane, a Somali native, works with a nonprofit group that helps

Somali refugees find jobs in Minnesota. He calls himself a “career planner”

but teaches basic cultural competencies as well.

motivational book called Get Up Off Your Butt & Do It Now!

His prayer mat is folded on a chair against the wall.

The office belongs to Resource Inc., a nonprofit group

that works with counties to place people in jobs so they can

receive government benefits under Minnesota’s welfare-to-

work program. Mr. Daisane works primarily with new Somali

refugees.

He calls himself a “career planner,” but he also teaches basic

cultural competencies: the importance of showing up on time,

respecting other people’s personal space, refraining from homo-

phobic remarks, not answering their cellphones at inappropri-

ate times. Most of his clients don’t speak English, he says, and

many have never been to school.

Last year Mr. Daisane decided he wanted to give the local

Somalis a voice where it counted: the city government. He filed

4 1 6

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

A homeowner in St. Cloud, where Somali refugees have settled, used his

front lawn to express his point of view after Election Day.

to run for a seat on the St. Cloud City Council against three

incumbents and one other challenger, all of them white.

He pitched himself as a “bridge builder.” At a public forum,

Mr. Daisane challenged the council president on how attentive

the council had been to racial divisions in St. Cloud. He showed

up at the shopping mall after the stabbing attack and talked about

how much Somalis in town feared being targeted for retaliation.

He won an endorsement from the St. Cloud Times.

He hit the streets to canvass for votes. One day, he knocked 100

on the door of a small white house with an American flag in

the front yard. The man who answered the door seemed wary

of the Somalis who had moved into the neighborhood, says

Mr. Daisane, but the candidate made his case anyway and asked

if he could count on the man’s vote. The man said he would

do some research.

On November 8, Mr. Trump won, and Mr. Daisane lost.

4 1 7

S T E v E k O L O w I C H

The three incumbents won handily. The other challenger, who

had skipped the public forum and had not responded to inquiries

from the newspaper, came in fourth. Mr. Daisane came in last.

Two days after the election, a series of signs appeared next

to the American flag on the lawn of the small white house

near the mall. They spelled out a message: “Take your Muslim

Somailian diaspora and put it where the sun doesn’t shine!!!”

The owner of the house, who didn’t want his name used,

told The Chronicle he doesn’t remember a conversation with

Mr. Daisane but wouldn’t trust any Muslim, no matter how

well-educated, to serve at any level of government. “I believe,”

he says, “that down the line they will go back to their strong

Muslim, Shariah beliefs.”

Mr. Daisane didn’t sleep much the night after the election. 105

The next morning, while his wife slept, he sat in his paja-

mas watching TV and wondering where the country might be

headed. He thought about the kids in the refugee camp where

he had woken up every morning for 18 years, unsure whether

water would flow from the tap his family shared with 200 others.

He remembers sitting down in his mostly bare Nebraska apart-

ment the week he arrived in the country and writing down his

goals: Get a driver’s license. Get a GED. Get a college degree.

The process had thrilled him. It was the first time he had

lived anywhere with a functioning government, and America’s

mythos as a land of freedom and opportunity felt very real to him.

“This is the only country where you’re actually writing goals for

yourself,” he says, “because there is stability, there is a system.”

After awhile, he thought about his own campaign. He knows

some people here are prejudiced. They might have seen his

skin tone or his name and been reminded of the knife-wielding

attacker on the evening news. Those same people might tense up

at the sound of his footsteps behind them in a dark parking lot.

4 1 8

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

Just don’t let him be Somali, they might think to themselves.

Don’t let him be Muslim.

Mr. Daisane has faith that if he came to their homes, and

if they listened to his story and heard what he really believed,

they would give him a chance.

“I probably should have knocked on more doors and had 110

more conversations with people,” he says.

“If I had done that, probably I would have won.”

Joining the Conversation

1. Steve Kolowich tells the stories of people living in and

around St. Cloud, Minnesota: Somali immigrants (mainly

college students), the president of the local university (him-

self an immigrant from India), a white college student from

the area, and a Somali community organizer. Taken together,

what picture emerges of the Somali community of St. Cloud?

Of the white population there?

2. Does the essay leave you feeling optimistic, pessimistic, or

both about the possibilities for the Somali community to fit

in to life in small-town Minnesota? Why?

3. Notice how many direct quotations Kolowich includes. Why

do you think he includes so many? What, if anything, do the

quotations contribute that a summary or paraphrase would not?

4. How might and danah boyd (pp. 219–29) Sean Blanda

(pp. 212–18) respond to the situation of Somali students in

St. Cloud, Minnesota?

5. Write a letter to Patrick Nelson, the college student discussed

in the essay, agreeing, disagreeing, or both with his views.

You might incorporate the views of Abdi Daisane, Faisa

Salah, or Mohamed Warsame as support for your argument.

4 1 9

EIGHTEEN

are we in a race

against the machine?

H

Are we in a race against the machine? Many people seem

to think so and are frightened by the prospect. Researchers at

Chapman University in California recently conducted a survey

of Americans’ fears, asking around 1,500 adults what scares

them most. Somewhat surprisingly, technology came in second

place, right behind natural disasters. As Adrienne LaFrance

writes in a piece for the Atlantic, “In the early days of the

telephone, people wondered if the machines might be used

to communicate with the dead. Today, it is the smartphone

that has people jittery.” No doubt, smartphones connect us to

friends, family, and colleagues, but they can also be a source of

anxiety and unease as they bring us continuous streams of news

stories, social media posts, and text messages.

Smartphone aside, others continue to worry about technol-

ogy in all its forms, and how it can negatively impact our brains

and bodies. Susan Greenfield, a neuroscientist, argues that our

“attention spans are shorter, personal communication skills are

reduced and there’s a marked reduction in the ability to think

abstractly.” Scientists used to believe that the human brain

changed up through adolescence but was relatively stable before

declining in old age. Now, however, there is strong evidence

4 2 1

A R E W E I N A R A C E A G A I N S T T H E M A C H I N E ?

for what Greenfield calls “the malleability of the adult brain,”

with alterations in brain structure caused by the devices we

have come to rely upon—and even some indications that we

are losing important mental skills.

But not everyone accepts these doomsday scenarios. A

number of experts argue that such alarmist views are seriously

overstated. In their view, new technologies make us smarter,

happier, and more productive. Clive Thompson, for example,

focuses on the growing role of computers in chess playing to

argue that technology is changing our minds—and our lives—

for the better. Similarly, Kenneth Goldsmith writes that far from

wasting time, much of what we do on the internet helps us to

develop new skills, learn about the world, and interact with oth-

ers. Responding to concerns that digital communication leads

to a decline in face-to-face interaction, Jenna Wortham offers

a positive assessment of the social media platform Snapchat,

writing that it is an easy, fun, language-free technology for

connecting with others and simply being oneself.

Along these same lines, college student Michaela Cullington

discusses her own research study, which found that, contrary to

public belief, text messaging is a practical form of communica-

tion and does not weaken students’ academic writing skills.

And, countering the view that political involvement online,

does not translate to genuine activism Zeynep Tufekci argues

that, used judiciously, social media can be a driving force for

initiating and maintaining political and social movements.

Still, some are concerned and think others should be too.

Nicholas Carr believes that extensive use of the internet is hurt-

ing our capacity for deep thinking and contemplation. Previ-

ously a strong proponent of digital technologies, Sherry Turkle

now argues that they are leading to a decline in intimacy and a

move away from self-reflection. And Carole Cadwalladr shows

4 2 2

Are We In a Race Against The Machine?

how Google and Facebook use algorithms that make it easy to

spread fake news and discriminatory speech. The readings in

this chapter give us much to think about, raising a number of

complex problems and providing no easy solutions. And while

some commentators may paint an optimistic picture of technol-

ogy and others contemplate more pessimistic scenarios, there’s

a little bit of optimism and pessimism in each reading, factors

that make this conversation worth joining.

4 2 3

Is Google Making Us Stupid?

n i c h o l a s c a r r

H

“Dave, stop. Stop, will you? Stop, Dave. Will you stop,

Dave?” So the supercomputer HAL pleads with the implacable

astronaut Dave Bowman in a famous and weirdly poignant scene

toward the end of Stanley Kubrick’s 2001: A Space Odyssey.

Bowman, having nearly been sent to a deep-space death by the

malfunctioning machine, is calmly, coldly disconnecting the

memory circuits that control its artificial “brain.” “Dave, my

mind is going,” HAL says, forlornly. “I can feel it. I can feel it.”

I can feel it, too. Over the past few years I’ve had an uncom-

fortable sense that someone, or something, has been tinkering

with my brain, remapping the neural circuitry, reprogramming

the memory. My mind isn’t going—so far as I can tell—but

it’s changing. I’m not thinking the way I used to think. I can

Nicholas Carr writes frequently on issues of technology and culture.

His books include The Big Switch: Rewiring the World, from Edison to

Google (2008), The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains

(2010), The Glass Cage: How Our Computers Are Changing Us (2014)

and Utopia Is Creepy (2016). Carr also has written for periodicals includ-

ing the Guardian, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and

Wired, and he blogs at roughtype.com. This essay appeared originally as the cover article in the July/August 2008 issue of the Atlantic.

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

Dave (Keir Dullea) removes HAL’s “brain” in 2001: A Space Odyssey.

feel it most strongly when I’m reading. Immersing myself in a

book or a lengthy article used to be easy. My mind would get

caught up in the narrative or the turns of the argument, and

I’d spend hours strolling through long stretches of prose. That’s

rarely the case anymore. Now my concentration often starts

to drift after two or three pages. I get fidgety, lose the thread,

begin looking for something else to do. I feel as if I’m always

dragging my wayward brain back to the text. The deep reading

that used to come naturally has become a struggle.

I think I know what’s going on. For more than a decade now,

I’ve been spending a lot of time online, searching and surfing

and sometimes adding to the great databases of the Internet.

The Web has been a godsend to me as a writer. Research that

once required days in the stacks or periodical rooms of librar-

ies can now be done in minutes. A few Google searches, some

quick clicks on hyperlinks, and I’ve got the telltale fact or pithy

quote I was after. Even when I’m not working, I’m as likely

as not to be foraging in the Web’s info-thickets reading and

writing e-mails, scanning headlines and blog posts, watching

videos and listening to podcasts, or just tripping from link to

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

link to link. (Unlike footnotes, to which they’re sometimes

likened, hyperlinks don’t merely point to related works; they

propel you toward them.)

For me, as for others, the Net is becoming a universal

medium, the conduit for most of the information that flows

through my eyes and ears and into my mind. The advantages

of having immediate access to such an incredibly rich store of

information are many, and they’ve been widely described and

duly applauded. “The perfect recall of silicon memory,” Wired’s

Clive Thompson has written, “can be an enormous boon to

thinking.” But that boon comes at a price. As the media theo-

rist Marshall McLuhan pointed out in the 1960s, media are

not just passive channels of information. They supply the stuff

of thought, but they also shape the process of thought. And

what the Net seems to be doing is chipping away my capacity

for concentration and contemplation. My mind now expects to

take in information the way the Net distributes it: in a swiftly

moving stream of particles. Once I was a scuba diver in the sea

of words. Now I zip along the surface like a guy on a Jet Ski.

I’m not the only one. When I mention my troubles with 5

reading to friends and acquaintances—literary types, most of

them—many say they’re having similar experiences. The more

they use the Web, the more they have to fight to stay focused on

long pieces of writing. Some of the bloggers I follow have also

begun mentioning the phenomenon. Scott Karp, who writes a

blog about online media, recently confessed that he has stopped

reading books altogether. “I was a lit major in college, and used

to be [a] voracious book reader,” he wrote. “What happened?”

He speculates on the answer: “What if I do all my reading on

the web not so much because the way I read has changed, i.e.

I’m just seeking convenience, but because the way I think has

changed?”

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

Bruce Friedman, who blogs regularly about the use of com-

puters in medicine, also has described how the Internet has

altered his mental habits. “I now have almost totally lost the

ability to read and absorb a longish article on the web or in

print,” he wrote earlier this year. A pathologist who has long

been on the faculty of the University of Michigan Medical

School, Friedman elaborated on his comment in a telephone

conversation with me. His thinking, he said, has taken on a

“staccato” quality, reflecting the way he quickly scans short

passages of text from many sources online. “I can’t read War

and Peace anymore,” he admitted. “I’ve lost the ability to do

that. Even a blog post of more than three or four paragraphs is

too much to absorb. I skim it.”

Anecdotes alone don’t prove much. And we still await the

long-term neurological and psychological experiments that will

provide a definitive picture of how Internet use affects cogni-

tion. But a recently published study of online research habits,

conducted by scholars from University College London, sug-

gests that we may well be in the midst of a sea change in the

way we read and think. As part of the five-year research pro-

gram, the scholars examined computer logs documenting the

behavior of visitors to two popular research sites, one operated

by the British Library and one by a U.K. educational consor-

tium, that provide access to journal articles, e-books, and other

sources of written information. They found that people using

the sites exhibited “a form of skimming activity,” hopping from

one source to another and rarely returning to any source they’d

already visited. They typically read no more than one or two

pages of an article or book before they would “bounce” out to

another site. Sometimes they’d save a long article, but there’s

no evidence that they ever went back and actually read it. The

authors of the study report:

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

It is clear that users are not reading online in the traditional sense;

indeed there are signs that new forms of “reading” are emerging

as users “power browse” horizontally through titles, contents pages

and abstracts going for quick wins. It almost seems that they go

online to avoid reading in the traditional sense.

Thanks to the ubiquity of text on the Internet, not to men-

tion the popularity of text-messaging on cell phones, we may

well be reading more today than we did in the 1970s or 1980s,

when television was our medium of choice. But it’s a different

kind of reading, and behind it lies a different kind of thinking—

perhaps even a new sense of the self. “We are not only what

we read,” says Maryanne Wolf, a developmental psychologist

at Tufts University and the author of Proust and the Squid: The

Story and Science of the Reading Brain. “We are how we read.”

Wolf worries that the style of reading promoted by the Net,

a style that puts “efficiency” and “immediacy” above all else,

may be weakening our capacity for the kind of deep reading

that emerged when an earlier technology, the printing press,

made long and complex works of prose commonplace. When

we read online, she says, we tend to become “mere decoders

of information.” Our ability to interpret text, to make the rich

mental connections that form when we read deeply and without

distraction, remains largely disengaged.

Reading, explains Wolf, is not an instinctive skill for human

beings. It’s not etched into our genes the way speech is. We

have to teach our minds how to translate the symbolic char-

acters we see into the language we understand. And the media

or other technologies we use in learning and practicing the

craft of reading play an important part in shaping the neural

circuits inside our brains. Experiments demonstrate that readers

of ideograms, such as the Chinese, develop a mental circuitry

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

for reading that is very different from the circuitry found in

those of us whose written language employs an alphabet. The

variations extend across many regions of the brain, including

those that govern such essential cognitive functions as memory

and the interpretation of visual and auditory stimuli. We can

expect as well that the circuits woven by our use of the Net

will be different from those woven by our reading of books and

other printed works.

Sometime in 1882, Friedrich Nietzsche bought a typewriter— 10

a Malling-Hansen Writing Ball, to be precise. His vision was

failing, and keeping his eyes focused on a page had become

exhausting and painful, often bringing on crushing headaches.

He had been forced to curtail his writing, and he feared that

he would soon have to give it up. The typewriter rescued him,

at least for a time. Once he had mastered touch-typing, he was

Friedrich Nietzsche and his Malling-Hansen Writing Ball.

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

able to write with his eyes closed, using only the tips of his

fingers. Words could once again flow from his mind to the page.

But the machine had a subtler effect on his work. One of

Nietzsche’s friends, a composer, noticed a change in the style

of his writing. His already terse prose had become even tighter,

more telegraphic. “Perhaps you will through this instrument

even take to a new idiom,” the friend wrote in a letter, noting

that, in his own work, his “ ‘thoughts’ in music and language

often depend on the quality of pen and paper.”

“You are right,” Nietzsche replied, “our writing equipment

takes part in the forming of our thoughts.” Under the sway of

the machine, writes the German media scholar Friedrich A.

Kittler, Nietzsche’s prose “changed from arguments to apho-

risms, from thoughts to puns, from rhetoric to telegram style.”

The human brain is almost infinitely malleable. People used

to think that our mental meshwork, the dense connections

formed among the 100 billion or so neurons inside our skulls,

was largely fixed by the time we reached adulthood. But brain

researchers have discovered that that’s not the case. James Olds,

a professor of neuroscience who directs the Krasnow Institute

for Advanced Study at George Mason University, says that

even the adult mind “is very plastic.” Nerve cells routinely

break old connections and form new ones. “The brain,” accord-

ing to Olds, “has the ability to reprogram itself on the fly,

altering the way it functions.”

As we use what the sociologist Daniel Bell has called our

“intellectual technologies”—the tools that extend our mental

rather than our physical capacities—we inevitably begin to take

on the qualities of those technologies. The mechanical clock,

which came into common use in the 14th century, provides a

compelling example. In Technics and Civilization, the historian

and cultural critic Lewis Mumford described how the clock

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

“disassociated time from human events and helped create the

belief in an independent world of mathematically measurable

sequences.” The “abstract framework of divided time” became

“the point of reference for both action and thought.”

The clock’s methodical ticking helped bring into being 15

the scientific mind and the scientific man. But it also took

something away. As the late MIT computer scientist Joseph

Weizenbaum observed in his 1976 book, Computer Power and

Human Reason: From Judgment to Calculation, the concep-

tion of the world that emerged from the widespread use of

timekeeping instruments “remains an impoverished version

of the older one, for it rests on a rejection of those direct

experiences that formed the basis for, and indeed constituted,

the old reality.” In deciding when to eat, to work, to sleep,

to rise, we stopped listening to our senses and started obeying

the clock.

The process of adapting to new intellectual technologies is

reflected in the changing metaphors we use to explain ourselves

to ourselves. When the mechanical clock arrived, people began

thinking of their brains as operating “like clockwork.” Today, in

the age of software, we have come to think of them as operat-

ing “like computers.” But the changes, neuroscience tells us, go

much deeper than metaphor. Thanks to our brain’s plasticity,

the adaptation occurs also at a biological level.

The Internet promises to have particularly far-reaching effects

on cognition. In a paper published in 1936, the British mathema-

tician Alan Turing proved that a digital computer, which at the

time existed only as a theoretical machine, could be programmed to

perform the function of any other information-processing device.

And that’s what we’re seeing today. The Internet, an immeasur-

ably powerful computing system, is subsuming most of our other

intellectual technologies. It’s becoming our map and our clock,

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

our printing press and our typewriter, our calculator and our tele-

phone, and our radio and TV.

When the Net absorbs a medium, that medium is re-created

in the Net’s image. It injects the medium’s content with hyper-

links, blinking ads, and other digital gewgaws, and it surrounds

the content with the content of all the other media it has

absorbed. A new e-mail message, for instance, may announce

its arrival as we’re glancing over the latest headlines at a news-

paper’s site. The result is to scatter our attention and diffuse

our concentration.

The Net’s influence doesn’t end at the edges of a computer

screen, either. As people’s minds become attuned to the crazy

quilt of Internet media, traditional media have to adapt to

the audience’s new expectations. Television programs add text

crawls and pop-up ads, and magazines and newspapers shorten

their articles, introduce capsule summaries, and crowd their

pages with easy-to-browse info-snippets. When, in March of

this year, the New York Times decided to devote the second

and third pages of every edition to article abstracts, its design

director, Tom Bodkin, explained that the “shortcuts” would

give harried readers a quick “taste” of the day’s news, sparing

them the “less efficient” method of actually turning the pages

and reading the articles. Old media have little choice but to

play by the new-media rules.

Never has a communications system played so many roles in 20

our lives—or exerted such broad influence over our thoughts—

as the Internet does today. Yet, for all that’s been written about

the Net, there’s been little consideration of how, exactly, it’s

reprogramming us. The Net’s intellectual ethic remains obscure.

About the same time that Nietzsche started using his type-

writer, an earnest young man named Frederick Winslow Taylor

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

carried a stopwatch into the Midvale Steel plant in Phila-

delphia and began a historic series of experiments aimed at

improving the efficiency of the plant’s machinists. With the

approval of Midvale’s owners, he recruited a group of factory

hands, set them to work on various metalworking machines,

and recorded and timed their every movement as well as the

operations of the machines. By breaking down every job into

a sequence of small, discrete steps and then testing different

ways of performing each one, Taylor created a set of precise

instructions—an “algorithm,” we might say today—for how

each worker should work. Midvale’s employees grumbled about

the strict new regime, claiming that it turned them into little

more than automatons, but the factory’s productivity soared.

More than a hundred years after the invention of the steam

engine, the Industrial Revolution had at last found its philosophy

A testing engineer (possibly Taylor) observes a Midvale Steel worker c. 1885.

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

and its philosopher. Taylor’s tight industrial choreography—his

“system,” as he liked to call it—was embraced by manufactur-

ers throughout the country and, in time, around the world.

Seeking maximum speed, maximum efficiency, and maximum

output, factory owners used time-and-motion studies to orga-

nize their work and configure the jobs of their workers. The

goal, as Taylor defined it in his celebrated 1911 treatise, The

Principles of Scientific Management, was to identify and adopt,

for every job, the “one best method” of work and thereby to

effect “the gradual substitution of science for rule of thumb

throughout the mechanic arts.” Once his system was applied to

all acts of manual labor, Taylor assured his followers, it would

bring about a restructuring not only of industry but of society,

creating a utopia of perfect efficiency. “In the past the man has

been first,” he declared; “in the future the system must be first.”

Taylor’s system is still very much with us; it remains the

ethic of industrial manufacturing. And now, thanks to the

growing power that computer engineers and software coders

wield over our intellectual lives, Taylor’s ethic is beginning

to govern the realm of the mind as well. The Internet is a

machine designed for the efficient and automated collection,

transmission, and manipulation of information, and its legions

of programmers are intent on finding the “one best method”—

the perfect algorithm—to carry out every mental movement of

what we’ve come to describe as “knowledge work.”

Google’s headquarters, in Mountain View, California—the

Googleplex—is the Internet’s high church, and the religion

practiced inside its walls is Taylorism. Google, says its chief

executive, Eric Schmidt, is “a company that’s founded around

the science of measurement,” and it is striving to “systematize

everything” it does. Drawing on the terabytes of behavioral data

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

The Googleplex.

it collects through its search engine and other sites, it carries

out thousands of experiments a day, according to the Harvard

Business Review, and it uses the results to refine the algorithms

that increasingly control how people find information and

extract meaning from it. What Taylor did for the work of the

hand, Google is doing for the work of the mind.

The company has declared that its mission is “to organize 25

the world’s information and make it universally accessible and

useful.” It seeks to develop “the perfect search engine,” which it

defines as something that “understands exactly what you mean

and gives you back exactly what you want.” In Google’s view,

information is a kind of commodity, a utilitarian resource that

can be mined and processed with industrial efficiency. The more

pieces of information we can “access” and the faster we can

extract their gist, the more productive we become as thinkers.

Where does it end? Sergey Brin and Larry Page, the gifted

young men who founded Google while pursuing doctoral

degrees in computer science at Stanford, speak frequently of

their desire to turn their search engine into an artificial intelli-

gence, a HAL-like machine that might be connected directly to

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

our brains. “The ultimate search engine is something as smart as

people—or smarter,” Page said in a speech a few years back. “For

us, working on search is a way to work on artificial intelligence.”

In a 2004 interview with Newsweek, Brin said, “Certainly if you

had all the world’s information directly attached to your brain,

or an artificial brain that was smarter than your brain, you’d

be better off.” Last year, Page told a convention of scientists

that Google is “really trying to build artificial intelligence and

to do it on a large scale.”

Such an ambition is a natural one, even an admirable one,

for a pair of math whizzes with vast quantities of cash at their

disposal and a small army of computer scientists in their employ.

A fundamentally scientific enterprise, Google is motivated by

a desire to use technology, in Eric Schmidt’s words, “to solve

problems that have never been solved before,” and artificial

intelligence is the hardest problem out there. Why wouldn’t

Brin and Page want to be the ones to crack it?

Still, their easy assumption that we’d all “be better off ” if

our brains were supplemented, or even replaced, by an artificial

intelligence is unsettling. It suggests a belief that intelligence is

the output of a mechanical process, a series of discrete steps that

can be isolated, measured, and optimized. In Google’s world,

the world we enter when we go online, there’s little place for

the fuzziness of contemplation. Ambiguity is not an opening for

insight but a bug to be fixed. The human brain is just an outdated

computer that needs a faster processor and a bigger hard drive.

The idea that our minds should operate as high-speed data-

processing machines is not only built into the workings of the

Internet, it is the network’s reigning business model as well.

The faster we surf across the Web—the more links we click

and pages we view—the more opportunities Google and other

companies gain to collect information about us and to feed

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

us advertisements. Most of the proprietors of the commercial

Internet have a financial stake in collecting the crumbs of data

we leave behind as we flit from link to link—the more crumbs,

the better. The last thing these companies want is to encourage

leisurely reading or slow, concentrated thought. It’s in their

economic interest to drive us to distraction.

Maybe I’m just a worrywart. Just as there’s a tendency to glo- 30

rify technological progress, there’s a countertendency to expect

the worst of every new tool or machine. In Plato’s Phaedrus,

Socrates bemoaned the development of writing. He feared that,

as people came to rely on the written word as a substitute for the

knowledge they used to carry inside their heads, they would, in

the words of one of the dialogue’s characters, “cease to exercise

their memory and become forgetful.” And because they would

be able to “receive a quantity of information without proper

instruction,” they would “be thought very knowledgeable when

they are for the most part quite ignorant.” They would be “filled

with the conceit of wisdom instead of real wisdom.” Socrates

wasn’t wrong—the new technology did often have the effects

he feared—but he was shortsighted. He couldn’t foresee the

many ways that writing and reading would serve to spread

information, spur fresh ideas, and expand human knowledge

(if not wisdom).

The arrival of Gutenberg’s printing press, in the 15th century,

set off another round of teeth gnashing. The Italian human-

ist Hieronimo Squarciafico worried that the easy availability of

books would lead to intellectual laziness, making men “less stu-

dious” and weakening their minds. Others argued that cheaply

printed books and broadsheets would undermine religious author-

ity, demean the work of scholars and scribes, and spread sedition

and debauchery. As New York University professor Clay Shirky

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

See pp. 31–33

notes, “Most of the arguments made against the print-

for tips on

putting yourself

ing press were correct, even prescient.” But, again, the

in their shoes.

doomsayers were unable to imagine the myriad blessings

that the printed word would deliver.

So, yes, you should be skeptical of my skepticism. Perhaps

those who dismiss critics of the Internet as Luddites or nostal-

gists will be proved correct, and from our hyperactive, data-

stoked minds will spring a golden age of intellectual discovery

and universal wisdom. Then again, the Net isn’t the alphabet,

and although it may replace the printing press, it produces

something altogether different. The kind of deep reading that a

sequence of printed pages promotes is valuable not just for the

knowledge we acquire from the author’s words but for the intel-

lectual vibrations those words set off within our own minds.

In the quiet spaces opened up by the sustained, undistracted

reading of a book, or by any other act of contemplation, for that

matter, we make our own associations, draw our own inferences

and analogies, foster our own ideas. Deep reading, as Maryanne

Wolf argues, is indistinguishable from deep thinking.

If we lose those quiet spaces, or fill them up with “content,”

we will sacrifice something important not only in our selves

but in our culture. In a recent essay, the playwright Richard

Foreman eloquently described what’s at stake:

I come from a tradition of Western culture, in which the ideal (my

ideal) was the complex, dense and “cathedral-like” structure of

the highly educated and articulate personality—a man or woman

who carried inside themselves a personally constructed and unique

version of the entire heritage of the West. [But now] I see within

us all (myself included) the replacement of complex inner density

with a new kind of self—evolving under the pressure of information

overload and the technology of the “instantly available.”

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Is Google Making Us Stupid?

As we are drained of our “inner repertory of dense cultural

inheritance,” Foreman concluded, we risk turning into “ ‘pancake

people’—spread wide and thin as we connect with that vast net-

work of information accessed by the mere touch of a button.”

I’m haunted by that scene in 2001. What makes it so poi- 35

gnant, and so weird, is the computer’s emotional response to the

disassembly of its mind: its despair as one circuit after another

goes dark, its childlike pleading with the astronaut—“I can feel

it. I can feel it. I’m afraid”—and its final reversion to what can

only be called a state of innocence. HAL’s outpouring of feel-

ing contrasts with the emotionlessness that characterizes the

human figures in the film, who go about their business with

an almost robotic efficiency. Their thoughts and actions feel

scripted, as if they’re following the steps of an algorithm. In

the world of 2001, people have become so machinelike that

the most human character turns out to be a machine. That’s

the essence of Kubrick’s dark prophecy: as we come to rely on

computers to mediate our understanding of the world, it is our

own intelligence that flattens into artificial intelligence.

Joining the Conversation

1. “Is Google making us stupid?” How does Nicholas Carr

answer this question, and what evidence does he provide

to support his answer?

2. What possible objections to his own position does Carr

introduce—and why do you think he does so? How effec-

tively does he counter these objections?

3. Carr begins this essay by quoting an exchange between HAL

and Dave, a supercomputer and an astronaut in the film

2001: A Space Odyssey—and he concludes by reflecting on

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N I C H o l A S C A R R

that scene. What happens to HAL and Dave, and how does

this outcome support his argument?

4. How does Carr use transitions to connect the parts of his

text and to help readers follow his train of thought? (See

Chapter 8 to help you think about how transitions help

develop an argument.)

5. In his essay on pages 441−61, Clive Thompson reaches a

different conclusion than Carr does, saying that “At their

best, today’s digital tools help us see more, retain more, com-

municate more. At their worst, they leave us prey to the

manipulation of the toolmakers. But on balance … what

is happening is deeply positive.” Write a paragraph or two

discussing how Carr might respond. What would he agree

with, and what would he disagree with?

6. This article sparked widespread debate and conversation

when it first appeared in 2008, and the discussion contin-

ues today. Go to theysayiblog.com and click on “Are We in a Race against the Machine?” to read some of what’s been

written on the topic recently.

4 4 0

Smarter Than You Think:

How Technology Is Changing

Our Minds for the Better

c l i v e t h o m p s o n

H

Who’s better at chess—computers or humans?

The question has long fascinated observers, perhaps because

chess seems like the ultimate display of human thought: the

players sit like Rodin’s Thinker, silent, brows furrowed, mak-

ing lightning-fast calculations. It’s the quintessential cognitive

activity, logic as an extreme sport.

So the idea of a machine outplaying a human has always

provoked both excitement and dread. In the eighteenth cen-

tury, Wolfgang von Kempelen caused a stir with his clockwork

Mechanical Turk—an automaton that played an eerily good

game of chess, even beating Napoleon Bonaparte. The spec-

tacle was so unsettling that onlookers cried out in astonishment

Clive Thompson is a journalist and blogger who writes for the New

York Times Magazine and Wired. He was awarded a 2002 Knight Science

Journalism Fellowship at MIT. He blogs at clivethompson.net. This

essay is adapted from his book, Smarter Than You Think: How Technology

Is Changing Our Minds for the Better (2013).

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C l I v E T H o M p S o N

The Thinker, by French sculptor Auguste Rodin (1840–1917).

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Smarter Than You Think

when the Turk’s gears first clicked into motion. But the gears,

and the machine, were fake; in reality, the automaton was con-

trolled by a chess savant cunningly tucked inside the wooden

cabinet. In 1915, a Spanish inventor unveiled a genuine,

honest-to-goodness robot that could actually play chess—a

simple endgame involving only three pieces, anyway. A writer

for Scientific American fretted that the inventor “Would Sub-

stitute Machinery for the Human Mind.”

Eighty years later, in 1997, this intellectual standoff clanked

to a dismal conclusion when world champion Garry Kasparov

was defeated by IBM’s Deep Blue supercomputer in a tourna-

ment of six games. Faced with a machine that could calcu-

late two hundred million positions a second, even Kasparov’s

notoriously aggressive and nimble style broke down. In its final

game, Deep Blue used such a clever ploy—tricking Kasparov

into letting the computer sacrifice a knight—that it trounced

him in nineteen moves. “I lost my fighting spirit,” Kasparov

said afterward, pronouncing himself “emptied completely.”

Riveted, the journalists announced a winner. The cover of

Newsweek proclaimed the event “The Brain’s Last Stand.”

Doom-sayers predicted that chess itself was over. If machines

could out-think even Kasparov, why would the game remain

interesting? Why would anyone bother playing? What’s the

challenge?

Then Kasparov did something unexpected.

5

The truth is, Kasparov wasn’t completely surprised by Deep

Blue’s victory. Chess grand masters had predicted for years that

computers would eventually beat humans, because they under-

stood the different ways humans and computers play. Human

chess players learn by spending years studying the world’s best

opening moves and endgames; they play thousands of games,

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C l I v E T H o M p S o N

slowly amassing a capacious, in-brain library of which strategies

triumphed and which flopped. They analyze their opponents’

strengths and weaknesses, as well as their moods. When they

look at the board, that knowledge manifests as intuition—a

eureka moment when they suddenly spy the best possible move.

In contrast, a chess-playing computer has no intuition at all.

It analyzes the game using brute force; it inspects the pieces

currently on the board, then calculates all options. It prunes

away moves that lead to losing positions, then takes the prom-

ising ones and runs the calculations again. After doing this a

few times—and looking five or seven moves out—it arrives

at a few powerful plays. The machine’s way of “thinking” is

fundamentally unhuman. Humans don’t sit around crunching

every possible move, because our brains can’t hold that much

information at once. If you go eight moves out in a game of

chess, there are more possible games than there are stars in

our galaxy. If you total up every game possible? It outnumbers

the atoms in the known universe. Ask chess grand masters,

“How many moves can you see out?” and they’ll likely deliver

the answer attributed to the Cuban grand master José Raúl

Capablanca: “One, the best one.”

The fight between computers and humans in chess was, as

Kasparov knew, ultimately about speed. Once computers could

see all games roughly seven moves out, they would wear humans

down. A person might make a mistake; the computer wouldn’t.

Brute force wins. As he pondered Deep Blue, Kasparov mused

on these different cognitive approaches.

It gave him an audacious idea. What would happen if,

instead of competing against one another, humans and com-

puters collaborated? What if they played on teams together—

one computer and a human facing off against another human

and a computer? That way, he theorized, each might benefit

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from the other’s peculiar powers. The computer would bring

the lightning-fast—if uncreative—ability to analyze zillions of

moves, while the human would bring intuition and insight, the

ability to read opponents and psych them out. Together, they

would form what chess players later called a centaur: a hybrid

beast endowed with the strengths of each.

In June 1998, Kasparov played the first public game of 10

human-computer collaborative chess, which he dubbed

“advanced chess,” against Veselin Topalov, a top-rated grand

master. Each used a regular computer with off-the-shelf chess

software and databases of hundreds of thousands of chess games,

including some of the best ever played. They considered what

moves the computer recommended, they examined historical

databases to see if anyone had ever been in a situation like

theirs before. Then they used that information to help plan.

Each game was limited to sixty minutes, so they didn’t have

infinite time to consult the machines; they had to work swiftly.

Kasparov found the experience “as disturbing as it was excit-

ing.” Freed from the need to rely exclusively on his memory,

he was able to focus more on the creative texture of his play.

It was, he realized, like learning to be a race-car driver: He had

to learn how to drive the computer, as it were—developing a

split-second sense of which strategy to enter into the computer

for assessment, when to stop an unpromising line of inquiry,

and when to accept or ignore the computer’s advice. “Just as a

good Formula One driver really knows his own car, so did we

have to learn the way the computer program worked,” he later

wrote. Topalov, as it turns out, appeared to be an even better

Formula One “thinker” than Kasparov. On purely human terms,

Kasparov was a stronger player; a month before, he’d trounced

Topalov 4–0. But the centaur play evened the odds. This time,

Topalov fought Kasparov to a 3–3 draw.

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Garry Kasparov (right) plays Veselin Topalov (left) in Sofia, Bulgaria, on

May 3, 1998.

In 2005, there was a “freestyle” chess tournament in which

a team could consist of any number of humans or comput-

ers, in any combination. Many teams consisted of chess grand

masters who’d won plenty of regular, human-only tournaments,

achieving chess scores of 2,500 (out of 3,000). But the winning

team didn’t include any grand masters at all. It consisted of

two young New England men, Steven Cramton and Zackary

Stephen (who were comparative amateurs, with chess rankings

down around 1,400 to 1,700), and their computers.

Why could these relative amateurs beat chess players with far

more experience and raw talent? Because Cramton and Stephen

were expert at collaborating with computers. They knew when

to rely on human smarts and when to rely on the machine’s

advice. Working at rapid speed—these games, too, were limited

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to sixty minutes—they would brainstorm moves, then check to

see what the computer thought, while also scouring databases

to see if the strategy had occurred in previous games. They

used three different computers simultaneously, running five

different pieces of software; that way they could cross-check

whether different programs agreed on the same move. But they

wouldn’t simply accept what the machine accepted, nor would

they merely mimic old games. They selected moves that were

low-rated by the computer if they thought they would rattle

their opponents psychologically.

In essence, a new form of chess intelligence was emerging.

You could rank the teams like this: (1) a chess grand master was

good; (2) a chess grand master playing with a laptop was better.

But even that laptop-equipped grand master could be beaten

by (3) relative newbies, if the amateurs were extremely skilled

at integrating machine assistance. “Human strategic guidance

combined with the tactical acuity of a computer,” Kasparov

concluded, “was overwhelming.”

Better yet, it turned out these smart amateurs could even 15

outplay a supercomputer on the level of Deep Blue. One of the

entrants that Cramton and Stephen trounced in the freestyle

chess tournament was a version of Hydra, the most powerful

chess computer in existence at the time; indeed, it was prob-

ably faster and stronger than Deep Blue itself. Hydra’s owners

let it play entirely by itself, using raw logic and speed to fight

its opponents. A few days after the advanced chess event,

Hydra destroyed the world’s seventh-ranked grand master in a

man-versus-machine chess tournament.

But Cramton and Stephen beat Hydra. They did it using

their own talents and regular Dell and Hewlett-Packard com-

puters, of the type you probably had sitting on your desk in

2005, with software you could buy for sixty dollars. All of which

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brings us back to our original question here: Which is smarter

at chess—humans or computers?

Neither.

It’s the two together, working side by side.

We’re all playing advanced chess these days. We just haven’t

learned to appreciate it.

Our tools are everywhere, linked with our minds, working 20

in tandem. Search engines answer our most obscure questions;

status updates give us an ESP-like awareness of those around

us; online collaborations let far-flung collaborators tackle prob-

lems too tangled for any individual. We’re becoming less like

Rodin’s Thinker and more like Kasparov’s centaurs. This trans-

formation is rippling through every part of our cognition—

how we learn, how we remember, and how we act upon that

knowledge emotionally, intellectually, and politically. As with

Cramton and Stephen, these tools can make even the amateurs

among us radically smarter than we’d be on our own, assuming

(and this is a big assumption) we understand how they work.

At their best, today’s digital tools help us see more, retain

more, communicate more. At their worst, they leave us prey

to the manipulation of the toolmakers. But on balance, I’d

argue, what is happening is deeply positive… .

In a sense, this is an ancient story. The “extended mind”

theory of cognition argues that the reason humans are so intel-

lectually dominant is that we’ve always outsourced bits of cogni-

tion, using tools to scaffold our thinking into ever-more-rarefied

realms. Printed books amplified our memory. Inexpensive paper

and reliable pens made it possible to externalize our thoughts

quickly. Studies show that our eyes zip around the page while

performing long division on paper, using the handwritten digits

as a form of prosthetic short-term memory. “These resources

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enable us to pursue manipulations and juxtapositions of ideas

and data that would quickly baffle the unaugmented brain,” as

Andy Clark, a philosopher of the extended mind, writes.

Granted, it can be unsettling to realize how much thinking

already happens outside our skulls. Culturally, we revere the

Rodin ideal—the belief that genius breakthroughs come from

our gray matter alone. The physicist Richard Feynman once got

into an argument about this with the historian Charles Weiner.

Feynman understood the extended mind; he knew that writing

his equations and ideas on paper was crucial to his thought.

But when Weiner looked over a pile of Feynman’s notebooks,

he called them a wonderful “record of his day-to-day work.”

No, no, Feynman replied testily. They weren’t a record of his

thinking process. They were his thinking process:

“I actually did the work on the paper,” he said.

“Well,” Weiner said, “the work was done in your head, but the

record of it is still here.”

“No, it’s not a record, not really. It’s working. You have to work on

paper and this is the paper. Okay?”

Every new tool shapes the way we think, as well as what we

think about. The printed word helped make our cognition linear

and abstract, along with vastly enlarging our stores of knowledge.

Newspapers shrank the world; then the telegraph shrank it even

more dramatically. With every innovation, cultural prophets

bickered over whether we were facing a technological apocalypse

or a utopia. Depending on which Victorian-age pundit you asked,

the telegraph was either going to usher in an era of world peace

(“It is impossible that old prejudices and hostilities should longer

exist,” as Charles F. Briggs and Augustus Maverick intoned) or

drown us in a Sargasso of idiotic trivia (“We are eager to tunnel

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under the Atlantic … but perchance the first news that will leak

through into the broad, flapping American ear will be that the

Princess Adelaide has the whooping cough,” as Thoreau opined).

Neither prediction was quite right, of course, yet neither was

quite wrong. The one thing that both apocalyptics and utopians

understand and agree upon is that every new technology pushes

us toward new forms of behavior while nudging us away from

older, familiar ones. Harold Innis—the lesser-known but arguably

more interesting intellectual midwife of Marshall McLuhan—

called this the bias of a new tool. Living with new technologies

means understanding how they bias everyday life.

What are the central biases of today’s digital tools? There are

many, but I see three big ones that have a huge impact on our

cognition. First, they allow for prodigious external memory: smart-

phones, hard drives, cameras, and sensors routinely record more

information than any tool before them. We’re shifting from a

stance of rarely recording our ideas and the events of our lives to

doing it habitually. Second, today’s tools make it easier for us to

find connections—between ideas, pictures, people, bits of news—

that were previously invisible. Third, they encourage a superfluity

of communication and publishing. This last feature has many

surprising effects that are often ill understood. Any economist

can tell you that when you suddenly increase the availability of

a resource, people do more things with it, which also means they

do increasingly unpredictable things. As electricity became cheap

and ubiquitous in the West, its role expanded from things you’d

expect—like night-time lighting—to the unexpected and seem-

ingly trivial: battery-driven toy trains, electric blenders, vibrators.

The superfluity of communication today has produced everything

from a rise in crowd-organized projects like Wikipedia to curious

new forms of expression: television-show recaps, map-based story-

telling, discussion threads that spin out of a photo posted to a

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smartphone app, Amazon product-review threads wittily hijacked

for political satire. Now, none of these three digital biases is immu-

table, because they’re the product of software and hardware, and

can easily be altered or ended if the architects of today’s tools

(often corporate and governmental) decide to regulate the tools

or find they’re not profitable enough. But right now, these big

effects dominate our current and near-term landscape.

In one sense, these three shifts—infinite memory, dot 25

connecting, explosive publishing—are screamingly obvious

to anyone who’s ever used a computer. Yet they also some-

how constantly surprise us by producing ever-new “tools for

thought” (to use the writer Howard Rheingold’s lovely phrase)

that upend our mental habits in ways we never expected and

often don’t apprehend even as they take hold. Indeed, these

phenomena have already woven themselves so deeply into the

lives of people around the globe that it’s difficult to stand back

and take account of how much things have changed and why.

While [here I map] out what I call the future of thought, it’s also

frankly rooted in the present, because many parts of our future

have already arrived, even if they are only dimly understood.

As the sci-fi author William Gibson famously quipped: “The

future is already here—it’s just not very evenly distributed.”

This is an attempt to understand what’s happening to us right

now, the better to see where our augmented thought is headed.

Rather than dwell in abstractions, like so many marketers and

pundits—not to mention the creators of technology, who are

often remarkably poor at predicting how people will use their

tools—I focus more on the actual experiences of real people.

To provide a concrete example of what I’m talking about, let’s

take a look at something simple and immediate: my activities

while writing the pages you’ve just read.

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As I was working, I often realized I couldn’t quite remember

a detail and discovered that my notes were incomplete. So I’d

zip over to a search engine. ( Which chess piece did Deep Blue

sacrifice when it beat Kasparov? The knight! ) I also pushed some

of my thinking out into the open: I blogged admiringly about

the Spanish chess-playing robot from 1915, and within min-

utes commenters offered smart critiques. (One pointed out that

the chess robot wasn’t that impressive because it was playing an

endgame that was almost impossible to lose: the robot started

with a rook and a king, while the human opponent had only

a mere king.) While reading Kasparov’s book How Life Imitates

Chess on my Kindle, I idly clicked on “popular highlights” to

see what passages other readers had found interesting—and

wound up becoming fascinated by a section on chess strategy

I’d only lightly skimmed myself. To understand centaur play

better, I read long, nuanced threads on chess-player discus-

sion groups, effectively eavesdropping on conversations of

people who know chess far better than I ever will. (Chess

players who follow the new form of play seem divided—some

think advanced chess is a grim sign of machines’ taking over

the game, and others think it shows that the human mind is

much more valuable than computer software.) I got into a long

instant-messaging session with my wife, during which I realized

that I’d explained the gist of advanced chess better than I had

in my original draft, so I cut and pasted that explanation into

my notes. As for the act of writing itself? Like most writers,

I constantly have to fight the procrastinator’s urge to meander

online, idly checking Twitter links and Wikipedia entries in

a dreamy but pointless haze—until I look up in horror and

realize I’ve lost two hours of work, a missing-time experience

redolent of a UFO abduction. So I’d switch my word processor

into full-screen mode, fading my computer desktop to black so

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I could see nothing but the page, giving me temporary mental

peace.

[Let’s] explore each of these trends. First off, there’s the

emergence of omnipresent computer storage, which is upend-

ing the way we remember, both as individuals and as a cul-

ture. Then there’s the advent of “public thinking”: the ability

to broadcast our ideas and the catalytic effect that has both

inside and outside our minds. We’re becoming more conversa-

tional thinkers—a shift that has been rocky, not least because

everyday public thought uncorks the incivility and prejudices

that are commonly repressed in face-to-face life. But at its best

(which, I’d argue, is surprisingly often), it’s a thrilling develop-

ment, reigniting ancient traditions of dialogue and debate. At

the same time, there’s been an explosion of new forms of expres-

sion that were previously too expensive for everyday thought—

like video, mapping, or data crunching. Our social awareness

is shifting, too, as we develop ESP-like “ambient awareness,” a

persistent sense of what others are doing and thinking. On a

social level, this expands our ability to understand the people

we care about. On a civic level, it helps dispel traditional politi-

cal problems like “pluralistic ignorance,” catalyzing political

action, as in the Arab Spring.

Are these changes good or bad for us? If you asked me twenty

years ago, when I first started writing about technology, I’d have

said “bad.” In the early 1990s, I believed that as people migrated

online, society’s worst urges might be uncorked: pseudonymity

would poison online conversation, gossip and trivia would domi-

nate, and cultural standards would collapse. Certainly See p. 65 for

some of those predictions have come true, as anyone ways to make

the “I’m of two

who’s wandered into an angry political forum knows. minds” move.

But the truth is, while I predicted the bad stuff, I didn’t fore-

see the good stuff. And what a torrent we have: Wikipedia, a

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global forest of eloquent bloggers, citizen journalism, political

fact-checking—or even the way status-update tools like Twitter

have produced a renaissance in witty, aphoristic, haikuesque

expression. If [I accentuate] the positive, that’s in part because

we’ve been so flooded with apocalyptic warnings of late. We

need a new way to talk clearly about the rewards and pleasures

of our digital experiences—one that’s rooted in our lived experi-

ence and also detangled from the hype of Silicon Valley.

The other thing that makes me optimistic about our cog- 30

nitive future is how much it resembles our cognitive past. In

the sixteenth century, humanity faced a printed-paper wave

of information overload—with the explosion of books that

began with the codex and went into overdrive with Gutenberg’s

movable type. As the historian Ann Blair notes, scholars were

alarmed: How would they be able to keep on top of the flood of

human expression? Who would separate the junk from what was

worth keeping? The mathematician Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz

bemoaned “that horrible mass of books which keeps on grow-

ing,” which would doom the quality writers to “the danger of

general oblivion” and produce “a return to barbarism.” Thank-

fully, he was wrong. Scholars quickly set about organizing the

new mental environment by clipping their favorite passages

from books and assembling them into huge tomes— florilegia,

bouquets of text—so that readers could sample the best parts.

They were basically blogging, going through some of the same

arguments modern bloggers go through. (Is it enough to clip

a passage, or do you also have to verify that what the author

wrote was true? It was debated back then, as it is today.) The

past turns out to be oddly reassuring, because a pattern emerges.

Each time we’re faced with bewildering new thinking tools, we

panic—then quickly set about deducing how they can be used

to help us work, meditate, and create.

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History also shows that we generally improve and refine our

tools to make them better. Books, for example, weren’t always

as well designed as they are now. In fact, the earliest ones were,

by modern standards, practically unusable—often devoid of the

navigational aids we now take for granted, such as indexes,

paragraph breaks, or page numbers. It took decades—centuries,

even—for the book to be redesigned into a more flexible cogni-

tive tool, as suitable for quick reference as it is for deep reading.

This is the same path we’ll need to tread with our digital tools.

It’s why we need to understand not just the new abilities our

tools give us today, but where they’re still deficient and how

they ought to improve.

I have one caveat to offer. If you were hoping to read about the

neuroscience of our brains and how technology is “rewiring”

them, [I] will disappoint you.

This goes against the grain of modern discourse, I real-

ize. In recent years, people interested in how we think have

become obsessed with our brain chemistry. We’ve marveled at

the ability of brain scanning—picturing our brain’s electrical

activity or blood flow—to provide new clues as to what parts

of the brain are linked to our behaviors. Some people panic

that our brains are being deformed on a physiological level

by today’s technology: spend too much time flipping between

windows and skimming text instead of reading a book, or

interrupting your conversations to read text messages, and

pretty soon you won’t be able to concentrate on anything—

and if you can’t concentrate on it, you can’t understand it

either. In his book The Shallows, Nicholas Carr eloquently

raised this alarm, arguing that the quality of our thought, as a

species, rose in tandem with the ascendance of slow-moving,

linear print and began declining with the arrival of the zingy,

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flighty Internet. “I’m not thinking the way I used to think,”

he worried.

I’m certain that many of these fears are warranted. It has

always been difficult for us to maintain mental habits of con-

centration and deep thought; that’s precisely why societies have

engineered massive social institutions (everything from univer-

sities to book clubs and temples of worship) to encourage us to

keep it up. It’s part of why only a relatively small subset of people

become regular, immersive readers, and part of why an even

smaller subset go on to higher education. Today’s multitasking

tools really do make it harder than before to stay focused during

long acts of reading and contemplation. They require a high

level of “mindfulness’’—paying attention to your own atten-

tion. While I don’t dwell on the perils of distraction [here], the

importance of being mindful resonates throughout these pages.

One of the great challenges of today’s digital thinking tools is

knowing when not to use them, when to rely on the powers of

older and slower technologies, like paper and books.

That said, today’s confident talk by pundits and journalists 35

about our “rewired” brains has one big problem: it is very prema-

ture. Serious neuroscientists agree that we don’t really know how

our brains are wired to begin with. Brain chemistry is particularly

mysterious when it comes to complex thought, like memory,

creativity, and insight. “There will eventually be neuroscientific

explanations for much of what we do; but those explanations

will turn out to be incredibly complicated,” as the neuroscientist

Gary Marcus pointed out when critiquing the popular fascina-

tion with brain scanning. “For now, our ability to understand

how all those parts relate is quite limited, sort of like trying

to understand the political dynamics of Ohio from an airplane

window above Cleveland.” I’m not dismissing brain scanning;

indeed, I’m confident it’ll be crucial in unlocking these mysteries

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in the decades to come. But right now the field is so new that it

is rash to draw conclusions, either apocalyptic or utopian, about

how the Internet is changing our brains. Even Carr, the most

diligent explorer in this area, cited only a single brain-scanning

study that specifically probed how people’s brains respond to

using the Web, and those results were ambiguous.

The truth is that many healthy daily activities, if you scanned

the brains of people participating in them, might appear outright

dangerous to cognition. Over recent years, professor of psychiatry

James Swain and teams of Yale and University of Michigan scien-

tists scanned the brains of new mothers and fathers as they listened

to recordings of their babies’ cries. They found brain circuit activ-

ity similar to that in people suffering from obsessive-compulsive

disorder. Now, these parents did not actually have OCD. They

were just being temporarily vigilant about their newborns. But

since the experiments appeared to show the brains of new par-

ents being altered at a neural level, you could write a pretty scary

headline if you wanted: becoming a parent erodes your brain

function! In reality, as Swain tells me, it’s much more benign.

Being extra fretful and cautious around a newborn is a good thing

for most parents: Babies are fragile. It’s worth the trade-off. Simi-

larly, living in cities—with their cramped dwellings and pounding

noise—stresses us out on a straightforwardly physiological level

and floods our system with cortisol, as I discovered while research-

ing stress in New York City several years ago. But the very urban

density that frazzles us mentally also makes us 50 percent more

productive, and more creative, too, as Edward Glaeser argues in

Triumph of the City, because of all those connections between

people. This is “the city’s edge in producing ideas.” The upside of

creativity is tied to the downside of living in a sardine tin, or, as

Glaeser puts it, “Density has costs as well as benefits.” Our digital

environments likely offer a similar push and pull. We tolerate

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their cognitive hassles and distractions for the enormous upside

of being connected, in new ways, to other people.

I want to examine how technology changes our mental hab-

its, but for now, we’ll be on firmer ground if we stick to what’s

observably happening in the world around us: our cognitive

behavior, the quality of our cultural production, and the social

science that tries to measure what we do in everyday life. In any

case, I won’t be talking about how your brain is being “rewired.”

Almost everything rewires it… .

The brain you had before you read this paragraph? You don’t

get that brain back. I’m hoping the trade-off is worth it.

The rise of advanced chess didn’t end the debate about man

versus machine, of course. In fact, the centaur phenomenon

only complicated things further for the chess world—raising

questions about how reliant players were on computers and

how their presence affected the game itself. Some worried that

if humans got too used to consulting machines, they wouldn’t

be able to play without them. Indeed, in June 2011, chess

master Christoph Natsidis was caught illicitly using a mobile

phone during a regular human-to-human match. During tense

moments, he kept vanishing for long bathroom visits; the ref-

eree, suspicious, discovered Natsidis entering moves into a piece

of chess software on his smartphone. Chess had entered a phase

similar to the doping scandals that have plagued baseball and

cycling, except in this case the drug was software and its effect

cognitive.

This is a nice metaphor for a fear that can nag at us in our 40

everyday lives, too, as we use machines for thinking more and

more. Are we losing some of our humanity? What happens

if the Internet goes down: Do our brains collapse, too? Or is

the question naive and irrelevant—as quaint as worrying about

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whether we’re “dumb” because we can’t compute long division

without a piece of paper and a pencil?

Certainly, if we’re intellectually lazy or prone to cheating

and shortcuts, or if we simply don’t pay much attention to how

our tools affect the way we work, then yes—we can become,

like Natsidis, overreliant. But the story of computers and chess

offers a much more optimistic ending, too. Because it turns out

that when chess players were genuinely passionate about learn-

ing and being creative in their game, computers didn’t degrade

their own human abilities. Quite the opposite: it helped them

internalize the game much more profoundly and advance to

new levels of human excellence.

Before computers came along, back when Kasparov was

a young boy in the 1970s in the Soviet Union, learning

grand-master-level chess was a slow, arduous affair. If you

showed promise and you were very lucky, you could find a

local grand master to teach you. If you were one of the tiny

handful who showed world-class promise, Soviet leaders would

fly you to Moscow and give you access to their elite chess

library, which contained laboriously transcribed paper records

of the world’s top games. Retrieving records was a painstaking

affair; you’d contemplate a possible opening, use the catalog to

locate games that began with that move, and then the librarians

would retrieve records from thin files, pulling them out using

long sticks resembling knitting needles. Books of chess games

were rare and incomplete. By gaining access to the Soviet elite

library, Kasparov and his peers developed an enormous advan-

tage over their global rivals. That library was their cognitive

augmentation.

But beginning in the 1980s, computers took over the

library’s role and bested it. Young chess enthusiasts could buy

CD-ROMs filled with hundreds of thousands of chess games.

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Chess-playing software could show you how an artificial oppo-

nent would respond to any move. This dramatically increased

the pace at which young chess players built up intuition. If you

were sitting at lunch and had an idea for a bold new opening

move, you could instantly find out which historic players had

tried it, then war-game it yourself by playing against software.

The iterative process of thought experiments—“If I did this,

then what would happen?”—sped up exponentially.

Chess itself began to evolve. “Players became more creative

and daring,” as Frederic Friedel, the publisher of the first popu-

lar chess databases and software, tells me. Before computers,

grand masters would stick to lines of attack they’d long stud-

ied and honed. Since it took weeks or months for them to

research and mentally explore the ramifications of a new move,

they stuck with what they knew. But as the next generation

of players emerged, Friedel was astonished by their unusual

gambits, particularly in their opening moves. Chess players

today, Kasparov has written, “are almost as free of dogma as

the machines with which they train. Increasingly, a move isn’t

good or bad because it looks that way or because it hasn’t been

done that way before. It’s simply good if it works and bad if

it doesn’t.”

Most remarkably, it is producing players who reach grand 45

master status younger. Before computers, it was extremely rare

for teenagers to become grand masters. In 1958, Bobby Fischer

stunned the world by achieving that status at fifteen. The feat

was so unusual it was over three decades before the record was

broken, in 1991. But by then computers had emerged, and in

the years since, the record has been broken twenty times, as

more and more young players became grand masters. In 2002,

the Ukrainian Sergey Karjakin became one at the tender age

of twelve.

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So yes, when we’re augmenting ourselves, we can be smarter.

We’re becoming centaurs. But our digital tools can also leave

us smarter even when we’re not actively using them.

Joining the Conversation

1. Clive Thompson lists three shifts—infinite memory, dot

connecting, and explosive publishing—that he believes

have strongly affected our cognition. What exactly does he

mean by these three shifts, and in what ways does he think

they have changed our thinking?

2. Thompson starts paragraph 20 by saying “Our tools are

everywhere, linked with our minds, working in tandem.”

What do you think? Does his statement reflect your own

experience with technology?

3. In paragraphs 33−35, Thompson cites Nicholas Carr, whose

views about technology differ from his. How does he respond

to Carr—and how does acknowledging views he disagrees

with help support his own position?

4. So what? Has Thompson convinced you that his topic mat-

ters? If so, how and where does he do so?

5. Write an essay reflecting on the ways digital technologies

have influenced your own intellectual development, drawing

from Thompson’s text and other readings in this chapter—

and on your own experience as support for your argument.

Be sure to acknowledge views other than your own.

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Does Texting Affect Writing?

m i c h a e l a c u l l i n g t o n

H

It’s taking over our lives. We can do it almost anywhere—

walking to class, waiting in line at the grocery store, or hanging out

at home. It’s quick, easy, and convenient. It has become a concern

of doctors, parents, and teachers alike. What is it? It’s texting!

Text messaging—or texting, as it’s more commonly called—

is the process of sending and receiving typed messages via a

cellular phone. It is a common means of communication among

teenagers and is even becoming popular in the business world

because it allows quick messages to be sent without people

having to commit to a telephone conversation. A person is

able to say what is needed, and the other person will receive

the information and respond when it’s convenient to do so.

In order to more quickly type what they are trying to say,

many people use abbreviations instead of words. The language

created by these abbreviations is called textspeak. Some people

Michaela Cullington was a student at Marywood University in Penn-

sylvania when she wrote this essay, which originally appeared in Young

Scholars in Writing, an undergraduate journal of writing published by the

University of Missouri–Kansas City. She received a masters degree in

speech and language pathology from Marywood in 2014 and is a speech

language pathologist in Delaware.

4 6 2

Does Texting Affect Writing?

believe that using these abbreviations is hindering the Here’s the

summary of

writing abilities of students, and others argue that tex-

an ongoing

ting is actually having a positive effect on writing. In debate. For tips

on this move,

fact, it seems likely that texting has no significant effect see Chapter 1.

on student writing.

Concerns about Textspeak

A September 2008 article in USA Today entitled “Texting, Test-

ing Destroys Kids’ Writing Style” summarizes many of the most

common complaints about the effect of texting. It states that

according to the National Center for Education Statistics, only

25% of high school seniors are “proficient” writers. The article

quotes Jacquie Ream, a former teacher and author of K.I.S.S.—

Keep It Short and Simple, a guide for writing more effectively.

Ream states, “[W]e have a whole generation being raised with-

out communication skills.” She blames the use of acronyms and

shorthand in text messages for students’ inability to spell and ulti-

mately to write well. Ream also points out that students struggle

to convey emotion in their writing because, as she states, in text

messages “emotions are always sideways smiley faces.”

This debate became prominent after some teachers began 5

to believe they were seeing a decline in the writing abilities of

their students. Many attributed this perceived decline to the

increasing popularity of text messaging and its use of abbrevia-

tions. Naomi Baron, a linguistics professor at American Univer-

sity, blames texting for what she sees as the fact that “so much of

American society has become sloppy and laissez faire about the

mechanics of writing” (“Should We Worry or LOL?”). Teachers

report finding “2” for “to,” “gr8” for “great,” “dat” for “that,”

and “wut” for “what,” among other examples of textspeak, in

their students’ writing. A Minnesota teacher of the seventh

4 6 3

M I C H A E l A C u l l I N G T o N

and ninth grades says that she has to spend extra time in class

editing papers and must “explicitly” remind her students that it

is not acceptable to use text slang and abbreviations in writing

(Walsh). Another English teacher believes that text language

has become “second nature” to her students (Carey); they are

so used to it that they do not even catch themselves doing it.

Many also complain that because texting does not stress the

importance of punctuation, students are neglecting it in their

formal writing. Teachers say that their students are forgetting

commas, apostrophes, and even capital letters to begin sen-

tences. Another complaint is that text messages lack emotion.

Many argue that texts lack feeling because of their tendency

to be short, brief, and to the point. Because students are not

able to communicate emotion effectively through texts, some

teachers worry, they may lose the ability to do so in writing.

To get a more personal perspective on the question of how

teachers perceive texting to be influencing student writing,

I interviewed two of my former high school teachers—my junior-

year English teacher and my senior-year theology teacher. Both

teachers stress the importance of writing in their courses. They

maintain that they notice text abbreviations in their students’

writing often. To correct this problem, they point it out when it

occurs and take points off for its use. They also remind their stu-

dents to use proper sentence structure and complete sentences.

The English teacher says that she believes texting inhibits good

writing—it reinforces simplistic writing that may be acceptable

for conversation but is “not so good for critical thinking or analy-

sis.” She suggests that texting tends to generate topic sentences

without emphasizing the following explanation. According to

these teachers, then, texting is inhibiting good writing. How-

ever, their evidence is limited, based on just a few personal

experiences rather than on a significant amount of research.

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Does Texting Affect Writing?

Responses to Concerns about Textspeak

In response to these complaints that texting is having a nega-

tive impact on student writing, others insist that texting should

be viewed as beneficial because it provides students with

motivation to write, practice in specific writing skills, and an

opportunity to gain confidence in their writing. For example,

Sternberg, Kaplan, and Borck argue that texting is a good way

to motivate students: teens enjoy texting, and if they frequently

write through texts, they will be more motivated to write for-

mally. Texting also helps to spark students’ creativity, these

authors argue, because they are always coming up with new

ways to express their ideas (417).

In addition, because they are engaging in written commu-

nication rather than oral speech, texting teens learn how to

convey their message to a reader in as few words as possible. In

his book Txtng: The Gr8 Db8, David Crystal discusses a study

that concludes that texting actually helps foster “the ability

to summarize and express oneself concisely” in writing (168).

Furthermore, Crystal explains that texting actually helps people

to “sharpen their diplomatic skills … [because] it allows more

time to formulate their thoughts and express them carefully”

(168). One language arts teacher from Minnesota believes that

texting helps students develop their own “individual voice”

(qtd. in Walsh). Perfecting such a voice allows the writer to

offer personal insights and express feelings that will interest

and engage readers.

Supporters of texting also argue that it not only teaches 10

elements of writing but provides extra practice to those who

struggle with the conventions of writing. As Crystal points out,

children who struggle with literacy will not choose to use a

technology that requires them to do something that is difficult

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M I C H A E l A C u l l I N G T o N

for them. However, if they do choose to text, the experience

will help them “overcome their awkwardness and develop their

social and communication skills” ( Txtng 171). Shirley Holm, a

junior high school teacher, describes texting as a “comfortable

form of communication” (qtd. in Walsh). Teenagers are used

to texting, enjoy doing so, and as a result are always writing.

Through this experience of writing in ways they enjoy, they

can learn to take pleasure in writing formally. If students are

continually writing in some form, they will eventually develop

better skills.

Furthermore, those who favor texting explain that with prac-

tice comes the confidence and courage to try new things, which

some observers believe they are seeing happen with writing as

a result of texting. Teenagers have, for example, created an

entirely new language—one that uses abbreviations and sym-

bols instead of words, does not require punctuation, and uses

short, incomplete phrases throughout the entire conversation.

It’s a way of speaking that is a language in and of itself. Crystal,

among others, sees this “language evolution” as a positive effect

of texting; he seems, in fact, fascinated that teenagers are capa-

ble of creating such a phenomenon, which he describes as the

“latest manifestation of the human ability” ( Txtng 175). David

Warlick, a teacher and author of books about technology in

the classroom, would agree with Crystal. He believes students

should be given credit for “inventing a new language ideal for

communicating in a high-tech world” (qtd. in Carey).

Methods

I decided to conduct my own research into this controversy.

I wanted to get different, more personal, perspectives on the

issue. First, I surveyed seven students on their opinions about

4 6 6

Does Texting Affect Writing?

the impact of texting on writing. Second, I questioned two

high school teachers, as noted above. Finally, in an effort to

compare what students are actually doing to people’s percep-

tions of what they are doing, I analyzed student writing samples

for instances of textspeak.1

To let students speak for themselves, I created a list of ques-

tions for seven high school and college students, some of my

closest and most reliable friends. Although the number of

respondents was small, I could trust my knowledge of them to

help me interpret their responses. In addition, these students

are very different from one another, and I believed their differ-

ences would allow for a wide array of thoughts and opinions on

the issue. I was thus confident in the reliability and diversity of

their answers but was cautious not to make too many assump-

tions because of the small sample size.

I asked the students how long they had been texting; how

often they texted; what types of abbreviations they used most

and how often they used them; and whether they noticed them-

selves using any type of textspeak in their formal writing. In

analyzing their responses, I looked for commonalities to help

me draw conclusions about the students’ texting habits and if /

how they believed their writing was affected.

I created a list of questions for teachers similar to the one 15

for the students and asked two of my high school teachers

to provide their input. I asked if they had noticed their stu-

dents using textspeak in their writing assignments and, if so,

how they dealt with it. I also asked if they believed texting

had a positive or negative effect on writing. Next, I asked if

they were texters themselves. And, finally, I solicited their

opinions on what they believed should be done to prevent

teens from using text abbreviations and other textspeak in

their writing.

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M I C H A E l A C u l l I N G T o N

I was surprised at how different the students’ replies and

opinions were from the teachers’. I decided to find out for myself

whose impressions were more accurate by comparing some stu-

dents’ actual writing with students’ and teachers’ perceptions of

that writing. To do this I looked at twenty samples of student

writing—end-of-semester research arguments written in two

first-year college writing courses with different instructors. The

topics varied from increased airport security after September 11

to the weapons of the Vietnam War to autism, and lengths

ranged from eight to ten pages. To analyze the papers for the

presence of textspeak, I looked closely for use of abbreviations

and other common slang terms, especially those usages which

the students had stated in their surveys were most common.

These included “hbu” (“How about you?”); “gtg” (“Got to go”);

and “cuz” (“because”). I also looked for the numbers 2 and 4

used instead of the words “to” and “for.”

Discussion of Findings

My research suggests that texting actually has a minimal effect

on student writing. It showed that students do not believe

textspeak is appropriate in formal writing assignments. They

recognize the difference between texting friends and writing

formally and know what is appropriate in each situation. This

was proven true in the student samples, in which no examples

of textspeak were used. Many experts would agree that there

is no harm in textspeak, as long as students continue to be

taught and reminded that occasions where formal language

is expected are not the place for it. As Crystal explains,

the purpose of the abbreviations used in text messages is not

to replace language but rather to make quick communica-

tions shorter and easier, since in a standard text message,

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Does Texting Affect Writing?

the texter is allowed only 160 characters for a communication

(“Texting” 81).

Dennis Baron, an English and linguistics professor at the

University of Illinois, has done much research on the effect of

technology on writing, and his findings are aligned with those

of my own study. In his book A Better Pencil: Readers, Writers,

and the Digital Revolution, he concludes that students do not

use textspeak in their writing. In fact, he suggests students do

not even use abbreviations in their text messages very often.

Baron says that college students have “put away such childish

things, and many of them had already abandoned such signs

of middle-school immaturity in high school” (qtd. in Golden).

In surveying the high school and college students, I found

that most have been texting for a few years, usually starting

around ninth grade. The students said they generally text

between thirty and a hundred messages every day but use abbre-

viations only occasionally, with the most common being “lol”

(“Laugh out loud”), “gtg” (“Got to go”), “hbu” (“How about

you?”), “cuz” (“because”), and “jk” (“Just kidding”). None of

them believed texting abbreviations were acceptable in for-

mal writing. In fact, research has found that most students

report that they do not use textspeak in formal writing. As

one Minnesota high school student says, “[T]here is a time

and a place for everything,” and formal writing is not the place

for communicating the way she would if she were texting her

friends (qtd. in Walsh). Another student admits that in writing

for school she sometimes finds herself using these abbrevia-

tions. However, she notices and corrects them before handing

in her final paper (Carey). One teacher reports that, despite

texting, her students’ “formal writing remains solid.” She occa-

sionally sees an abbreviation; however, it is in informal, “warm-

up” writing. She believes that what students choose to use in

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M I C H A E l A C u l l I N G T o N

everyday types of writing is up to them as long as they use

standard English in formal writing (qtd. in Walsh).

Also supporting my own research findings are those from a 20

study which took place at a midwestern research university. This

study involved eighty-six students who were taking an Intro-

duction to Education course at the university. The participants

were asked to complete a questionnaire that included questions

about their texting habits, the spelling instruction they had

received, and their proficiency at spelling. They also took a

standardized spelling test. Before starting the study, the research-

ers had hypothesized that texting and the use of abbreviations

would have a negative impact on the spelling abilities of the

students. However, they found that the results did not support

their hypothesis. The researchers did note that text messaging is

continuing to increase in popularity; therefore, this issue should

continue to be examined (Shaw et al.).

I myself am a frequent texter. I chat with my friends from

home every day through texting. I also use texting to commu-

nicate with my school friends, perhaps to discuss what time we

are going to meet for dinner or to ask quick questions about

homework. According to my cell phone bill, I send and receive

around 6,400 texts a month. In the messages I send, I rarely

notice myself using abbreviations. The only time I use them is if

I do not have time to write out the complete phrase. However,

sometimes I find it more time-consuming to try to figure out

how to abbreviate something so that my message will still be

comprehensible.

Since I rarely use abbreviations in my texting, I never use

them in my formal writing. I know that they are unacceptable

and that it would make me look unintelligent if I included

acronyms and symbols instead of proper and formal language.

I also have not noticed an effect on my spelling as a result

4 7 0

Does Texting Affect Writing?

of texting. I am confident in my spelling abilities, and even

when I use an abbreviation, I know how to spell the word(s)

it stands for.

On the basis of my own research, expert research, and per-

sonal observations, I can confidently state that texting is not

interfering with students’ use of standard written English and

has no effect on their writing abilities in general. It is inter-

esting to look at the dynamics of the arguments over these

issues. Teachers and parents who claim that they are seeing a

decline in the writing abilities of their students and children

mainly support the negative-impact argument. Other teachers

and researchers suggest that texting provides a way for teens to

practice writing in a casual setting and thus helps prepare them

to write formally. Experts and students themselves, however,

report that they see no effect, positive or negative. Anecdotal

experiences should not overshadow the actual evidence.

Note

1. All participants in the study have given permission for their responses

to be published.

Works Cited

Baron, Dennis. A Better Pencil: Readers, Writers, and the Digital Revolution.

Oxford UP, 2009.

Carey, Bridget. “The Rise of Text, Instant Messaging Vernacular Slips into

Schoolwork.” Miami Herald, 6 Mar. 2007. Academic Search Elite, www

.ebscohost.com/academic/academic-search-elite. Accessed 27 Oct. 2009.

Crystal, David. “Texting.” ELT Journal, vol. 62, no. 1, Jan. 2008, pp. 77–83.

WilsonWeb, doi:10.1093/elt/ccm080. Accessed 8 Nov. 2009.

. Txtng: The Gr8 Db8. Oxford UP, 2008.

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M I C H A E l A C u l l I N G T o N

Golden, Serena. Review of A Better Pencil, by Dennis Baron. Inside Higher

Ed, 18 Sept. 2009, www.insidehighered.com/news/2009/09/18/barron.

Accessed 9 Nov. 2009.

Shaw, Donita M., et al. “An Exploratory Investigation into the Relationship

between Text Messaging and Spelling.” New England Reading Association

Journal, vol. 43, no. 1, June 2007, pp. 57–62. EBSCOhost, connection

.ebscohost.com/c/articles/25648081/exploratory-investigation

-relationship-between-text-messaging-spelling. Accessed 8 Nov. 2009.

“Should We Worry or LOL?” NEA Today, vol. 22, no. 6, Mar. 2004, p. 12.

EBSCOhost, connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/12405267/should-we

-worry-lol. Accessed 27 Oct. 2009.

Sternberg, Betty, et al. “Enhancing Adolescent Literacy Achievement

through Integration of Technology in the Classroom.” Reading

Research Quarterly, vol. 42, no. 3, July–Sept. 2007, pp. 416–20. ERIC,

eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ767777. Accessed 8 Nov. 2009.

“Texting, Testing Destroys Kids’ Writing Style.” USA Today, vol. 137,

no. 2760, Sept. 2008, p. 8. EBSCOhost, connection.ebscohost.com/c/

articles/34214935/texting-testing-destroys-kids-writing-style. Accessed 9 Nov. 2009.

Walsh, James. “Txt Msgs Creep in2 class—Some Say That’s gr8.” Star

Tribune, 23 Oct. 2007. Academic Search Elite, www.ebscohost.com/

academic/academic-search-elite . Accessed 27 Oct. 2009.

Joining the Conversation

1. Michaela Cullington makes clear in her first paragraph what

viewpoint she’s responding to. What is this view (her “they

say”), and what is her view (her “I say”)? What kinds of

evidence does she offer in support of her argument?

2. Cullington acknowledges the views of quite a few naysayers,

including teachers who believe that texting has a negative

effect on their students’ writing. How—and where in her

essay—does she respond to this criticism? Is her response

persuasive—and if not, why not?

4 7 2

Does Texting Affect Writing?

3. What kinds of sources does Cullington cite, and how does she

incorporate their ideas in her essay? Look at paragraph 18, for

instance: how well does she introduce and explain Dennis

Baron’s ideas? (See pp. 45−49 on framing quotations.)

4. Cullington focuses on how texting affects writing, whereas

Sherry Turkle is concerned with the way it affects com-

munication more broadly (pp. 505−24). How do you think

Cullington would respond to Turkle’s concerns?

5. Cullington “send[s] and receive[s] around 6,400 texts a

month” (paragraph 21). About how many do you send and

receive? Write a paragraph reflecting on how your texting

affects your other writing. First write it as a text, and then

revise it to meet the standards of academic writing. How do

the two differ?

4 7 3

How I Learned to Love Snapchat

j e n n a w o r t h a m

H

In the mid-’80s, a German engineer named Friedhelm

Hillebrand helped devise a way for cellphones to send and

receive text messages. Back then, mobile bandwidth was

extremely limited, which meant that the messages needed to

be as lightweight as possible. The story goes that Hillebrand

experimented with a variety of greetings and phrases and con-

cluded, in very German fashion, that most things that needed

saying could be done so in an economical 160 characters or

fewer. “This is perfectly sufficient,” he said of his findings. Even-

tually the infrastructure improved so that there were no limits

to how much text we could transmit at once. And by 2007,

texting had surpassed voice calls as the preferred, if not default,

mode of communication.

As most rapid advances in technology tend to do, this transi-

tion inspired a low-grade, intergenerational moral panic. Many

Jenna Wortham writes for the New York Times, where she also con-

tributes to Still Processing, a podcast on culture. Her work has appeared

in Bust magazine, Jezebel, the Village Voice, Vogue, and Wired. Her Twitter handle is @jennydeluxe. This essay first appeared in the New

York Times Magazine on May 22, 2016.

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How I Learned to Love Snapchat

feared that we would become asocial creatures, misanthropes

who would rather hide behind the safety of a screen than face

the intimacy of a spoken conversation. And maybe there’s

some truth in that, but there’s another way of looking at it.

Maybe we didn’t hate talking—just the way older phone tech-

nologies forced us to talk. Texting freed a generation from the

strictures and inconvenience (and awkwardness) of phone calls,

while allowing people to be more loosely and constantly con-

nected.

I thought about this shift recently when trying to make sense

of the rise of Snapchat, the latest wellspring of technosocial hand-

wringing. Like texting, Snapchat flourished amid scarcity, though

of an entirely different kind. We no longer live in Hillebrand’s

era, when there were hard limits on how much we could say over

text; but words alone can be an imperfect technology. So much

of what we mean lies not just in what we say, or in the exact

words we choose, but also in the light that animates our eyes

(or doesn’t) when we deliver them and the sharpness (or soft-

ness) of the tone we use. Text barely captures even a fraction

of that emotional depth and texture, even when we can type

as much as we want. Snapchat is just the latest and most well

realized example of the various ways we are regaining the layers

of meaning we lost when we began digitizing so many important

interactions.

Most efforts to approximate normal human behavior in soft-

ware tend to be creepy or annoying. The oblong gray bubble

that pops up when your conversation partner is typing (offi-

cially called the “typing awareness indicator”) is no doubt

intended to be helpful, the virtual version of watching someone

inhale and then part their lips to speak. But it becomes panic-

inducing if it appears and then disappears—an indication that

someone wrote something, then, for any number of reasons,

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j E N N A W o R T H A M

deleted it. Similarly, “read” receipts, designed to let you know

that someone opened and read your message, are perhaps best at

letting you know when you’re being ignored. In a strange turn

of events, texting has evolved to become almost as awkward

as the phone calls it made obsolete.

In 2012, I calculated that I sent about 7,000 texts a month; 5

now, thanks to the creeping unwieldiness of phones and the

misfirings of autocorrect, I can barely manage to peck out half a

sentence before I become aggravated by the effort and give up.

To combat that fatigue, I’ve turned to newer ways to talk and

interact with friends, primarily voice memos. These function

like a highly evolved version of voice mail—there’s no expecta-

tion of a return call, or even a simultaneous conversation. Freed

from that pressure, my friends and I leave one another memos

about episodes of RuPaul’s Drag Race and Empire, the themes

of Lemonade or even just a detailed account of a date or run-

in with an ex. The trend is catching on elsewhere: According

to an article on Vice’s website Motherboard, voice notes have

become so popular in Argentina that they’ve virtually replaced

text messages altogether.

This is not to say that text is irredeemable. A significant

humanization of our text interactions happened quietly in

2011, when emoji were introduced as part of an Apple iOS

software update. They offered a palette of punctuation that

clarified intent. Tacking on emoji like hearts, skulls, grins and

bugged-out eyes to a short message made it infinitely

See Chapter 6

for more ways

easier to confidently project sarcasm, humor, grief and

to address a

skeptical reader.

love across a medium that had been, until then, emo-

tionally arid. If you want proof that we see ourselves

in the emoji we use, consider the ever-present disputes over

emoji inclusivity: Initially, the characters all had the same skin

tone, and even now, the only “professional” emoji are male.

4 7 6

How I Learned to Love Snapchat

And though the catalog of emoji has expanded in response to

user demand, it still struggles to keep up with the multiplic-

ity of human experiences. As a result, a new bespoke-emoji

economy has begun to emerge, in apps like Bitmoji, which let

people create personalized avatars to adorn their text messages.

If our emoji couldn’t become us, we would become our emoji.

But messages that include little actual messaging seem to be

the wave of the future, and Snapchat is leading the way. The

app, which allows users to send short videos and images that

disappear after a short period of time, is intimate by design,

something that sets it apart from its social-media peers. Most

of the “snaps” I send and receive are tightly framed, with angles

that could be considered unflattering. They’re low resolution

too, the images speckled with grain. Snapchat does have filters,

but the dumb ones are the most fun, especially the ones that

add a comically hideous effect—bloating your face into a red

tomato, or distorting it into an animal mask.

If we are to believe the theories about how people want to

communicate nowadays—largely through anesthetized, hyper-

mediated and impersonal exchanges—Snapchat’s recent surge

in popularity makes little sense. During the first few years of

Snapchat’s existence, the only people I knew using the service

(beyond journalists like me who were trying to understand it)

were my youngest relatives, still in high school and college.

And of course there was the attendant moral panic: When it

first blew up around 2012, the press seemed to assume it would

primarily be used by horny teenagers swapping nudes.

If that was ever the case, it has since expanded. Each time I

check the app, I’m surprised to see who else in my network has

started using the service. My circle includes every demographic,

age and locale: co-workers who send snaps of their dogs, friends

on strange adventures in the desert, people I talk to mostly

4 7 7

j E N N A W o R T H A M

online sending videos from their travels. The videos are rarely

elaborate: just a few seconds of my favorite people’s faces on

a large screen, smiling, or singing, or showing off their view,

before they fade and disappear.

Its entire aesthetic flies in the face of how most people 10

behave on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter—as if we’re wait-

ing to be plucked from obscurity by a talent agent or model

scout. But Snapchat isn’t the place where you go to be pretty.

It’s the place where you go to be yourself, and that is made

easy thanks to the app’s inbuilt ephemerality. Away from the

fave-based economies of mainstream social media, there’s less

pressure to be dolled up, or funny. For all the advances in tech

that let us try on various guises to play around with who we are,

it seems that we just want new ways to be ourselves. As it turns

out, the mundanity of our regular lives is the most captivating

thing we could share with one another.

Joining the Conversation

1. How would you summarize Jenna Wortham’s argument

about the appeal of Snapchat? How does she place its appeal

in the ongoing history of online communication?

2. Wortham begins her piece with a short narrative about a

German engineer’s invention of text messaging more than

thirty years ago. Why do you think she chooses to start her

essay this way? How else might the piece have begun?

3. Wortham uses connecting words, phrases, and sentences to

link different parts of her argument. For example, at the

beginning of paragraph 6, after explaining what she dislikes

about text messaging, she writes, “This is not to say that text

is irredeemable” and discusses some recent improvements.

4 7 8

How I Learned to Love Snapchat

Find another place where she makes a similar transition, and

explain how you think it develops her argument.

4. Sherry Turkle (pp. 505–24) writes that young women often

“prefer to deal with strong feelings from the safe haven of the

Net” and that doing so provides “an alternative to processing

emotions in real time.” Given what Wortham seems to value

most about Snapchat, how might she respond to Turkle?

5. In your own view, what are the benefits and limitations of

Snapchat as a form of communication? More broadly, write

an essay developing your own argument about the larger

effects of digital media, citing your experiences as well as

ideas from the readings in this chapter.

4 7 9

Google, Democracy, and

the Truth about Internet Search

c a r o l e c a d w a l l a d r

H

Tech-savvy right-wingers have been able to “game” the algorithms of

internet giants and create a new reality where Hitler is a good guy,

Jews are evil and … Donald Trump becomes president.

Here’s what you don’t want to do late on a Sunday

night. You do not want to type seven letters into Google.

That’s all I did. I typed: “a-r-e.” And then “j-e-w-s.” Since

2008, Google has attempted to predict what question you might

be asking and offers you a choice. And this is what it did. It

offered me a choice of potential questions it thought I might

want to ask: “are jews a race?,” “are jews white?,” “are jews

christians?,” and finally, “are jews evil?”

Are Jews evil? It’s not a question I’ve ever thought of ask-

ing. I hadn’t gone looking for it. But there it was. I press enter.

Carole Cadwalladr is a journalist who writes features articles for

the Guardian and the Observer, two British newspapers. She is also the

author of the novel The Family Tree (2006). This piece first appeared

on the Observer website on December 4, 2016.

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

A page of results appears. This was Google’s question. And this

was Google’s answer: Jews are evil. Because there, on my screen,

was the proof: an entire page of results, nine out of 10 of which

“confirm” this. The top result, from a site called Listovative, has

the headline: “Top 10 Major Reasons Why People Hate Jews.”

I click on it: “Jews today have taken over marketing, militia,

medicinal, technological, media, industrial, cinema challenges

etc and continue to face the worlds [sic] envy through unex-

plained success stories given their inglorious past and vermin

like repression all over Europe.”

Google is search. It’s the verb, to Google. It’s what we all

do, all the time, whenever we want to know anything. We

Google it. The site handles at least 63,000 searches a second,

5.5 billion a day. Its mission as a company, the one-line over-

view that has informed the company since its foundation and

is still the banner headline on its corporate website today, is

to “organize the world’s information and make it universally

accessible and useful.” It strives to give you the best, most

relevant results. And in this instance the third-best, most

relevant result to the search query “are Jews …” is a link to

an article from stormfront.org, a neo-Nazi website. The fifth

is a YouTube video: “Why the Jews are Evil. Why we are

against them.”

The sixth is from Yahoo Answers: “Why are Jews so evil?”

The seventh result is: “Jews are demonic souls from a different

world.” And the 10th is from jesus-is-saviour.com: “Judaism is Satanic!”

There’s one result in the 10 that offers a different point of 5

view. It’s a link to a rather dense, scholarly book review from

thetabletmag.com, a Jewish magazine, with the unfortunately

misleading headline: “Why Literally Everybody In the World

Hates Jews.”

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

I feel like I’ve fallen down a wormhole, entered some parallel

universe where black is white, and good is bad. Though later, I

think that perhaps what I’ve actually done is scraped the topsoil

off the surface of 2016 and found one of the underground springs

that has been quietly nurturing it. It’s been there all the time,

of course. Just a few keystrokes away … on our laptops, our

tablets, our phones. This isn’t a secret Nazi cell lurking in the

shadows. It’s hiding in plain sight.

Stories about fake news on Facebook have dominated certain

sections of the press for weeks following the American presi-

dential election, but arguably this is even more powerful, more

insidious. Frank Pasquale, professor of law at the University of

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

Maryland, and one of the leading academic figures calling for

tech companies to be more open and transparent, calls the

results “very profound, very troubling.”

He came across a similar instance in 2006 when, “If you

typed ‘Jew’ in Google, the first result was jewwatch.org. It was

‘look out for these awful Jews who are ruining your life.’ And

the Anti-Defamation League went after them and so they put

an asterisk next to it which said: ‘These search results may be

disturbing but this is an automated process.’ But what you’re

showing—and I’m very glad you are documenting it and screen-

shotting it—is that despite the fact they have vastly researched

this problem, it has gotten vastly worse.”

And ordering of search results does influence people, says

Martin Moore, director of the Centre for the Study of Media,

Communication and Power at King’s College, London, who has

written at length on the impact of the big tech companies on

our civic and political spheres. “There’s large-scale, statistically

significant research into the impact of search results on politi-

cal views. And the way in which you see the results and the

types of results you see on the page necessarily has an impact

on your perspective.” Fake news, he says, has simply “revealed

a much bigger problem. These companies are so powerful and

so committed to disruption. They thought they were disrupt-

ing politics but in a positive way. They hadn’t thought about

the downsides. These tools offer remarkable empowerment, but

there’s a dark side to it. It enables people to do very cynical,

damaging things.”

Google is knowledge. It’s where you go to find things out. 10

And evil Jews are just the start of it. There are also evil women.

I didn’t go looking for them either. This is what I type: “a-r-e

w-o-m-e-n.” And Google offers me just two choices, the first

of which is: “Are women evil?” I press return. Yes, they are.

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

Every one of the 10 results “confirms” that they are, including

the top one, from a site called sheddingoftheego.com, which is boxed out and highlighted: “Every woman has some degree

of prostitute in her. Every woman has a little evil in her …

Women don’t love men, they love what they can do for them.

It is within reason to say women feel attraction, but they can-

not love men.”

Next I type: “a-r-e m-u-s-l-i-m-s.” And Google suggests I

should ask: “Are Muslims bad?” And here’s what I find out: yes,

they are. That’s what the top result says and six of the others.

Without typing anything else, simply putting the cursor in the

search box, Google offers me two new searches and I go for the

first, “Islam is bad for society.” In the next list of suggestions,

I’m offered: “Islam must be destroyed.”

Jews are evil. Muslims need to be eradicated. And Hitler? Do

you want to know about Hitler? Let’s Google it. “Was Hitler

bad?” I type. And here’s Google’s top result: “10 Reasons Why

Hitler Was One Of The Good Guys.” I click on the link: “He

never wanted to kill any Jews”; “he cared about conditions for

Jews in the work camps”; “he implemented social and cultural

reform.” Eight out of the other 10 search results agree: Hitler

really wasn’t that bad.

A few days later, I talk to Danny Sullivan, the founding

editor of SearchEngineLand.com. He’s been recommended

to me by several academics as one of the most knowledge-

able experts on search. Am I just being naive, I ask him?

Should I have known this was out there? “No, you’re not

being naive,” he says. “This is awful. It’s horrible. It’s the

equivalent of going into a library and asking a librarian about

Judaism and being handed 10 books of hate. Google is doing

a horrible, horrible job of delivering answers here. It can and

should do better.”

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

He’s surprised too. “I thought they stopped offering autocom-

plete suggestions for religions in 2011.” And then he types “are

women” into his own computer. “Good lord! That answer at

the top. It’s a featured result. It’s called a ‘direct answer.’ This

is supposed to be indisputable. It’s Google’s highest endorse-

ment.” That every woman has some degree of prostitute in her?

“Yes. This is Google’s algorithm going terribly wrong.”

I contacted Google about its seemingly malfunctioning auto- 15

complete suggestions and received the following response: “Our

search results are a reflection of the content across the web.

This means that sometimes unpleasant portrayals of sensitive

subject matter online can affect what search results appear for

a given query. These results don’t reflect Google’s own opin-

ions or beliefs—as a company, we strongly value a diversity of

perspectives, ideas and cultures.”

Google isn’t just a search engine, of course. Search was the

foundation of the company but that was just the beginning.

Alphabet, Google’s parent company, now has the great-

To elaborate on

est concentration of artificial intelligence experts in the a previous idea,

world. It is expanding into healthcare, transportation, see p. 137.

energy. It’s able to attract the world’s top computer scientists,

physicists and engineers. It’s bought hundreds of start-ups,

including Calico, whose stated mission is to “cure death” and

DeepMind, which aims to “solve intelligence.”

And 20 years ago it didn’t even exist. When Tony Blair

became prime minister, it wasn’t possible to Google him:

the search engine had yet to be invented. The company was

only founded in 1998 and Facebook didn’t appear until 2004.

Google’s founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page are still only

43. Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook is 32. Everything they’ve

done, the world they’ve remade, has been done in the blink

of an eye.

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

Google cofounders Larry Page and Sergey Brin.

But it seems the implications about the power and reach

of these companies are only now seeping into the public

consciousness. I ask Rebecca MacKinnon, director of the

Ranking Digital Rights project at the New America Founda-

tion, whether it was the recent furor over fake news that woke

people up to the danger of ceding our rights as citizens to

corporations. “It’s kind of weird right now,” she says, “because

people are finally saying, ‘Gee, Facebook and Google really

have a lot of power’ like it’s this big revelation. And it’s like,

‘D’oh.’”

MacKinnon has a particular expertise in how authoritarian

governments adapt to the internet and bend it to their purposes.

“China and Russia are a cautionary tale for us. I think what

happens is that it goes back and forth. So during the Arab

spring, it seemed like the good guys were further ahead. And

now it seems like the bad guys are. Pro-democracy activists are

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

using the internet more than ever but at the same time, the

adversary has gotten so much more skilled.”

Last week Jonathan Albright, an assistant professor of com- 20

munications at Elon University in North Carolina, published

the first detailed research on how right-wing websites had

spread their message. “I took a list of these fake news sites that

was circulating, I had an initial list of 306 of them and I used a

tool—like the one Google uses—to scrape them for links and

then I mapped them. So I looked at where the links went—into

YouTube and Facebook, and between each other, millions of

them … and I just couldn’t believe what I was seeing.

“They have created a web that is bleeding through onto

our web. This isn’t a conspiracy. There isn’t one person who’s

created this. It’s a vast system of hundreds of different sites

that are using all the same tricks that all websites use. They’re

sending out thousands of links to other sites and together

this has created a vast satellite system of right-wing news and

propaganda that has completely surrounded the mainstream

media system.”

He found 23,000 pages and 1.3 million hyperlinks. “And

Facebook is just the amplification device. When you look at it

in 3D, it actually looks like a virus. And Facebook was just one

of the hosts for the virus that helps it spread faster. You can

see the New York Times in there and the Washington Post and

then you can see how there’s a vast, vast network surrounding

them. The best way of describing it is as an ecosystem. This

really goes way beyond individual sites or individual stories.

What this map shows is the distribution network and you can

see that it’s surrounding and actually choking the mainstream

news ecosystem.”

Like a cancer? “Like an organism that is growing and getting

stronger all the time.”

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

Charlie Beckett, a professor in the school of media and com-

munications at LSE,* tells me: “We’ve been arguing for some

time now that plurality of news media is good. Diversity is good.

Critiquing the mainstream media is good. But now … it’s gone

wildly out of control. What Jonathan Albright’s research has

shown is that this isn’t a byproduct of the internet. And it’s

not even being done for commercial reasons. It’s motivated by

ideology, by people who are quite deliberately trying to desta-

bilize the internet.”

Albright’s map also provides a clue to understanding the 25

Google search results I found. What these right-wing news

Jonathan Albright’s map of the fake-news ecosystem.

*LSE The London School of Economics

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

sites have done, he explains, is what most commercial web-

sites try to do. They try to find the tricks that will move

them up Google’s PageRank system. They try and “game”

the algorithm. And what his map shows is how well they’re

doing that.

That’s what my searches are showing too. That the right

has colonized the digital space around these subjects—Muslims,

women, Jews, the Holocaust, black people—far more effectively

than the liberal left.

“It’s an information war,” says Albright. “That’s what I keep

coming back to.”

But it’s where it goes from here that’s truly frightening. I ask

him how it can be stopped. “I don’t know. I’m not sure it can

be. It’s a network. It’s far more powerful than any one actor.”

So, it’s almost got a life of its own? “Yes, and it’s learning.

Every day, it’s getting stronger.”

The more people who search for information about Jews, 30

the more people will see links to hate sites, and the more they

click on those links (very few people click on to the second

page of results) the more traffic the sites will get, the more links

they will accrue and the more authoritative they will appear.

This is an entirely circular knowledge economy that has only

one outcome: an amplification of the message. Jews are evil.

Women are evil. Islam must be destroyed. Hitler was one of

the good guys.

And the constellation of websites that Albright found—a

sort of shadow internet—has another function. More than just

spreading right-wing ideology, they are being used to track

and monitor and influence anyone who comes across their

content. “I scraped the trackers on these sites and I was abso-

lutely dumbfounded. Every time someone likes one of these

posts on Facebook or visits one of these websites, the scripts

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

are then following you around the web. And this enables data-

mining and influencing companies like Cambridge Analytica

to precisely target individuals, to follow them around the web,

and to send them highly personalized political messages. This

is a propaganda machine. It’s targeting people individually

to recruit them to an idea. It’s a level of social engineering

that I’ve never seen before. They’re capturing people and then

keeping them on an emotional leash and never letting

them go.”

Cambridge Analytica, an American-owned company based

in London, was employed by both the Vote Leave* campaign

and the Trump campaign. Dominic Cummings, the campaign

director of Vote Leave, has made few public announcements

since the Brexit referendum but he did say this: “If you want to

make big improvements in communication, my advice is—hire

physicists.”

Steve Bannon, founder of Breitbart News and the newly

appointed chief strategist to Trump, is on Cambridge Analytica’s

board and it has emerged that the company is in talks to undertake

political messaging work for the Trump administration. It claims

to have built psychological profiles using 5,000 separate pieces

of data on 220 million American voters. It knows their quirks

and nuances and daily habits and can target them individually.

“They were using 40–50,000 different variants of ad every day

that were continuously measuring responses and then adapting

and evolving based on that response,” says Martin Moore of

Kings College. Because they have so much data on individuals

and they use such phenomenally powerful distribution networks,

they allow campaigns to bypass a lot of existing laws.

*Vote Leave An organization that campaigned for the United Kingdom to

leave the European Union.

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

“It’s all done completely opaquely and they can spend as 35

much money as they like on particular locations because you

can focus on a five-mile radius or even a single demographic.

Fake news is important but it’s only one part of it. These com-

panies have found a way of transgressing 150 years of legislation

that we’ve developed to make elections fair and open.”

Did such micro-targeted propaganda—currently legal—

swing the Brexit vote? We have no way of knowing. Did the

same methods used by Cambridge Analytica help Trump to

victory? Again, we have no way of knowing. This is all hap-

pening in complete darkness. We have no way of knowing

how our personal data is being mined and used to influence

us. We don’t realize that the Facebook page we are looking at,

the Google page, the ads that we are seeing, the search results

we are using, are all being personalized to us. We don’t see it

because we have nothing to compare it to. And it is not being

monitored or recorded. It is not being regulated. We are inside

a machine and we simply have no way of seeing the controls.

Most of the time, we don’t even realise that there are controls.

Rebecca MacKinnon says that most of us consider the internet

to be like “the air that we breathe and the water that we drink.”

It surrounds us. We use it. And we don’t question it. “But this

is not a natural landscape. Programmers and executives and edi-

tors and designers, they make this landscape. They are human

beings and they all make choices.”

But we don’t know what choices they are making. Neither

Google or Facebook make their algorithms public. Why did my

Google search return nine out of 10 search results that claim

Jews are evil? We don’t know and we have no way of knowing.

Their systems are what Frank Pasquale describes as “black boxes.”

He calls Google and Facebook “a terrifying duopoly of power”

and has been leading a growing movement of academics who

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

are calling for “algorithmic accountability.” “We need to have

regular audits of these systems,” he says. “We need people in these

companies to be accountable. In the US, under the Digital Mil-

lennium Copyright Act, every company has to have a spokesman

you can reach. And this is what needs to happen. They need to

respond to complaints about hate speech, about bias.”

Is bias built into the system? Does it affect the kind of results

that I was seeing? “There’s all sorts of bias about what counts

as a legitimate source of information and how that’s weighted.

There’s enormous commercial bias. And when you look at the

personnel, they are young, white and perhaps Asian, but not

black or Hispanic and they are overwhelmingly men. The world-

view of young wealthy white men informs all these judgments.”

Later, I speak to Robert Epstein, a research psychologist at the 40

American Institute for Behavioral Research and Technology,

and the author of the study that Martin Moore told me about

(and that Google has publicly criticized), showing how search-

rank results affect voting patterns. On the other end of the

phone, he repeats one of the searches I did. He types “do

blacks …” into Google.

“Look at that. I haven’t even hit a button and it’s automatically

populated the page with answers to the query: ‘Do blacks commit

more crimes?’ And look, I could have been going to ask all sorts

of questions. ‘Do blacks excel at sports,’ or anything. And it’s only

given me two choices and these aren’t simply search-based or the

most searched terms right now. Google used to use that but now

they use an algorithm that looks at other things. Now, let me look

at Bing and Yahoo. I’m on Yahoo and I have 10 suggestions, not

one of which is ‘Do black people commit more crime?’

“And people don’t question this. Google isn’t just offering

a suggestion. This is a negative suggestion and we know that

negative suggestions depending on lots of things can draw

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

between five and 15 more clicks. And this is all programmed.

And it could be programmed differently.”

What Epstein’s work has shown is that the contents of a

page of search results can influence people’s views and opinions.

The type and order of search rankings was shown to influence

voters in India in double-blind trials. There were similar results

relating to the search suggestions you are offered.

“The general public are completely in the dark about very

fundamental issues regarding online search and influence. We

are talking about the most powerful mind-control machine ever

invented in the history of the human race. And people don’t

even notice it.”

Damien Tambini, an associate professor at the London School 45

of Economics, who focuses on media regulation, says that we

lack any sort of framework to deal with the potential impact

of these companies on the democratic process. “We have struc-

tures that deal with powerful media corporations. We have

competition laws. But these companies are not being held

responsible. There are no powers to get Google or Facebook

to disclose anything. There’s an editorial function to Google

and Facebook but it’s being done by sophisticated algorithms.

They say it’s machines not editors. But that’s simply a mecha-

nized editorial function.”

And the companies, says John Naughton, the Observer col-

umnist and a senior research fellow at Cambridge University,

are terrified of acquiring editorial responsibilities they don’t

want. “Though they can and regularly do tweak the results in

all sorts of ways.”

Certainly the results about Google on Google don’t seem

entirely neutral. Google “Is Google racist?” and the featured

result—the Google answer boxed out at the top of the page—is

quite clear: no. It is not.

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

But the enormity and complexity of having two global com-

panies of a kind we have never seen before influencing so many

areas of our lives is such, says Naughton, that “we don’t even

have the mental apparatus to even know what the problems are.”

And this is especially true of the future. Google and Face-

book are at the forefront of AI. They are going to own the

future. And the rest of us can barely start to frame the sorts of

questions we ought to be asking. “Politicians don’t think long

term. And corporations don’t think long term because they’re

focused on the next quarterly results and that’s what makes

Google and Facebook interesting and different. They are abso-

lutely thinking long term. They have the resources, the money,

and the ambition to do whatever they want.

“They want to digitize every book in the world: they do it. 50

They want to build a self-driving car: they do it. The fact that

people are reading about these fake news stories and realizing

that this could have an effect on politics and elections, it’s like,

‘Which planet have you been living on?’ For Christ’s sake, this

is obvious.”

“The internet is among the few things that humans have

built that they don’t understand.” It is “the largest experiment

involving anarchy in history. Hundreds of millions of people

are, each minute, creating and consuming an untold amount

of digital content in an online world that is not truly bound

by terrestrial laws.” The internet as a lawless anarchic state? A

massive human experiment with no checks and balances and

untold potential consequences? What kind of digital doom-

mongerer would say such a thing? Step forward, Eric Schmidt—

Google’s chairman. They are the first lines of the book, The

New Digital Age, that he wrote with Jared Cohen.*

*Jared Cohen Director of Jigsaw, formerly Google Ideas, a technology think tank.

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

We don’t understand it. It is not bound by terrestrial laws.

And it’s in the hands of two massive, all-powerful corporations.

It’s their experiment, not ours. The technology that was sup-

posed to set us free may well have helped Trump to power, or

covertly helped swing votes for Brexit. It has created a vast net-

work of propaganda that has encroached like a cancer across the

entire internet. This is a technology that has enabled the likes

of Cambridge Analytica to create political messages uniquely

tailored to you. They understand your emotional responses and

how to trigger them. They know your likes, dislikes, where you

live, what you eat, what makes you laugh, what makes you cry.

And what next? Rebecca MacKinnon’s research has shown

how authoritarian regimes reshape the internet for their own

purposes. Is that what’s going to happen with Silicon Valley

and Trump? As Martin Moore points out, the president-elect

claimed that Apple chief executive Tim Cook called to con-

gratulate him soon after his election victory. “And there will

undoubtedly be pressure on them to collaborate,” says Moore.

Journalism is failing in the face of such change and is only

going to fail further. New platforms have put a bomb under the

financial model—advertising—resources are shrinking, traffic

is increasingly dependent on them, and publishers have no

access, no insight at all, into what these platforms are doing

in their headquarters, their labs. And now they are moving

beyond the digital world into the physical. The next frontiers

are healthcare, transportation, energy. And just as Google is

a near-monopoly for search, its ambition to own and control

the physical infrastructure of our lives is what’s coming next.

It already owns our data and with it our identity. What will it

mean when it moves into all the other areas of our lives?

“At the moment, there’s a distance when you Google ‘Jews 55

are’ and get ‘Jews are evil,’” says Julia Powles, a researcher at

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg.

Cambridge on technology and law. “But when you move into

the physical realm, and these concepts become part of the tools

being deployed when you navigate around your city or influence

how people are employed, I think that has really pernicious

consequences.”

Powles is shortly to publish a paper looking at DeepMind’s

relationship with the NHS.* “A year ago, 2 million Londoners’

NHS health records were handed over to DeepMind. And there

was complete silence from politicians, from regulators, from

anyone in a position of power. This is a company without any

healthcare experience being given unprecedented access into

the NHS and it took seven months to even know that they had

the data. And that took investigative journalism to find it out.”

*NHS National Health Service, the name of the United Kingdom’s public

health care system.

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

The headline was that DeepMind was going to work with

the NHS to develop an app that would provide early warn-

ing for sufferers of kidney disease. And it is, but DeepMind’s

ambitions—“to solve intelligence”—goes way beyond that. The

entire history of 2 million NHS patients is, for artificial intel-

ligence researchers, a treasure trove. And, their entry into the

NHS—providing useful services in exchange for our personal

data—is another massive step in their power and influence in

every part of our lives.

[Because the stage beyond search is prediction.] Google

wants to know what you want before you know yourself. “That’s

the next stage,” says Martin Moore. “We talk about the omni-

science of these tech giants, but that omniscience takes a huge

step forward again if they are able to predict. And that’s where

they want to go. To predict diseases in health. It’s really, really

problematic.”

For the nearly 20 years that Google has been in existence,

our view of the company has been inflected by the youth and

liberal outlook of its founders. Ditto Facebook, whose mission,

Zuckerberg said, was not to be “a company. It was built to

accomplish a social mission to make the world more open and

connected.”

It would be interesting to know how he thinks that’s work-

ing out. Donald Trump is connecting through exactly the same

technology… . And Facebook and Google are amplifying and

spreading that message. And us too—the mainstream media. Our

outrage is just another node on Jonathan Albright’s data map.

“The more we argue with them, the more they know about

us,” he says. “It all feeds into a circular system. What we’re

seeing here is a new era of network propaganda.”

We are all points on that map. And our complicity, our cre-

dulity, being consumers not concerned citizens, is an essential

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C A R o l E C A d W A l l A d R

part of that process. And what happens next is down to us. “I

would say that everybody has been really naive and we need

to reset ourselves to a much more cynical place and proceed

on that basis,” is Rebecca MacKinnon’s advice. “There is no

doubt that where we are now is a very bad place. But it’s we as

a society who have jointly created this problem. And if we want

to get to a better place, when it comes to having an information

ecosystem that serves human rights and democracy instead of

destroying it, we have to share responsibility for that.”

Are Jews evil? How do you want that question answered? This

is our internet. Not Google’s. Not Facebook’s. Not right-wing

propagandists.’ And we’re the only ones who can reclaim it.

Joining the Conversation

1. In what ways does Carole Cadwalladr believe that Google

is jeopardizing democracy throughout the world? What sup-

porting arguments and evidence does she provide?

2. Cadwalladr makes clear what her own views are, but she does

not say much about other viewpoints. What objections could

be raised to her argument, and where would you introduce

them in her essay?

3. Cadwalladr frequently quotes others on the prominent

representation of right-wing views in Google searches, but

she doesn’t always set up these quotations or follow them

with explanations. Find two examples—in each case, how

might she add a sentence or two to explain their mean-

ing and significance? (See pp. 45–49 for ways to frame

quotations.)

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Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search

4. Compare the author’s view of Google with Nicholas Carr’s

view of Google (pp. 424–40). How are they similar? How

are they different?

5.

Cadwalladr makes a number of debatable claims: “The

right has colonized the digital space … far more effec-

tively than the liberal left” (paragraph 26) and “Google and

Facebook … are going to own the future” (paragraph 49).

Write an essay responding to one of these claims or another

claim that interests you, drawing upon your own experiences

to support your argument.

4 9 9

Go Ahead:

Waste Time on the Internet

k e n n e t h g o l d s m i t h

H

Is the Internet a waste of time? It’s not so easy to say.

When I click around news sites, am I wasting time because I

should be working instead? What if I’ve spent hours working,

and I need a break? Am I wasting time if I watch cat videos, but

not if I read a magazine story about the Iran nuclear deal? Am I

wasting time if I look up the latest presidential polling numbers,

but not if I’m communicating with an old friend on Facebook?

The notion that the Internet is bad for you seems premised

on the idea that the Internet is one thing—a monolith. In

reality it’s a befuddling mix of the stupid and the sublime, a

shattered, contradictory, and fragmented medium. Internet

Kenneth Goldsmith is a poet and author of ten books, including

Seven American Deaths and Disasters (2013) and Uncreative Writing:

Managing Language in the Digital Age (2013). He is the founding editor

of UbuWeb, an online archive, and senior editor of PennSound, a web-

site for digital poetry recordings based at the University of Pennsylva-

nia, where he teaches writing. This essay, first published on August 12,

2016 for the Los Angeles Times, is from his book Wasting Time on the

Internet (2016).

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Go Ahead: Waste Time on the Internet

detractors seem to miss this simple fact, which is why so many

of their criticisms disintegrate under observation.

The way Internet pundits tell it, you’d think we stare for

three hours at clickbait—those articles with hypersensational

headlines—the way we once sat down and watched three hours

of cartoons on Saturday morning TV. But most of us don’t do

any one thing on the Internet. Instead, we do many things,

some of it frivolous, some of it heavy. Our time spent in front of

the computer is a mixed time, a time that reflects our desires—

as opposed to the time spent sitting in front of the television

where we were fed shows we didn’t necessarily enjoy. TV gave

us few choices. Many of us truly did feel like we wasted our

time—as our parents so often chided us—“rotting away” in

front of the TV.

I keep reading—on screens—that in the age of screens we’ve

lost our ability to concentrate, that we’ve become distracted.

But when I look around me and see people riveted to their

devices, I notice a great wealth of concentration, focus, and

engagement.

And I keep reading—on the Internet—that the Internet 5

has made us antisocial, that we’ve lost the ability to have a

conversation. But when I see people with their devices, what

I see is people communicating with one another: texting, chat-

ting, IM’ing. And I have to wonder, in what way is this not

social? A conversation broken up into short bursts and quick

emoticons is still a conversation. Watch someone’s face while

they’re in the midst of a rapid-fire text message exchange: it’s

full of emotion—anticipation, laughter, affect.

The Internet has been accused of making us shallow. We’re

skimming, not reading. We lack the ability to engage deeply

with a subject anymore. That’s both true and not true: we skim

and browse certain types of content, and read others carefully.

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k E N N E T H G o l d S M I T H

We’re not all using our devices the same way. Looking over the

shoulders of people absorbed in their devices on the subway, I

see many people reading newspapers and books and many oth-

ers playing Candy Crush. Sometimes someone will be glancing

at a newspaper one moment and playing a game the next.

The other night, I walked into the living room and my wife

was glued to her iPad, reading “Narrative of the Life of Frederick

Douglass.” Hours later, when I headed to bed, she hadn’t moved

an inch, still transfixed by this 171-year-old narrative on her 21st-

century device. When I said good night, she didn’t even look up.

Internet critics tell us time and again that our brains are

being rewired; I’m not so sure that’s a bad thing. Every new

media requires new ways of thinking. Wouldn’t it be

See pp. 25–27

for ways to

strange if in the midst of this digital revolution we were

introduce an

ongoing debate.

still expected to use our brains in the same way we read

books or watched TV?

The resistance to the Internet shouldn’t surprise us: Cultural

reactionaries defending the status quo have been around as

long as media has. Marshall McLuhan tells us that television

was written off by people invested in literature as merely “mass

entertainment” just as the printed book was met with the same

skepticism in the 16th century by scholastic philosophers.

McLuhan says that “the vested interests of acquired knowl-

edge and conventional wisdom have always been by-passed and

engulfed by new media … The student of media soon comes

to expect the new media of any period whatever to be classed

as pseudo by those who have acquired the patterns of earlier

media, whatever they may happen to be.”

I’m told that our children are most at risk, that the exces- 10

sive use of computers has led our kids to view the real world

as fake. But I’m not so sure that even I can distinguish “real”

from “fake.” How is my life on Facebook any less “real” than

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Go Ahead: Waste Time on the Internet

what happens in my day-to-day life? In fact, much of what does

happen in my day-to-day life comes through Facebook—work

opportunities, invitations to dinner parties, and even the topics

I discuss at those dinner parties.

After reading one of those hysterical “devices are ruining

your child” articles, my sister-in-law decided to take action. She

imposed a system whereby, after dinner, the children were to

“turn in” their devices—computers, smartphones, and tablets.

They could “check them out” over the course of the evening,

but only if they could prove they needed them for “educational

purposes.” Upon confiscating my nephew’s cell phone one

Friday night, she asked him on Saturday morning, “What plans

do you have with your friends today?” “None,” he responded.

“You took away my phone.”

On a vacation, after a full day of outdoor activities that

included seeing the Grand Canyon and hiking, my friend and

her family settled into the hotel for the evening. Her 12-year-

old daughter is a fan of preteen goth girl crafting videos on

YouTube, where she learns how to bedazzle black skull T-shirts

and make perfectly ripped punk leggings. That evening, the girl

selected some of her favorite videos to share with her mother.

After agreeing to watch a few, her mother grew impatient. “This

is nice, but I don’t want to spend the whole night clicking

around.” The daughter responded indignantly that she wasn’t

just “clicking around.” She was connecting with a community

of girls her own age who shared similar interests.

Her mother was forced to reconsider her premise that her

daughter was just wasting time on the Internet; instead, she was

fully engaged, fostering an aesthetic, feeding her imagination,

indulging in her creative proclivities, and hanging out with her

friends, all from the comfort of a remote hotel room perched

on the edge of the Grand Canyon.

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k E N N E T H G o l d S M I T H

Many Internet critics yearn for a return to solitude and

introspection, quiet places far removed from the noises of our

devices. But those places, away from the rabble, are starting to

remind me of gated communities.

Joining the Conversation

1. Kenneth Goldsmith introduces a series of standard views fol-

lowed by a series of “I say” statements. List each pair, noting

the specific language the author uses in each instance.

2. So what? Who cares? Where does Goldsmith explain why

his argument matters—and for whom?

3. Goldsmith quotes Marshall McLuhan, a scholar who wrote

about the effects of technology on people. Compare Gold-

smith’s paraphrasing of McLuhan’s ideas with Nicholas Carr’s

(p. 426, paragraph 4). Which author, in your view, provides

a better paraphrase? Why?

4. Read Andreas Elpidorou’s article “The Quiet Alarm” on

theysayiblog.com. What do you think Goldsmith would say to Elpidorou’s claim that the “next time boredom overcomes you … [i]t might be best not to cover it up with your

smartphone”?

5. How do your friends, family, and/or coworkers spend time on

the internet? How do they feel about it? Incorporating their

views as evidence, write an essay responding to Goldsmith

in which you agree, disagree, or both with his argument.

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No Need to Call

s h e r r y t u r k l e

H

“So many people hate the telephone,” says Elaine,

seventeen. Among her friends at Roosevelt High School, “it’s

all texting and messaging.” She herself writes each of her six

closest friends roughly twenty texts a day. In addition, she says,

“there are about forty instant messages out, forty in, when I’m

at home on the computer.” Elaine has strong ideas about how

electronic media “levels the playing field” between people like

her—outgoing, on the soccer team, and in drama club—and

the shy: “It’s only on the screen that shy people open up.” She

explains why: “When you can think about what you’re going

to say, you can talk to someone you’d have trouble talking to.

And it doesn’t seem weird that you pause for two minutes to

Sherry Turkle teaches in the science, technology, and society pro-

gram at MIT and directs the MIT Initiative on Technology and Self.

She has been described as the “Margaret Mead of digital culture.” Her

books include Reclaiming Conversation: The Power of Talk in a Digital

Age (2015), Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology

and Less from Each Other (2011), and Life on the Screen: Identity in the

Age of the Internet (1995). This essay is from Alone Together.

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think about what you’re going to say before you say it, like it

would be if you were actually talking to someone.”

Elaine gets specific about the technical designs that help

shy people express themselves in electronic messaging. The

person to whom you are writing shouldn’t be able to see your

process of revision or how long you have been working on the

message. “That could be humiliating.” The best communica-

tion programs shield the writer from the view of the reader.

The advantage of screen communication is that it is a place

to reflect, retype, and edit. “It is a place to hide,” says Elaine.

The notion that hiding makes it easier to open up is not

new. In the psychoanalytic tradition, it inspired technique.

Classical analysis shielded the patient from the analyst’s gaze

in order to facilitate free association, the golden rule of say-

ing whatever comes to mind. Likewise, at a screen, you feel

protected and less burdened by expectations. And, although

you are alone, the potential for almost instantaneous contact

gives an encouraging feeling of already being together. In this

curious relational space, even sophisticated users who know

that electronic communications can be saved, shared, and show

up in court, succumb to its illusion of privacy. Alone with

your thoughts, yet in contact with an almost tangible fantasy

of the other, you feel free to play. At the screen, you have a

chance to write yourself into the person you want to be and to

imagine others as you wish them to be, constructing them for

your purposes.1 It is a seductive but dangerous habit of mind.

When you cultivate this sensibility, a telephone call can seem

fearsome because it reveals too much.

Elaine is right in her analysis: teenagers flee the telephone.

Perhaps more surprisingly, so do adults. They claim exhaustion

and lack of time; always on call, with their time highly lever-

aged through multitasking, they avoid voice communication

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No Need to Call

outside of a small circle because it demands their full attention

when they don’t want to give it.

Technologies live in complex ecologies. The meaning of 5

any one depends on what others are available. The telephone

was once a way to touch base or ask a simple question. But

once you have access to e-mail, instant messaging, and texting,

things change. Although we still use the phone to keep up with

those closest to us, we use it less outside this circle.2 Not only do

people say that a phone call asks too much, they worry it will be

received as demanding too much. Randolph, a forty-six-year-old

architect with two jobs, two young children, and a twelve-year-

old son from a former marriage, makes both points. He avoids the

telephone because he feels “tapped out… . It promises more than

I’m willing to deliver.” If he keeps his communications to text

and e-mail, he believes he can “keep it together.” He explains,

“Now that there is e-mail, people expect that a call will be more

complicated. Not about facts. A fuller thing. People expect it to

take time—or else you wouldn’t have called.”

Tara, a fifty-five-year-old lawyer who juggles children, a job,

and a new marriage, makes a similar point: “When you ask for

a call, the expectation is that you have pumped it up a level.

People say to themselves: ‘It’s urgent or she would have sent

an e-mail.’” So Tara avoids the telephone. She wants to meet

with friends in person; e-mail is for setting up these meetings.

“That is what is most efficient,” she says. But efficiency has its

downside. Business meetings have agendas, but friends have

unscheduled needs. In friendship, things can’t always wait. Tara

knows this; she feels guilty and she experiences a loss: “I’m at

the point where I’m processing my friends as though they were

items of inventory … or clients.”

Leonora, fifty-seven, a professor of chemistry, reflects on

her similar practice: “I use e-mail to make appointments to

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see friends, but I’m so busy that I’m often making an appoint-

ment one or two months in the future. After we set things up

by e-mail, we do not call. Really. I don’t call. They don’t call.

They feel that they have their appointment. What do I feel?

I feel I have ‘taken care of that person.’” Leonora’s pained

tone makes it clear that by “taken care of ” she means that

she has crossed someone off a to-do list. Tara and Leonora

are discontent but do not feel they have a choice. This is

where technology has brought them. They subscribe to a new

etiquette, claiming the need for efficiency in a realm where

efficiency is costly.

Audrey: A Life on the Screen

… Audrey, sixteen, a Roosevelt junior[,] talked about her

Facebook profile as “the avatar of me.” She’s one of Elaine’s shy

friends who prefers texting to talking. She is never without her

phone, sometimes using it to text even as she instant-messages

at an open computer screen. Audrey feels lonely in her fam-

ily. She has an older brother in medical school and a second,

younger brother, just two years old. Her parents are divorced,

and she lives half time with each of them. Their homes are

about a forty-five-minute drive apart. This means that Audrey

spends a lot of time on the road. “On the road,” she says.

“That’s daily life.” She sees her phone as the glue that ties her

life together. Her mother calls her to pass on a message to her

father. Her father does the same. Audrey says, “They call me to

say, ‘Tell your mom this… . Make sure your dad knows that.’

I use the cell to pull it together.” Audrey sums up the situa-

tion: “My parents use me and my cell like instant messenger.

I am their IM.”

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No Need to Call

Like so many other children who tell me similar stories,

Audrey complains of her mother’s inattention when she picks

her up at school or after sports practice. At these times, Audrey

says, her mother is usually focused on her cell phone, either

texting or talking to her friends. Audrey describes the scene:

she comes out of the gym exhausted, carrying heavy gear. Her

mother sits in her beaten-up SUV, immersed in her cell, and

doesn’t even look up until Audrey opens the car door. Some-

times her mother will make eye contact but remain engrossed

with the phone as they begin the drive home. Audrey says,

“It gets between us, but it’s hopeless. She’s not going to give

it up. Like, it could have been four days since I last spoke to

her, then I sit in the car and wait in silence until she’s done.”3

Audrey has a fantasy of her mother, waiting for her, expect- 10

ant, without a phone. But Audrey is resigned that this is not

to be and feels she must temper her criticism of her mother

because of her own habit of texting when she is with her friends.

Audrey does everything she can to avoid a call.4 “The phone,

it’s awkward. I don’t see the point. Too much just a recap and

sharing feelings. With a text … I can answer on my own time.

I can respond. I can ignore it. So it really works with my mood.

I’m not bound to anything, no commitment… . I have control

over the conversation and also more control over what I say.”

Texting offers protection:

Nothing will get spat at you. You have time to think and prepare

what you’re going to say, to make you appear like that’s just the way

you are. There’s planning involved, so you can control how you’re

portrayed to this person, because you’re choosing these words,

editing it before you send it… . When you instant-message you

can cross things out, edit what you say, block a person, or sign off.

A phone conversation is a lot of pressure. You’re always expected

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to uphold it, to keep it going, and that’s too much pressure… .

You have to just keep going … “Oh, how was your day?” You’re

trying to think of something else to say real fast so the conversa-

tion doesn’t die out.

Then Audrey makes up a new word. A text, she argues, is

better than a call because in a call “there is a lot less bound-

ness to the person.” By this she means that in a call, she could

learn too much or say too much, and things could get “out of

control.” A call has insufficient boundaries. She admits that

“later in life I’m going to need to talk to people on the phone.

But not now. ” When texting, she feels at a reassuring distance.

If things start to go in a direction she doesn’t like, she can eas-

ily redirect the conversation—or cut it off: “In texting, you get

your main points off; you can really control when you want the

conversation to start and end. You say, ‘Got to go, bye.’ You

Teenagers plugged into their devices but not each other.

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No Need to Call

just do it … much better than the long drawn-out good-byes,

when you have no real reason to leave, but you want to end

the conversation.” This last is what Audrey likes least—the

end of conversations. A phone call, she explains, requires the

skill to end a conversation “when you have no real reason to

leave… . It’s not like there is a reason. You just want to. I

don’t know how to do that. I don’t want to learn. ”

Ending a call is hard for Audrey because she experiences

separation as rejection; she projects onto others the pang of

abandonment she feels when someone ends a conversation with

her. Feeling unthreatened when someone wants to end a con-

versation may seem a small thing, but it is not. It calls upon a

sense of self-worth; one needs to be at a place where Audrey

has not arrived. It is easier to avoid the phone; its beginnings

and endings are too rough on her.

Audrey is not alone in this. Among her friends, phone

calls are infrequent, and she says, “Face-to-face conversations

happen way less than they did before. It’s always, ‘Oh, talk

to you online.”’ This means, she explains, that things happen

online that “should happen in person… . Friendships get bro-

ken. I’ve had someone ask me out in a text message. I’ve had

someone break up with me online.’’ But Audrey is resigned to

such costs and focuses on the bounties of online life.

One of Audrey’s current enthusiasms is playing a more 15

social, even flirtatious version of herself in online worlds. “I’d

like to be more like I am online,” she says. As we’ve seen, for

Audrey, building an online avatar is not so different from writ-

ing a social-networking profile. An avatar, she explains, “is a

Facebook profile come to life.” And avatars and profiles have

a lot in common with the everyday experiences of texting and

instant messaging. In all of these, as she sees it, the point is to

do “a performance of you.”

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Making an avatar and texting. Pretty much the same. You’re cre-

ating your own person; you don’t have to think of things on the

spot really, which a lot of people can’t really do. You’re creating

your own little ideal person and sending it out. Also on the Inter-

net, with sites like MySpace and Facebook, you put up the things

you like about yourself, and you’re not going to advertise the bad

aspects of you.

You’re not going to post pictures of how you look every day.

You’re going to get your makeup on, put on your cute little outfit,

you’re going to take your picture and post it up as your default, and

that’s what people are going to expect that you are every day, when

really you’re making it up for all these people… . You can write

anything about yourself; these people don’t know. You can create

who you want to be. You can say what kind of stereotype mold you

want to fit in without … maybe in real life it won’t work for you,

you can’t pull it off. But you can pull it off on the Internet.

Audrey has her cell phone and its camera with her all day; all

day she takes pictures and posts them to Facebook. She boasts

that she has far more Facebook photo albums than any of her

friends. “I like to feel,” she says, “that my life is up there.” But,

of course, what is up on Facebook is her edited life. Audrey is

preoccupied about which photographs to post. Which put her

in the best light? Which show her as a “bad” girl in potentially

appealing ways? If identity play is the work of adolescence,

Audrey is at work all day: “If Facebook were deleted, I’d be

deleted… . All my memories would probably go along with

it. And other people have posted pictures of me. All of that

would be lost. If Facebook were undone, I might actually freak

out… . That is where I am. It’s part of your life. It’s a second

you.” It is at this point that Audrey says of a Facebook avatar:

“It’s your little twin on the Internet.”

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No Need to Call

Since Audrey is constantly reshaping this “twin,” she won-

ders what happens to the elements of her twin that she edits

away. “What does Facebook do with pictures you put on and

then take off?” She suspects that they stay on the Internet

forever, an idea she finds both troubling and comforting. If

everything is archived, Audrey worries that she will never be

able to escape the Internet twin. That thought is not so nice.

But if everything is archived, at least in fantasy, she will never

have to give her up. That thought is kind of nice.

On Facebook, Audrey works on the twin, and the twin

works on her. She describes her relationship to the site as a

“give-and-take.” Here’s how it works: Audrey tries out a “flirty”

style. She receives a good response from Facebook friends, and

so she ramps up the flirtatious tone. She tries out “an ironic,

witty” tone in her wall posts. The response is not so good, and

she retreats. Audrey uses the same kind of tinkering as she

experiments with her avatars in virtual worlds. She builds a first

version to “put something out there.” Then comes months of

adjusting, of “seeing the new kinds of people I can hang with”

by changing how she represents herself. Change your avatar,

change your world.

Overwhelmed across the Generations

The teenagers I studied were born in the late 1980s and early

1990s. Many were introduced to the Internet through America

Online when they were only a little past being toddlers. Their

parents, however, came to online life as grown-ups. In this

domain, they are a generation that, from the beginning, has been

playing catch-up with their children. This pattern continues:

the fastest-growing demographic on Facebook is adults from

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“Conventional

thirty-five to forty-four.5 Conventional wisdom stresses

wisdom” is the

“standard view.”

how different these adults are from their children—

For more on

laying out fundamental divides between those who

this move, see

pp. 23−24.

migrated to digital worlds and those who are its “natives.”

But the migrants and natives share a lot: perhaps above all, the

feeling of being overwhelmed. If teenagers, overwhelmed with

demands for academic and sexual performance, have come to

treat online life as a place to hide and draw some lines, then

their parents, claiming exhaustion, strive to exert greater control

over what reaches them. And the only way to filter effectively

is to keep most communications online and text based.

So, they are always on, always at work, and always on call. 20

I remember the time, not many years ago, when I celebrated

Thanksgiving with a friend and her son, a young lawyer, who

had just been given a beeper by his firm. At the time, everyone

at the table, including him, joked about the idea of his “legal

emergencies.” By the following year, he couldn’t imagine not

being in continual contact with the office. There was a time

when only physicians had beepers, a “burden” shared in rota-

tion. Now, we have all taken up the burden, reframed as an

asset—or as just the way it is.

We are on call for our families as well as our colleagues.

On a morning hike in the Berkshires, I fall into step with

Hope, forty-seven, a real estate broker from Manhattan. She

carries her BlackBerry. Her husband, she says, will probably

want to be in touch. And indeed, he calls at thirty-minute

intervals. Hope admits, somewhat apologetically, that she is

“not fond” of the calls, but she loves her husband, and this

is what he needs. She answers her phone religiously until

finally a call comes in with spotty reception. “We’re out of

range, thank goodness,” she says, as she disables her phone.

“I need a rest.”

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Increasingly, people feel as though they must have a reason

for taking time alone, a reason not to be available for calls. It is

poignant that people’s thoughts turn to technology when they

imagine ways to deal with stresses that they see as having been

brought on by technology. They talk of filters and intelligent

agents that will handle the messages they don’t want to see. Hope

and Audrey, though thirty years apart in age, both see texting as

the solution to the “problem” of the telephone. And both rede-

fine “stress” in the same way—as pressure that happens in real

time. With this in mind, my hiking partner explains that she is

trying to “convert” her husband to texting. There will be more

messages; he will be able to send more texts than he can place

calls. But she will not have to deal with them “as they happen.”

Mixed feelings about the drumbeat of electronic communi-

cation do not suggest any lack of affection toward those with

whom we are in touch. But a stream of messages makes it impos-

sible to find moments of solitude, time when other people are

showing us neither dependency nor affection. In solitude we

don’t reject the world but have the space to think our own

thoughts. But if your phone is always with you, seeking solitude

can look suspiciously like hiding.

We fill our days with ongoing connection, denying ourselves

time to think and dream. Busy to the point of depletion, we make

a new Faustian* bargain. It goes something like this: if we are

left alone when we make contact, we can handle being together.

The barrier to making a call is so high that even when people 25

have something important to share, they hold back. Tara, the

lawyer who admits to “processing” her friends by dealing with

*Faustian Relating to Faust, a character of German folklore, and used to

describe something or someone that is concerned only with present gain and

not future consequences.

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them on e-mail, tells me a story about a friendship undermined.

About four times a year, Tara has dinner with Alice, a classmate

from law school. Recently, the two women exchanged multiple

e-mails trying to set a date. Finally, after many false starts, they

settled on a time and a restaurant. Alice did not come to the

dinner with good news. Her sister had died. Though they lived

thousands of miles apart, the sisters had spoken once a day.

Without her sister, without these calls, Alice feels ungrounded.

At dinner, when Alice told Tara about her sister’s death,

Tara became upset, close to distraught. She and Alice had been

e-mailing for months. Why hadn’t Alice told her about this?

Alice explained that she had been taken up with her family,

with arrangements. And she said, simply, “I didn’t think it was

something to discuss over e-mail.” Herself in need of support,

Alice ended up comforting Tara.

As Tara tells me this story, she says that she was ashamed

of her reaction. Her focus should have been—and should now

be—on Alice’s loss, not on her own ranking as a confidant. But

she feels defensive as well. She had, after all, “been in touch.’’

She’d e-mailed; she’d made sure that their dinner got arranged.

Tara keeps coming back to the thought that if she and Alice

had spoken on the telephone to set up their dinner date, she

would have learned about her friend’s loss. She says, “I would

have heard something in her voice. I would have suspected. I

could have drawn her out.” But for Tara, as for so many, the

telephone call is for family. For friends, even dear friends, it is

close to being off the menu.

Tara avoids the voice but knows she has lost something. For

the young, this is less clear. I talk with Meredith, a junior at

Silver Academy who several months before had learned of a

friend’s death via instant message and had been glad that she

didn’t have to see or speak to anyone. She says, “It was a day

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No Need to Call

off, so I was at home, and I hadn’t seen anyone who lives around

me, and then my friend Rosie IM’ed me and told me my friend

died. I was shocked and everything, but I was more okay than I

would’ve been if I saw people. I went through the whole thing

not seeing anyone and just talking to people online about it,

and I was fine. I think it would’ve been much worse if they’d

told me in person.”

I ask Meredith to say more. She explains that when bad news

came in an instant message, she was able to compose herself.

It would have been “terrible,” she says, to have received a call.

“I didn’t have to be upset in front of someone else.” Indeed,

for a day after hearing the news, Meredith only communicated

with friends by instant message. She describes the IMs as fre-

quent but brief: “Just about the fact of it. Conversations like,

‘Oh, have you heard?’ ‘Yeah, I heard.’ And that’s it.” The IMs

let her put her emotions at a distance. When she had to face

other people at school, she could barely tolerate the rush of

feeling: “The second I saw my friends, it got so much worse.”

Karen and Beatrice, two of Meredith’s friends, tell similar sto-

ries. Karen learned about the death of her best friend’s father

in an instant message. She says, “It was easier to learn about

it on the computer. It made it easier to hear. I could take it

in pieces. I didn’t have to look all upset to anyone.” Beatrice

reflects, “I don’t want to hear bad things, but if it is just texted

to me, I can stay calm.”

These young women prefer to deal with strong feelings from 30

the safe haven of the Net. It gives them an alternative to pro-

cessing emotions in real time. Under stress, they seek compo-

sure above all. But they do not find equanimity. When they

meet and lose composure, they find a new way to flee: often

they take their phones out to text each other and friends not

in the room. I see a vulnerability in this generation, so quick

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S H E R R y T u R k l E

to say, “Please don’t call.” They keep themselves at a distance

from their feelings. They keep themselves from people who

could help.

Voices

When I first read how it is through our faces that we call each

other up as human beings, I remember thinking I have always

felt that way about the human voice. But like many of those

I study, I have been complicit with technology in removing

many voices from my life.

I had plans for dinner with a colleague, Joyce. On the day

before we were to meet, my daughter got admitted to college.

I e-mailed Joyce that we would have much to celebrate. She

e-mailed back a note of congratulations. She had been through

the college admissions process with her children and under-

stood my relief. At dinner, Joyce said that she had thought of

calling to congratulate me, but a call had seemed “intrusive.”

I admitted that I hadn’t called her to share my good news

for the same reason. Joyce and I both felt constrained by a

new etiquette but were also content to follow it. “I feel more

in control of my time if I’m not disturbed by calls,” Joyce

admitted.

Both Joyce and I have gained something we are not happy

about wanting. License to feel together when alone, comforted

by e-mails, excused from having to attend to people in real

time. We did not set out to avoid the voice but end up denying

ourselves its pleasures. For the voice can be experienced only

in real time, and both of us are so busy that we don’t feel we

have it to spare.

Apple’s visual voicemail for the iPhone was welcomed

because it saves you the trouble of having to listen to a message

5 1 8

No Need to Call

to know who sent it. And now there are applications that auto-

matically transcribe voicemail into text. I interview Maureen,

a college freshman, who is thrilled to have discovered one of

these programs. She says that only her parents send her voice-

mail: “I love my parents, but they don’t know how to use the

phone. It’s not the place to leave long voice messages. Too

long to listen to. Now, I can scroll through the voicemail as

text messages. Great.”

Here, in the domain of connectivity, we meet the narra- 35

tive of better than nothing becoming simply better. People

have long wanted to connect with those at a distance. We

sent letters, then telegrams, and then the telephone gave us a

way to hear their voices. All of these were better than noth-

ing when you couldn’t meet face-to-face. Then, short of time,

people began to use the phone instead of getting together. By

the 1970s, when I first noticed that I was living in a new regime

of connectivity, you were never really “away” from your phone

because answering machines made you responsible for any call

that came in. Then, this machine, originally designed as a way

to leave a message if someone was not at home, became a

screening device, our end-of-millennium Victorian calling card.

Over time, voicemail became an end in itself, not the result of

a frustrated telephone call. People began to call purposely when

they knew that no one would be home. People learned to let

the phone ring and “let the voicemail pick it up.”

In a next step, the voice was taken out of voicemail because

communicating with text is faster. E-mail gives you more con-

trol over your time and emotional exposure. But then, it, too,

was not fast enough. With mobile connectivity (think text

and Twitter), we can communicate our lives pretty much at

the rate we live them. But the system backfires. We express

ourselves in staccato texts, but we send out a lot and often to

5 1 9

S H E R R y T u R k l E

large groups. So we get even more back—so many that the idea

of communicating with anything but texts seems too exhaust-

ing. Shakespeare might have said, we are “consumed with that

which we are nourished by.”6

I sketched out this narrative to a friend for whom it rang

true as a description but seemed incredible all the same. A

professor of poetry and a voracious reader, she said, “We can-

not all write like Lincoln or Shakespeare, but even the least

gifted among us has this incredible instrument, our voice, to

communicate the range of human emotion. Why would we

deprive ourselves of that?”

The beginning of an answer has become clear: in text mes-

saging and e-mail, you hide as much as you show. You can

present yourself as you wish to be “seen.” And you can “process”

people as quickly as you want to. Listening can only slow you

down. A voice recording can be sped up a bit, but it has to

unfold in real time. Better to have it transcribed or avoid it

altogether. We work so hard to give expressive voices to our

robots but are content not to use our own.

Like the letters they replace, e-mail, messaging, texting,

and, more recently, Tweeting carry a trace of the voice. When

Tara regretted that she had not called her friend Alice—on the

phone she would have heard her friend’s grief—she expressed

the point of view of someone who grew up with the voice and

is sorry to have lost touch with it. Hers is a story of trying

to rebalance things in a traditional framework. Trey, her law

partner, confronts something different, something he cannot

rebalance.

My brother found out that his wife is pregnant and he put it on

his blog. He didn’t call me first. I called him when I saw the blog

entry. I was mad at him. He didn’t see why I was making a big

5 2 0

No Need to Call

deal. He writes his blog every day, as things happen, that’s how he

lives. So when they got home from the doctor—bam, right onto

the blog. Actually, he said it was part of how he celebrated the

news with his wife—to put it on the blog together with a picture of

him raising a glass of champagne and she raising a glass of orange

juice. Their idea was to celebrate on the blog, almost in real time,

with the photos and everything. When I complained they made

me feel like such a girl. Do you think I’m old-school?7

Trey’s story is very different from Tara’s. Trey’s brother was 40

not trying to save time by avoiding the telephone. His brother

did not avoid or forget him or show preference to other family

members. Blogging is part of his brother’s intimate life. It is

how he and his wife celebrated the most important milestone

in their life as a family. In a very different example of our

new genres of online intimacy, a friend of mine underwent

a stem cell transplant. I felt honored when invited to join

her family’s blog. It is set up as a news feed that appears on

my computer desktop. Every day, and often several times a

day, the family posts medical reports, poems, reflections, and

photographs. There are messages from the patient, her hus-

band, her children, and her brother, who donated his stem

cells. There is progress and there are setbacks. On the blog,

one can follow this family as it lives, suffers, and rejoices

for a year of treatment. Inhibitions lift. Family members tell

stories that would be harder to share face-to-face. I read every

post. I send e-mails. But the presence of the blog changes

something in my behavior. I am grateful for every piece of

information but feel strangely shy about calling. Would it be

an intrusion? I think of Trey. Like him, I am trying to get

my bearings in a world where the Net has become a place of

intimate enclosure.

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S H E R R y T u R k l E

Notes

1. In the object relations tradition of psychoanalysis, an object is that

which one relates to. Usually, objects are people, especially a significant person

who is the object or target of another’s feelings or intentions. A whole object

is a person in his or her entirety. It is common in development for people to

internalize part objects, representations of others that are not the whole person.

Online life provides an environment that makes it easier for people to relate

to part objects. This puts relationships at risk. On object relations theory, see,

for example, Stephen A. Mitchell and Margaret J. Black, Freud and Beyond:

A History of Modern Psychoanalytic Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1995).

2. See Stefana Broadbent, “How the Internet Enables Intimacy,” Ted.com,

www.ted.com/talks/stefana_broadbent_how_the_internet_enables_intimacy

.html (accessed August 8, 2010). According to Broadbent, 80 percent of calls

on cell phones are made to four people, 80 percent of Skype calls are made to

two people, and most Facebook exchanges are with four to six people.

3. This mother is being destructive to her relationship with her daughter.

Research shows that people use the phone in ways that surely undermine rela-

tionships with adult partners as well. In one striking finding, according to Dan

Schulman, CEO of cell operator Virgin Mobile, one in five people will interrupt

sex to answer their phone. David Kirkpatrick, “Do You Answer Your Cellphone

During Sex?” Fortune, August 28, 2006, http://money.cnn.com/2006/08/25/

technology/fastforward_kirpatrick.fortune/index.htm (accessed November 11,

2009).

4. See Amanda Lenhart et al., “Teens and Mobile Phones,” The Pew

Foundation, April 20, 2010, www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2010/Teens-and

-Mobile-Phones.aspx?r=i (accessed August 10, 2010).

5. “Number of US Facebook Users over 35 Nearly Doubles in Last 60

Days,” Inside Facebook, March 25, 2009, www.insidefacebook.com/2009/03/25/

number-of-us-facebook-users-over-35-nearly-doubles-in-last-60-days (accessed

October 19, 2009).

6. This paraphrases a line from Sonnet 73: “Consum’d with that which it

was nourish’d by …”

7. The author of a recent blog post titled “I Hate the Phone” would not

call Trey old-school, but nor would she want to call him. Anna-Jane Grossman

admits to growing up loving her pink princess phone, answering machine, and

long, drawn-out conversations with friends she had just seen at school. Now she

5 2 2

No Need to Call

hates the phone: “I feel an inexplicable kind of dread when I hear a phone ring,

even when the caller ID displays the number of someone I like… . My dislike

for the phone probably first started to grow when I began using Instant Mes-

senger. Perhaps phone-talking is a skill that one has to practice, and the more

IMing I’ve done, the more my skills have dwindled to the level of a modern

day 13-year-old who never has touched a landline… . I don’t even listen to

my [phone] messages any more: They get transcribed automatically and then

are sent to me via e-mail or text.” The author was introduced to Skype and

sees its virtues; she also sees the ways in which it undermines conversation:

“It occurs to me that if there’s one thing that’ll become obsolete because of

video-chatting, it’s not phones: it’s natural flowing conversations with people

far away.” See Grossman, “I Hate the Phone.”

In my experience with Skype, pauses seem long and awkward, and it is

an effort not to look bored. Peggy Ornstein makes this point in “The Over-

extended Family,” New York Times Magazine, June 25, 2009, ww.nytimes

.com/2009/06/28/magazine/28fob-wwln-t.html (accessed October 17, 2009).

Ornstein characterizes Skype as providing “too much information,” something

that derails intimacy: “Suddenly I understood why slumber-party confessions

always came after lights were out, why children tend to admit the juicy stuff

to the back of your head while you’re driving, why psychoanalysts stay out of

a patient’s sightline.”

Joining the Conversation

1. Sherry Turkle was once optimistic about the potential for

technology to improve human lives but now takes a more

complex view. What does she mean here by the title “No

Need to Call”? What pitfalls does she see in our increasing

reluctance to talk on the phone or face-to-face?

2. This reading consists mainly of stories about how people

communicate on social media, on the phone, and face-to-

face. Summarize the story about Audrey (pp. 508−13) in

one paragraph.

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S H E R R y T u R k l E

3. According to Turkle, we “hide as much as [we] show” in

text messages and email, presenting ourselves “as [we] wish

to be ‘seen’” (paragraph 38). Is this so different from what

we do in most of our writing? How do you present yourself

in your academic writing, and how does that presentation

differ from what you do in text messages or email?

4. Go to theysayiblog.com and read Tim Adams’s interview

with Turkle. In what ways have Turkle’s views about con-

versation in a digital age changed, if at all? How have her

views stayed the same?

5. Turkle says she sees “a vulnerability” in those who prefer

social media to phone calls or face-to-face communication:

“I see a vulnerability in this generation, so quick to say,

‘Please don’t call’” (paragraph 30). Write an essay about

your own views on communicating with social media, draw-

ing upon this and other readings in the chapter for ideas to

consider, to question, and to support your view.

5 2 4

Does a Protest’s Size Matter?

z e y n e p t u f e k c i

H

The Women’s March on Saturday, which took place in

cities and towns all across the United States (and around the

world), may well have been the largest protest in American

history. There were an estimated 3.5 million participants.

This has to mean something, right?

After studying protests over the last two decades, I have

to deliver some bad news: In the digital age, the size of a pro-

test is no longer a reliable indicator of a movement’s strength.

Comparisons to the number of people in previous marches are

especially misleading.

A protest does not have power just because many people

get together in one place. Rather, a protest has power insofar

as it signals the underlying capacity of the forces it represents.

Zeynep Tufekci is a professor at the School of Information and Library

Science at the University of North Carolina who researches the rela-

tionship between technology and society. She is also a faculty associate

at the Harvard Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society and

author of Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked

Protest (2017). This op-ed piece first appeared in the New York Times

on January 27, 2017. Follow her on Twitter @zeynep.

5 2 5

z E y N E p T u f E k C I

Consider an analogy from the natural world: A gazelle will 5

sometimes jump high in the air while grazing, apparently to no

end—but it is actually signaling strength. “If I can jump this

high,” it communicates to would-be predators, “I can also run

very fast. Don’t bother with the chase.”

Protesters are saying, in effect, “If we can pull this off, imag-

ine what else we can do.”

But it is much easier to pull off a large protest than it used

to be. In the past, a big demonstration required months, if not

years, of preparation. The planning for the March on Washing-

ton in August 1963, for example, started nine months earlier,

in December 1962. The march drew a quarter of a million

people, but it represented much more effort, commitment and

preparation than would a protest of similar size today. Without

Facebook, without Twitter, without email, without cellphones,

without crowdfunding, the ability to organize such a march

was a fair proxy for the strength and sophistication of the civil

rights movement.

5 2 6

Does a Protest’s Size Matter?

The Women’s March, on the other hand, started with a few

Facebook posts and came together in a relatively short amount

of time. The organizers no doubt did a lot of work, and the size

and the energy of the gathering reflected a remarkable See pp. 64–65

for more “yes

depth of dissent. However, as with all protests today, the and no” moves.

march required fewer resources and less time spent on coordina-

tion than a comparable protest once did.

This is one reason that recent large protests have had less

effect on policy than many were led to expect. I participated

in the antiwar protests of February 2003—at that point, likely

the largest global protest in history, with events in more than

600 cities. I assumed the United States and its allies could not

ignore a protest of that size. But President George W. Bush,

dismissing the protesters as a “focus group,” indeed proceeded

to ignore us, and the Iraq war began soon after. Mr. Bush was

right in one way: The protesters failed to transform into an

electoral force capable of defeating him in the 2004 election.

In 2011, I attended the global Occupy protests, which were 10

held in about 1,000 cities in more than 80 countries—again,

likely the biggest global protest ever, at that point. Thanks in part

to digital technology, those protests, too, had been organized in

just a few weeks. I was optimistic that I would soon see political

and economic changes in response to this large-scale expression

of resistance to economic inequality. I was wrong, then, too.

Two enormous protests, two disappointing results. Similar

sequences of events have played out in other parts of the world.

This doesn’t mean that protests no longer matter—they do.

Nowadays, however, protests should be seen not as the culmi-

nation of an organizing effort, but as a first, potential step. A

large protest today is less like the March on Washington in

1963 and more like Rosa Parks’s refusal to move to the back of

the bus. What used to be an endpoint is now an initial spark.

5 2 7

z E y N E p T u f E k C I

More than ever before, the significance of a protest depends

on what happens afterward.

Consider the Tea Party protests of 2009, which also brought

out hundreds of thousands of people in cities throughout the

United States, and which also were organized with the help of

digital communication. Like any other protest, including the

Women’s March, these were symbolic expressions of support,

and they also functioned as events where like-minded individuals

could find one another. But the Tea Party protesters then got to

work on a ferociously focused agenda: identifying and support-

ing primary candidates to challenge Republicans who did not

agree with their demands, keeping close tabs on legislation and

pressuring politicians who deviated from a Tea Party platform.

Last Saturday, as I participated in the Women’s March in 15

North Carolina, I marveled at the large turnout and the passion

of those who marched. But if those protesters are not exchang-

ing contact information and setting up local strategy meetings,

their large numbers are unlikely to translate into the kind of

effectiveness the Tea Party supporters had after their protests

in 2009.

The Tea Party, of course, is not the only model for moving

forward. But there is no magic power to marching in the streets

that, on its own, leads to any other kind of result.

The march I attended in North Carolina ended with every-

one singing along to a song called “Let’s Get to Work.” For

today’s protests, more than ever, that’s the right message.

5 2 8

Does a Protest’s Size Matter?

Joining the Conversation

1. Identify the primary “they say” and “I say” statements in this

essay. Why, according to Zeynep Tufekci, is the number of

people participating in a protest no longer a reliable indica-

tor of the strength of a movement?

2. What role, both short-term and long-term, does the author

believe social media plays in the development of a protest

movement? How does her discussion of the Women’s March

toward the beginning and at the end of this essay fit into

her argument?

3. In pargraph 13, Tufekci states, “more than ever before, the

significance of a protest depends on what happens after-

ward.” Why, in your view, does Tufekci then describe the

Tea Party protests of 2009?

4. Tufekci focuses on the ability of technology to bring large

groups of people together around a cause, but also argues

that protests are not enough. How might danah boyd

(pp. 219–29) respond to this claim?

5. Write a Facebook post inviting like-minded people to a

protest march (devoted to a cause of your choice). In the

post, describe your plan for the march and also for follow-up

activities to take place after the march.

5 2 9

NINETEEN

what’s gender got

to do with it?

H

In the news, at home, at school, and out with friends, gen-

der is a much-discussed topic. Gender, in the words of Kate

Gilles, a policy analyst at the Population Reference Bureau, “is

a social construct—that is, a society’s assumptions about the

way a man or woman should look and behave.” Gender roles

in our society have changed considerably in recent decades:

there are more women in the workforce, many doing jobs once

held exclusively or primarily by men, and more men taking

an active role in the raising of children, including a growing

number of men who choose to stay at home with the children

while their partner works outside the home. Moreover, while

discrimination still exists, there is increasing acceptance of

nonheterosexual relationships—most notably with same-sex

marriage now legal in all of the United States—and, in the

last few years, of people who choose to change their gender

or sex.

No matter one’s roles or beliefs, pressure still exists for people,

particularly children, to maintain traditional gender roles—for

males, playing sports, acting tough, and not showing emo-

tion; for females, emphasizing physical appearance, attracting

members of the opposite sex, and not acting “too intelligent.”

5 3 1

W H A T ’ S G E N D E R G O T T O D O W I T H I T ?

Journalist Laurie Frankel writes about how her son went from

“he to she in first grade,” and how her child experienced this

transition at home and at school. Stephen Mays, an editor

at U.S. News and World Report, finds that the same gender

stereotypes that exist in society at large are often also pres-

ent in same-sex relationships, arguing against these limiting

stereotypes.

Other writers in the chapter focus on the unique expectations

of women, arguing that while women have made substantial

progress in the United States, serious obstacles remain. Anne-

Marie Slaughter, a former government official and current

university dean, observes that women who want to advance in

their careers find it difficult to also raise children—and that it’s

not possible to really “have it all.” College president Raynard

Kington explains why he still has it easier than working moms

even though he is, as he says in the title of his essay, “gay and

African American.” Kate Crawford, a technology researcher,

argues that the dominance of white males in the technology

industry has led to a bias against women and minorities.

In response to such critiques, some male writers argue that

the situation for men in contemporary American life is, in

many ways, just as problematic for women. Journalist, husband,

and father Richard Dorment writes about the increasing dif-

ficulty men have in balancing work and home life. Educator

Andrew Reiner argues that conforming to male stereotypes of

toughness and stoicism makes it much harder for men to be

“emotionally honest”—with themselves and with others. And

economist Nicholas Eberstadt discusses the plight of men who

are now unemployed or underemployed due to the decline of

industrial production in the United States.

5 3 2

What’s Gender Got to Do with It?

Gender is personal, part of one’s own developing identity

and web of relationships, but it is also political, related to ques-

tions of equity, fairness, and civil rights. In reading about some

of the discussions taking place around gender, you will have

the opportunity to learn more about this topic, formulate your

views, and become part of this ongoing conversation.

5 3 3

Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

a n n e - m a r i e s l a u g h t e r

H

Redefining the Arc of a Successful Career

Eighteen months into my job as the first woman director

of policy planning at the State Department, a foreign-policy

dream job that traces its origins back to George Kennan, I found

myself in New York, at the United Nations’ annual assemblage

of every foreign minister and head of state in the world. On a

Wednesday evening, President and Mrs. Obama hosted a glam-

orous reception at the American Museum of Natural History.

I sipped champagne, greeted foreign dignitaries, and mingled.

But I could not stop thinking about my 14-year-old son, who

had started eighth grade three weeks earlier and was already

resuming what had become his pattern of skipping homework,

Anne-Marie Slaughter is the president and CEO of the New America

Foundation, “a think tank and civic enterprise committed to renewing

American politics, prosperity, and purpose in the digital age.” She has

taught at Princeton University and Harvard Law School and worked as

director of policy planning for the US State Department. She is also the

author and editor of several books, most recently The Chessboard and the

Web: Strategies of Connection in a Networked World (2017). This essay

first appeared in the July/August 2012 issue of the Atlantic.

5 3 4

Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

disrupting classes, failing math, and tuning out any adult who

tried to reach him. Over the summer, we had barely spoken to

each other—or, more accurately, he had barely spoken to me.

And the previous spring I had received several urgent phone

calls—invariably on the day of an important meeting—that

required me to take the first train from Washington, D.C.,

where I worked, back to Princeton, New Jersey, where he lived.

My husband, who has always done everything possible to sup-

port my career, took care of him and his 12-year-old brother

during the week; outside of those midweek emergencies, I came

home only on weekends.

As the evening wore on, I ran into a colleague who held a

senior position in the White House. She has two sons exactly

my sons’ ages, but she had chosen to move them from California

to D.C. when she got her job, which meant her husband com-

muted back to California regularly. I told her how difficult I was

finding it to be away from my son when he clearly needed me.

Then I said, “When this is over, I’m going to write an op-ed

titled ‘Women Can’t Have It All.’ ”

She was horrified. “You can’t write that,” she said. “You, of

all people.” What she meant was that such a statement, com-

ing from a high-profile career woman—a role model—would

be a terrible signal to younger generations of women. By the

end of the evening, she had talked me out of it, but for the

remainder of my stint in Washington, I was increasingly aware

that the feminist beliefs on which I had built my entire career

were shifting under my feet. I had always assumed that if I could

get a foreign-policy job in the State Department or the White

House while my party was in power, I would stay the course as

long as I had the opportunity to do work I loved. But in January

2011, when my two-year public-service leave from Princeton

University was up, I hurried home as fast as I could.

5 3 5

A N N E - m A R I E S l A u G H T E R

A rude epiphany hit me soon after I got there. When people

asked why I had left government, I explained that I’d come

home not only because of Princeton’s rules (after two years of

leave, you lose your tenure), but also because of my desire to

be with my family and my conclusion that juggling high-level

government work with the needs of two teenage boys was not

possible. I have not exactly left the ranks of full-time career

women: I teach a full course load; write regular print and online

columns on foreign policy; give 40 to 50 speeches a year; appear

regularly on TV and radio; and am working on a new academic

book. But I routinely got reactions from other women my age

or older that ranged from disappointed (“It’s such a pity that

you had to leave Washington”) to condescending (“I wouldn’t

generalize from your experience. I’ve never had to compromise,

and my kids turned out great”).

The first set of reactions, with the underlying assumption 5

that my choice was somehow sad or unfortunate, was irksome

enough. But it was the second set of reactions—those implying

that my parenting and /or my commitment to my profession were

somehow substandard—that triggered a blind fury. Suddenly,

finally, the penny dropped. All my life, I’d been on the other side

of this exchange. I’d been the woman smiling the faintly superior

smile while another woman told me she had decided to take

some time out or pursue a less competitive career track so that

she could spend more time with her family. I’d been the woman

congratulating herself on her unswerving commitment to the

feminist cause, chatting smugly with her dwindling number of

college or law-school friends who had reached and maintained

their place on the highest rungs of their profession. I’d been the

one telling young women at my lectures that you can have it all

and do it all, regardless of what field you are in. Which means

I’d been part, albeit unwittingly, of making millions of women

5 3 6

Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

feel that they are to blame if they cannot manage to rise up the

ladder as fast as men and also have a family and an active home

life (and be thin and beautiful to boot).

Last spring, I flew to Oxford to give a public lecture. At

the request of a young Rhodes Scholar I know, I’d agreed to

talk to the Rhodes community about “work-family balance.”

I ended up speaking to a group of about 40 men and women in

their mid-20s. What poured out of me was a set of very frank

reflections on how unexpectedly hard it was to do the kind of

job I wanted to do as a high government official and be the

kind of parent I wanted to be, at a demanding time for my

children (even though my husband, an academic, was willing

to take on the lion’s share of parenting for the two years I was in

Washington). I concluded by saying that my time in office had

convinced me that further government service would be very

unlikely while my sons were still at home. The audience was

rapt, and asked many thoughtful questions. One of the first was

from a young woman who began by thanking me for “not giving

just one more fatuous ‘You can have it all’ talk.” Just about all

of the women in that room planned to combine careers and

family in some way. But almost all assumed and accepted that

they would have to make compromises that the men in their

lives were far less likely to have to make.

The striking gap between the responses I heard from See p. 138

those young women (and others like them) and the for tips on

indicating the

responses I heard from my peers and associates prompted importance of

a claim.

me to write this article. Women of my generation have

clung to the feminist credo we were raised with, even as our

ranks have been steadily thinned by unresolvable tensions

between family and career, because we are determined not to

drop the flag for the next generation. But when many mem-

bers of the younger generation have stopped listening, on the

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grounds that glibly repeating “you can have it all” is simply

airbrushing reality, it is time to talk.

I still strongly believe that women can “have it all” (and

that men can too). I believe that we can “have it all at the

same time.” But not today, not with the way America’s econ-

omy and society are currently structured. My experiences over

the past three years have forced me to confront a number of

uncomfortable facts that need to be widely acknowledged—

and quickly changed.

Before my service in government, I’d spent my career in

academia: as a law professor and then as the dean of Princeton’s

Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.

Both were demanding jobs, but I had the ability to set my own

schedule most of the time. I could be with my kids when I needed

to be, and still get the work done. I had to travel frequently,

but I found I could make up for that with an extended period

at home or a family vacation.

I knew that I was lucky in my career choice, but I had 10

no idea how lucky until I spent two years in Washington

within a rigid bureaucracy, even with bosses as understanding

as Hillary Clinton and her chief of staff, Cheryl Mills. My

workweek started at 4:20 on Monday morning, when I got up

to get the 5:30 train from Trenton to Washington. It ended

late on Friday, with the train home. In between, the days were

crammed with meetings, and when the meetings stopped, the

writing work began—a never-ending stream of memos, reports,

and comments on other people’s drafts. For two years, I never

left the office early enough to go to any stores other than those

open 24 hours, which meant that everything from dry cleaning

to hair appointments to Christmas shopping had to be done

on weekends, amid children’s sporting events, music lessons,

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

family meals, and conference calls. I was entitled to four hours

of vacation per pay period, which came to one day of vacation

a month. And I had it better than many of my peers in D.C.;

Secretary Clinton deliberately came in around 8 a.m. and left

around 7 p.m., to allow her close staff to have morning and

evening time with their families (although of course she worked

earlier and later, from home).

In short, the minute I found myself in a job that is typical

for the vast majority of working women (and men), working

long hours on someone else’s schedule, I could no longer be

both the parent and the professional I wanted to be—at least

not with a child experiencing a rocky adolescence. I realized

what should have perhaps been obvious: having it all, at least

for me, depended almost entirely on what type of job I had.

The flip side is the harder truth: having it all was not possible

in many types of jobs, including high government office—at

least not for very long.

I am hardly alone in this realization. Michèle Flournoy

stepped down after three years as undersecretary of defense

for policy, the third-highest job in the department, to spend

more time at home with her three children, two of whom are

teenagers. Karen Hughes left her position as the counselor to

President George W. Bush after a year and a half in Washington

to go home to Texas for the sake of her family. Mary Matalin,

who spent two years as an assistant to Bush and the counselor

to Vice President Dick Cheney before stepping down to spend

more time with her daughters, wrote: “Having control over

your schedule is the only way that women who want to have

a career and a family can make it work.”

Yet the decision to step down from a position of power—

to value family over professional advancement, even for a

time—is directly at odds with the prevailing social pressures

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on career professionals in the United States. One phrase says it

all about current attitudes toward work and family, particularly

among elites. In Washington, “leaving to spend time with your

family” is a euphemism for being fired. This understanding is so

ingrained that when Flournoy announced her resignation last

December, The New York Times covered her decision as follows:

Ms. Flournoy’s announcement surprised friends and a number of

Pentagon officials, but all said they took her reason for resigna-

tion at face value and not as a standard Washington excuse for an

official who has in reality been forced out. “I can absolutely and

unequivocally state that her decision to step down has nothing to

do with anything other than her commitment to her family,” said

Doug Wilson, a top Pentagon spokesman. “She has loved this job

and people here love her.”

Think about what this “standard Washington excuse” implies:

it is so unthinkable that an official would actually step down to

spend time with his or her family that this must be a cover for

something else. How could anyone voluntarily leave the circles of

power for the responsibilities of parenthood? Depending on one’s

vantage point, it is either ironic or maddening that this view

abides in the nation’s capital, despite the ritual commitments to

“family values” that are part of every political campaign. Regard-

less, this sentiment makes true work-life balance exceptionally

difficult. But it cannot change unless top women speak out.

Only recently have I begun to appreciate the extent to which

many young professional women feel under assault by women

my age and older. After I gave a recent speech in New York,

several women in their late 60s or early 70s came up to tell me

how glad and proud they were to see me speaking as a foreign-

policy expert. A couple of them went on, however, to contrast

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

my career with the path being traveled by “younger women

today.” One expressed dismay that many younger women “are

just not willing to get out there and do it.” Said another,

unaware of the circumstances of my recent job change: “They

think they have to choose between having a career and having

a family.”

A similar assumption underlies Facebook Chief Operating 15

Officer Sheryl Sandberg’s widely publicized 2011 commence-

ment speech at Barnard, and her earlier TED talk, in which she

lamented the dismally small number of women at the top and

advised young women not to “leave before you leave.” When

a woman starts thinking about having children, Sandberg said,

“she doesn’t raise her hand anymore … She starts leaning back.”

Although couched in terms of encouragement, Sandberg’s

exhortation contains more than a note of reproach. We

who have made it to the top, or are striving to get there, are

essentially saying to the women in the generation behind us:

“What’s the matter with you?”

They have an answer that we don’t want to hear. After the

speech I gave in New York, I went to dinner with a group of

30-somethings. I sat across from two vibrant women, one of whom

worked at the UN and the other at a big New York law firm. As

nearly always happens in these situations, they soon began asking

me about work-life balance. When I told them I was writing this

article, the lawyer said, “I look for role models and can’t find any.”

She said the women in her firm who had become partners and

taken on management positions had made tremendous sacrifices,

“many of which they don’t even seem to realize… . They take two

years off when their kids are young but then work like crazy to get

back on track professionally, which means that they see their kids

when they are toddlers but not teenagers, or really barely at all.”

Her friend nodded, mentioning the top professional women she

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knew, all of whom essentially relied on round-the-clock nannies.

Both were very clear that they did not want that life, but could

not figure out how to combine professional success and satisfac-

tion with a real commitment to family.

I realize that I am blessed to have been born in the late 1950s

instead of the early 1930s, as my mother was, or the beginning

of the 20th century, as my grandmothers were. My mother built

a successful and rewarding career as a professional artist largely

in the years after my brothers and I left home—and after being

told in her 20s that she could not go to medical school, as her

father had done and her brother would go on to do, because, of

course, she was going to get married. I owe my own freedoms

and opportunities to the pioneering generation of women ahead

of me—the women now in their 60s, 70s, and 80s who faced

overt sexism of a kind I see only when watching Mad Men, and

who knew that the only way to make it as a woman was to act

exactly like a man. To admit to, much less act on, maternal

longings would have been fatal to their careers.

But precisely thanks to their progress, a different kind of

conversation is now possible. It is time for women in leadership

positions to recognize that although we are still blazing trails

and breaking ceilings, many of us are also reinforcing a false-

hood: that “having it all” is, more than anything, a function

of personal determination. As Kerry Rubin and Lia Macko, the

authors of Midlife Crisis at 30, their cri de coeur for Gen-X and

Gen-Y women, put it:

What we discovered in our research is that while the empower-

ment part of the equation has been loudly celebrated, there has

been very little honest discussion among women of our age about

the real barriers and flaws that still exist in the system despite the

opportunities we inherited.

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

I am well aware that the majority of American women face

problems far greater than any discussed in this article. I am

writing for my demographic—highly educated, well-off women

who are privileged enough to have choices in the first place.

We may not have choices about whether to do paid work, as

dual incomes have become indispensable. But we have choices

about the type and tempo of the work we do. We are the women

who could be leading, and who should be equally represented

in the leadership ranks.

Millions of other working women face much more difficult life 20

circumstances. Some are single mothers; many struggle to find

any job; others support husbands who cannot find jobs. Many

cope with a work life in which good day care is either unavail-

able or very expensive; school schedules do not match work

schedules; and schools themselves are failing to educate their

children. Many of these women are worrying not about having

it all, but rather about holding on to what they do have. And

although women as a group have made substantial gains in wages,

educational attainment, and prestige over the past three decades,

the economists Justin Wolfers and Betsey Stevenson have shown

that women are less happy today than their predecessors were in

1972, both in absolute terms and relative to men.

The best hope for improving the lot of all women, and for

closing what Wolfers and Stevenson call a “new gender gap”—

measured by well-being rather than wages—is to close the leader-

ship gap: to elect a woman president and 50 women senators; to

ensure that women are equally represented in the ranks of cor-

porate executives and judicial leaders. Only when women wield

power in sufficient numbers will we create a society that genuinely

works for all women. That will be a society that works for everyone.

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Rediscovering the Pursuit of Happiness

One of the most complicated and surprising parts of my jour-

ney out of Washington was coming to grips with what I really

wanted. I had opportunities to stay on, and I could have tried

to work out an arrangement allowing me to spend more time

at home. I might have been able to get my family to join me

in Washington for a year; I might have been able to get clas-

sified technology installed at my house the way Jim Steinberg

did; I might have been able to commute only four days a week

instead of five. (While this last change would have still left

me very little time at home, given the intensity of my job,

it might have made the job doable for another year or two.)

But I realized that I didn’t just need to go home. Deep down,

I wanted to go home. I wanted to be able to spend time with

my children in the last few years that they are likely to live

at home, crucial years for their development into responsible,

productive, happy, and caring adults. But also irreplaceable

years for me to enjoy the simple pleasures of parenting—base-

ball games, piano recitals, waffle breakfasts, family trips, and

goofy rituals. My older son is doing very well these days, but

even when he gives us a hard time, as all teenagers do, being

home to shape his choices and help him make good decisions

is deeply satisfying.

The flip side of my realization is captured in Rubin and

Macko’s ruminations on the importance of bringing the differ-

ent parts of their lives together as 30-year-old women:

If we didn’t start to learn how to integrate our personal, social, and

professional lives, we were about five years away from morphing

into the angry woman on the other side of a mahogany desk who

questions her staff’s work ethic after standard 12-hour workdays,

before heading home to eat moo shoo pork in her lonely apartment.

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

Women have contributed to the fetish of the one-

dimensional life, albeit by necessity. The pioneer generation

of feminists walled off their personal lives from their profes-

sional personas to ensure that they could never be discriminated

against for a lack of commitment to their work. When I was a

law student in the 1980s, many women who were then climbing

the legal hierarchy in New York firms told me that they never

admitted to taking time out for a child’s doctor appointment or

school performance, but instead invented a much more neutral

excuse.

Today, however, women in power can and should change 25

that environment, although change is not easy. When I became

dean of the Woodrow Wilson School, in 2002, I decided that

one of the advantages of being a woman in power was that I

could help change the norms by deliberately talking about my

children and my desire to have a balanced life. Thus, I would

end faculty meetings at 6 p.m. by saying that I had to go home

for dinner; I would also make clear to all student organiza-

tions that I would not come to dinner with them, because I

needed to be home from six to eight, but that I would often

be willing to come back after eight for a meeting. I also once

told the Dean’s Advisory Committee that the associate dean

would chair the next session so I could go to a parent-teacher

conference.

After a few months of this, several female assistant professors

showed up in my office quite agitated. “You have to stop talking

about your kids,” one said. “You are not showing the gravitas

that people expect from a dean, which is particularly damaging

precisely because you are the first woman dean of the school.”

I told them that I was doing it deliberately and continued my

practice, but it is interesting that gravitas and parenthood don’t

seem to go together.

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Ten years later, whenever I am introduced at a lecture or

other speaking engagement, I insist that the person introducing

me mention that I have two sons. It seems odd to me to list

degrees, awards, positions, and interests and not include the

dimension of my life that is most important to me—and takes

an enormous amount of my time. As Secretary Clinton once

said in a television interview in Beijing when the interviewer

asked her about Chelsea’s upcoming wedding: “That’s my real

life.” But I notice that my male introducers are typically uncom-

fortable when I make the request. They frequently say things

like “And she particularly wanted me to mention that she has

two sons”—thereby drawing attention to the unusual nature of

my request, when my entire purpose is to make family references

routine and normal in professional life.

This does not mean that you should insist that your col-

leagues spend time cooing over pictures of your baby or listen-

ing to the prodigious accomplishments of your kindergartner.

It does mean that if you are late coming in one week, because

it is your turn to drive the kids to school, that you be honest

about what you are doing. Indeed, Sheryl Sandberg recently

acknowledged not only that she leaves work at 5:30 to have

dinner with her family, but also that for many years she did

not dare make this admission, even though she would of course

make up the work time later in the evening. Her willingness to

speak out now is a strong step in the right direction.

Seeking out a more balanced life is not a women’s issue;

balance would be better for us all. Bronnie Ware, an Australian

blogger who worked for years in palliative care and is the author

of the 2011 book The Top Five Regrets of the Dying, writes that

the regret she heard most often was “I wish I’d had the cour-

age to live a life true to myself, not the life others expected of

me.” The second-most-common regret was “I wish I didn’t work

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

so hard.” She writes: “This came from every male patient that

I nursed. They missed their children’s youth and their partner’s

companionship.”

Juliette Kayyem, who several years ago left the Department 30

of Homeland Security soon after her husband, David Barron,

left a high position in the Justice Department, says their joint

decision to leave Washington and return to Boston sprang from

their desire to work on the “happiness project,” meaning quality

time with their three children. (She borrowed the term from

her friend Gretchen Rubin, who wrote a best-selling book and

now runs a blog with that name.)

It’s time to embrace a national happiness project. As a

daughter of Charlottesville, Virginia, the home of Thomas

Jefferson and the university he founded, I grew up with the

Declaration of Independence in my blood. Last I checked, he

did not declare American independence in the name of life,

liberty, and professional success. Let us rediscover the pursuit

of happiness, and let us start at home.

Innovation Nation

As I write this, I can hear the reaction of some readers to many

of the proposals in this essay: It’s all fine and well for a ten-

ured professor to write about flexible working hours, investment

intervals, and family-comes-first management. But what about

the real world? Most American women cannot demand these

things, particularly in a bad economy, and their employers have

little incentive to grant them voluntarily. Indeed, the most

frequent reaction I get in putting forth these ideas is that when

the choice is whether to hire a man who will work whenever

and wherever needed, or a woman who needs more flexibility,

choosing the man will add more value to the company.

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In fact, while many of these issues are hard to quantify and

measure precisely, the statistics seem to tell a different story. A

seminal study of 527 U.S. companies, published in the Acad-

emy of Management Journal in 2000, suggests that “organizations

with more extensive work-family policies have higher perceived

firm-level performance” among their industry peers. These find-

ings accorded with a 2003 study conducted by Michelle Arthur

at the University of New Mexico. Examining 130 announce-

ments of family-friendly policies in The Wall Street Journal,

Arthur found that the announcements alone significantly

improved share prices. In 2011, a study on flexibility in the

workplace by Ellen Galinsky, Kelly Sakai, and Tyler Wigton of

the Families and Work Institute showed that increased flexibil-

ity correlates positively with job engagement, job satisfaction,

employee retention, and employee health.

This is only a small sampling from a large and growing lit-

erature trying to pin down the relationship between family-

friendly policies and economic performance. Other scholars

have concluded that good family policies attract better talent,

which in turn raises productivity, but that the policies them-

selves have no impact on productivity. Still others argue that

results attributed to these policies are actually a function of

good management overall. What is evident, however, is that

many firms that recruit and train well-educated professional

women are aware that when a woman leaves because of bad

work-family balance, they are losing the money and time they

invested in her.

Even the legal industry, built around the billable hour, is 35

taking notice. Deborah Epstein Henry, a former big-firm liti-

gator, is now the president of Flex-Time Lawyers, a national

consulting firm focused partly on strategies for the retention of

female attorneys. In her book Law and Reorder, published by the

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American Bar Association in 2010, she describes a legal profes-

sion “where the billable hour no longer works”; where attor-

neys, judges, recruiters, and academics all agree that this system

of compensation has perverted the industry, leading to brutal

work hours, massive inefficiency, and highly inflated costs.

The answer—already being deployed in different corners of the

industry—is a combination of alternative fee structures, virtual

firms, women-owned firms, and the outsourcing of discrete legal

jobs to other jurisdictions. Women, and Generation X and Y

lawyers more generally, are pushing for these changes on the

supply side; clients determined to reduce legal fees and increase

flexible service are pulling on the demand side. Slowly, change

is happening.

At the core of all this is self-interest. Losing smart and moti-

vated women not only diminishes a company’s talent pool; it

also reduces the return on its investment in training and men-

toring. In trying to address these issues, some firms are finding

out that women’s ways of working may just be better ways of

working, for employees and clients alike.

Experts on creativity and innovation emphasize the value of

encouraging nonlinear thinking and cultivating randomness by

taking long walks or looking at your environment from unusual

angles. In their new book, A New Culture of Learning: Cultivating

the Imagination for a World of Constant Change, the innovation

gurus John Seely Brown and Douglas Thomas write, “We believe

that connecting play and imagination may be the single most

important step in unleashing the new culture of learning.”

Space for play and imagination is exactly what emerges when

rigid work schedules and hierarchies loosen up. Skeptics should

consider the “California effect.” California is the cradle of

American innovation—in technology, entertainment, sports,

food, and lifestyles. It is also a place where people take leisure

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as seriously as they take work; where companies like Google

deliberately encourage play, with Ping-Pong tables, light sabers,

and policies that require employees to spend one day a week

working on whatever they wish. Charles Baudelaire wrote:

“Genius is nothing more nor less than childhood recovered at

will.” Google apparently has taken note.

No parent would mistake child care for childhood. Still,

seeing the world anew through a child’s eyes can be a power-

ful source of stimulation. When the Nobel laureate Thomas

Schelling wrote The Strategy of Conflict, a classic text applying

game theory to conflicts among nations, he frequently drew on

child-rearing for examples of when deterrence might succeed

or fail. “It may be easier to articulate the peculiar difficulty of

constraining [a ruler] by the use of threats,” he wrote, “when

one is fresh from a vain attempt at using threats to keep a small

child from hurting a dog or a small dog from hurting a child.”

The books I’ve read with my children, the silly movies I’ve 40

watched, the games I’ve played, questions I’ve answered, and

people I’ve met while parenting have broadened my world.

Another axiom of the literature on innovation is that the

more often people with different perspectives come together,

the more likely creative ideas are to emerge. Giving workers

the ability to integrate their non-work lives with their work—

whether they spend that time mothering or marathoning—will

open the door to a much wider range of influences and ideas.

Enlisting Men

Perhaps the most encouraging news of all for achieving the sorts

of changes that I have proposed is that men are joining the

cause. In commenting on a draft of this article, Martha Minow,

the dean of the Harvard Law School, wrote me that one change

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she has observed during 30 years of teaching law at Harvard

is that today many young men are asking questions about how

they can manage a work-life balance. And more systematic

research on Generation Y confirms that many more men than

in the past are asking questions about how they are going to

integrate active parenthood with their professional lives.

Abstract aspirations are easier than concrete trade-offs, of

course. These young men have not yet faced the question of

whether they are prepared to give up that more prestigious

clerkship or fellowship, decline a promotion, or delay their

professional goals to spend more time with their children and

to support their partner’s career.

Yet once work practices and work culture begin to evolve,

those changes are likely to carry their own momentum. Kara

Owen, a British foreign-service officer who worked a London

job from Dublin, wrote me in an e-mail:

I think the culture on flexible working started to change the minute

the Board of Management (who were all men at the time) started

to work flexibly—quite a few of them started working one day a

week from home.

Men have, of course, become much more involved parents

over the past couple of decades, and that, too, suggests broad

support for big changes in the way we balance work and family.

It is noteworthy that both James Steinberg, deputy secretary of

state, and William Lynn, deputy secretary of defense, stepped

down two years into the Obama administration so that they

could spend more time with their children (for real).

Going forward, women would do well to frame work-family 45

balance in terms of the broader social and economic issues

that affect both women and men. After all, we have a new

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generation of young men who have been raised by full-time

working mothers. Let us presume, as I do with my sons, that

they will understand “supporting their families” to mean more

than earning money.

I have been blessed to work with and be mentored by some

extraordinary women. Watching Hillary Clinton in action

makes me incredibly proud—of her intelligence, expertise,

professionalism, charisma, and command of any audience. I

get a similar rush when I see a front-page picture of Christine

Lagarde, the managing director of the International Monetary

Fund, and Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany, deep

in conversation about some of the most important issues on

the world stage; or of Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the

United Nations, standing up forcefully for the Syrian people

in the Security Council.

These women are extraordinary role models. If I had a

daughter, I would encourage her to look to them, and I want

a world in which they are extraordinary but not unusual. Yet

I also want a world in which, in Lisa Jackson’s* words, “to

be a strong woman, you don’t have to give up on the things

that define you as a woman.” That means respecting, enabling,

and indeed celebrating the full range of women’s choices.

“Empowering yourself,” Jackson said in a speech at Princeton,

“doesn’t have to mean rejecting motherhood, or eliminating

the nurturing or feminine aspects of who you are.”

I gave a speech at Vassar last November and arrived in time

to wander the campus on a lovely fall afternoon. It is a place

infused with a spirit of community and generosity, filled with

*Jackson From 2009 until 2013, Administrator of the United States

Environmental Protection Agency.

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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All

benches, walkways, public art, and quiet places donated by

alumnae seeking to encourage contemplation and connection.

Turning the pages of the alumni magazine (Vassar is now coed),

I was struck by the entries of older alumnae, who greeted

their classmates with Salve (Latin for “hello”) and wrote witty

remembrances sprinkled with literary allusions. Theirs was a

world in which women wore their learning lightly; their news

is mostly of their children’s accomplishments. Many of us look

back on that earlier era as a time when it was fine to joke that

women went to college to get an “M.R.S.” And many women

of my generation abandoned the Seven Sisters as soon as the

formerly all-male Ivy League universities became coed. I would

never return to the world of segregated sexes and rampant

discrimination. But now is the time to revisit the assumption

that women must rush to adapt to the “man’s world” that our

mothers and mentors warned us about.

I continually push the young women in my classes to speak

more. They must gain the confidence to value their own insights

and questions, and to present them readily. My husband agrees,

but he actually tries to get the young men in his classes to act

more like the women—to speak less and listen more. If women

are ever to achieve real equality as leaders, then we have to

stop accepting male behavior and male choices as the default

and the ideal. We must insist on changing social policies and

bending career tracks to accommodate our choices, too. We

have the power to do it if we decide to, and we have many

men standing beside us.

We’ll create a better society in the process, for all women. 50

We may need to put a woman in the White House before

we are able to change the conditions of the women work-

ing at Walmart. But when we do, we will stop talking about

whether women can have it all. We will properly focus on

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how we can help all Americans have healthy, happy, pro-

ductive lives, valuing the people they love as much as the

success they seek.

Joining the Conversation

1. According to Anne-Marie Slaughter, women can “ ‘have it

all.’ … But not today, not with the way America’s economy

and society are currently structured” (paragraph 8). Summa-

rize her “I say,” noting the reasons and evidence she gives

to support her claims.

2. In paragraph 19, Slaughter entertains a possible objection to

her argument, saying that she is “well aware that a majority

of American women face problems far greater than any dis-

cussed in this article.” How does she answer this objection?

3. This essay consists of four sections: Redefining the Arc of a

Successful Career, Rediscovering the Pursuit of Happiness,

Innovation Nation, and Enlisting Men. Summarize each

section in a sentence or two. Put yourself in Slaughter’s

shoes; your summary should be true to what she says. (See

pp. 31−33 for guidance in writing this kind of summary.)

4. Slaughter claims that most young men today have not yet

had to decide between accepting a promotion or other pro-

fessional opportunity and delaying their own goals “to spend

more time with their children and to support their part-

ner’s career” (paragraph 42). What would Richard Dorment

(pp. 555−75) say to that?

5. Write a paragraph stating your own thoughts and percep-

tions on mixing family and career. Given Slaughter’s argu-

ments, how do you think she’d respond to what you say?

5 5 4

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

r i c h a r d d o r m e n t

H

Lately, the raging debate about issues of “work-life balance” has

focused on whether or not women can “have it all.” Entirely

lost in this debate is the growing strain of work-life balance on

men, who today are feeling the competing demands of work and

home as much or more than women. And the truth is as shock-

ing as it is obvious: No one can have it all. Any questions?

The baby has a heartbeat. The ultrasound shows ten

fuzzy fingers and ten fuzzy toes and a tiny crescent-moon mouth

that will soon let out the first of many wails. We have chosen

not to find out the gender, and when the question comes, as it

does every day, we say we have no preference. Ten fingers, ten

toes. A wail in the delivery room would be nice. But in private,

just us, we talk. About the pros and cons of boys versus girls,

and about whether it would be better, more advantageous, to

Richard Dorment is a senior editor at Wired magazine. He was a

senior editor at Esquire magazine and has been a guest on television

and radio programs including the Today Show, CNN Newsroom, Here

and Now, and Upfront and Straightforward. This essay first appeared in

the June/July 2013 issue of Esquire.

5 5 5

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

be born a boy or a girl right now. It’s a toss-up, or maybe just

a draw—impossible to say that a boy or a girl born in America

in 2013 has any conspicuous advantages because of his or her

gender.

Consider the facts: Nearly 60 percent of the bachelor’s

degrees in this country today go to women. Same number for

graduate degrees. There are about as many women in the work-

force as men, and according to Hanna Rosin’s 2012 book, The

End of Men, of the fifteen professions projected to grow the

fastest over the coming years, twelve are currently dominated

by women. Per a 2010 study by James Chung of Reach Advisors,

unmarried childless women under thirty and with full-time jobs

earn 8 percent more than their male peers in 147 out of 150

of the largest U. S. cities. The accomplishments that underlie

those numbers are real and world-historic, and through the

grueling work of generations of women, men and women are as

equal as they have ever been. Adding to that the greater male

predisposition to adhd, alcoholism, and drug abuse, women

have nothing but momentum coming out of young adulthood—

the big mo!—and then …

Well, what exactly? Why don’t women hold more than

15 percent of Fortune 500 executive-officer positions in

America? Why are they stalled below 20 percent of Congress?

Why does the average woman earn only seventy-seven pennies

for every dollar made by the average man? Childbirth plays a

role, knocking ambitious women off their professional stride

for months (if not years) at a time while their male peers go

chug-chug-chugging along, but then why do some women still

make it to the top while others fall by the wayside? Institutional

sexism and pay discrimination are still ugly realities, but with the

millions in annual penalties levied on offending businesses …

they have become increasingly, and thankfully, uncommon.

5 5 6

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

College majors count (women still dominate education, men

engineering), as do career choices, yet none of these on their

own explains why the opportunity gap between the sexes has

all but closed yet a stark achievement gap persists.

For a fuller explanation, the national conversation of late

has settled on a single issue—work-life balance—with two

voices in particular dominating: The first belongs to former

State Department policy chief Anne-Marie Slaughter, whose

essay “Why Women Still Can’t Have It All” was the most

widely read story ever on the Atlantic’s web site and landed

her a book deal and spots on Today and Colbert. Slaughter’s

twelve-thousand-word story relies on personal anecdotes mixed

with wonk talk: “I still strongly believe that women can ‘have

it all’ (and that men can too). I believe that we can ‘have it all

at the same time.’ But not today, not with the way America’s

economy and society are currently structured.” The scarcity of

5 5 7

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

female leaders to effect public and corporate change on behalf of

women; the inflexibility of the traditional workday; the preva-

lence of what she calls “ ‘time macho’—a relentless competition

to work harder, stay later, pull more all-nighters, travel around

the world and bill the extra hours that the international date

line affords you.” All these factors conspire to deprive women

of “it all.” (The “it” in question being like Potter Stewart’s

definition of pornography: You know it when you have it.)

The second, and altogether more grown-up, voice belongs 5

to Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg, whose “sort of feminist”

manifesto Lean In urges women to command a seat at any table

of their choosing. Like Slaughter, Sandberg references the usual

systemic challenges, but what it really boils down to, Sandberg

argues, is what Aretha Franklin and Annie Lennox prescribed

back in the eighties: Sisters Doin’ It for Themselves. Sandberg

encourages women to negotiate harder, be more assertive, and

forget about being liked and concentrate instead on letting ’er rip.

She believes that women can, and should, determine the pace

and scope of their own careers, and for her audacity in assigning

some agency to the women of America, her critics (Slaughter

among them) say she blames women for their failure to rise far-

ther, faster, rather than the real culprits: society, corporations,

and men (which is to say: men, men, and men). Commenting

on the Lean In debate in a blog for The New York Times, Gail

Collins asked, “How do you give smart, accomplished, ambitious

women the same opportunities as men to reach their goals? What

about universal preschool and after-school programs? What

about changing the corporate mind-set about the time commit-

ment it takes to move up the ladder? What about having more

husbands step up and take the major load?”

Her questions echo a 2010 Newsweek cover story, “Men’s Lib,”

which ended with an upper: “If men embraced parental leave,

5 5 8

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

women would be spared the stigma of the ‘mommy track’—and

the professional penalties (like lower pay) that come along with

it. If men were involved fathers, more kids might stay in school,

steer clear of crime, and avoid poverty as adults. And if the

country achieved gender parity in the workplace—an optimal

balance of fully employed men and women—the gross domestic

product would grow by as much as 9 percent… . Ultimately,

[it] boils down to a simple principle: in a changing world, men

should do whatever it takes to contribute their fair share at

home and at work.”

Two men wrote that, incidentally, which must make it true,

and among those who traffic in gender studies, it is something

of a truth universally acknowledged: Men are to blame for

pretty much everything. And I freely admit, we do make for a

compelling target. Men have oppressed their wives and sisters

and daughters for pretty much all of recorded history, and now

women are supposed to trust us to share everything 50-50?

Allow me to paint another picture. One in which women are asked

to make the same personal sacrifices as men past and present—

too much time away from home, too many weekends at the

computer, too much inconvenient travel—but then claim some

special privilege in their hardship. One in which universal pre-

school and after-school programs would be a boon to all parents

(and not, as Collins suggests, simply to women). In which men

spend more time with their children, and are more involved with

their home lives, than ever before. In which men work just as

hard at their jobs, if not harder, than ever before. In which men

now report higher rates of work-life stress than women do. In

which men are tormented by the lyrics of “Cat’s in the Cradle.”

In which men are being told, in newspapers and books, on web

sites and TV shows, that they are the problem, that they need to

5 5 9

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

help out, when, honestly folks, they’re doing the best they can.

In which men like me, and possibly you, open their eyes in the

morning and want it all— everything! —only to close their eyes at

night knowing that only a fool could ever expect such a thing.

My wife makes more money than I do. We majored in the

same thing at the same college at the same time, and when I

chose to go into journalism, she chose to go to law school. She

works longer hours, shoulders weightier responsibilities, and

faces greater (or at least more reliable) prospects for long-term

success, all of which are direct results of choices that we made in

our early twenties. She does more of the heavy lifting with our

young son than I do, but I do as much as I can. (Someone else

watches him while we are at work.) I do a lot of cooking and

cleaning around our house. So does she. I don’t keep score (and

she says she doesn’t), and it’s hard to imagine how our life would

work if we weren’t both giving every day our all.

According to a study released in March by the Pew Research 10

Center, household setups like ours are increasingly the norm:

60 percent of two-parent homes with kids under the age of

eighteen are made up of dual-earning couples (i.e., two working

parents). On any given week in such a home, women put in

more time than men doing housework (sixteen hours to nine)

and more time with child care (twelve to seven). These statis-

tics provoke outrage among the “fair share” crowd, and there is

a sense, even among the most privileged women, that they are

getting a raw deal. (In April, Michelle Obama referred to herself

as a “single mother” before clarifying: “I shouldn’t say single—

as a busy mother, sometimes, you know, when you’ve got a

husband who is president, it can feel a little single.” Because

really: The president should spend more time making sure the

First Lady feels supported.)

5 6 0

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

But the complete picture reveals a more complex and

equitable reality.

Men in dual-income couples work outside the home eleven

more hours a week than their working wives or partners do

(forty-two to thirty-one), and when you look at the total weekly

workload, including paid work outside the home and unpaid

work inside the home, men and women are putting in roughly

the same number of hours: fifty-eight hours for men and fifty-

nine for women.

How you view those numbers depends in large part on your

definition of work, but it’s not quite as easy as saying men aren’t

pulling their weight around the house. (Spending eleven fewer

hours at home and with the kids doesn’t mean working dads are

freeloaders any more than spending eleven fewer hours at work

makes working moms slackers.) These are practical accommo-

dations that reflect real-time conditions on the ground, and

rather than castigate men, one might consider whether those

extra hours on the job provide the financial cover the family

needs so that women can spend more time with the kids.

Also, according to women in the Pew study, it seems to be

working out well. Working mothers in dual-earning couples are

more likely to say they’re very or pretty happy with life right

now than their male partners are (93 percent to 87 percent); if

anything, it’s men who are twice as likely to say they’re unhappy.

(Pew supplied Esquire with data specific to dual-income couples

that is not part of its published report. There is plenty of data

relating to other household arrangements—working father

and stay-at-home mom; working mother and stay-at-home

dad; same-sex households—but since the focus of Slaughter,

Sandberg, et al. is on the struggles of working mothers, and

most working mothers are coupled with working fathers, the

dual-income data set seems most relevant to examine here.)

5 6 1

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

Ellen Galinsky has been studying the American workplace 15

for more than thirty years. A married mother of two grown

kids with a background in child education and zero tolerance

for bullshit, she cofounded the Families and Work Institute

in part to chart how the influx of women in American offices

and factories would affect family dynamics. “In 1977,” she says,

“there was a Department of Labor study that asked people, ‘How

much interference do you feel between your work and your fam-

ily life?’ and men’s work-family conflict was a lot lower than

women’s.” She saw the numbers begin to shift in the late 1990s,

and “by 2008, 60 percent of fathers in dual-earning couples

were experiencing some or a lot of conflict compared to about

47 percent of women. I would go into meetings with business

leaders and report the fact that men’s work-family conflict was

higher than women’s, and people in the room—who were so

used to being worried about women’s advancement—couldn’t

believe it.”

What they couldn’t believe was decades of conventional

wisdom—men secure and confident in the workplace, women

somewhat less so—crumbling away as more and more fathers

began to invest more of their time and energy into their home

lives. Though they still lag behind women in hours clocked at

the kitchen sink, men do more than twice as much cooking and

cleaning as they did fifty years ago, which probably comes as a

shock to older women who would famously come home from

work to a “second shift” of housework. In reporting her book,

Big Girls Don’t Cry, a study of women’s roles in the 2008 elec-

tion, Rebecca Traister interviewed dozens of high-achieving

women who were in the thick of second-wave feminism and

encountered the generation gap for herself. “I remember one

day, right before Thanksgiving, a woman who had grown chil-

dren said something like ‘I would love to keep talking to you but

5 6 2

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

I have to start my two-day slog to Thanksgiving.’ And I said

very lightly, ‘Oh, my husband does the cooking in our house.’

This woman then got very serious, as if she had never heard of

such a thing. For people [in their thirties], isn’t it totally normal

for guys to do a lot of cooking? In fact it’s one of the things about

today—dudes love food, right? But it was so foreign to her.”

In speaking with a variety of men for this article, I found

that most men say they share responsibilities as much as cir-

cumstances allow. One of the men who spoke with me, Dave

from Atherton, California, runs a successful business, and both

he and his wife (a fellow technology executive) say that they

split their family duties 50-50. “We have a Google calendar

that we share so that everyone is on the same page, and on

the weekend, we plan out our week: who’s doing what, who’s

driving the kids which day, what dinner looks like each night

during the week.”

Yet Dave still considers himself an anomaly. “There is still

this expectation that women are going to do the majority of

the housework, and deal with schools and stuff, while men can

just make it home for dinner and show up at sporting events

and be like, ‘Wow, I’m being a great father.’ It is a real issue,

and it is something you really have to work at. You have to

try and make sure that you’re doing the other stuff around the

house in a way that’s fair and equal.”

He makes a valid point, and in trying to figure out why men

don’t do more around the house, we could discuss any number

of factors—men generally spend more time at work, out of the

home, than women do, so they don’t have as much time for

chores; women are inherently more fastidious; men are lazy

and/or have a higher threshold for living in filth—but the most

compelling argument comes from writer Jessica Grose in The

New Republic. “Women are more driven to keep a clean house

5 6 3

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

because they know they—before their male partners—will be

judged for having a dirty one.” Rather than confront or ignore

paternalistic expectations, some women seem willing to cede to

them, and this whiff of put-upon-ness recalls something Slaugh-

ter acknowledged in an online chat with readers following her

article’s publication: “so much of this is about what we feel,

or rather what we are made to feel by the reactions of those

around us.” Between the all-caps (hers) and the sentiments

expressed, this writing wouldn’t be out of place on a teenage

blog, and as anyone who’s ever argued with a teenager knows,

it’s hard to reason with feelings.

However, I will try. The validation of one’s feelings is the lan- 20

guage of therapy, which is to say that it is how we all talk now.

This is not to denigrate the language or the feelings; it

See p. 137 for

ways to ward

is only to say that to use one’s feelings as evidence of

off potential

misunder-

an injury is no way to advance a serious cause. And to

standings.

imply that one has been made to feel any way at all—

well, no grown man has ever won that argument before.

A final point about housework: It is not always as simple

as men volunteering to do what needs to be done. To give

a small, vaguely pitiful example from my own life: We share

laundry duty in my house, and yet whenever I’m through folding

a pile of clothes, my wife will then refold everything, quietly

and without comment. This used to annoy me—why do I even

bother? or, conversely, Is this the Army?—but now it mostly

amuses me. When I press her on it, she tells me that I’m doing

it wrong, and this too used to annoy me, until I realized that it

wasn’t really about me. “If I’ve talked to one group of people

about this, I’ve talked to hundreds,” says Galinsky. “Women

will say ‘Support me more,’ and men will say ‘But you’re telling

me I’m doing it wrong.’ I wouldn’t say it’s biological, because

I’m not a biologist, but it feels biological to me in that it’s very

5 6 4

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

hard to let someone else do something different, because it

might mean that the way you’re doing it isn’t right.” When I

asked Galinsky if this could explain why a wife would refold a

pile of laundry that her husband had just done a perfectly good

job folding, she laughed. “Exactly.”

What you’re about to read is a passage from “Why Women

Still Can’t Have It All,” and though it’s long and windy, I

feel the need to quote from as much of it as possible. You will

understand why:

The proposition that women can have high-powered careers as

long as their husbands or partners are willing to share the parenting

load equally (or disproportionately) assumes that most women will

feel as comfortable as men do about being away from their children,

as long as their partner is home with them… . From years of

conversations and observations … I’ve come to believe that men

and women respond quite differently when problems at home force

them to recognize that their absence is hurting a child, or at least

that their presence would likely help. I do not believe fathers love

their children any less than mothers do, but men do seem more

likely to choose their job at a cost to their family, while women

seem more likely to choose their family at a cost to their job.

(Dr. Slaughter, you had me at “I do not believe fathers love

their children any less than mothers do… .”)

Since Slaughter doesn’t provide any evidence to support her

claim, it’s impossible to say whether the men she’s referring to are

the sole breadwinners in the family (meaning: the ones who feel

the intense weight and pressure of being what one writer described

as “one job away from poverty”) or are in two-income households,

or what, but it’s worth keeping in mind that this comes from a

5 6 5

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

person whose husband, by her own admission, sacrificed much

in his own academic career to do the heavy lifting with their

children, all so she could pursue her dream job and then complain

about it, bitterly, in the pages of a national magazine.

The trouble with probing men’s and women’s emotional rela-

tionships with their children is that the subject is fraught with

stereotypes and prone to specious generalities (see above), but

here goes: In my own experience as both son and father, I’ve

learned that one parent’s relationship with a child (and vice

versa) isn’t inherently richer or deeper than the other parent’s.

It’s just different, and with more and more fathers spending

more and more time with their kids today—nearly three times as

much as they did in 1965—that has become more true than ever.

“There is a dramatic cultural shift among millennial and Gen

X-ers in wanting to be involved fathers,” says Galinsky. “And

I don’t just think it’s just women who are telling men they need

to share. Men want a different relationship with their children

than men have had in the past… . They don’t want to be stick

figures in their children’s lives. They don’t want it on their

tombstone how many hours they billed. That ‘Cat’s Cradle’ song

is very much alive and well in the male psyche.”

“Men are being judged as fathers now in a way that I think 25

they never have been before,” says Traister, and just as women

are historically new to the workplace, men are new to the car-

pool and negotiating these fresh expectations (their own and

others’) as they go along. Not only do working fathers from

dual-income homes spend just as much time at work as their

fathers and grandfathers did (all while putting in many, many

more hours with kids and chores), they also spend more time

at work than non-fathers. Seven hours more a week, according

to Pew, a trend that Galinsky has noticed in her own research

and that she attributes to the unshakable, if often illusory, sense

5 6 6

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

of being the breadwinner. “There are these expectations, even

among men whose wives bring in 45 percent of family income,

that they were still responsible for the family.”

There is the matter of guilt and whether women find it

harder than men to be away from their children—which, if

that’s the case, would mean that women looking to advance

in the workplace would have heavier emotional baggage than

their male peers. Any husband who’s watched his wife cry before

taking a business trip (and wondering—silently, I hope—to

himself, why?) will tell you that men and women have different

ways of experiencing and expressing ambivalence, frustration,

and, yes, guilt. “I have no idea if it’s societal or genetic or what-

ever,” says Dave, the California businessman, “but it’s certainly

real that I think my wife feels more guilty than I do when she’s

gone from the kids. There’s no question.” I can’t claim to speak

for Men Everywhere, but in the interviews I conducted for this

article, nearly every subject admitted to missing his kids on late

nights at the office or aching for home while on a business trip,

yet they couch any guilt or regret in the context of sacrifice.

Chalk this up to social conditioning (men are raised to be

the providers, so it’s easier for them to be absent) or genetic

predisposition (men are not naturally nurturing) or emotional

shallowness (men aren’t as in touch with their feelings), but

there is the sense, down to the man, that missing their kids is

the price of doing business.

And so we all do the best we can. Dave and his wife make

weekends sacrosanct and family dinners a priority. “My wife

famously said she leaves her office at 5:30 so we can be home

at 6:00 for dinner, and I do the same thing, though we’re both

back online doing work after the kids go to bed.”

(Dave’s last name, by the way, is Goldberg, and his wife is

Sheryl Sandberg, and thanks to Lean In, she is famous. Goldberg

5 6 7

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

is the CEO of a company named SurveyMonkey, which provides

interactive survey tools for the masses, and he helped build it

from a twelve-person operation to a staff of more than two

hundred and a $1.35 billion valuation. All while splitting

parenting responsibilities 50-50 with a really busy wife. They

have the means, certainly, but more importantly, the will.)

Speaking of: In her commencement speech for Harvard Busi-

ness School in 2012, Sandberg addressed an issue that comes

up often—men need to do more to support women in the work-

place. “It falls upon the men who are graduating today just as

much or more than the women not just to talk about gender

but to help these women succeed. When they hear a woman

is really great at her job but not liked, take a deep breath and

ask why. We need to start talking openly about the flexibility

all of us need to have both a job and a life.”

Among the various ways men can help women, paternity 30

leave is sometimes mentioned as a good place to start, the idea

being that if more men took a few weeks off following the birth

of a child, they would help remove the professional stigma sur-

rounding maternity leave and level the playing field. Anyone

who has watched any woman, much less one with a full-time

job, endure third-term pregnancy, delivery, and the long, lonely

nights of postpartum life would tell you how necessary a national

paid maternity-leave policy is. Expectant and new mothers are

put through the physical and emotional wringer, and they need

that time to heal without worrying about losing their job or

paying the bills. There are really no two ways about it.

Dads, however, are a different and more complicated story.

In California, the first state to fund up to six weeks of paid

leave for new moms and dads, only 29 percent of those who

take it are men, and there have been numerous studies lately

5 6 8

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

exploring why more men aren’t taking greater advantage of

the ability to stay home. The general consensus is reflected in

a paper out of Rutgers University: “Women who ask for family

leave are behaving in a more gender normative way, compared

with men who request a family leave… . Because the concept

of work-life balance is strongly gendered, men who request a

family leave may also suffer a femininity stigma, whereby ‘acting

like a woman’ deprives them of masculine agency (e.g., com-

petence and assertiveness) and impugns them with negative

feminine qualities (e.g., weakness and uncertainty).” This is

some paleolithic thinking here, starting, for instance, with the

idea that “acting like a woman” means anything at all, much

less weakness and uncertainty.

I’m lucky enough to work for a company that provides paid

paternity leave, but a few days after my son was born, I was

back in the office. It’s not because I was scared about appear-

ing weak to my mostly male coworkers or employers, and it’s

not because I was any more wary of losing my job than usual.

At work, I had a purpose—things needed to be done, people

needed me to do them. At home, watching my wife feed and

swaddle our son and then retreat to our bed to get some sleep of

her own, I learned what many first-time fathers learn: assuming

an absence of any health issues related to child or mother, the

first six weeks of a child’s life are fairly uneventful for men. A

baby eats (with about 80 percent of women today choosing to

breast-feed); he poops; he sleeps. There is potential for valu-

able bonding time, and a new mother could almost certainly

use another pair of hands, but a man’s presence is not strictly

necessary. Baby book after baby book warns parents that new

fathers typically feel “left out,” and there’s a reason for that:

because they are typically left out. More and more companies

offer paid and unpaid paternity leave, and a man should feel

5 6 9

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

proud to exercise that option if that’s what is best for him and

his family. Maybe with the next baby I will. Maybe I won’t. But

when the doctor delivers a newborn to my exhausted, elated

wife, I won’t kid myself thinking that I, of all people, really

deserve a little time off.

In her Harvard speech, Sandberg also evoked the specter of

good old-fashioned sexism by claiming that ambitious, assertive

women are generally less well liked than ambitious, assertive

men. (In her book, she cites a now famous study conducted by

a team of Columbia and NYU professors in which two groups

were asked to assess two hard-charging executives, a man named

Howard and a woman named Heidi, who were identical in

every way except their names. Howard was considered the Man.

Heidi, the Shrew.) It’s a compelling and convincing study,

and Sandberg is persuasive when she argues that too many

women too often get an eye roll when they open their mouths.

Two things I would hasten to add, though. One: Productivity,

profitability, drive, and talent trump all. (I’m reminded of Tina

Fey’s defense of Hillary Clinton in 2008: “She is [a bitch]. So

am I … . Bitches get stuff done.”) Women might suspect that

men don’t like assertive, confrontational women, which is only

half the truth, leading to my next point: that nobody wants to

work with a nightmare of either gender. While the Howard-

Heidi problem suggests that some men may get a longer leash

than some women, the workplace is not every man’s for the

shitting all over.

“Advertising is a very small world and when you do some-

thing like malign the reputation of a girl from the steno pool

on her first day, you make it even smaller. Keep it up, and

even if you do get my job, you’ll never run this place. You’ll

die in that corner office, a midlevel executive with a little bit

of hair who women go home with out of pity. Want to know

5 7 0

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

why? ’Cause no one will like you.” Don Draper said that. Not

me. And the wisdom he drops on Pete Campbell in the pilot

of Mad Men shows that men can be just as vulnerable to office

politics as women.

Finally, there is the issue of flex time, with some suggesting 35

that men should demand more options for when and where

they can do their work so that women alone aren’t penalized

for requesting it. It has never been easier to work remotely

for many professionals, yet many jobs—and in particular the

top jobs, the leadership roles that history (men) has deprived

women of in the past—don’t have much give to them. Marissa

Mayer at Yahoo was dragged into the flex-time debate when

she decided that in order to save a struggling business with

abysmal morale, she would do away with the company’s

generous work-from-home policy and require her employees

to show up to an office. She was immediately painted as elitist

and antiwoman, and it’s easy to see why. Even though men

and women are equally likely to telecommute, they typically

don’t place the same value on being able to do so. According

to the Pew study, 70 percent of working mothers say a flexible

schedule is extremely important to them, compared with just

48 percent of working fathers, and for many of those women

(including my wife, who often works well past midnight at a

crowded desk in our bedroom), the opportunity to do some

work from home is the critical difference between a life that

works and one that doesn’t. That’s what Mayer was messing

with when she ordered all hands on deck, and it’s what any

employer faces when trying to balance family-friendly policies

with the sometimes soul-destroying demands of a competitive

marketplace.

When Barack Obama entered the White House, he talked

about how he wanted his administration to be family-friendly,

5 7 1

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

offering up Sasha and Malia’s swing set to staffers so they could

bring their own kids to work on the weekends. Rahm Emanuel

famously assured him that it would be—“family-friendly to your

family.”

It was classic Obama—well-meaning, forward-thinking,

mindful of the struggles of the common man—undermined

by classic Emanuel, which is to say reality. The White House

staff would be working at the highest levels of government,

investing their love and labor into what can only be described

as dream jobs at a time that can only be described as a national

nightmare, and if that meant kids and partners had to take the

backseat for a year or two, so be it. Man, woman, whoever: Get

a shovel and start digging.

Slaughter, a tenured professor at Princeton, came on board

as Hillary Clinton’s head of policy planning at State, and in

her Atlantic piece, she describes her grueling workweek in D.C.,

her weekend commute back to New Jersey, and her ultimate

conclusion that “juggling high-level government work with the

needs of two teenage boys was not possible.” She talked about

her struggles to a fellow wonk, Jolynn Shoemaker of Women in

International Security, and Shoemaker offered her two cents on

high-level foreign-policy positions: “Inflexible schedules, unre-

lenting travel, and constant pressure to be in the office are

common features of these jobs.” Slaughter acknowledges that

it needn’t be as difficult as all that: “Deputy Secretary of State

James Steinberg, who shares the parenting of his two young

daughters equally with his wife, made getting [secured access to

confidential material] at home an immediate priority so that he

could leave the office at a reasonable hour and participate in

important meetings via videoconferencing if necessary. I won-

der how many women in similar positions would be afraid to

ask, lest they be seen as insufficiently committed to their jobs.”

5 7 2

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

Slaughter makes an important point here, though probably

not the one she intended to make. Steinberg did what he had to

do to make a difficult situation work better for him; Slaughter’s

contention that a woman wouldn’t feel as comfortable making

the same request may or may not be true, but it doesn’t matter.

The option was apparently on the table. Fight for it, don’t fight

for it—it’s entirely up to the individual. But don’t complain

that you never had a choice.

In the end, isn’t this what feminism was supposed to be 40

about? Not equality for equality’s sake—half of all homes run

by men, half of all corporations run by women—but to give

each of us, men and women, access to the same array of choices

and then the ability to choose for ourselves? And who’s to

say, whether for reasons biological or sociological, men and

women would even want that? When the Pew Research

Center asked working mothers and fathers to picture their

ideal working situation, 37 percent of women would opt for

full time; 50 percent part time; and 11 percent wouldn’t have

a job at all. (Compare this with men’s answers: 75 percent say

full time, 15 percent say part time, and 10 percent wouldn’t

work at all.) Assuming that women had all the flexibility in

the world, one of every two working mothers would choose to

work part time. Perhaps with guaranteed paid maternity leave,

universal daycare, and generous after-school programs, more

women would be freed from the constraints of child care and

would want to work full time. Or, possibly, they’re just happy

working part time, one foot in the workplace and one foot in

the home. Hard to say.

“I can’t stand the kind of paralysis that some people fall

into because they’re not happy with the choices they’ve made.

You live in a time when there are endless choices… . Money

certainly helps, and having that kind of financial privilege goes

5 7 3

R I c H A R D D O R m E N T

a long way, but you don’t even have to have money for it. But

you have to work on yourself… . Do something!”

Hillary Clinton said that. Not me. And while she wasn’t

referring to Slaughter in her interview with Marie Claire, she

offers valuable advice to anyone who’s looking to blame some-

one, or something, for the challenges they face in life. Getting

ahead in the workplace is really hard. Getting to the top is

really, really hard. And unless you are very fortunate indeed,

there will always be somebody smarter, faster, tougher, and

ready and willing to take a job if you’re not up to the task. It’s

a grown-up truth, and it bites the big one, but for anyone to

pretend otherwise ignores (or simply wishes away) what genera-

tions of working men learned the hard way while their wives

did the backbreaking work of raising kids and keeping house.

Hearing Gail Collins grumble about changing the corporate

mind-set (as if competition weren’t the soul of capitalism, and

capitalism weren’t the coin of the realm) or reading Slaughter

complain that our society values hard work over family (as if a

Puritan work ethic weren’t in our national DNA) makes me feel

like channeling Tom Hanks in A League of Their Own: There’s

no crying in baseball! If you don’t want a high-pressure, high-

power, high-paying job that forces you to make unacceptable

sacrifices in the rest of your life, don’t take the job. Or get

another job that doesn’t require those sacrifices. And if you

can’t get another job, take comfort knowing that the guy who

sits across from you, the one with kids the same age as yours

and a partner who’s busting his or her ass to make it work, is

probably in the very same boat. We are all equals here.

Then again, I would say that. I’m a man, with a working

wife and a busy schedule and a little boy and another baby on

the way, and I live with the choices that I’ve made. That is all

I’ve ever asked for, and it is all I will ever need.

5 7 4

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All

Joining the Conversation

1. Why, in Richard Dorment’s view, can men still not “have it

all”? What in particular does he mean by “it all,” and what

evidence does he provide to support his position?

2. This article is a response to Anne-Marie Slaughter’s “Why

Women Still Can’t Have It All” (pp. 534−54), and Dor-

ment summarizes and quotes from that piece extensively.

How fairly do you think he represents Slaughter’s views?

Cite specific examples from his article in your answer.

3. Dorment published this article in Esquire, which calls itself

“the magazine for men.” How can you tell that he has writ-

ten his article primarily for a male audience? How might

he revise the article, keeping the same basic argument, to

appeal to an audience of women?

4. Imagine you have a chance to speak with Dorment about

this article. Write out what you’d say, remembering to frame

your statement as a response to what he has said. (See Chap-

ter 12 for advice on entering class discussions.)

5. Dorment’s writing is quite informal—colorful and in places

even irreverent. How does this informality suit his audience

and purpose? How does it affect your response? Choose a

paragraph in his article and dress it up, rewriting it in more

formal, academic language. Which version do you find more

appealing, and why?

5 7 5

I’m Gay and African American.

As a Dad, I Still Have It Easier Than

Working Moms.

r a y n a r d k i n g t o n

H

When my selection as the 13th president of Grinnell College

was announced at a gathering on campus in February, 2010, my

older son, then age 4, was sitting in the first row of the packed col-

lege chapel with my spouse. A few minutes into my comments, he

stood up, wandered over to the edge of the stage, and interrupted

me in a loud voice, asking, “Daddy, can I come up with you?”

After an initial hesitation, I relented, and he joined me on stage.

While I continued to speak, he stood quietly between me and the

lectern exploring the wooden shelves in the lectern and playing

Raynard Kington is the president of Grinnell College in Iowa. He

worked as a director at the National Institutes of Health and the

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, as a senior scientist at the

RAND Corporation, and as a professor of medicine at the University

of California at Los Angeles. In 2011 he established the Grinnell Prize,

which honors leaders under 40 “who show creativity, commitment, and

extraordinary accomplishment in effecting positive social change.” This

essay first appeared in the Washington Post on November 3, 2016.

5 7 6

I’m Gay and African American… .

with a piece of paper while my hand intermittently entwined in

his curly head of hair just visible to the audience. After a few

minutes he interrupted me again to inform me that he would be

“right back”—I said “okay” and he returned to his seat.

My response to the audience: Never allow a kid in the act.

It went over well, but more than one person applauded me

for making it clear that part of what I am is a parent. And

I wondered whether a woman being announced as the new

college president would either have allowed her child to join

her onstage or would have been responded to in the same way.

Would the response have been “What is she thinking?” rather

than “Isn’t that delightful?” That question has returned to me

frequently over the last several years as I have taken note of the

struggles women still face as mothers trying to carve out careers

vs. people who think they should be at home raising children.

I am the type of person, at least in my mind, who takes sides

in public debates like this. But not in this case. Despite the fact

that the issues at the heart of the battles are in essence the

same issues that I struggle with as a college president married

to a busy professor of child psychiatry while trying to raise two

active boys, I feel as if I don’t have a dog in the fight.*

My experience of these debates surely is deeply tied to the 5

fact that my spouse and I are both men and that we are privi-

leged in many ways.

It’s not that I don’t feel incompetent as a parent at least

once a day. In those moments of craziness and despair that

every parent of young children has, I ask myself: What made

you think that you could pull this off? But I don’t experience

that feeling of incompetence as reflecting anything other than

my personal incompetence. Blame it on a strong sense of male

*Dog in the fight To have a personal stake or interest in something.

5 7 7

R A y N A R D k I N G T O N

Raynard Kington, President of Grinnell College

privilege and arrogance, but I never seriously thought that this

life wouldn’t be possible for me and my family.

I know that I am held to a different standard in many ways—

if only because openly gay men in leadership positions with

young children remain relatively unusual, and society has yet

to develop any strong norms of acceptable choices in my posi-

tion. My spouse and I have other advantages as well: We are

well-educated and have a generous household income; we live

in a wonderful home five minutes from my office; I have a fair

amount of control over my schedule; I have the option of bring-

ing the family to dinner in the dining hall where students find

some joy in young kids, even when they are demonstrating the

5 7 8

I’m Gay and African American… .

parenting deficits of their dads; we live in a small town with

inexpensive child care and great teachers and schools.

Another advantage for me is being African American. I

was raised in the black middle class of the 1960s and 1970s,

and, at its most functional, that world prepared its young to

become accustomed to defying expectations, if not to ignore

them completely. That ability serves me well in many ways, and

I think it extends to my role as an atypical parent.

So maybe I don’t feel the emotional engagement with the

debates because my situation is still so unusual that I don’t com-

pare myself to others in the same position. My details—gender,

orientation, race to a degree—are so different from those of the

affluent white women who seem to be at the heart of these

ongoing battles (or “mommy wars”).

When I do connect at an emotional level with the debates, 10

it is deeply rooted in having experienced the downdraft of

my mother’s difficult decision to end her career more than

50 years ago to care for me and my four siblings. I asked

my mother several times why she had stopped doing what

she loved, and her answer never changed. She never See Chapter 8

thought that she had made the wrong decision—she for tips on how

to transition

always said that she really had no choice if she cared within a

about the futures, especially the education, of her paragraph.

children. So as my father began his medical practice, she

shifted to devoting a big chunk of her time to shepherding

her five children through the Baltimore City public school

system. Although she remained active in civic affairs and

worked part time off and on for many years, I know that she

never forgot the personal price that she paid in giving up her

true career love—of independence, of self-worth, of intellec-

tual challenge. I remember thinking as a teenager that I would

never allow myself to be in a position like that.

5 7 9

R A y N A R D k I N G T O N

But the reality is that I couldn’t truly be in my mother’s

position, because it’s different for men—society doesn’t put the

same pressures on us. And the choices we make are not judged

in the same way.

As I’m in my 11th year as a parent, I understand my mother’s

choice better and how hard it must have been precisely because

I know I have so many advantages. Even though I’m African

American, even though I’m gay, parenting as a male may present

fewer challenges to my career choices than parenting as a female.

But even with the advantages that I have, and even with the

distinctions of decades, orientation, family dynamic, socioeco-

nomic status, and location between us, the basic trade-offs are

the same for me as they were for her. I experience these to be as

complicated and as simple: my children’s interests vs. my interests

vs. my spouse’s interests; one set of advantages for our boys (more

quality time with their parents) vs. another set of advantages

for them (opportunities and income that may accompany the

higher level, more stressful jobs); this part of what I want to do

(be a successful parent) vs. that part of what I want to do (have

a meaningful career); the here and now vs. the future.

The difference is my perception that these trade-offs are for me

and my spouse to make. As males, we’re in a position of power when

it comes to making decisions about our family, somewhat immune

to the cultural and social scrutiny—still— of working mothers.

If I view my family situation as a case study, what insights 15

can be gleaned from it? I believe that public policy, institutional

practices, and legal protections can make a big difference, no

doubt. With better institutional and government support, more

families would have some of the advantages that our family

enjoys. But those changes will never eliminate the trade-offs

required in parenting, and the trade-offs ultimately are strictly

personal—or they should be. They aren’t always for women.

5 8 0

I’m Gay and African American… .

And so our culture must also change the way we think about

the roles of parents, especially mothers, in our society. Until

we shift our cultural thinking and expectations of women and

mothers vs. men and fathers, there is still a sense that parenting

and career choices don’t solely belong to females, that they’re

not wholly personal choices.

We need to change our laws, policies and practices to reduce

the pressure of these choices. By instituting things like paid

parental leave and more flexible work schedules, everyone

would win with better support to enable better choices. We

should shift our thinking to allow for sick family days, accom-

modate participation in meetings remotely, and not schedule

important meetings to start at 7:30 a.m. or end at 5:30 p.m.—

prime kid drop-off and pickup times. And we need to recog-

nize that not all accommodations can be written into policy

in advance—like letting my son come up and join me at the

lectern even if it briefly delayed my speech.

Though it would be foolish to think that any of these will

eliminate the difficulty of the choice, we should at least elimi-

nate the disparities that make the choice harder.

Joining the Conversation

1. Raynard Kington makes clear with the title of his essay what

he thinks. Why does he claim that he has it easier than most

working mothers? What larger social issue or problem do you

think is motivating him to share his views?

2. Kington does not include many viewpoints other than his

own. How might adding other perspectives improve his

argument? Name two or three objections he might have

considered and how he could respond to them.

5 8 1

R A y N A R D k I N G T O N

3. The author acknowledges that even with his advantages “the

basic trade-offs are the same” for him as they are for women.

How might Richard Dorment (pp. 555–75) respond?

4. Kington writes about his mother (paragraph 10); Richard

Dorment (pp. 555–75) describes folding laundry with his

wife; and Anne-Marie Slaughter (pp. 534–54) begins her

essay by talking about her son. How do you think per-

sonal anecdotes affect these authors’ arguments—do they

strengthen them, weaken them, or both?

5. Kington concludes his essay with a recommendation: “By

instituting things like paid parental leave and more flexible

work schedules, everyone would win with better support to

enable better choices.” Write an essay responding to what he

says, drawing from the readings in this chapter and your own

experiences and observations as support for what you say.

5 8 2

From He to She in First Grade

l a u r i e f r a n k e l

H

When our son turned 6, my husband and I bought him

a puppet theater and a chest of dress-up clothes because he

liked to put on plays. We filled the chest with 20 items from

Goodwill, mostly grown-man attire: ties, button-down shirts,

a gray pageboy cap and a suit vest.

But we didn’t want his or his castmates’ creative output to

be curtailed by a lack of costume choices, so we also included

high heels, a pink straw hat, a dazzling fairy skirt and a sparkly

green halter dress.

He was thrilled with these presents. He put on the sparkly

green dress right away. In a sense, he never really took it off.

For a while, he wore the dress only when we were at home,

and only when we were alone. He would change back into

Laurie Frankel is the author of three novels, The Atlas of Love (2010),

Goodbye for Now (2012), and This Is How It Always Is (2017), which

was inspired, in part, by the essay that appears here. Her writing

has also appeared in publications such as the Guardian, People,

and Publishers Weekly. Frankel is on the board of Seattle7Writers,

a nonprofit organization that supports literacy and works to build

relationships among writers, readers, librarians, and booksellers. This

essay first appeared in the New York Times on September 16, 2016.

5 8 3

l A u R I E f R A N k E l

shorts and a T-shirt if we were running errands or had people

coming over.

Then we would come home or our guests would leave, and he 5

would change back to the sparkly green dress, asking me to

tie the halter behind his neck and the sash around his waist.

Eventually he stopped changing out of it. He wore it to

the grocery store and when he had friends over. He wore it to

the park and the lake. He wore shorts for camp and trunks for

swimming, but otherwise he was mostly in the dress.

My husband and I were never of the opinion that girls should

not wear pants or climb trees or get dirty, or that boys should

not have long hair or play with dolls or like pink, so the dress

did not cause us undue alarm or worry. But school was about

to start, and we found ourselves at a crossroads.

It seemed reasonable to say: “Wear whatever you’re comfort-

able in to school. If that’s what you want to wear, you don’t

have to keep changing in and out of it.”

But it also seemed reasonable to say: “Dresses are for play at

home only. The dress is fun, but you can’t wear it to first grade.”

The former had the advantage of being fair, what we 10

believed, and what would make our child happiest. The latter

had the advantage of being much less fraught.

So we asked him, “What do you think you’ll do with your

dress when school starts in a couple weeks?” We said: “You need

new clothes for the new school year. What should we buy?”

For weeks, he wasn’t sure.

And then, on the day before school started, he was.

I later learned that this is remarkably common, that children

who make decisions like this often do so as push comes to shove.

They achieve clarity when they are faced with two not-great

options.

5 8 4

From He to She in First Grade

Our child could go to school dressed in shorts and a T-shirt 15

and feel wrong and awkward and not himself. Or he could

wear what felt right and possibly face the wrath of his fellow

elementary-school students.

When he woke up on that last day of summer vacation,

the first thing he said was that he wanted to wear skirts and

dresses to first grade.

“O.K.,” I said, stalling for time, as my brain flooded with all

the concerns I hadn’t yet voiced. “What do you think other

kids will say tomorrow if you wear a dress to school?”

For ways to let

“They’ll say, ‘Are you a boy or a girl?’” he replied. your naysayer

speak

“They’ll say: ‘You can’t wear that. Boys don’t wear informally, see

pp. 83–85.

dresses.’ They’ll say, ‘Ha, ha, ha, you’re so stupid.’”

This seemed about right to me. “And how will that make

you feel?” I asked.

He shrugged and said he didn’t know. But he did know, with 20

certainty, what he wanted to wear to school the next day, even

as he also seemed to know what that choice may cost him.

I hadn’t met his new teacher yet, so I sent her a heads-up by

email, explaining that this had been going on for some time; it

wasn’t just a whim. She emailed back right away, unfazed, and

she promised to support our child “no matter what.”

Then we went shopping. The fairy skirt and sparkly green

dress were play clothes. He didn’t have any skirts or dresses

that were appropriate for school.

I didn’t want to buy a whole new wardrobe when I didn’t

know if this was going to last. I envisioned a scenario in which

he wore a skirt the first day, got made fun of, and never wore

a skirt again. I envisioned another in which he got the skirt-

wearing out of his system and happily donned pants every day

thereafter. But mostly I was pretty sure the skirts were here

to stay.

5 8 5

l A u R I E f R A N k E l

School started on a Wednesday, so we bought three outfits

to get us through the week. Three school skirts. Three school

tops. A pair of white sandals.

On the drive home, I asked, “What will you say back if kids 25

say the things you think they will?”

“I don’t know,” he admitted.

So we brainstormed. We role-played. We practiced saying,

“If girls can wear pants or skirts, so can boys.” We practiced

saying: “You wear what you’re comfortable wearing. This is

what I’m comfortable wearing.” We practiced polite ways of

suggesting they mind their own business.

“Are you sure?” I asked him. I asked this while he was behind

me in his car seat so he wouldn’t see how scared I was. I asked

casually while we ran errands so it wouldn’t seem like a big

deal.

“I’m sure,” he said. He certainly sounded sure. That made

one of us.

The question I couldn’t stop asking myself was: Do we love 30

our children best by protecting them at all costs or by support-

ing them unconditionally? Does love mean saying, “Nothing,

not even your happiness, is as important as your safety”? Or

does love mean saying, “Be who you are, and I will love that

person no matter what”?

I couldn’t ask my child those questions. But the next morn-

ing I did ask one more time, “Are you sure?”

Which was ridiculous, given that he had gotten up before

dawn to put on the new skirt and blouse and sandals and was

grinning, glowing, with joy.

We put some barrettes in his very short hair and took the

traditional first-day-of-school pictures. They’re all a little blurry

because he was too excited to stand still, but it doesn’t matter

because that joyful smile is all you see anyway.

5 8 6

From He to She in First Grade

My husband and I took deep breaths and walked him to

school. For my son’s part, he fairly floated, seemingly uncon-

cerned. Having decided, he was sure.

The things I imagined happening fell into opposite catego- 35

ries, but both transpired. A lot of children didn’t notice, didn’t

care or stared briefly before moving on. But there were a few

who pestered him on the playground and in the hallways, who

teased or pressed, who covered their mouths and laughed and

pointed and would not be dissuaded by our carefully rehearsed

answers.

That lasted longer than I had expected, but it was mostly

over within the month.

At the end of that first week, when he was going to bed on

Friday night, he was upset about something—weepy, cranky

and irritable. He couldn’t or wouldn’t tell me what the problem

was. His eyes were wet, his fists balled, his face stormy.

I tucked him in and kissed him good night. I asked, again,

what the matter was. I asked, again, what I could do. I told him

I couldn’t help if he wouldn’t talk to me. Finally I whispered,

“You don’t have to keep wearing skirts and dresses to school,

you know. If kids are being mean, if it feels weird, you can

absolutely go back to shorts and T-shirts.”

He snapped out of it immediately, sitting up, his face clear-

ing, his eyes drying and brightening. “No, Mama,” he chided. I

wish I could say that he did so sweetly, but his tone was more

like, Don’t be an idiot. “I already decided about that,” he said.

“I never think about that anymore.”

It had been three days.

40

But it was also true. He had already decided. He didn’t think

about that anymore. And he—she—never looked back. She

grew out her hair. She stopped telling people she was a boy in

a skirt and started being a girl in a skirt instead.

5 8 7

l A u R I E f R A N k E l

And we, as a family, decided to be open and honest about

it, too, celebrating her story instead of hiding it.

Two years later, our daughter still sometimes wears the green

dress, for dress-up and to put on plays, as we imagined her doing

in the first place. Now that she can be who she is on the inside

and on the outside, on weekdays as well as on weekends, at

home and everywhere else, the sparkly green dress has once

again become just a costume.

Joining the Conversation

1. Laurie Frankel tells the story of her child’s transition from

“he to she” at home and at school. What’s Frankel’s point,

and how does the story she tells support that point?

2. This essay appeared in the New York Times’ “Modern Love”

section, a “series of weekly reader-submitted essays that

explore the joys and tribulations of love.” These pieces are

relatively short. If you were revising this one to be a longer

essay, which strategies taught in this book could help?

3. So what? Frankel explains why gender identity is important

to her child, herself, and her husband. Has she convinced

you that you should care? If so, how? If not, how could she

do better?

4. Write a one-page response to Frankel’s essay in which you

give your own reasons for supporting her argument, not sup-

porting it, or both.

5. Go to theysayiblog.com and click on “What’s Gender Got to Do with It?” Search for Frankel’s essay and read the comments that readers have posted in response to her article.

Consider how many posts incorporate personal stories, like

Frankel does, as support.

5 8 8

Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest

a n d r e w r e i n e r

H

Last semester, a student in the masculinity course I teach

showed a video clip she had found online of a toddler getting

what appeared to be his first vaccinations. Off camera, we hear

his father’s voice. “I’ll hold your hand, O.K.?” Then, as his son

becomes increasingly agitated: “Don’t cry! … Aw, big boy! High

five, high five! Say you’re a man: ‘I’m a man!’ ” The video ends

with the whimpering toddler screwing up his face in anger and

pounding his chest. “I’m a man!” he barks through tears and

gritted teeth.

The home video was right on point, illustrating the takeaway

for the course: how boys are taught, sometimes with the best of

intentions, to mutate their emotional suffering into anger. More

immediately, it captured, in profound concision, the earliest

stirrings of a male identity at war with itself.

Andrew Reiner teaches writing and cultural studies at Towson

University, including a course titled “Real Men Smile: The Changing

Face of Masculinity.” His essays have appeared in the New York Times,

Washington Post Magazine, The Chronicle of Higher Education, and

Chicago Tribune. He also contributes to The Signal, an arts and culture

show on WYPR, Baltimore’s NPR station. This essay first appeared in

the New York Times on April 10, 2016.

5 8 9

A N D R E W R E I N E R

This is no small thing. As students discover in this course, an

honors college seminar called “Real Men Smile: The Changing

Face of Masculinity,” what boys seem to need is the very thing

they fear. Yet when they are immunized against this deeper

emotional honesty, the results have far-reaching, often devas-

tating consequences.

Despite the emergence of the metrosexual and an increase

in stay-at-home dads, tough-guy stereotypes die hard. As men

continue to fall behind women in college, while outpacing

them four to one in the suicide rate, some colleges are waking

up to the fact that men may need to be taught to think beyond

their own stereotypes.

In many ways, the young men who take my seminar—typically, 5

20 percent of the class—mirror national trends. Based on

their grades and writing assignments, it’s clear that they spend

less time on homework than female students do; and while

every bit as intelligent, they earn lower grades with studied

indifference. When I asked one of my male students why he

didn’t openly fret about grades the way so many women do,

he said: “Nothing’s worse for a guy than looking like a Try Hard.”

In a report based on the 2013 book The Rise of Women:

The Growing Gender Gap in Education and What It Means for

American Schools, the sociologists Thomas A. DiPrete and Clau-

dia Buchmann observe: “Boys’ underperformance in school has

more to do with society’s norms about masculinity than with

anatomy, hormones or brain structure. In fact, boys involved

in extracurricular cultural activities such as music, art, drama

and foreign languages report higher levels of school engage-

ment and get better grades than other boys. But these cultural

activities are often denigrated as unmasculine by preadolescent

and adolescent boys.”

5 9 0

Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest

Throughout elementary school and beyond, they write, girls

consistently show “higher social and behavioral skills,” which

translate into “higher rates of cognitive learning” and “higher

levels of academic investment.”

It should come as no surprise that college enrollment rates

for women have outstripped men’s. In 1994, according to

a Pew Research Center analysis, 63 percent of females and

61 percent of males enrolled in college right after high school;

by 2012, the percentage of young women had increased to 71,

but the percentage of men remained unchanged.

By the time many young men do reach college, a deep-seated

gender stereotype has taken root that feeds into the stories

they have heard about themselves as learners. Better to earn

your Man Card than to succeed like a girl, all in the name of

constantly having to prove an identity to yourself and others.

The course “Real Men Smile,” which examines how the 10

perceptions of masculinity have and haven’t changed since the

18th century, grew out of a provocative lecture by Michael

Kimmel, the seminal researcher and author in the growing field

of masculine studies.

Dr. Kimmel came to my campus, Towson University, in 2011

to discuss the “Bro Code” of collegiate male etiquette. In his talk,

he deconstructed the survival kit of many middle-class, white

male students: online pornography, binge drinking, a brother-

hood in which respect is proportional to the disrespect heaped

onto young women during hookups, and finally, the most ubiq-

uitous affirmation of their tenuous power, video games.

As Dr. Kimmel masterfully deflected an outpouring of protests,

the atmosphere grew palpably tense. A young man wearing frater-

nity letters stood up. “What you don’t get right is that girls are into

hooking up as much as we are; they come on to us, too,” he said.

Dr. Kimmel shook his head, which left the student clearly rattled.

5 9 1

A N D R E W R E I N E R

His voice quavering, the young man stammered something

unexpected from a frat brother, about how women can be as

insensitive and hurtful as guys. He sounded like a victim him-

self. But afterward, when I asked him if he had reached out

to any of his guy friends for advice or solace, he stared at me,

incredulous, his irises two small blue islands amid a sea of sclera.

“Nah, I’ve got this,” he said.

I wanted the course to explore this hallmark of the mascu-

line psyche—the shame over feeling any sadness, despair or

strong emotion other than anger, let alone expressing it and

the resulting alienation. Many young men, just like this student,

compose artful, convincing masks, but deep down they aren’t

who they pretend to be.

Research shows what early childhood teachers have always 15

known: that from infancy through age 4 or 5, boys are more

emotive than girls. One study out of Harvard Medical School

and Boston Children’s Hospital in 1999 found that 6-month-old

boys were more likely to show “facial expressions of anger, to fuss,

to gesture to be picked up” and “tended to cry more than girls.”

“Boys were also more socially oriented than girls,” the report

said—more likely to look at their mother and “display facial

expressions of joy.”

This plays out in the work of Niobe Way, a professor of

applied psychology at New York University. After 20-plus

years of research, Dr. Way concludes that many boys, espe-

cially early and middle adolescents, develop deep, meaningful

friendships, easily rivaling girls in their emotional honesty

and intimacy.

But we socialize this vulnerability out of them. Once they

reach ages 15 or 16, “they begin to sound like gender stereo-

types,” she writes in Deep Secrets: Boys’ Friendships and the Crisis

of Connection. “They start using phrases such as ‘no homo’ …

5 9 2

Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest

and they tell us they don’t have time for their male friends, even

though their desire for these relationships remains.”

As women surpass men on campus, the threat felt by thin-

skinned males often reveals itself in the relationships where

they feel most exposed. “Boys are not only more invested

in ongoing romantic relationships but also have less confi-

dence navigating them than do girls,” writes the sociologist

Robin W. Simon in the Journal of Health and Social Behavior.

That’s problematic, because “romantic partners are their pri-

mary sources of intimacy,” whereas young women confide in

friends and family.

Some cultural critics link such mounting emotional vulner- 20

ability to the erosion of male privilege and all that it See Chapter

entails. This perceived threat of diminishing power is 2 for tips on

summarizing

exposing ugly, at times menacing fault lines in the male what others

psyche. Experts point to sexual assaults on campus and say.

even mass murders like those at a community college in Oregon

and a movie theater in Colorado. These gunmen were believed

to share two hypermasculine traits: feelings of profound isola-

tion and a compulsion for viral notoriety.

With so much research showing that young men suffer

beneath the gravity of conventional masculinity, men’s stud-

ies is gaining validation as a field of its own, not just a subset

of women’s studies. Hobart and William Smith Colleges has

offered a minor in men’s studies since the late ’90s. The Center

for the Study of Men and Masculinities was established in 2013

at Stony Brook University, part of the State University of New

York, and plans to offer its first master’s degree program in 2018.

Last year, the center hosted the International Conference on

Men and Masculinities, where topics included fatherhood, male

friendships and balancing work and family life.

So why don’t campuses have more resource centers for men?

5 9 3

A N D R E W R E I N E R

Some universities offer counseling services for men of color

and gay men, and some sponsor clubs through which male

members explore the crisis of sexual violence against women.

Only a precious few—the University of Massachusetts and

Simon Fraser University among them—offer ways for all men

to explore their shared struggles. And these don’t exist with-

out pushback. Talk of empowering men emotionally yields eye

rolling at best, furious protest at worst—as when the Simon

Fraser center was proposed, in 2012, and men and women

alike challenged the need for a “safe space” for members of

the dominant culture.

But wouldn’t encouraging men to embrace the full range of

their humanity benefit women? Why do we continue to limit the

emotional lives of males when it serves no one? This question

is the rhetorical blueprint I pose to students before they begin

what I call the “Real Man” experiment.

In this assignment, students engage strangers to explore, 25

firsthand, the socialized norms of masculinity and to determine

whether these norms encourage a healthy, sustainable identity.

The findings result in some compelling presentations. One

student interviewed her male and female friends about their

hookups and acted out an amalgam of their experiences through

the eyes of a male and a female character; another explored

the pall of silence and anxiety that hangs over campus men’s

rooms; two students gleaned children’s gender perceptions in a

toy store. One of the most revealing projects was a PowerPoint

by a student who had videotaped himself and then a female

friend pretending to cry in the crowded foyer of the university

library, gauging the starkly different reactions of passersby.

“Why do you think a few young women stopped to see if

your female friend was O.K.,” I asked him, “but no one did the

same thing for you?”

5 9 4

Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest

He crossed his arms, his laser pointer pushing against his bicep

like a syringe, and paused. Even at this point in the semester, the

students, some of whom had studied gender issues before, seemed

blind to their own ingrained assumptions. So his response raised

many eyebrows. “It’s like we’re scared,” he said, “that the natural

order of things will completely collapse.”

Joining the Conversation

1. Andrew Reiner argues that male college students need more

resources to help them express their feelings without ridicule

or judgment. What larger conversation seems to motivate

his essay?

2. Reiner quotes sociologists Thomas A. DiPrete and Claudia

Buchmann, who say that “boys’ underperformance in school

has more to do with society’s norms about masculinity than

with anatomy, hormones or brain structure” (paragraph 6).

What point is the author trying to make with this quotation?

3. Reiner quotes and summarizes other viewpoints, but he

makes his own views clear. How does he signal when he’s

asserting his own views and when he’s incorporating those

of someone else? (See Chapter 5 for this book’s advice on

distinguishing what you say from what others say.)

4. Like Reiner, Nicholas Eberstadt (pp. 605–19) is worried

about the situation of men in US society, but he discusses

quite a different set of problems. Consider both arguments—

whose do you find more persuasive, and why?

5. Reiner cites research studies and examples from his own class-

room to make his point. Write a response to Reiner, in which

you agree, disagree, or both with his argument, drawing on

one or two studies—either in this essay or another reading

in the chapter—and your own experiences.

5 9 5

What about Gender Roles

in Same-Sex Relationships?

s t e p h e n m ay s

H

Imposing gender roles on gay couples is even more ridiculous

than doing so with straight couples.

I recently overheard someone comment to her friend

about a gay male couple walking ahead of them on the sidewalk.

The girl said, “Who do you think is the girl in the relation-

ship?” I couldn’t help but frown at the girl and shake my head.

As clear as you would think it is to see, I’ll spell it out for you:

neither of them is the girl. They’re both boys.

Not to say that traditional ideas of gender roles don’t play a

part in a gay relationship, but they’re a little more diluted, I would

say. A gay man may show effeminate qualities, but that doesn’t

Stephen Mays is a multimedia editor for U.S. News and World

Report. He has been a web producer for both U.S. News and World Report

and the Telegraph, and a contributing writer for USA Today College. As

a student at the University of Georgia, he was the editor-in-chief of the

Red & Black, an independent student-run newspaper covering campus

news, and Ampersand Magazine, a UGA lifestyle magazine. This piece

appeared in the Red & Black on September 24, 2013.

5 9 6

What about Gender Roles in Same-Sex Relationships?

make him the “woman” of the relationship. Just like the muscled,

bearded gay man doesn’t have to be the “man” of the relationship.

One huge aspect of the gay male relationship that I appreci-

ate is the more leveled playing field that we have. We’re both

men. If one of us opens the door for the other on a whim of affec-

tion or chivalry, it wasn’t expected because he was the “man.”

It was simply a nice gesture. If one of us cooks dinner once, or

every night for that matter, it isn’t because he’s the “woman” of

the relationship. He’s probably just better at it than his partner.

I have noticed, however, here in the South that a good

number of gay men claim to be seeking “masc” or “masculine”

partners. They want a boyfriend who likes the outdoors, is

in good physical condition, plays sports and all those other

standard characteristics for “men.” I have no idea why this is,

other than perhaps personal preference, because there’s nothing

wrong with the guys who like wearing skinny jeans, putting

highlights in their hair, or shopping all the time. We simply

associate certain actions with very classic ideas of masculinity or

femininity. There are few actions or characteristics that classify

as gender-neutral.

Why does caring about your appearance, cooking dinner, or 5

enjoying shopping for new clothes have to be considered fem-

inine? Why does hiking, playing football, or working Chapter 4

out a lot have to be considered masculine? When it boils shows ways

to agree and

down to it, all of us, gay and straight alike, comprise disagree

many characteristics—some are considered masculine, simultaneously.

and some are considered feminine.

Despite sexual orientation, some people simply demonstrate

more masculine qualities or more feminine qualities. In the

case of a gay male relationship, however, the key point is that

neither of us is the girl of the relationship, no matter which

side of the scale we fall on. We’re both boys. Neither sexual

5 9 7

S T E p H E N m A y S

preferences in the bedroom nor our daily characteristics have

any effect on that biology.

Joining the Conversation

1. Stephen Mays begins by literally quoting what someone

said, which he then uses as a way to launch what he says

in response. He could have summarized what was said; why

do you think he quoted it instead? What argument does he

offer in response?

2. Mays obviously cares a lot about this topic, but does he explain

why we should care? If not, do it for him. Write a paragraph—

perhaps it could be a new concluding paragraph—discussing

explicitly why this topic matters and who should care. (See

Chapter 7 for guidance.)

3. This short piece was written as a newspaper column. What

strategies in this book could Mays use to revise his article

as an academic essay? (See the tips in Chapter 11 for using

the templates to revise.)

4. Read Andrew Reiner’s essay (pp. 589–95) on the ways soci-

ety reinforces traditional gender roles for men. How does his

argument relate to Mays’s views on gender roles in same-sex

relationships?

5. Mays critiques various gender stereotypes, including ones

affecting gay people and straight people, both men and

women. What do you think? Write an essay in which you

agree, disagree, or both with what he says.

5 9 8

Artificial Intelligence’s White

Guy Problem

k a t e c r a w f o r d

H

According to some prominent voices in the tech world,

artificial intelligence presents a looming existential threat to

humanity: Warnings by luminaries like Elon Musk and Nick

Bostrom about “the singularity”—when machines become

smarter than humans—have attracted millions of dollars and

spawned a multitude of conferences.

But this hand-wringing is a distraction from the very real

problems with artificial intelligence today, which may already

be exacerbating inequality in the workplace, at home and in our

legal and judicial systems. Sexism, racism and other forms of dis-

crimination are being built into the machine-learning algorithms

that underlie the technology behind many “intelligent” systems

that shape how we are categorized and advertised to.

Kate Crawford is a researcher at Microsoft Research. She also teaches

at the Center for Civic Media at MIT and is a fellow at New York Uni-

versity’s Information Law Institute. She serves on the editorial board for

three academic journals and has written for the Atlantic and the New

Inquiry. This essay first appeared in the New York Times on June 25, 2016.

5 9 9

k A T E c R A W f O R D

Take a small example from last year: Users discovered that

Google’s photo app, which applies automatic labels to pictures

in digital photo albums, was classifying images of black people

as gorillas. Google apologized; it was unintentional.

But similar errors have emerged in Nikon’s camera soft-

ware, which misread images of Asian people as blinking, and

in Hewlett-Packard’s web camera software, which had difficulty

recognizing people with dark skin tones.

This is fundamentally a data problem. Algorithms learn by 5

being fed certain images, often chosen by engineers, and the

system builds a model of the world based on those images.

If a system is trained on photos of people who are over-

whelmingly white, it will have a harder time recognizing

nonwhite faces.

A very serious example was revealed in an investigation pub-

To elaborate on

lished last month by ProPublica. It found that widely used

a previous idea,

see p. 137.

software that assessed the risk of recidivism in criminals

was twice as likely to mistakenly flag black defendants as being at

a higher risk of committing future crimes. It was also twice as likely

to incorrectly flag white defendants as low risk.

The reason those predictions are so skewed is still unknown,

because the company responsible for these algorithms keeps its

formulas secret—it’s proprietary information. Judges do rely on

machine-driven risk assessments in different ways—some may

even discount them entirely—but there is little they can do to

understand the logic behind them.

Police departments across the United States are also deploy-

ing data-driven risk-assessment tools in “predictive policing”

crime prevention efforts. In many cities, including New York,

Los Angeles, Chicago and Miami, software analyses of large sets

of historical crime data are used to forecast where crime hot

6 0 0

Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy Problem

spots are most likely to emerge; the police are then directed

to those areas.

At the very least, this software risks perpetuating an already

vicious cycle, in which the police increase their presence in the

same places they are already policing (or overpolicing), thus

ensuring that more arrests come from those areas. In the United

States, this could result in more surveillance in traditionally

poorer, nonwhite neighborhoods, while wealthy, whiter neigh-

borhoods are scrutinized even less. Predictive programs are only

as good as the data they are trained on, and that data has a

complex history.

Histories of discrimination can live on in digital platforms, 10

and if they go unquestioned, they become part of the logic

of everyday algorithmic systems. Another scandal emerged

recently when it was revealed that Amazon’s same-day delivery

service was unavailable for ZIP codes in predominantly black

neighborhoods. The areas overlooked were remarkably similar

to those affected by mortgage redlining in the mid-20th century.

Amazon promised to redress the gaps, but it reminds us how

systemic inequality can haunt machine intelligence.

And then there’s gender discrimination. Last July, com-

puter scientists at Carnegie Mellon University found that

women were less likely than men to be shown ads on Google

for highly paid jobs. The complexity of how search engines

show ads to internet users makes it hard to say why this hap-

pened—whether the advertisers preferred showing the ads to

men, or the outcome was an unintended consequence of the

algorithms involved.

Regardless, algorithmic flaws aren’t easily discoverable: How

would a woman know to apply for a job she never saw adver-

tised? How might a black community learn that it were being

overpoliced by software?

6 0 1

k A T E c R A W f O R D

Members from Project Include, “an open community working toward providing

meaningful diversity and inclusion solutions for tech companies.” From left:

Susan Wu, Laura I. Gómez, Erica Baker, Ellen Pao, Tracy Chou, Y-Vonne

Hutchinson, Bethanye McKinney Blount, and Freada Kapor Klein.

We need to be vigilant about how we design and train these

machine-learning systems, or we will see ingrained forms of bias

built into the artificial intelligence of the future.

Like all technologies before it, artificial intelligence will

reflect the values of its creators. So inclusivity matters—

from who designs it to who sits on the company boards and

which ethical perspectives are included. Otherwise, we risk

constructing machine intelligence that mirrors a narrow and

privileged vision of society, with its old, familiar biases and

stereotypes.

If we look at how systems can be discriminatory now, we 15

will be much better placed to design fairer artificial intelligence.

6 0 2

Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy Problem

But that requires far more accountability from the tech com-

munity. Governments and public institutions can do their part

as well: As they invest in predictive technologies, they need to

commit to fairness and due process.

While machine-learning technology can offer unexpected

insights and new forms of convenience, we must address the

current implications for communities that have less power, for

those who aren’t dominant in elite Silicon Valley circles.

Currently the loudest voices debating the potential dangers

of superintelligence are affluent white men, and, perhaps for

them, the biggest threat is the rise of an artificially intelligent

apex predator.

But for those who already face marginalization or bias, the

threats are here.

Joining the Conversation

1. Kate Crawford begins her essay with a clear “they say” on

the subject of artificial intelligence. What is it, and what is

her response?

2. According to Crawford, “sexism, racism and other forms of

discrimination are being built into the machine-learning

algorithms that underlie the technology” we use (para-

graph 2). She then provides several examples of this bias

to elaborate on what she means. Choose three of the

examples and in your own words explain how they illus-

trate this bias.

3. Where in her essay does Crawford try to convince you that

her argument is something you should care about? Has she

convinced you? Why or why not?

6 0 3

k A T E c R A W f O R D

4. In her essay, “Google, Democracy, and the Truth about

Internet Search” (pp. 480–99), Carole Cadwalladr also raises

concerns about the future of the internet. Whose argument

do you find more persuasive, and why?

5. Using strategies discussed in Chapter 12, “Entering Class

Discussions,” write two to three sentences on artificial intel-

ligence that could initiate a class discussion, whether it’s in

person or online. Your statement should acknowledge the

view or views motivating this conversation.

6 0 4

Men without Work

n i c h o l a s e b e r s t a d t

H

Much current analysis of labor market conditions paints a

cautiously optimistic—even unabashedly positive—picture of

job trends. But easily accessible data demonstrate that we are, in

reality, living through an extended period of extraordinary, Great

Depression-scale underutilization of male manpower, and this

severe “work deficit” for men has gradually worsened over time.

Expert opinions on U.S. labor market performance have been

increasingly sanguine over the past year or so. A few select media

headlines and quotations illustrate the emerging consensus:

• “The Jobless Numbers Aren’t Just Good, They’re Great”

(August 2015, Bloomberg1)

Nicholas Eberstadt is an economist at the American Enterprise

Institute, a “public policy think tank dedicated to defending human

dignity, expanding human potential, and building a freer and safer

world.” He researches poverty, demographics and economic develop-

ment, and security. In 2012 he was awarded the Bradley Prize, given to

innovative intellectuals. He has also written several books, including

Russia’s Peacetime Demographic Crisis (2010) and The Poverty of “the

Poverty Rate” (2008). This selection is from his most recent book, Men

without Work: America’s Invisible Crisis (2016).

6 0 5

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

• “The Jobs Report Is Even Better Than It Looks” (November

2015, FiveThirtyEight2)

• “Healthy Job Market at Odds with Global Gloom” (March

2016, Wall Street Journal 3)

• An excerpt from “Two Sides to Economic Recovery: Growth

Stalls, While Jobs Soar” stated: “The job market, according

to Labor Department figures released in recent months, is at

its healthiest point since the boom of the late 1990s.” (April

2016, International New York Times 4)

• “June’s Super Jobs Report (July 2016, Atlantic Monthly 5)

In addition, U.S. economists and policymakers who have

served under Republican and Democratic presidents maintain

that today’s U.S. economy is either near or at “full employment”:

• “It is encouraging to see that the U.S. economy is approaching

full employment with low inflation.” (Ben Bernanke, former

chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, October 20156)

• “The American economy is in good shape . . . we are essen-

tially at full employment … tight labor markets are leading

to increases in hourly earnings and in the producer prices of

services.” (Martin Feldstein, former chair of the President’s

Council of Economic Advisers and longtime director of the

National Bureau of Economic Research, February 20167)

• “We are coming close to [the Federal Reserve’s] assigned con-

gressional goal of full employment. [Many measures of unem-

ployment] really suggest a labor market that is vastly improved.”

(Janet Yellen, chairman of the Federal Reserve, April 20168)

All of these assessments draw upon data on labor market

dynamics: job openings, new hires, “quit ratios,” unemployment

6 0 6

Men without Work

filings and the like. And all those data are informative—

Here’s a “yes,

but” move —

as far as they go. But they miss also something, a big some-

see p. 63.

thing: the deterioration of work rates for American men.

The pronouncements above stand in stark contrast to the 5

trends illustrated in figure 1, which track officially estimated work

rates for U.S. men over the postwar era (see figure 1).

The federal government did not begin releasing continuous

monthly data on U.S. employment until after World War II.

By any broad measure, U.S. employment-to-population rates

for civilian, noninstitutionalized men in 2015 were close to

their lowest levels on record—and vastly lower than levels in

earlier postwar decades.9

Between 1948 and 2015, the work rate for U.S. men twenty

and older fell from 85.8 percent to 68.2 percent. Thus the

proportion of American men twenty and older without paid

work more than doubled, from 14 percent to almost 32 percent.

Granted, the work rate for adult men in 2015 was over a per-

centage point higher than 2010 (its all-time low). But purport-

edly “near full employment” conditions notwithstanding, the

work rate for the twenty-plus male was more than a fifth lower

in 2015 than in 1948.

Of course, the twenty-plus work rate measure includes men

sixty-five and older, men of classic retirement age. But when the

sixty-five-plus population is excluded, work rates trace a long

march downward here, too. By 2015, nearly 22 percent of U.S.

men between the ages of twenty and sixty-five were not engaged

in paid work of any kind, and the work rate for this grouping

was nearly 12.5 percentage points below its 1948 level. In short,

the fraction of U.S. men from ages twenty to sixty-four not at

work in 2015 was 2.3 times higher than it had been in 1948.

As for “prime-age” men—the twenty-five–to–fifty-four group

that historically always has the highest employment—work rates

6 0 7

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

Groups,

Age

Selected

.

Males,

Adjusted)

U.S.

Ratio,

(Seasonally

http://data.bls.gov/pdq/querytool.jsp?survey-ln

1948–2016

2016,

16,

May

on

Employment-to-Population 1.

retrieved

Figure

Source: “Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey,” LNS12300025, LNS12300061, Bureau of Labor Statistics,

6 0 8

Men without Work

fell from 94.1 percent in 1948 to 84.3 percent in 2015. Under

today’s “near-full employment” norm, a monthly average of

nearly one in six prime-age men had no paying job of any kind.

Though the work rate for prime-age men has recovered to 10

some degree since 2010, the latest report as of this writing

(July 2016) is barely on par with the lowest-ever Bureau of

Labor Statistics (BLS) reading before the Crash of 2008 (the

depths of the early 1980s recession). In 2015, the proportion of

prime-age men without jobs was over 2.5 times higher than in

1948. Indeed, 1948 work rates for men in their late fifties and

early sixties were slightly higher than for prime-age men today.

Even more shocking is the comparison of work rates for

prime-age men today with those from the prewar Depression era.

During the Depression era, we did not possess our cur-

rent official statistical apparatus for continuously monitoring

employment conditions. Our postwar statistical apparatus for

continuously monitoring employment conditions only came

in response to the prewar employment crisis. Consequently,

our main source of information on Depression-era employment

comes from our decennial population censuses. As fate would

have it, the Great Depression spanned two national censuses,

the 1930 census, near the start of the Depression, and the 1940

census, near its end.10 We contrapose male employment pat-

terns then and now in table 1.

According the 1940 census, the work rate for civilian non-

institutional men twenty to sixty-four years old was 81.3 percent.

In 2015, that rate was 78.4 percent. The work rate for prime-age

males in 1940 was reported to be 86.5 percent, two points higher

than in 2015 and about a point and a half higher than readings

thus far for 2016. In other words, work rates for men appear to be

lower today than they were late in the Great Depression when the

civilian unemployment rate ran above 14 percent.11 Furthermore,

6 0 9

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

Table 1. U.S. Male Employment-to-Population Ratios:

Today vs. Selected Depression Years

Employment to

Employment to

Population Ratio,

Population Ratio,

Year

Men 20–64

Men 25–54

and

(Percentage of Civilian (Percentage of Civilian

Source

Non-Institutional

Noninstitutional

Population)

Population)

2015 (BLS)

78.4

84.4

1940 (Census) 81.3

86.4

1930 (Census) 88.2*

91.2**

Source: For 2015: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Labor Force Statistics from the Current Popula-

tion Survey, LNS12300025, LNS12300061, http://data.bls.gov/pdq/querytool.jsp?survey=ln.

Accessed May 16, 2016. For 1940: Derived from http://www.jstor.org/stable/117246?seq=1_

page_scan_tab_contents; http://censusacn.adobeaemcloud.com’library/publications/1943/dec/

population-labor-forcesample.html_Table_1; http://www2.census.gov/library/publications/

decennial/1940/population-institutional–population/08520028ch2.pdf; http://www/dtic.mil/dtic/

tr/fulltext/u2/a954007.pdf. Accessed August 5, 2016. For 1930: http://digital.library.unt.edu/

ark:/67531/metadc26169/m1/1/high_res_d/R40655_2009Jun19.pdf. Accessed March 2, 2016.

Notes: *Calculated for total numerated population, not civilian noninstitutional population;

**Twenty-five–to–forty-four male population corresponding male twenty-

five–to–forty-four

ratio for 2015 would be 85.3 percent.

the work rate for American men is manifestly lower today than it

was in 1930, to judge by returns from the 1930 census.

Admittedly, the comparison is not straightforward, since the

1930 census used different questions about employment status

than we use today and did not break out “civilian noninstitu-

tional population” from the total adult population. Nonetheless,

the Census Bureau has harmonized those 1930 employment fig-

ures with modern definitions of work and joblessness.12 By these

reconstructions, the 1930 ratio for employment to total popula-

tion for men twenty to sixty-four was over 88 percent. Among

men twenty-five to forty-four (prime work ages for that era) the

ratio for employment to total population was over 91 percent.

6 1 0

Men without Work

In 2015, the official work rate for working-age men twenty–

to–sixty-four was nearly ten percentage points below this 1930

figure (78.4 percent vs. 88.2 percent) and for men twenty-five to

forty-four, the nominal gap was nearly six points (85.3 percent

vs. 91.2 percent). These numerical differences, I should note,

understate slightly the true work rate gap between adult men in

1930 and today, since the 1930 numbers do not exclude men

in the armed forces, prisons, long-term hospitalization, etc., from

the demographic denominator by which current work rates for

the “civilian noninstitutional” population are calculated.

To be clear, the employment disaster in the depths of the 15

Great Depression was unquestionably worse than it was in

either 1930 or 1940.13 For better or worse, however, we only

have these two census data points for that era’s labor market

conditions, and current data indicate that work rates for Ameri-

can men are lower today than in either of these years. It is thus

meaningful to talk about work rates for American men today as

being at Depression-era levels. In fact, they are more depressed

than those recorded in particular years of the Great Depression.

Just how great is our current “work deficit” for American

men? One reasonable benchmark for measuring that gap might

be the mid-1960s. Then, the U.S. economy was strong and

labor markets functioned at genuinely full employment levels.

Between 1965 and 2015, work rates for men twenty and

older fell by over 13 percent. Population aging cannot account

for most of this massive decline: nearly four-fifths of that drop

was due to age-specific declines in work rates for 1967–2015

(the period for which more detailed data are available for such

calculations). Over these same years, work rates for men in

the broad twenty–to–sixty-four group fell from 90 percent to

less than 79 percent. In other words, over the two generations,

the fraction of men without jobs of any sort in the broad

6 1 1

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

twenty–to–sixty-four group went from 10 percent of the total

to almost 22 percent. Almost none of that decline can be

attributed to changes in age structure (see figure 2). For the

critical prime-age group (men twenty-five to fifty-four), work

rates dropped over this half century from about 94 percent to

just over 84 percent. Consequently, the percentage of wholly

jobless prime-age men shot from 6 percent to nearly 16 percent.

If we look at the long-term trends over the postwar era,

we see an eerie and radical transformation in the condition

of prime-age men: the unrelenting ratcheting upward in the

fraction of men without any paid employment (see figure 3).

In the decade of the 1960s, monthly averages indicated that

one in sixteen prime-age American men were not at work. By

the 1990s, the ratio had jumped to one in eight. In the current

decade (January 2010 to June 2016), the ratio has dropped

below one in six for an average of 17.5 percent of prime-age

men with no paid work in the past month.14

What does all this mean for the current “work deficit” for

grown men? If age-specific work rates for the civilian nonin-

stitutional adult population had simply held constant from

1965 to today, over 10.5 million additional men ages twenty

to sixty-four would have been working for pay in 2015 America,

including an additional 6 million men in the prime twenty-

five–to–fifty-four group.15

In one important respect, however, this 10.5-million-plus 20

figure overstates today’s “deficit” for men. The reason: it fails

to account for the steady increase in education and training

for adult men over the past five decades. Education and work-

related training can temporarily take work-minded men out of

the workforce. It’s critical to make adjustments for these factors

to get a meaningful sense of the true falloff in paid employment

for men in modern America.

6 1 2

Men without Work

Ratio,

.

1967–2015

Employment-to-Population

Annual

20–64,

Adjusted

Males

http://data.bls.gov/pdq/querytool.jsp?survey-ln

U.S.

2016,

17,

Age-Structure 2.

May

on

Figure

retrieved

Source: “Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey,” 20+ LNS12300025, 64+ LNU02300199, Bureau of Labor Statistics,

6 1 3

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

Unfortunately, making these adjustments is not such a

straightforward task. Statistics on training are notoriously

limited, inconsistent, and contradictory.15 Numbers on formal

education can also be problematic. Nevertheless, by 2014 (the

latest figures available), nearly a million more men in their

early twenties were in school than would have been the case

with 1965 enrollment ratios.16 For men twenty-five to sixty-

four, the corresponding number exceeded 1.6 million.17 These

numbers suggest that at least 2.5 million more adult men were

in education or training in 2014 than in 1965.

Of course, not all of these men would have been out of work

pursuing work-related education or training. It’s actually quite

the contrary. The overwhelming majority of adult male job train-

ees appear to be job holders already. That is the nature of job-

related training. As for formal education, most men of all adult

ages enrolled in formal schooling are also in the workforce. They

are typically part-time student workers or part-time working stu-

dents. In 2014, according to Current Population Survey (CPS)

data from the Census Bureau, 55 percent of all men twenty and

older enrolled in schooling were simultaneously working paid

jobs. The same was true for nearly 70 percent of men twenty-five

to fifty-four years of age.18 So the real question becomes what

proportion of the additional men in school or training were out

of the workforce because they were in school or training.

Roughly speaking, CPS data indicate that adult schooling

per se is currently taking about a million more working-age

men out of the paid workforce today than would have been

the case if the twenty-plus population conformed to 1965-era

enrollment ratios.19 (Not all of this schooling is directly or even

indirectly employment related.) If we deduct this million from

the 10.5 million figure above, the “corrected” total for 2015

would be approximately 9.5 million.

6 1 4

Men without Work

.

Population

Male

Adjusted)

www.bls.gov/data

2016,

(25–54)

21,

(Seasonally

June

on

Prime-Age

retrieved

1948–2016

Statistics,

States

Labor of

Noninstitutional

United

Bureau

Civilian

of

Employment:

LNU00000061,

Paid

Population

Percentage 3. without

Figure

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey,” Employed LNS12000061, Civilian Noninstitutional

6 1 5

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

In sum, even after (generously) adjusting for today’s demand-

ing regimen of adult schooling and training, the net “jobs deficit”

in 2015 for men twenty to sixty-four in relation to 1965-era work

patterns would come out to a number approaching 10 million.

The implied employment deficit works out to around 1.2 million

for men in their early twenties and about 5.5 million for prime-

age men twenty-five to fifty-four, with the remainder being men

in their late fifties and early sixties.

If 1965-style employment patterns applied today, an addi- 25

tional 10-plus percent of America’s civilian noninstitutional

male population between the ages of twenty and sixty-five

would have been working and earning a paycheck in 2015, even

after taking educational expansion into account. We would

also have about 10 percent more men at work in the prime-age

years than we do today.

Romans used the word “decimation” to describe the loss of

a tenth of a given unit of men. The United States has suffered

something akin to a decimation of its male workforce over the

past fifty years. This disturbing situation is our “new normal.”

No less disturbing is the fact that the general public and politi-

cal elites have uncritically accepted this American decimation

as today’s “new normal.”

Today’s received wisdom holds that the United States is now

at or near “full employment.” An alternative view would hold

that, by not-so-distant historic standards, the nation today is

short of full employment by nearly 10 million male workers (to

say nothing of the additional current “jobs deficit” for women).

Unlike the dead soldiers in Roman antiquity, our decimated

men still live and walk among us, though in an existence with-

out productive economic purpose. We might say those many

millions of men without work constitute a sort of invisible army,

ghost soldiers lost in an overlooked, modern-day depression.

6 1 6

Men without Work

Notes

1. Joe Weisenthal, “The Jobless Numbers Aren’t Just Good, They’re

Great,” Bloomberg video, 1:21, August 6, 2015, http://www.bloomberg.com/

news/videos/2015-08-06/the-jobless-numbers-aren-t-just-good-they-re-great.

2. Ben Casselman, “The Jobs Report Is Even Better Than It Looks,” Five

ThirtyEight, November 6, 2015, http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-jobs

-report-is-even-better-than-it-looks/.

3. Greg Ip, “Healthy Job Market at Odds with Global Gloom,” Wall Street

Journal, March 30, 2016, http://www.wsj.com/articles/healthy-job-market-at

-odds-with-global-gloom-1459357330

4. Nelson D. Schwartz, “The Recovery’s Two Sides,” New York Times, April

28, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/29/business/economy/us- economy-

gdp-q1-growth.html?_r=0.

5. Bourree Lam, “June’s Super Jobs Report,” Atlantic Monthly, July 8, 2016,

http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/07/june-jobs- report/490466/.

6. Ben Bernanke, “How the Fed Saved the Economy,” Brookings, October 4,

2015, https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/how-the-fed-saved-the-economy/.

7. Martin Feldstein, “The U.S. Economy Is in Good Shape,” Wall Street

Journal, February 21, 2016, http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-u-s-economy-is- in

-good-shape-1456097121.

8. Jana Raindow, Christopher Condon, and Matthew Boesler, “Yellen Says

U.S. Near Full Employment, Some Slack Remains,” Bloomberg, April 7, 2016,

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-04-07/yellen-says-u-s-close-to

-full-employment-some-slack-remains.

9. Note that the workforce is officially defined as the sixteen-plus popula-

tion (more or less the age you legally can get out of school); historically it was

the fourteen-plus population. In this study, I use three measures for working

age population: twenty-plus, twenty–to–sixty-four, and the “prime working”

ages of twenty-five–to–fifty-four.

10. While the U.S. Great Depression is conventionally dated as lasting from

1929 to 1939, in part to concord with the eruption of World War II that ended any

peacetime economic slumps besetting European powers, unemployment data sug-

gest that the effects of the Depression continued on into 1940 and 1941— indeed

almost to our entry into that same conflict. According to the nascent test run of

the present CPS, which began producing its first estimates of the U.S. employ-

ment situation in March 1940, the U.S. unemployment rate averaged nearly 11.5

percent of the civilian labor force for the first half of 1941—a higher level than ever

6 1 7

N I c H O l A S E b E R S T A D T

recorded for any single month in postwar American history. As of April 12, 1941,

according to these figures, the civilian unemployment rate was over 12 percent.

See “Unemployment Rate for United States,” FRED Economic Data, last modified

August 17, 2012, https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/M0892BUSM156S-

NBR, and “Civilian Unemployment Rate,” FRED Economic Data, last modified August 5, 2016, https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/UNRATENSA.

11. Initial CPS estimates for 1940 placed the civilian unemployment rate at

an average of 14.6 percent for the months it covered. The 1940 population cen-

sus put the civilian unemployment rate at 15.2 percent (see “Unemployment

Rate for United States,” FRED Economic Data, last modified August 17, 2012,

https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/M0892BUSM156SNBR; “Census of

Population and Housing,” vol. 3, part 1, chapter 1, table 2, U.S. Census Bureau,

http://www.census.gov/prod/www/decennial.html#y1940popv3.

12. Linda Levine, “The Labor Market during the Great Depression and the

Current Recession,” Congressional Research Service, last modified June 19,

2009, http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc26169/m1/1/high_res_d/

R40655_2009Jun19.pdf.

13. John E. Bregger, “The Current Population Survey: A Historical Perspec-

tive and BLS’ Role,” Monthly Labor Review (June 1984): 8–14. http://www.bls.

gov/opub/mlr/1984/06/art2full.pdf.

14. Note, incidentally, that our current decade’s level is four percentage

points higher than the corresponding estimate for prime-age men from the

1940 census—and the current decade’s work rate for men twenty to sixty-four

is over two points lower than for their counterparts back in 1940. Our current

decade’s work rates would look even worse if we compared them instead to the

levels reported in the 1930 census.

15. This is calculated on the ten-year cohort of twenty-five to sixty-four

and the five-year cohort of twenty to twenty-four.

16. Robert Zemsky and Daniel Shapiro, “On Measuring a Mirage: Why

U.S. Training Numbers Don’t Add Up” (working paper, National Center on

the Educational Quality of the Workforce, Washington, DC), http://files.eric

.ed.gov/fulltext/ED372191.pdf.

17. Derived from “CPS Historical Time Series Tables on School Enrollment,”

U.S. Census Bureau, http://www.census.gov/hhes/school/data/cps/historical/.

18. According to the Census Bureau CPS data, the matrix of school enroll-

ment and employment for men twenty and older in the United States in 2014

looked like this:

6 1 8

Men without Work

Discouraged

Age

Total

Employed

Unemployed

NILF*

Other NILF

20+

7,028,145 3,884,208

257,545

39,641

2,846,751

20–24 4,045,022 1,841,584

126,263

27,258

2,049,918

25–54 2,847,750 1,970,127

129,208

12,383

736,032

55–64 103,634 57,518

2,074

0

44,042

65+

31,739 14,979

0

0

16,760

Derived by Alex Coblin of the American Enterprise Institute from the October 2014 CPS

microdata especially for this study. *Not in labor force.

19. And not all of this schooling is directly or even indirectly employ-

ment related.

Joining the Conversation

1. Nicholas Eberstadt examined data from a variety of sources

to compare the percentage of employed adult men at dif-

ferent periods in US history, from the 1930s to the present.

What did he find out?

2. Examine one of the charts in this essay and how Eberstadt

explains its meaning and significance. What, if anything,

would you change about the chart and his explanation to

help you and other readers understand the data?

3. Eberstadt uses several connecting words to transition from one

sentence to another. Find some examples of these words and

make a list. Using the categories on pp. 105–06, categorize

each word by its function (addition, elaboration, and so on).

4. J. D. Vance writes of the economic decline he has witnessed

in his own community in Hillbilly Elegy (pp. 251–68). How

do you think Vance would respond to Eberstadt’s report?

5. Write an essay about the current conditions of men in the

United States, drawing on Eberstadt’s argument as well as two

other readings of your choice in the book.

6 1 9

TWENTY

what’s there to eat?

H

If much of what we read about food is what to eat

and what not to eat—and why—for some people living in the

United States, the question is a little different: what’s there

to eat, if anything? It might be surprising that in a country

which, according to the United States Department of Agri-

culture (USDA), wastes billions of pounds of food each year,

there are people who don’t have regular access to food and who

are often hungry. But food security, which the USDA defines as

“access by all people at all times to enough food for an active,

healthy life,” is hard to obtain for many children and adults.

The readings in this chapter offer a variety of perspectives on

what to eat, but also on food access, especially as it relates to

health, education, government, and business.

How to treat illnesses associated with unhealthy diets con-

tinues to be a topic of debate among civic leaders, public health

experts, politicians, and citizens. Some believe the government

should step in to ensure that healthy foods are available for all

people living in the United States, to educate people about

their options, and to increase taxes on or even to outlaw the

most unhealthy items. Meanwhile, many civil libertarians, food

and drink producers, and those who enjoy these unhealthy

items strongly oppose such efforts.

6 2 1

W H A T S H O U L D W E E A T ?

On the issue of government intervention versus personal

responsibility, David Zinczenko blames the fast-food industry

for the growing rate of obesity in the United States and argues

that the government should regulate this industry. In contrast,

the libertarian commentator Radley Balko argues that what we

eat should remain a matter of personal responsibility and that

staying trim should depend not on government intervention

but on individual willpower.

Other readings focus on efforts to improve people’s diet and

routines, and how the marketing and research efforts of food

companies affect what we eat. Author and food activist Michael

Pollan outlines his rationale for ending our reliance on pro-

cessed foods and moving to a diet of more organic food, espe-

cially vegetables. College student Mary Maxfield challenges

the assumption that overeating is a social problem that needs

to be fixed and suggests that Michael Pollan and other crit-

ics exaggerate its dangers. Michael Moss, while sympathetic to

Pollan’s endorsement of healthy eating, looks at ways in which

fast food companies’ research on the taste, texture, smell, and

packaging of food makes their products extremely difficult to

resist. And journalist David H. Freedman argues that advocates

of a healthy diet, such as Pollan, should not consider fast food

the enemy, but instead should encourage fast food companies

to make their products healthier, an effort that in some cases

is already proving effective.

Other writers in this chapter examine the relationship

between food and one’s environment, and food access gener-

ally. Olga Khazan examines one nonprofit’s program to supply

convenience stores in Washington, D.C. with low-cost, healthy

fruits and vegetables, with the goal of improving the diets of res-

idents who live far from a large supermarket. In a research study,

Sara Goldrick-Rab, Katherine Broton, and Emily Brunjes Colo

6 2 2

What Should We Eat?

show that a growing number of college students rely on food

pantries for their meals and are unable to focus on their studies

because they do not have regular access to food. The authors

propose expanding the federal school lunch program to include

colleges in addition to elementary and high schools.

So read on for a wide range of opinions on food and eating

in the United States. You’ll likely find plenty to agree with, and

just as much to disagree with. Whatever your point of view, the

pieces in this chapter will challenge you to see what others are

saying, to think about what you believe and why—and then to

add your own voice to the conversation.

You’ll find even more readings on theysayiblog.com, along with a space where you can respond with what you think—and

literally add your own voice to the conversation.

6 2 3

Escape from the Western Diet

m i c h a e l p o l l a n

H

The undertow of nutritionism is powerful… . Much

nutrition science qualifies as reductionist science, focusing as

it does on individual nutrients (such as certain fats or carbo-

hydrates or antioxidants) rather than on whole foods or dietary

patterns… . But using this sort of science to try to figure out

what’s wrong with the Western diet is probably unavoidable.

However imperfect, it’s the sharpest experimental and explana-

tory tool we have. It also satisfies our hunger for a simple,

one-nutrient explanation. Yet it’s one thing to entertain such

explanations and quite another to mistake them for the whole

truth or to let any one of them dictate the way you eat.

[And] many of the scientific theories put forward to account

for exactly what in the Western diet is responsible for Western

diseases conflict with one another. The lipid hypothesis cannot

Michael Pollan has written many books on food and eating,

including The Omnivore’s Dilemma: A Natural History of Four Meals

(2006), Food Rules: An Eater’s Manual (2010), Cooked: A Natural

History of Transformation (2013), and In Defense of Food: An Eater’s

Manifesto (2008), from which this essay was excerpted. He was named

one of Time magazine’s top 100 Most Influential People in 2010 and

teaches at the University of California at Berkeley.

6 2 4

Escape from the Western Diet

be reconciled with the carbohydrate hypothesis, and the theory

that a deficiency of omega-3 fatty acids (call it the neolipid

hypothesis) is chiefly to blame for chronic illness is at odds with

the theory that refined carbohydrates are the key. And while

everyone can agree that the flood of refined carbohydrates has

pushed important micronutrients out of the modern diet, the

scientists who blame our health problems on deficiencies of

these micro nutrients are not the same scientists who see a sugar-

soaked diet leading to metabolic syndrome and from there to

diabetes, heart disease, and cancer. It is only natural for sci-

entists no less than the rest of us to gravitate toward a single,

all-encompassing explanation. That is probably why you now

find some of the most fervent critics of the lipid hypothesis

embracing the carbohydrate hypothesis with the same absolut-

ist zeal that they once condemned in the Fat Boys. In the course

of my own research into these theories, I have been specifically

warned by scientists allied with the carbohydrate camp not to

“fall under the spell of the omega-3 cult.” Cult? There is a lot

more religion in science than you might expect.

See

So here we find ourselves … lost at sea amid the

pp. 83–85

for tips on

cross-currents of conflicting science.

introducing

objections

Or do we?

informally.

Because it turns out we don’t need to declare our allegiance 5

to any one of these schools of thought in order to figure out

how best to eat. In the end, they are only theories, scientific

explanations for an empirical phenomenon that is not itself in

doubt: People eating a Western diet are prone to a complex of

chronic diseases that seldom strike people eating more tradi-

tional diets. Scientists can argue all they want about the bio-

logical mechanisms behind this phenomenon, but whichever

it is, the solution to the problem would appear to remain very

much the same: Stop eating a Western diet.

6 2 5

m i c H A E L p O L L A n

In truth the chief value of any and all theories of nutrition,

apart from satisfying our curiosity about how things work, is

not to the eater so much as it is to the food industry and the

medical community. The food industry needs theories so it can

better redesign specific processed foods; a new theory means a

new line of products, allowing the industry to go on tweaking

the Western diet instead of making any more radical change to

its business model. For the industry it’s obviously preferable to

have a scientific rationale for further processing foods—whether

by lowering the fat or carbs or by boosting omega-3s or fortify-

ing them with antioxidants and probiotics—than to entertain

seriously the proposition that processed foods of any kind are

a big part of the problem.

For the medical community too scientific theories about diet

nourish business as usual. New theories beget new drugs to treat

diabetes, high blood pressure, and cholesterol; new treatments

and procedures to ameliorate chronic diseases; and new diets

organized around each new theory’s elevation of one class of

nutrient and demotion of another. Much lip service is paid to

the importance of prevention, but the health care industry,

being an industry, stands to profit more handsomely from new

drugs and procedures to treat chronic diseases than it does from

a wholesale change in the way people eat. Cynical? Perhaps.

You could argue that the medical community’s willingness to

treat the broad contours of the Western diet as a given is a

reflection of its realism rather than its greed. “People don’t

want to go there,” as Walter Willett responded to the critic

who asked him why the Nurses’ Health Study didn’t study the

benefits of more alternative diets. Still, medicalizing the whole

problem of the Western diet instead of working to overturn it

(whether at the level of the patient or politics) is exactly what

you’d expect from a health care community that is sympathetic

6 2 6

Escape from the Western Diet

to nutritionism as a matter of temperament, philosophy, and

economics. You would not expect such a medical community

to be sensitive to the cultural or ecological dimensions of the

food problem—and it isn’t. We’ll know this has changed when

doctors kick the fast-food franchises out of the hospitals.

So what would a more ecological or cultural approach to the

food problem counsel us? How might we plot our escape from

nutritionism and, in turn, from the most harmful effects of the

Western diet? To Denis Burkitt, the English doctor stationed

in Africa during World War II who gave the Western diseases

their name, the answer seemed straightforward, if daunting.

“The only way we’re going reduce disease,” he said, “is to go

backwards to the diet and lifestyle of our ancestors.” This sounds

uncomfortably like the approach of the diabetic Aborigines

who went back to the bush to heal themselves. But I don’t

think this is what Burkitt had in mind; even if it was, it is

not a very attractive or practical strategy for most of us. No,

the challenge we face today is figuring out how to escape the

worst elements of the Western diet and lifestyle without going

back to the bush.

In theory, nothing could be simpler: To escape the Western

diet and the ideology of nutritionism, we have only to stop

eating and thinking that way. But this is harder to do in prac-

tice, given the treacherous food environment we now inhabit

and the loss of cultural tools to guide us through it. Take the

question of whole versus processed foods, presumably one of

the simpler distinctions between modern industrial foods and

older kinds. Gyorgy Scrinis, who coined the term “nutrition-

ism,” suggests that the most important fact about any food is not

its nutrient content but its degree of processing. He writes that

“whole foods and industrial foods are the only two food groups

I’d consider including in any useful food ‘pyramid.’ ” In other

6 2 7

m i c H A E L p O L L A n

words, instead of worrying about nutrients, we should simply

avoid any food that has been processed to such an extent that

it is more the product of industry than of nature.

This sounds like a sensible rule of thumb until you real- 10

ize that industrial processes have by now invaded many whole

foods too. Is a steak from a feedlot steer that consumed a diet

of corn, various industrial waste products, antibiotics, and hor-

mones still a “whole food”? I’m not so sure. The steer has itself

been raised on a Western diet, and that diet has rendered its

meat substantially different—in the type and amount of fat in

it as well as its vitamin content—from the beef our ancestors

ate. The steer’s industrial upbringing has also rendered its meat

so cheap that we’re likely to eat more of it more often than our

ancestors ever would have. This suggests yet another sense in

which this beef has become an industrial food: It is designed

to be eaten industrially too—as fast food.

So plotting our way out of the Western diet is not going

to be simple. Yet I am convinced that it can be done, and

in the course of my research, I have collected and devel-

oped some straightforward (and distinctly unscientific) rules

of thumb, or personal eating policies, that might at least point

us in the right direction. They don’t say much about specific

foods—about what sort of oil to cook with or whether you

should eat meat. They don’t have much to say about nutrients

or calories, either, though eating according to these rules

will perforce change the balance of nutrients and amount of

calories in your diet. I’m not interested in dictating anyone’s

menu, but rather in developing what I think of as eating

algorithms—mental programs that, if you run them when

you’re shopping for food or deciding on a meal, will produce

a great many different dinners, all of them “healthy” in the

broadest sense of that word.

6 2 8

Escape from the Western Diet

And our sense of that word stands in need of some broaden-

ing. When most of us think about food and health, we think

in fairly narrow nutritionist terms—about our personal physi-

cal health and how the ingestion of this particular nutrient or

rejection of that affects it. But I no longer think it’s possible to

separate our bodily health from the health of the environment

from which we eat or the environment in which we eat or, for

that matter, from the health of our general outlook about food

(and health). If my explorations of the food chain have taught

me anything, it’s that it is a food chain, and all the links in it

are in fact linked: the health of the soil to the health of the

plants and animals we eat to the health of the food culture

in which we eat them to the health of the eater, in body as

well as mind. [So you will find rules here] concerning not only

what to eat but also how to eat it as well as how that food is

produced. Food consists not just in piles of chemicals; it also

comprises a set of social and ecological relationships, reaching

back to the land and outward to other people. Some of these

rules may strike you as having nothing whatever to do with

health; in fact they do.

Many of the policies will also strike you as involving more

work—and in fact they do. If there is one important sense in

which we do need to heed Burkitt’s call to “go backwards”

or follow the Aborigines back into the bush, it is this one:

In order to eat well we need to invest more time, effort, and

resources in providing for our sustenance, to dust off a word,

than most of us do today. A hallmark of the Western diet is

food that is fast, cheap, and easy. Americans spend less than

10 percent of their income on food; they also spend less than

a half hour a day preparing meals and little more than an hour

enjoying them.1 For most people for most of history, gathering

and preparing food has been an occupation at the very heart

6 2 9

m i c H A E L p O L L A n

of daily life. Traditionally people have allocated a far greater

proportion of their income to food—as they still do in several

of the countries where people eat better than we do and as a

consequence are healthier than we are.2 Here, then, is one way

in which we would do well to go a little native: backward, or

perhaps it is forward, to a time and place where the gathering

and preparing and enjoying of food were closer to the center

of a well-lived life.

[I’d like to propose] three rules—“Eat food. Not too much. Mostly

plants. ”—that I now need to unpack, providing some elabora-

tion and refinement in the form of more specific guidelines,

injunctions, subclauses, and the like. Each of these three main

rules can serve as category headings for a set of personal policies

to guide us in our eating choices without too much trouble or

thought. The idea behind having a simple policy like “avoid

foods that make health claims” is to make the process simpler

and more pleasurable than trying to eat by the numbers and

nutrients, as nutritionism encourages us to do.

So under “Eat Food,” I propose some practical ways to 15

separate, and defend, real food from the cascade of foodlike

products that now surround and confound us, especially in the

supermarket. Many of the tips under this rubric concern shop-

ping and take the form of filters that should help keep out the

sort of products you want to avoid. Under “Mostly Plants,” I’ll

dwell more specifically, and affirmatively, on the best types of

foods (not nutrients) to eat. Lest you worry, there is, as the

adverb suggests, more to this list than fruits and vegetables.

Last, under “Not Too Much,” the focus shifts from the foods

themselves to the question of how to eat them—the manners,

mores, and habits that go into creating a healthy, and pleasing,

culture of eating.

6 3 0

Escape from the Western Diet

Notes

1. David M. Cutler, et al., “Why Have Americans Become More Obese?,”

Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Summer, 2003), pp. 93– 118. In

1995 Americans spent twenty-seven minutes preparing meals and four minutes

cleaning up after them; in 1965 the figure was forty-four minutes of prepara-

tion and twenty-one minutes of cleanup. Total time spent eating has dropped

from sixty-nine minutes to sixty-five, all of which suggests a trend toward

prepackaged meals.

2. Compared to the 9.9 percent of their income Americans spend on food,

the Italians spend 14.9 percent, the French 14.9 percent, and the Spanish

17.1 percent.

Joining the Conversation

1. What does Michael Pollan mean when he refers to the

“Western diet”? Why does he believe Americans need to

“escape” from it?

2. Pollan begins with a “they say,” citing a variety of scientific

theories known as nutritionism. Summarize his response to

these views. What is his objection to such views, and to the

business and research interests that promote them?

3. If Pollan were to read Mary Maxfield’s response to this article

(pp. 641–46), how might he, in turn, respond to her?

4. It’s likely that Pollan favors (and shops at) local farmers’

markets. Go to theysayiblog.com and search for “Mark

Bittman on Farmers’ Markets.” What does he say about

them: who, according to Bittman, do they most benefit?

5.

Write an essay that begins where Pollan’s piece ends,

perhaps by quoting from paragraph 14: “Eat food. Not too

much. Mostly plants. ” You’ll need to explain his argument,

and then respond with your own views.

6 3 1

Why Don’t Convenience Stores

Sell Better Food?

o l g a k h a z a n

H

New programs aim to put more produce in corner stores in order

to improve the health of low-income communities. Will it work?

At a small corner store in northeast Washington, Nola

Liu, a community-outreach officer with the D.C. Central

Kitchen, whirled around a deli case with a clipboard in hand,

passing out a recipe for cinnamon pear crisps to anyone who

would take it.

She thrust a card at a man in a blue knit hat who was on

his way out.

Olga Khazan is a writer for the Atlantic, where she covers health,

gender, and science. She has also contributed to the Washington Post,

Los Angeles Times, and Forbes. In 2014 Khazan was named one of the

ten best science writers by RealClearScience, a website that aggregates

and produces articles on “science stories from around the globe.” In

2013 Foreign Policy magazine put her on its list of the top one hundred

“Twitterati”; follow her @olgakhazan. This essay first appeared in the

March 2, 2015, issue of the Atlantic.

6 3 2

Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?

“Are you gonna make it for me?” he asked.

“No, you have to make it yourself,” she responded.

“I’m not much of a baker,” he said, and walked out.

5

Fresh pears are a relatively new arrival at this store, which is

called Thomas & Sons. Just a few months ago, the extent of

its produce selection was a small refrigerated case holding a few

forlorn fruits and onions, all going at a premium. The owner,

Jae Chung, was reluctant to stock things like tomatoes, which

would often go bad while they lingered on the shelves.

Now, a brand-new refrigerated vegetable case sits front and

center amid all the beer and bulletproof glass. (“I have some

unruly customers,” Chung explains.) Inside are apples, lemons,

limes, and grapes packaged neatly in plastic containers. Addi-

tional baskets hold potatoes and bananas. The case was provided

by the D.C. Central Kitchen as part of their Healthy Corners

program, which seeks to expand the fruit and vegetable offerings

in corner stores across the District.

The Healthy Corners fridge at Thomas & Sons.

6 3 3

O L g A k H A z A n

Not only did the nonprofit give Chung the fridge for free, it

will also replace any items that go bad at no extra cost. They

sell the greens to him for cheap, too. Chung says before, he

had to buy his fresh produce stock at Costco and pick it up

himself. After he added in his markup, a tomato at Thomas

& Sons would sell for about $2.50. Now, it’s more like $1 to

$1.50—on par with what someone might pay for a bag of chips

or package of donuts. (At Walmart, a pack of four tomatoes

goes for $2.48, or about 60 cents per tomato.)

Nearly every city has neighborhoods that suffer from a lack 10

of access to cheap, easy, and healthful options, and Washington,

D.C. is no exception. Tiny, independent corner stores—the kind

that have wall-to-wall beverage cases, rows of brightly-packaged

junk food, and just one or two cash registers—are crammed into

every nook of the city. They’re an essential part of the food land-

scape, providing everything from make-do lunch fare for construc-

tion workers to emergency beer for hipsters on their way to house

parties. According to the D.C. Central Kitchen’s calculations,

88 percent of food retailers in the District sell mostly junk food or

processed food. Two hundred thousand of the District’s residents

live in an area where the closest grocery store is three times further

away than the closest fast-food or convenience store.

One solution is to lure more large grocery stores to these so-

called “food deserts.” But it’s often much easier, some advocates

argue, to simply get the ubiquitous corner stores to start selling

healthier food.

Size is the main reason most American corner and conve-

nience stores don’t stock very many fruits and vegetables. Many

food distributors require a minimum order—say 250 apples—for

a delivery. That’s easy for places like Safeway or Giant, but it’s

harder for small shops that sell maybe two dozen apples each

week. Corner-store owners who do opt to sell produce end up

6 3 4

Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?

buying it at prices similar to those regular consumers pay. On

top of that, produce requires refrigeration, which adds to the cost

for store owners. And unlike Cheetos or Oreos, vegetables rot.

The Healthy Corners program has lowered most of these hur-

dles. The D.C. Central Kitchen already owned a fleet of trucks

that it used for food deliveries to homeless shelters and transi-

tional homes. In 2011, the organization realized it could use the

same drivers to bring produce to local corner shops. Because it

serves many different types of facilities, the Kitchen has substan-

tial buying power: It’s more akin to a large restaurant than a tiny

retailer. That, combined with its strategy of buying from local

farms and seeking philanthropic grants, helps drive down prices.

“We buy product that’s aesthetically or geometrically chal-

lenged,” says the organization’s chief executive officer, Mike

Curtin. Some of it is produce that’s “the wrong shape or size to

fit in the right box to fit in the right truck to fit in bins in the

grocery store that are organized by size.” But it’s still perfectly

good—and corner-store owners were happy to have it.

The Healthy Corners program targets areas where there is not 15

a full-service grocery store within a quarter-mile. In addition to

promoting fruit and veggie recipes in the stores, D.C. Central

Kitchen staffers have also held cooking demonstrations and doled

out free samples. It’s not enough, store owners told me, to simply

install a produce fridge and expect the community to flock.

There are now 67 such Healthy Corners in D.C., most of

which are in lower-income neighborhoods. According to the

nonprofit’s own numbers, the corner stores in the program sold

more than 140,000 pieces of produce within the past 10 months,

up from about 17,000 in the seven-month period between

September 2011 and April 2012.

The organization says it wants to help grow these types of pro-

grams in other cities. It recently consulted on a similar project

6 3 5

O L g A k H A z A n

in Rochester, New York. Separate initiatives focusing on corner

stores have sprouted up in Chicago, Manhattan, and Denver.

See pp. 25–27

The idea that food deserts, or even insufficient pro-

for ways to

introduce

duce intake, are a cause of obesity has come under fire

an ongoing

recently. One study in Health Affairs last year found

debate.

that when a new grocery store opened up in a food

desert in Philadelphia, neither locals’ weight nor their diets

changed. Roland Sturm, an economist with the RAND Cor-

poration, wrote a paper (which I covered when it came out)

about how people of all incomes now eat about 30 pounds

more vegetables and fruit annually than they did in 1970.

Obesity rates have worsened all the while.

People still rely on corner shops primarily for household

essentials, like toilet paper, or for a filling meal they can eat on

the run. Chung says that occasionally parents thank him for

providing fruit as an after-school snack option. Still, “customers’

behavior hasn’t really changed at this point,” he says.

At Thomas & Sons, one man plopped a 12-pack of Yuengling 20

on the counter and announced to the cashier, “I ain’t working

today, so I’m going to drink.” At Wheeler Market, another

Healthy Corners store, some customers eyed the fridge full of

fruit before grabbing a package of donuts.

“This is not going to end obesity, or diabetes. It’s naive to

think that’s the case,” Curtin says. “People will avail themselves

of this food, but are they still going to eat junk food? Sure.”

But perhaps reducing obesity shouldn’t be the goal, or at

least not an immediate one. Other than weight loss, there

are plenty of advantages of eating well, like preventing some

forms of cancer. And even produce-heavy, organic grocery

stores still sell brownies. (Curtin points out that no one would

6 3 6

Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?

say, “Oh, we shouldn’t open up a Whole Foods in McLean

[a wealthy D.C. suburb], because people are still going to

buy chips.”)

The Healthy Corners do seem to resemble a European style

of grocery shopping that some public-health advocates extoll.

Rather than pack up the family and head to Kroger every Satur-

day, returning with a trunk full of Teddy Grahams and assorted

meats, many Europeans buy their produce on the way home

from work from the dozens of small green-grocers that dot their

street corners. These independent merchants—many of them

recent immigrants—wedge their stores into the bottom floors

of larger buildings, their melons and squashes stacked neatly in

blue bins on the sidewalk.

Jaap Seidell, an obesity expert at Vrije Universiteit Amster-

dam, said these small vegetable shops, which have proliferated

across both large and small towns in Europe, offer a great deal

of variety at prices that are even lower than those of grocery

stores. They don’t seem to run into the same distribution and

cost issues that their American counterparts struggle with. “It’s

in season, they don’t have to store it for a long time, they don’t

have to cool it, and there’s a lot of demand for it,” Seidell says.

“There’s a lot less cost and waste involved.”

Of course, the Dutch way of life makes on-the-fly veggie 25

shopping easier. Big grocery-store runs aren’t very practical any-

way, Seidell notes, because almost everyone bikes or walks to

work. Most Dutch women work part-time, so they have ample

time to procure and cook fresh food.

In the Netherlands, he says, “It has always been like this:

you have butchers, bakers, and the vegetable farmer.”

Curtin says the success or failure of Healthy Corners will not

hinge on whether “we put vegetables in 67 corner stores, and

6 3 7

O L g A k H A z A n

Woldeabzghi (in the white sweater) entertains customers at Wheeler Market.

some people are still fat.” It’s about allowing people to decide

what kind of diet they’d like to have.

Muller Woldeabzghi, the owner of Wheeler Market in south-

east D.C., says he sells maybe 10 to 20 pieces of the Healthy

Corners produce each day, accounting for about 10 percent of

his sales. He said some customers come to Wheeler instead of

the Giant, which is one and a half miles away, because they

lack transportation, but others simply like the shop’s commu-

nity feel. It’s “a neighborhood feeling,” he says. “They want to

support us, we want to support them.”

When I asked one Wheeler shopper what he thought of the

fridge, he seemed skeptical. “Why would someone go to the

corner store for produce?” one man said on his way out. “Why

wouldn’t they go to the market?”

Several other customers I spoke with, though, seemed to 30

take a more Dutch view.

6 3 8

Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?

“It’s convenient,” said Laray Winn, who lives in the neigh-

borhood. “You can make it here in an emergency and get what-

ever you need.”

Demetrius Cain, who lives across the street, says his 6-year-

old son is also a fan. Sometimes when he’s bored, the boy runs

over and comes home with a still-chilled apple. It’s not exactly

a revolution, but at least it’s not a Twinkie.

Joining the Conversation

1. Olga Khazan writes about a Washington, D.C. program

that brings fresh fruits and vegetables to “food deserts”

(paragraph 11). In what ways does the program seem to be

succeeding? In what ways does it not?

2. While accepting the premise that increasing the consump-

tion of healthy fruits and vegetables is good for people,

Khazan also anticipates potential objections to her argu-

ment. Does she introduce these views fairly? What, if

anything, do these views contribute to the essay?

3. Khazan does not include any metacommentary explaining to

readers the larger point of her essay. Looking at the templates

on pages 137–39, choose a few that you think could help

Khazan elaborate on what she has written.

4. Khazan quotes Mike Curtin, who says of the Healthy

Corners program, “This is not going to end obesity, or

diabetes. It’s naive to think that’s the case. People will

avail themselves of this food, but are they still going to eat

junk food? Sure.” How might Michael Pollan (pp. 624–31)

respond to Curtin?

6 3 9

O L g A k H A z A n

5. Visit a small grocery store and examine the foods there. Write

an essay comparing the healthy and unhealthy items in terms

of factors you find significant (price, calories, ingredients,

packaging, location in the store, or something else).

6 4 0

Food as Thought:

Resisting the Moralization of Eating

m a r y m a x f i e l d

H

How do French people eat so unhealthily—famously

indulging in cheese, cream, and wine—but stay, on average,

healthier than Americans? Journalist Michael Pollan offers

readers a simple solution: quit obsessing over this French

paradox and start obsessing over the french fry. Pointing

to what he considers the American paradox—“a notably

unhealthy population preoccupied with … the idea of eating

healthy” (9)—Pollan contends that our definition of healthy

eating is driven by a well-funded corporate machine. According

to Pollan, the food industry, along with nutrition science and

journalism, is capitalizing on our confusion over how to eat.

Mary Maxfield is a PhD student in American Studies at Saint

Louis University. She has a masters degree from Bowling Green State,

University and a bachelors degree from Fontbonne University. Her

academic interests include bodies, gender, sexuality, politics, and

rhetoric, and her work has appeared in Feminist Media Studies, an

academic journal that engages with “feminist issues and debates in

media and communication.” Read her blog at missmarymax.wordpress

.com, or follow her on Twitter @missmarymax.

6 4 1

m A r y m A x f i E L D

While Pollan implicates his own profession in this critique,

he simultaneously contributes to our cultural anxiety over food.

The same critic who argues that “any and all theories of nutri-

tion [serve] not the eater [but] the food industry,” nevertheless

proposes his own theory: the elimination of processed foods

(141). Likewise, even after noting that the connections between

diet and health that we take as gospel apparently aren’t, Pollan

nevertheless adheres to contemporary common-sense science,

making assumptions about diet, health, and weight that under-

pin the very food industry he critiques.

Thus as he attempts to dismantle one paradox, Pollan

embodies another: he’s a critic of nutrition and food science

who nevertheless bolsters the American investment in those

industries. After publishing In Defense of Food (and its equally

successful predecessor, The Omnivore’s Dilemma), Pollan

See

pp. 33–38 for

released Food Rules, a pocket-sized manual for better

tips on how

to summarize

eating. Of course, Pollan contends that his guidelines

and know

where you’re

function differently than the prescriptions (and pro-

going.

scriptions) of food scientists, because his rules function

as “eating algorithms” that “produce many different dinners”

(144) rather than specifying a concrete menu. Yet no matter

how many meals fit Pollan’s formula—“Eat food, not too much,

mostly plants” (1)—it remains a dictate provided by an expert

to those who apparently can’t properly nourish themselves.

Pollan and other like-minded nutrition hawks consistently

back up their claims with concerns over American health.

Although acknowledging that eating primarily for health rep-

resents a departure from the historical purpose of food—fuel

for our bodies—these gastronomical philosophers nevertheless

position themselves as protectors of health. Americans need

this protection, we are told, because we’re a nation stricken

by heart disease, diabetes, and cancer. According to this line

6 4 2

Food as Thought: Resisting the Moralization of Eating

of thought, each of these maladies is tied to our diet and essen-

tially to our weight. As a culture, we no longer discuss healthy

eating without also discussing unhealthy weights. Linking

nutrition and body type, voices like Pollan’s warn us against

eating too much—often without any parallel warnings against

eating too little. Pollan himself insists that overeating consti-

tutes “the greatest threat” to our survival (7), and our govern-

ment concurs, pouring resources into a fight against the obesity

epidemic, that plague of fatness that supposedly threatens our

national health.

The problem is that our understanding of health is as based 5

in culture as it is in fact. Despite some doubt in academic

circles over connections between diet, health, and weight,

common-sense reportage continues to presume that they are

directly connected. Pollan, for example, twice notes that our

diet of processed foods makes us “sick and fat” (10), and then—

without evidence to support that claim—conflates health with

weight and condemns fatness out of hand. Later, he refers to

obesity as a Western disease (11)—again presuming a corre-

lation between weight and health—and even cites statistics

on eating habits from a study entitled “Why Have Americans

Become More Obese?” (145).

A growing group of academics who have examined the

research on obesity at length have discovered fundamental flaws

behind perceptions of fatness, diet, and health. Law professor

and journalist Paul Campos notes that “lies about fat, fitness, and

health … not coincidentally serve the interests of America’s

$50-billion-per-year diet industry,” and fat-acceptance activist

Kate Harding elaborates on this point, observing that “if you

scratch an article on the obesity crisis, you will almost always

find a press release from a company that’s developing a weight

loss drug—or from a ‘research group’ … funded by such

6 4 3

m A r y m A x f i E L D

companies.” Harding and Campos both belong to a school that

has repeatedly challenged the validity of the body mass index

(BMI), a tool that uses height and weight measurements to

calculate body fat. Originally developed by a mathematician as

a purely statistical tool, the BMI has become medicine’s go-to

means for predicting heart disease and other maladies, despite

research that suggests a low BMI presents a greater mortality

risk than a high one and that, in general, BMI cannot accurately

predict one’s health (Campos).

Culturally, however, we resist these scientific findings in

favor of a perspective that considers fatness fatal and thinness

immortal. Our skewed views of fatness then facilitate skewed

views of food. We continue to believe in a “right” or “healthy”

way of eating that involves eating less and eating differently

than we instinctively would, despite evidence to the contrary

provided both by scholars like Harding and Campos, and by

Health at Every Size (HAES) nutritionists like Michelle Allison.

HAES advocates challenge our cultural misconceptions, sug-

gesting that—outside of specific medical conditions like celiac

disease and anorexia—“what a person eats [rarely] takes pri-

macy over how they eat it” (Allison, “Eating”). In essence, we

can eat as we always have—which includes eating for emotional

and social reasons—and still survive or even thrive.

Few of us, however, manage to think about eating this way.

As Allison notes, “there are a lot of pressures and barriers in

this world that get in our way, that confuse us, that distract us

and attempt to control us in counterproductive ways” (“Rules

vs. Trust”). In this context, “health” functions moralistically.

It results from making decisions like choosing fresh mozzarella

over spray cheese, the “right” foods over the “wrong” ones.

Experts offer science to substantiate those designations, yet

science—as Campos, Harding, and Allison show—does not

6 4 4

Food as Thought: Resisting the Moralization of Eating

actually support these systems. Instead, as even Pollan notes,

there remains “a lot [of] religion in science” (140).

That “religion” presents itself in the moralizing of food, the

attempt—in how we eat—to rise above our beastly natures. As

a culture, when we imagine eating like animals, we visualize

a feeding frenzy. Allison observes that when she says “Adult

human beings are allowed to eat whatever and however much

they want,” what people actually hear is: “Go out and cram

your face with Twinkies!” (“Eat Food”). (Indeed, for Pollan,

the total elimination of American anxiety about food trans-

lates to a laissez-faire policy of “let them eat Twinkies” [9].)

Yet Allison and other HAES nutritionists suggest that adult

humans will eat in a way that is good for them, given the

opportunity (“Eat Food”). When we attempt to rise above our

animal nature through the moralization of food, we unneces-

sarily complicate the practice of eating. Food—be it french fry

or granola bar, Twinkie or brown rice—isn’t moral or immoral.

Inherently, food is ethically neutral; notions of good and bad,

healthy and unhealthy are projected onto it by culture. Staying

mindful of that culture (and critical of the hidden interests that

help guide it) can free us each to follow a formula we have

long known but recently forgotten: Trust yourself. Trust your

body. Meet your needs.

Works Cited

Allison, Michelle. “Eat Food. Stuff You Like. As Much As You Want.”

The Fat Nutritionist, 15 Feb. 2010, www.fatnutritionist.com/index.php/

eat-food-stuff-you-like-as-much-as-you-want. Accessed 19 Jan. 2011.

. “Eating—the WHAT or the HOW?” The Fat Nutritionist, 17 Aug.

2009, www.fatnutritionist.com/index.php/eating-the-what-or-the-how.

Accessed 19 Jan. 2011.

6 4 5

m A r y m A x f i E L D

. “Rules vs. Trust in Eating.” The Fat Nutritionist, 15 Dec. 2009,

www.fatnutritionist.com/index.php/rules-vs-trust-in-eating. Accessed

19 Jan. 2011.

Campos, Paul. ”Being Fat Is OK.” Jewish World Review, 23 Apr. 2001,

www.jewishworldreview.com/0501/campos042301.asp. Accessed

25 Mar. 2011.

Harding, Kate. “Don’t You Realize Fat Is Unhealthy?” Shapely Prose, 20 June

2007, kateharding.net/faq/but-dont-you-realize-fat-is-unhealthy.

Accessed 19 Jan. 2011.

Pollan, Michael. In Defense of Food: An Eater’s Manifesto. Penguin, 2008.

Joining the Conversation

1. In what ways does Mary Maxfield disagree with Michael

Pollan (pp. 624–31) and other critics of the Western diet?

What is her “they say,” and what does she say?

2. What supporting evidence does Maxfield offer to counter

the views of Michael Pollan and other critics?

3. Maxfield concludes by offering a formula for eating: “Trust

yourself. Trust your body. Meet your needs.” This formula

contrasts with Michael Pollan’s “Eat food. Not too much.

Mostly plants.” Write an essay responding to these argu-

ments and presenting your own formula for eating.

4. Go to theysayiblog.com and click on “What Should We

Eat?” Read the article by Stuart Elliott about the ad cam-

paign promoting Whole Foods as “America’s Healthiest

Grocery Store.” How do you think Maxfield would respond

to this message? How do you respond?

6 4 6

Don’t Blame the Eater

d a v i d z i n c z e n k o

H

If ever there were a newspaper headline custom-made for

Jay Leno’s monologue, this was it. Kids taking on McDonald’s

this week, suing the company for making them fat. Isn’t that

like middle-aged men suing Porsche for making them get speed-

ing tickets? Whatever happened to personal responsibility?

I tend to sympathize with these portly fast-food patrons,

though. Maybe that’s because I used to be one of them.

I grew up as a typical mid-1980s latchkey kid. My parents

were split up, my dad off trying to rebuild his life, my mom

working long hours to make the monthly bills. Lunch and

dinner, for me, was a daily choice between McDonald’s, Taco

Bell, Kentucky Fried Chicken or Pizza Hut. Then as now, these

David Zinczenko, who was for many years the editor-in-chief of

the fitness magazine Men’s Health, is CEO of Galvanized Brands, a

global health and wellness media company. Zinczenko is the author of

numerous best-selling books, including the Eat This, Not That and the

Abs Diet and Zero Belly Diet series. He has contributed op-ed essays to

the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and USA Today and has

appeared on Dr. Oz, Oprah, Ellen, and Good Morning America. This

piece was first published on the op-ed page of the New York Times on

November 23, 2002.

6 4 7

D A v i D z i n c z E n k O

were the only available options for an American kid to get an

affordable meal. By age 15, I had packed 212 pounds of torpid

teenage tallow on my once lanky 5-foot-10 frame.

Then I got lucky. I went to college, joined the Navy Reserves

and got involved with a health magazine. I learned how to

manage my diet. But most of the teenagers who live, as I once

did, on a fast-food diet won’t turn their lives around:

For tips on

saying why it

They’ve crossed under the golden arches to a likely fate

matters, see

Chapter 7.

of lifetime obesity. And the problem isn’t just theirs—

it’s all of ours.

Before 1994, diabetes in children was generally caused by 5

a genetic disorder—only about 5 percent of childhood cases

were obesity-related, or Type 2, diabetes. Today, according to

the National Institutes of Health, Type 2 diabetes accounts

for at least 30 percent of all new childhood cases of diabetes

in this country.

Not surprisingly, money spent to treat diabetes has skyrock-

eted, too. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention esti-

mate that diabetes accounted for $2.6 billion in health care costs

in 1969. Today’s number is an unbelievable $100 billion a year.

Shouldn’t we know better than to eat two meals a day in

fast-food restaurants? That’s one argument. But where, exactly,

are consumers—particularly teenagers—supposed to find alter-

natives? Drive down any thoroughfare in America, and I

guarantee you’ll see one of our country’s more than 13,000

McDonald’s restaurants. Now, drive back up the block and try

to find someplace to buy a grapefruit.

Complicating the lack of alternatives is the lack of informa-

tion about what, exactly, we’re consuming. There are no calorie

information charts on fast-food packaging, the way there are

on grocery items. Advertisements don’t carry warning labels

the way tobacco ads do. Prepared foods aren’t covered under

6 4 8

Don’t Blame the Eater

Food and Drug Administration labeling laws. Some fast-food

purveyors will provide calorie information on request, but even

that can be hard to understand.

For example, one company’s Web site lists its chicken salad

as containing 150 calories; the almonds and noodles that come

with it (an additional 190 calories) are listed separately. Add

a serving of the 280-calorie dressing, and you’ve got a healthy

lunch alternative that comes in at 620 calories. But that’s not

all. Read the small print on the back of the dressing packet and

you’ll realize it actually contains 2.5 servings. If you pour what

you’ve been served, you’re suddenly up around 1,040 calories,

which is half of the government’s recommended daily calorie

intake. And that doesn’t take into account that 450-calorie

super-size Coke.

Make fun if you will of these kids launching lawsuits against 10

the fast-food industry, but don’t be surprised if you’re the next

plaintiff. As with the tobacco industry, it may be only a mat-

ter of time before state governments begin to see a direct line

between the $1 billion that McDonald’s and Burger King spend

each year on advertising and their own swelling health care

costs.

And I’d say the industry is vulnerable. Fast-food compa-

nies are marketing to children a product with proven health

hazards and no warning labels. They would do well to protect

themselves, and their customers, by providing the nutrition

information people need to make informed choices about their

products. Without such warnings, we’ll see more sick, obese

children and more angry, litigious parents. I say, let the deep-

fried chips fall where they may.

“Don’t Blame the Eater.” From The New York Times, November 23, 2002.

Reprinted by permission of the author.

6 4 9

D A v i D z i n c z E n k O

Joining the Conversation

1. Summarize Zinczenko’s arguments (his “I say”) against the

practices of fast-food companies. How persuasive are these

arguments?

2. One important move in all good argumentative writing

is to introduce voices raising possible objections to the

position being argued—what this book calls naysayers.

What objections does Zinczenko introduce, and how does

he respond? Can you think of other objections that he might

have noted?

3. How does the story that Zinczenko tells about his own expe-

rience in paragraphs 3 and 4 support or fail to support his

argument? How could the same story be used to support an

argument opposed to Zinczenko’s?

4. So what? Who cares? How does Zinczenko make clear to

readers why his topic matters? Or, if he does not, how might

he do so?

5. Write an essay responding to Zinczenko, using your own

experience and knowledge as part of your argument. You may

agree, disagree, or both, but be sure to represent Zinczenko’s

views near the beginning of your text, both summarizing and

quoting from his arguments.

6 5 0

What You Eat Is Your Business

r a d l e y b a l k o

H

This June, Time magazine and ABC News will host a three-

day summit on obesity. ABC News anchor Peter Jennings, who

last December anchored the prime-time special “How to Get

Fat Without Really Trying,” will host. Judging by the scheduled

program, the summit promises to be a pep rally for media, nutri-

tion activists, and policy makers—all agitating for a panoply

of government anti-obesity initiatives, including prohibiting

junk food in school vending machines, federal funding for new

bike trails and sidewalks, more demanding labels on foodstuffs,

restrictive food marketing to children, and prodding the food

industry into more “responsible” behavior. In other words,

bringing government between you and your waistline.

Radley Balko writes a blog about civil liberties and the criminal

justice system for the Washington Post. He was once an editor at the

Huffington Post and Reason magazine and a columnist for FoxNews.com.

A self-described libertarian, Balko is the author of the book Rise of

the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America’s Police Forces (2013).

This essay was first published on May 23, 2004, on the website of

the Cato Institute, which aims to promote the principles of “limited

government, individual liberty, free markets, and peace.”

6 5 1

r A D L E y b A L k O

Politicians have already climbed aboard. President Bush

earmarked $200 million in his budget for anti-obesity meas-

ures. State legislatures and school boards across the country

have begun banning snacks and soda from school campuses

and vending machines. Senator Joe Lieberman and Oakland

Mayor Jerry Brown, among others, have called for a “fat tax” on

high-calorie foods. Congress is now considering menu-labeling

legislation, which would force restaurants to send every menu

item to the laboratory for nutritional testing.

This is the wrong way to fight obesity. Instead of manipu-

lating or intervening in the array of food options available to

American consumers, our government ought to be working to

foster a sense of responsibility in and ownership of our own

health and well-being. But we’re doing just the opposite.

For decades now, America’s health care system has been

migrating toward socialism. Your well-being, shape, and

condition have increasingly been deemed matters of “public

health,” instead of matters of personal responsibility. Our

lawmakers just enacted a huge entitlement that requires some

people to pay for other people’s medicine. Senator Hillary

Clinton just penned a lengthy article in the New York Times

Magazine calling for yet more federal control of health care. All

of the Democratic candidates for president boasted plans to push

health care further into the public sector. More and more, states

are preventing private health insurers from charging overweight

and obese clients higher premiums, which effectively removes

any financial incentive for maintaining a healthy lifestyle.

We’re becoming less responsible for our own health, and 5

more responsible for everyone else’s. Your heart attack drives

up the cost of my premiums and office visits. And if the gov-

ernment is paying for my anti-cholesterol medication, what

incentive is there for me to put down the cheeseburger?

6 5 2

What You Eat Is Your Business

This collective ownership of private health then paves the

way for even more federal restrictions on consumer choice and

civil liberties. A society where everyone is responsible for every-

one else’s well-being is a society more apt to accept government

restrictions, for example—on what McDonald’s can put on its

menu, what Safeway or Kroger can put on grocery shelves,

or holding food companies responsible for the bad habits of

unhealthy consumers.

A growing army of nutritionist activists and food industry foes

are egging the process on. Margo Wootan of the Center for

Science in the Public Interest has said, “We’ve got to move

beyond ‘personal responsibility.’” The largest organization of trial

lawyers now encourages its members to weed jury pools of

candidates who show “personal responsibility bias.” The title of

Jennings’s special from last December—“How to Get Fat For tips on

Without Really Trying”—reveals his intent, which is to distinguishing

what you say

relieve viewers of responsibility for their own condition. from what

Indeed, Jennings ended the program with an impassioned others say, as

Balko does here,

plea for government intervention to fight obesity.

see Chapter 5.

The best way to alleviate the obesity “public health” cri-

sis is to remove obesity from the realm of public health. It

doesn’t belong there anyway. It’s difficult to think of anything

more private and of less public concern than what we choose to

put into our bodies. It only becomes a public matter when we

force the public to pay for the consequences of those choices.

If policymakers want to fight obesity, they’ll halt the creep-

ing socialization of medicine, and move to return individual

Americans’ ownership of their own health and well-being back

to individual Americans.

That means freeing insurance companies to reward healthy

lifestyles, and penalize poor ones. It means halting plans to

further socialize medicine and health care. Congress should

6 5 3

r A D L E y b A L k O

also increase access to medical and health savings accounts,

which give consumers the option of rolling money reserved for

health care into a retirement account. These accounts intro-

duce accountability into the health care system, and encourage

caution with one’s health care dollar. When money we spend

on health care doesn’t belong to our employer or the govern-

ment, but is money we could devote to our own retirement,

we’re less likely to run to the doctor at the first sign of a cold.

We’ll all make better choices about diet, exercise, and 10

personal health when someone else isn’t paying for the

consequences of those choices.

Joining the Conversation

1. What does Radley Balko claim in this essay? How do you

know? What position is he responding to? Cite examples

from the text to support your answer.

2. Reread the last sentence of paragraph 1: “In other words,

bringing government between you and your waistline.” This

is actually a sentence fragment, but it functions as metacom-

mentary, inserted by Balko to make sure that readers see his

point. Imagine that this statement were not there, and reread

the first three paragraphs. Does it make a difference in how

you read this piece?

3. Notice the direct quotations in paragraph 7. How has Balko

integrated these quotations into his text—how has he intro-

duced them, and what, if anything, has he said to explain

them and tie them to his own text? Are there any changes

you might suggest? How do key terms in the quotations echo

one another? (See Chapter 3 for advice on quoting, and

pp. 110–12 for help on identifying key terms.)

6 5 4

What You Eat Is Your Business

4. Balko makes his own position about the so-called obesity

crisis very clear, but does he consider any of the objections

that might be offered to his position? If so, how does he deal

with those objections? If not, what objections might he have

raised?

5. Write an essay responding to Balko, agreeing, disagreeing,

or both agreeing and disagreeing with his position. You

might want to cite some of David Zinczenko’s arguments (see

pp. 647–50)—depending on what stand you take, Zinczenko’s

ideas could serve as support for what you believe or as the

source of one possible objection.

6 5 5

The Extraordinary Science

of Addictive Junk Food

m i c h a e l m o s s

H

On the evening of April 8, 1999, a long line of Town Cars

and taxis pulled up to the Minneapolis headquarters of Pillsbury

and discharged 11 men who controlled America’s largest food

companies. Nestlé was in attendance, as were Kraft and Nabisco,

General Mills and Procter & Gamble, Coca-Cola and Mars.

Rivals any other day, the C.E.O.’s and company presidents had

come together for a rare, private meeting. On the agenda was

one item: the emerging obesity epidemic and how to deal with

it. While the atmosphere was cordial, the men assembled were

hardly friends. Their stature was defined by their skill in fighting

one another for what they called “stomach share”—the amount

Michael Moss is a New York Times investigative reporter who won a

2010 Pulitzer Prize for “The Burger That Shattered Her Life,” an article

about a young dance instructor who was paralyzed after contracting an

E. coli infection. Moss has reported for the Wall Street Journal, New

York Newsday, and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution and taught at the

Columbia University School of Journalism. This selection, adapted

from his book, Salt Sugar Fat: How the Food Giants Hooked Us (2013),

first appeared in the New York Times Magazine on February 24, 2013.

6 5 6

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

of digestive space that any one company’s brand can grab from

the competition.

James Behnke, a 55-year-old executive at Pillsbury, greeted

the men as they arrived. He was anxious but also hopeful about

the plan that he and a few other food-company executives

had devised to engage the C.E.O.’s on America’s growing

weight problem. “We were very concerned, and rightfully so,

that obesity was becoming a major issue,” Behnke recalled.

“People were starting to talk about sugar taxes, and there was

a lot of pressure on food companies.” Getting the company

chiefs in the same room to talk about anything, much less a

sensitive issue like this, was a tricky business, so Behnke and his

fellow organizers had scripted the meeting carefully, honing the

message to its barest essentials. “C.E.O.’s in the food industry

are typically not technical guys, and they’re uncomfortable

going to meetings where technical people talk in technical

terms about technical things,” Behnke said. “They don’t want

to be embarrassed. They don’t want to make commitments.

They want to maintain their aloofness and autonomy.”

A chemist by training with a doctoral degree in food

science, Behnke became Pillsbury’s chief technical officer

in 1979 and was instrumental in creating a long line of hit

products, including microwaveable popcorn. He deeply admired

Pillsbury but in recent years had grown troubled by pictures of

obese children suffering from diabetes and the earliest signs of

hypertension and heart disease. In the months leading up to

the C.E.O. meeting, he was engaged in conversation with a

group of food-science experts who were painting an increasingly

grim picture of the public’s ability to cope with the industry’s

formulations—from the body’s fragile controls on overeating

to the hidden power of some processed foods to make people

feel hungrier still. It was time, he and a handful of others felt,

6 5 7

m i c H A E L m O S S

to warn the C.E.O.’s that their companies may have gone too

far in creating and marketing products that posed the greatest

health concerns.

The discussion took place in Pillsbury’s auditorium. The first

speaker was a vice president of Kraft named Michael Mudd.

“I very much appreciate this opportunity to talk to you about

childhood obesity and the growing challenge it presents for

us all,” Mudd began. “Let me say right at the start, this is

not an easy subject. There are no easy answers—for what the

public health community must do to bring this problem under

control or for what the industry should do as others seek to

hold it accountable for what has happened. But this much is

clear: For those of us who’ve looked hard at this issue, whether

they’re public health professionals or staff specialists in your

own companies, we feel sure that the one thing we shouldn’t

do is nothing.”

As he spoke, Mudd clicked through a deck of slides—114 5

in all—projected on a large screen behind him. The figures

were staggering. More than half of American adults were now

considered overweight, with nearly one-quarter of the adult

population—40 million people—clinically defined as obese.

Among children, the rates had more than doubled since

1980, and the number of kids considered obese had shot past

12 million. (This was still only 1999; the nation’s obesity rates

would climb much higher.) Food manufacturers were now being

blamed for the problem from all sides—academia, the Centers

for Disease Control and Prevention, the American Heart

Association and the American Cancer Society. The secretary

of agriculture, over whom the industry had long held sway, had

recently called obesity a “national epidemic.”

Mudd then did the unthinkable. He drew a connection to

the last thing in the world the C.E.O.’s wanted linked to their

6 5 8

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

products: cigarettes. First came a quote from a Yale University

professor of psychology and public health, Kelly Brownell,

who was an especially vocal proponent of the view that the

processed-food industry should be seen as a public health

menace: “As a culture, we’ve become upset by the tobacco

companies advertising to children, but we sit idly by while the

food companies do the very same thing. And we could make

a claim that the toll taken on the public health by a poor diet

rivals that taken by tobacco.”

“If anyone in the food industry ever doubted there was

a slippery slope out there,” Mudd said, “I imagine they are

beginning to experience a distinct sliding sensation right about

now.”

Mudd then presented the plan he and others had devised

to address the obesity problem. Merely getting the executives

to acknowledge some culpability was an important first step,

he knew, so his plan would start off with a small but crucial

move: the industry should use the expertise of scientists—its

own and others—to gain a deeper understanding of what was

driving Americans to overeat. Once this was achieved, the

effort could unfold on several fronts. To be sure, there would

be no getting around the role that packaged foods and drinks

play in overconsumption. They would have to pull back on

their use of salt, sugar and fat, perhaps by imposing industrywide

limits. But it wasn’t just a matter of these three ingredients;

the schemes they used to advertise and market their products

were critical, too. Mudd proposed creating a “code to guide the

nutritional aspects of food marketing, especially to children.”

“We are saying that the industry should make a sincere effort

to be part of the solution,” Mudd concluded. “And that by

doing so, we can help to defuse the criticism that’s building

against us.”

6 5 9

m i c H A E L m O S S

What happened next was not written down. But according 10

to three participants, when Mudd stopped talking, the one

C.E.O. whose recent exploits in the grocery store had awed

the rest of the industry stood up to speak. His name was

Stephen Sanger, and he was also the person—as head of

General Mills—who had the most to lose when it came to

dealing with obesity. Under his leadership, General Mills had

overtaken not just the cereal aisle but other sections of the

grocery store. The company’s Yoplait brand had transformed

traditional unsweetened breakfast yogurt into a veritable

dessert. It now had twice as much sugar per serving as

General Mills’ marshmallow cereal Lucky Charms. And yet,

because of yogurt’s well-tended image as a wholesome snack,

Traditional unsweetened breakfast yogurt transformed into a veritable dessert.

6 6 0

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

sales of Yoplait were soaring, with annual revenue topping

$500 million. Emboldened by the success, the company’s

development wing pushed even harder, inventing a Yoplait

variation that came in a squeezable tube—perfect for kids.

They called it Go-Gurt and rolled it out nationally in the

weeks before the C.E.O. meeting. (By year’s end, it would hit

$100 million in sales.)

According to the sources I spoke with, Sanger began by

reminding the group that consumers were “fickle.” (Sanger

declined to be interviewed.) Sometimes they worried about

sugar, other times fat. General Mills, he said, acted responsibly to

both the public and shareholders by offering products to satisfy

dieters and other concerned shoppers, from low sugar to added

whole grains. But most often, he said, people bought what they

liked, and they liked what tasted good. “Don’t talk to me about

nutrition,” he reportedly said, taking on the voice of the typical

consumer. “Talk to me about taste, and if this stuff tastes better,

don’t run around trying to sell stuff that doesn’t taste good.”

To react to the critics, Sanger said, would jeopardize the

sanctity of the recipes that had made his products so successful.

General Mills would not pull back. He would push his people

onward, and he urged his peers to do the same. Sanger’s response

effectively ended the meeting.

“What can I say?” James Behnke told me years later. “It didn’t

work. These guys weren’t as receptive as we thought they would

be.” Behnke chose his words deliberately. He wanted to be fair.

“Sanger was trying to say, ‘Look, we’re not going to screw around

with the company jewels here and change the formulations because

a bunch of guys in white coats are worried about obesity.’ ”

The meeting was remarkable, first, for the insider admissions

of guilt. But I was also struck by how prescient the organizers of

the sit-down had been. Today, one in three adults is considered

6 6 1

m i c H A E L m O S S

clinically obese, along with one in five kids, and 24 million

Americans are afflicted by type 2 diabetes, often caused by

poor diet, with another 79 million people having pre-diabetes.

Even gout, a painful form of arthritis once known as “the rich

man’s disease” for its associations with gluttony, now afflicts

eight million Americans.

The public and the food companies have known for decades 15

now—or at the very least since this meeting—that sugary, salty,

fatty foods are not good for us in the quantities that we consume

them. So why are the diabetes and obesity and hypertension

numbers still spiraling out of control? It’s not just a matter

of poor willpower on the part of the consumer and a give-

the-people-what-they-want attitude on the part of the food

manufacturers. What I found, over four years of research and

reporting, was a conscious effort—taking place in labs and mar-

keting meetings and grocery-store aisles—to get people hooked

on foods that are convenient and inexpensive. I talked to more

than 300 people in or formerly employed by the processed-food

industry, from scientists to marketers to C.E.O.’s. Some were

willing whistle-blowers, while others spoke reluctantly when

presented with some of the thousands of pages of secret memos

that I obtained from inside the food industry’s operations. What

follows is a series of small case studies of a handful of characters

whose work then, and perspective now, sheds light on how the

foods are created and sold to people who, while not powerless,

are extremely vulnerable to the intensity of these companies’

industrial formulations and selling campaigns.

“In This Field, I’m a Game Changer.”

John Lennon couldn’t find it in England, so he had cases of it

shipped from New York to fuel the Imagine sessions. The Beach

6 6 2

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

Boys, ZZ Top and Cher all stipulated in their contract riders

that it be put in their dressing rooms when they toured. Hillary

Clinton asked for it when she traveled as first lady, and ever

after her hotel suites were dutifully stocked.

What they all wanted was Dr Pepper, which until 2001

occupied a comfortable third-place spot in the soda aisle behind

Coca-Cola and Pepsi. But then a flood of spinoffs from the

two soda giants showed up on the shelves—lemons and limes,

vanillas and coffees, raspberries and oranges, whites and blues

and clears—what in food-industry lingo are known as “line

extensions,” and Dr Pepper started to lose its market share.

Responding to this pressure, Cadbury Schweppes created its

first spin off, other than a diet version, in the soda’s 115-year

history, a bright red soda with a very un–Dr Pepper name: Red

Fusion. “If we are to re-establish Dr Pepper back to its historic

growth rates, we have to add more excitement,” the company’s

president, Jack Kilduff, said. One particularly promising market,

Kilduff pointed out, was the “rapidly growing Hispanic and

African-American communities.”

But consumers hated Red Fusion. “Dr Pepper is my all-

time favorite drink, so I was curious about the Red Fusion,”

a California mother of three wrote on a blog to warn other

Peppers away. “It’s disgusting. Gagging. Never again.”

Stung by the rejection, Cadbury Schweppes in 2004 20

turned to a food-industry legend named Howard Moskowitz.

Moskowitz, who studied mathematics and holds a Ph.D. in

experimental psychology from Harvard, runs a consulting firm

in White Plains, where for more than three decades he has

“optimized” a variety of products for Campbell Soup, General

Foods, Kraft and PepsiCo. “I’ve optimized soups,” Moskowitz

told me. “I’ve optimized pizzas. I’ve optimized salad dressings

and pickles. In this field, I’m a game changer.”

6 6 3

m i c H A E L m O S S

In the process of product optimization, food engineers alter

a litany of variables with the sole intent of finding the most

perfect version (or versions) of a product. Ordinary consum-

ers are paid to spend hours sitting in rooms where they touch,

feel, sip, smell, swirl and taste whatever product is in question.

Their opinions are dumped into a computer, and the data are

sifted and sorted through a statistical method called conjoint

analysis, which determines what features will be most attractive

to consumers. Moskowitz likes to imagine that his computer is

divided into silos, in which each of the attributes is stacked. But

it’s not simply a matter of comparing Color 23 with Color 24.

In the most complicated projects, Color 23 must be combined

with Syrup 11 and Packaging 6, and on and on, in seemingly

infinite combinations. Even for jobs in which the only concern

is taste and the variables are limited to the ingredients, endless

charts and graphs will come spewing out of Moskowitz’s com-

puter. “The mathematical model maps out the ingredients to the

sensory perceptions these ingredients create,” he told me, “so I

can just dial a new product. This is the engineering approach.”

I first met Moskowitz on a crisp day in the spring of 2010 at

the Harvard Club in Midtown Manhattan. As we talked, he

made clear that while he has worked on numerous projects

aimed at creating more healthful foods and insists the industry

could be doing far more to curb obesity, he had no qualms

about his own pioneering work on discovering what industry

insiders now regularly refer to as “the bliss point” or any of the

other systems that helped food companies create the greatest

amount of crave. “There’s no moral issue for me,” he said. “I did

the best science I could. I was struggling to survive and didn’t

have the luxury of being a moral creature. As a researcher,

I was ahead of my time.”

6 6 4

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

Moskowitz’s path to mastering the bliss point began in

earnest not at Harvard but a few months after graduation,

16 miles from Cambridge, in the town of Natick, where the

U.S. Army hired him to work in its research labs. The military

has long been in a peculiar bind when it comes to food: how

to get soldiers to eat more rations when they are in the field.

They know that over time, soldiers would gradually find their

meals-ready-to-eat so boring that they would toss them away,

half-eaten, and not get all the calories they needed. But what

was causing this M.R.E.-fatigue was a mystery. “So I started

asking soldiers how frequently they would like to eat this

or that, trying to figure out which products they would find

boring,” Moskowitz said. The answers he got were inconsistent.

“They liked flavorful foods like turkey tetrazzini, but only at

first; they quickly grew tired of them. On the other hand,

mundane foods like white bread would never get them too

excited, but they could eat lots and lots of it without feeling

they’d had enough.”

This contradiction is known as “sensory-specific satiety.” In

lay terms, it is the tendency for big, distinct flavors to over-

whelm the brain, which responds by depressing your desire to

have more. Sensory-specific satiety also became a guiding prin-

ciple for the processed-food industry. The biggest hits—be they

Coca-Cola or Doritos—owe their success to complex formulas

that pique the taste buds enough to be alluring but don’t have

a distinct, overriding single flavor that tells the brain to stop

eating.

Thirty-two years after he began experimenting with the bliss 25

point, Moskowitz got the call from Cadbury Schweppes asking

him to create a good line extension for Dr Pepper. I spent

an afternoon in his White Plains offices as he and his vice

president for research, Michele Reisner, walked me through the

6 6 5

m i c H A E L m O S S

Dr Pepper campaign. Cadbury wanted its new flavor to have

cherry and vanilla on top of the basic Dr Pepper taste. Thus,

there were three main components to play with. A sweet cherry

flavoring, a sweet vanilla flavoring and a sweet syrup known as

“Dr Pepper flavoring.”

Finding the bliss point required the preparation of 61 subtly

distinct formulas—31 for the regular version and 30 for diet.

The formulas were then subjected to 3,904 tastings organized in

Los Angeles, Dallas, Chicago and Philadelphia. The Dr Pepper

tasters began working through their samples, resting five

minutes between each sip to restore their taste buds. After

each sample, they gave numerically ranked answers to a set of

questions: How much did they like it overall? How strong is

the taste? How do they feel about the taste? How would they

describe the quality of this product? How likely would they be

to purchase this product?

Moskowitz’s data—compiled in a 135-page report for the soda

maker—is tremendously fine-grained, showing how different

people and groups of people feel about a strong vanilla taste

versus weak, various aspects of aroma and the powerful sensory

force that food scientists call “mouth feel.” This is the way a

product interacts with the mouth, as defined more specifically

by a host of related sensations, from dryness to gumminess to

moisture release. These are terms more familiar to sommeliers,

but the mouth feel of soda and many other food items, especially

those high in fat, is second only to the bliss point in its ability

to predict how much craving a product will induce.

In addition to taste, the consumers were also tested on their

response to color, which proved to be highly sensitive. “When

we increased the level of the Dr Pepper flavoring, it gets darker

and liking goes off,” Reisner said. These preferences can also

be cross-referenced by age, sex and race.

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

On page 83 of the report, a thin blue line represents the

amount of Dr Pepper flavoring needed to generate maximum

appeal. The line is shaped like an upside-down U, just like the

bliss-point curve that Moskowitz studied 30 years earlier in

his Army lab. And at the top of the arc, there is not a single

sweet spot but instead a sweet range, within which “bliss” was

achievable. This meant that Cadbury could edge back on its

key ingredient, the sugary Dr Pepper syrup, without falling out

of the range and losing the bliss. Instead of using 2 milliliters

of the flavoring, for instance, they could use 1.69 milliliters

and achieve the same effect. The potential savings is merely a

few percentage points, and it won’t mean much to individual

consumers who are counting calories or grams of sugar. But

for Dr Pepper, it adds up to colossal savings. “That looks like

nothing,” Reisner said. “But it’s a lot of money. A lot of money.

Millions.”

The soda that emerged from all of Moskowitz’s variations 30

became known as Cherry Vanilla Dr Pepper, and it proved

successful beyond anything Cadbury imagined. In 2008, Cadbury

split off its soft-drinks business, which included Snapple and

7-Up. The Dr Pepper Snapple Group has since been valued in

excess of $11 billion.

“It’s Called Vanishing Caloric Density.”

At a symposium for nutrition scientists in Los Angeles on

February 15, 1985, a professor of pharmacology from Hel-

sinki named Heikki Karppanen told the remarkable story of

Finland’s effort to address its salt habit. In the late 1970s,

the Finns were consuming huge amounts of sodium, eating

on average more than two teaspoons of salt a day. As a

result, the country had developed significant issues with high

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m i c H A E L m O S S

blood pressure, and men in the eastern part of Finland had

the highest rate of fatal cardiovascular disease in the world.

Research showed that this plague was not just a quirk of genet-

ics or a result of a sedentary lifestyle—it was also owing to

processed foods. So when Finnish authorities moved to address

the problem, they went right after the manufacturers. (The

Finnish response worked. Every grocery item that was heavy in

salt would come to be marked prominently with the warning

“High Salt Content.” By 2007, Finland’s per capita consump-

tion of salt had dropped by a third, and this shift—along with

improved medical care—was accompanied by a 75 percent to

80 percent decline in the number of deaths from strokes and

heart disease.)

Karppanen’s presentation was met with applause, but one

man in the crowd seemed particularly intrigued by the presen-

tation, and as Karppanen left the stage, the man intercepted

him and asked if they could talk more over dinner. Their con-

versation later that night was not at all what Karppanen was

expecting. His host did indeed have an interest in salt, but from

quite a different vantage point: the man’s name was Robert

I-San Lin, and from 1974 to 1982, he worked as the chief sci-

entist for Frito-Lay, the nearly $3-billion-a-year manufacturer

of Lay’s, Doritos, Cheetos and Fritos.

Lin’s time at Frito-Lay coincided with the first attacks by

nutrition advocates on salty foods and the first calls for federal

regulators to reclassify salt as a “risky” food additive, which

could have subjected it to severe controls. No company took

this threat more seriously—or more personally—than Frito-

Lay, Lin explained to Karppanen over their dinner. Three

years after he left Frito-Lay, he was still anguished over his

inability to effectively change the company’s recipes and

practices.

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

By chance, I ran across a letter that Lin sent to Karppanen

three weeks after that dinner, buried in some files to which

I had gained access. Attached to the letter was a memo

written when Lin was at Frito-Lay, which detailed some

of the company’s efforts in defending salt. I tracked Lin

down in Irvine, California, where we spent several days

going through the internal company memos, strategy papers

and handwritten notes he had kept. The documents were

evidence of the concern that Lin had for consumers and of the

company’s intent on using science not to address the health

concerns but to thwart them. While at Frito-Lay, Lin and

other company scientists spoke openly about the country’s

excessive consumption of sodium and the fact that, as Lin

said to me on more than one occasion, “people get addicted

to salt.”

Not much had changed by 1986, except Frito-Lay found 35

itself on a rare cold streak. The company had introduced a

series of high-profile products that failed miserably. Toppels,

a cracker with cheese topping; Stuffers, a shell with a variety

of fillings; Rumbles, a bite-size granola snack—they all came

and went in a blink, and the company took a $52 million

hit. Around that time, the marketing team was joined by

Dwight Riskey, an expert on cravings who had been a fellow

at the Monell Chemical Senses Center in Philadelphia, where

he was part of a team of scientists that found that people

could beat their salt habits simply by refraining from salty

foods long enough for their taste buds to return to a normal

level of sensitivity. He had also done work on the bliss point,

showing how a product’s allure is contextual, shaped partly

by the other foods a person is eating, and that it changes

as people age. This seemed to help explain why Frito-Lay

was having so much trouble selling new snacks. The largest

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m i c H A E L m O S S

single block of customers, the baby boomers, had begun hit-

ting middle age. According to the research, this suggested

that their liking for salty snacks—both in the concentration

of salt and how much they ate—would be tapering off. Along

with the rest of the snack-food industry, Frito-Lay anticipated

lower sales because of an aging population, and marketing

plans were adjusted to focus even more intently on younger

consumers.

Except that snack sales didn’t decline as everyone had

projected, Frito-Lay’s doomed product launches notwith-

standing. Poring over data one day in his home office, trying

to understand just who was consuming all the snack food,

Riskey realized that he and his colleagues had been misreading

things all along. They had been measuring the snacking habits

of different age groups and were seeing what they expected to

see, that older consumers ate less than those in their 20s. But

what they weren’t measuring, Riskey realized, is how those

snacking habits of the boomers compared to themselves when

they were in their 20s. When he called up a new set of sales

data and performed what’s called a cohort study, following a

single group over time, a far more encouraging picture—for

Frito-Lay, anyway—emerged. The baby boomers were not

eating fewer salty snacks as they aged. “In fact, as those people

aged, their consumption of all those segments—the cookies,

the crackers, the candy, the chips—was going up,” Riskey

said. “They were not only eating what they ate when they

were younger, they were eating more of it.” In fact, everyone

in the country, on average, was eating more salty snacks than

they used to. The rate of consumption was edging up about

one-third of a pound every year, with the average intake of

snacks like chips and cheese crackers pushing past 12 pounds

a year.

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

Riskey had a theory about what caused this surge: Eating

real meals had become a thing of the past. Baby boomers,

especially, seemed to have greatly cut down on regular meals.

They were skipping breakfast when they had early-morning

meetings. They skipped lunch when they then needed to catch

up on work because of those meetings. They skipped dinner

when their kids stayed out late or grew up and moved out of

the house. And when they skipped these meals, they replaced

them with snacks. “We looked at this behavior, and said, ‘Oh,

my gosh, people were skipping meals right and left,’ ” Riskey

told me. “It was amazing.” This led to the next realization, that

baby boomers did not represent “a category that is mature, with

no growth. This is a category that has huge growth potential.”

The food technicians stopped worrying about inventing

new products and instead embraced the industry’s most reliable

method for getting consumers to buy more: the line extension.

The classic Lay’s potato chips were joined by Salt & Vinegar,

Salt & Pepper and Cheddar & Sour Cream. They put out Chili-

Cheese-flavored Fritos, and Cheetos were transformed into 21

varieties. Frito-Lay had a formidable research complex near

Dallas, where nearly 500 chemists, psychologists and techni-

cians conducted research that cost up to $30 million a year,

and the science corps focused intense amounts of resources on

questions of crunch, mouth feel and aroma for each of these

items. Their tools included a $40,000 device that simulated a

chewing mouth to test and perfect the chips, discovering things

like the perfect break point: people like a chip that snaps with

about four pounds of pressure per square inch.

To get a better feel for their work, I called on Steven

Witherly, a food scientist who wrote a fascinating guide

for industry insiders titled, “Why Humans Like Junk Food.”

I brought him two shopping bags filled with a variety of chips

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m i c H A E L m O S S

The industry’s most reliable method for getting consumers to buy more: the

line extension.

to taste. He zeroed right in on the Cheetos. “This,” Witherly

said, “is one of the most marvelously constructed foods on

the planet, in terms of pure pleasure.” He ticked off a dozen

attributes of the Cheetos that make the brain say more. But

the one he focused on most was the puff’s uncanny ability

to melt in the mouth. “It’s called vanishing caloric density,”

Witherly said. “If something melts down quickly, your brain

thinks that there’s no calories in it … you can just keep

eating it forever.”

As for their marketing troubles, in a March 2010 meeting, 40

Frito-Lay executives hastened to tell their Wall Street investors

that the 1.4 billion boomers worldwide weren’t being neglected;

they were redoubling their efforts to understand exactly what

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

it was that boomers most wanted in a snack chip. Which was

basically everything: great taste, maximum bliss but minimal

guilt about health and more maturity than puffs. “They snack

a lot,” Frito-Lay’s chief marketing officer, Ann Mukherjee,

told the investors. “But what they’re looking for is very dif-

ferent. They’re looking for new experiences, real food experi-

ences.” Frito-Lay acquired Stacy’s Pita Chip Company, which

was started by a Massachusetts couple who made food-cart

sandwiches and started serving pita chips to their customers

in the mid-1990s. In Frito-Lay’s hands, the pita chips aver-

aged 270 milligrams of sodium—nearly one-fifth a whole day’s

recommended maximum for most American adults—and were

a huge hit among boomers.

The Frito-Lay executives also spoke of the company’s ongo-

ing pursuit of a “designer sodium,” which they hoped, in the

near future, would take their sodium loads down by 40 percent.

No need to worry about lost sales there, the company’s C.E.O.,

Al Carey, assured their investors. The boomers would see less

salt as the green light to snack like never before.

There’s a paradox at work here. On the one hand,

reduction of sodium in snack foods is commendable. On the

other, these changes may well result in consumers eating

more. “The big thing that will happen here is See Chapter 4

removing the barriers for boomers and giving them for ways to

permission to snack,” Carey said. The prospects for agree and

disagree

lower-salt snacks were so amazing, he added, that the simultaneously.

company had set its sights on using the designer salt to

conquer the toughest market of all for snacks: schools. He

cited, for example, the school-food initiative championed

by Bill Clinton and the American Heart Association, which

is seeking to improve the nutrition of school food by limiting

its load of salt, sugar and fat. “Imagine this,” Carey said.

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m i c H A E L m O S S

“A potato chip that tastes great and qualifies for the

Clinton-A.H.A. alliance for schools… . We think we have

ways to do all of this on a potato chip, and imagine getting

that product into schools, where children can have this

product and grow up with it and feel good about eating it.”

Carey’s quote reminded me of something I read in the early

stages of my reporting, a 24-page report prepared for Frito-Lay

in 1957 by a psychologist named Ernest Dichter. The company’s

chips, he wrote, were not selling as well as they could for one

simple reason: “While people like and enjoy potato chips, they

feel guilty about liking them… . Unconsciously, people expect

to be punished for ‘letting themselves go’ and enjoying them.”

Dichter listed seven “fears and resistances” to the chips: “You

can’t stop eating them; they’re fattening; they’re not good for

you; they’re greasy and messy to eat; they’re too expensive; it’s

hard to store the leftovers; and they’re bad for children.” He

spent the rest of his memo laying out his prescriptions, which

in time would become widely used not just by Frito-Lay but

also by the entire industry. Dichter suggested that Frito-Lay

avoid using the word “fried” in referring to its chips and adopt

instead the more healthful-sounding term “toasted.” To coun-

teract the “fear of letting oneself go,” he suggested repacking

the chips into smaller bags. “The more-anxious consumers, the

ones who have the deepest fears about their capacity to control

their appetite, will tend to sense the function of the new pack

and select it,” he said.

Dichter advised Frito-Lay to move its chips out of the realm

of between-meals snacking and turn them into an ever-present

item in the American diet. “The increased use of potato chips

and other Lay’s products as a part of the regular fare served

by restaurants and sandwich bars should be encouraged in a

concentrated way,” Dichter said, citing a string of examples:

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

“potato chips with soup, with fruit or vegetable juice appetiz-

ers; potato chips served as a vegetable on the main dish; potato

chips with salad; potato chips with egg dishes for breakfast;

potato chips with sandwich orders.”

In 2011, The New England Journal of Medicine published 45

a study that shed new light on America’s weight gain. The

subjects—120,877 women and men—were all professionals in

the health field, and were likely to be more conscious about

nutrition, so the findings might well understate the overall trend.

Using data back to 1986, the researchers monitored everything

the participants ate, as well as their physical activity and smoking.

They found that every four years, the participants exercised

less, watched TV more and gained an average of 3.35 pounds.

The researchers parsed the data by the caloric content of the

foods being eaten, and found the top contributors to weight

gain included red meat and processed meats, sugar-sweetened

beverages and potatoes, including mashed and French fries.

But the largest weight-inducing food was the potato chip. The

coating of salt, the fat content that rewards the brain with instant

feelings of pleasure, the sugar that exists not as an additive but

in the starch of the potato itself—all of this combines to make

it the perfect addictive food. “The starch is readily absorbed,”

Eric Rimm, an associate professor of epidemiology and nutrition

at the Harvard School of Public Health and one of the study’s

authors, told me. “More quickly even than a similar amount of

sugar. The starch, in turn, causes the glucose levels in the blood

to spike”—which can result in a craving for more.

If Americans snacked only occasionally, and in small

amounts, this would not present the enormous problem that it

does. But because so much money and effort has been invested

over decades in engineering and then relentlessly selling these

products, the effects are seemingly impossible to unwind. More

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m i c H A E L m O S S

than 30 years have passed since Robert Lin first tangled with

Frito-Lay on the imperative of the company to deal with the

formulation of its snacks, but as we sat at his dining-room table,

sifting through his records, the feelings of regret still played on

his face. In his view, three decades had been lost, time that he

and a lot of other smart scientists could have spent searching

for ways to ease the addiction to salt, sugar and fat. “I couldn’t

do much about it,” he told me. “I feel so sorry for the public.”

“These People Need a Lot of Things,

But They Don’t Need a Coke.”

The growing attention Americans are paying to what they

put into their mouths has touched off a new scramble by the

processed-food companies to address health concerns. Pressed

by the Obama administration and consumers, Kraft, Nestlé,

Pepsi, Campbell and General Mills, among others, have begun

to trim the loads of salt, sugar and fat in many products. And

with consumer advocates pushing for more government inter-

vention, Coca-Cola made headlines in January by releasing

ads that promoted its bottled water and low-calorie drinks as a

way to counter obesity. Predictably, the ads drew a new volley

of scorn from critics who pointed to the company’s continuing

drive to sell sugary Coke.

One of the other executives I spoke with at length was Jeffrey

Dunn, who, in 2001, at age 44, was directing more than half of

Coca-Cola’s $20 billion in annual sales as president and chief

operating officer in both North and South America. In an effort

to control as much market share as possible, Coke extended its

aggressive marketing to especially poor or vulnerable areas of the

U.S., like New Orleans—where people were drinking twice as

much Coke as the national average—or Rome, Georgia, where

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

the per capita intake was nearly three Cokes a day. In Coke’s

headquarters in Atlanta, the biggest consumers were referred

to as “heavy users.” “The other model we use was called ‘drinks

and drinkers,’ ” Dunn said. “How many drinkers do I have?

And how many drinks do they drink? If you lost one of those

heavy users, if somebody just decided to stop drinking Coke,

how many drinkers would you have to get, at low velocity, to

make up for that heavy user? The answer is a lot. It’s more

efficient to get my existing users to drink more.”

One of Dunn’s lieutenants, Todd Putman, who worked at

Coca-Cola from 1997 to 2001, said the goal became much larger

than merely beating the rival brands; Coca-Cola strove to out-

sell every other thing people drank, including milk and water.

The marketing division’s efforts boiled down to one question,

Putman said: “How can we drive more ounces into more bod-

ies more often?” (In response to Putman’s remarks, Coke said

its goals have changed and that it now focuses on providing

consumers with more low- or no-calorie products.)

In his capacity, Dunn was making frequent trips to Brazil, 50

where the company had recently begun a push to increase

consumption of Coke among the many Brazilians living in

[the slums known as] favelas. The company’s strategy was to

repackage Coke into smaller, more affordable 6.7-ounce bottles,

just 20 cents each. Coke was not alone in seeing Brazil as a

potential boon; Nestlé began deploying battalions of women to

travel poor neighborhoods, hawking American-style processed

foods door to door. But Coke was Dunn’s concern, and on one

trip, as he walked through one of the impoverished areas, he had

an epiphany. “A voice in my head says, ‘These people need a

lot of things, but they don’t need a Coke.’ I almost threw up.”

Dunn returned to Atlanta, determined to make some

changes. He didn’t want to abandon the soda business, but

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m i c H A E L m O S S

he did want to try to steer the company into a more healthful

mode, and one of the things he pushed for was to stop market-

ing Coke in public schools. The independent companies that

bottled Coke viewed his plans as reactionary. A director of one

bottler wrote a letter to Coke’s chief executive and board asking

for Dunn’s head. “He said what I had done was the worst thing

he had seen in 50 years in the business,” Dunn said. “Just to

placate these crazy leftist school districts who were trying to

keep people from having their Coke. He said I was an embar-

rassment to the company, and I should be fired.” In February

2004, he was.

Dunn told me that talking about Coke’s business today was

by no means easy and, because he continues to work in the

food business, not without risk. “You really don’t want them

mad at you,” he said. “And I don’t mean that, like, I’m going

to end up at the bottom of the bay. But they don’t have a

sense of humor when it comes to this stuff. They’re a very, very

aggressive company.”

When I met with Dunn, he told me not just about his years at

Coke but also about his new marketing venture. In April 2010,

he met with three executives from Madison Dearborn Partners,

a private-equity firm based in Chicago with a wide-ranging

portfolio of investments. They recently hired Dunn to run one

of their newest acquisitions—a food producer in the San Joaquin

Valley. As they sat in the hotel’s meeting room, the men listened

to Dunn’s marketing pitch. He talked about giving the product a

personality that was bold and irreverent, conveying the idea that

this was the ultimate snack food. He went into detail on how he

would target a special segment of the 146 million Americans who

are regular snackers—mothers, children, young professionals—

people, he said, who “keep their snacking ritual fresh by trying a

new food product when it catches their attention.”

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The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food

He explained how he would deploy strategic storytelling

in the ad campaign for this snack, using a key phrase that

had been developed with much calculation: “Eat ’Em Like

Junk Food.”

After 45 minutes, Dunn clicked off the last slide and thanked 55

the men for coming. Madison’s portfolio contained the largest

Burger King franchise in the world, the Ruth’s Chris Steak

House chain and a processed-food maker called AdvancePierre

whose lineup includes the Jamwich, a peanut-butter-and-jelly

contrivance that comes frozen, crustless and embedded with

four kinds of sugars.

The snack that Dunn was proposing to sell: carrots. Plain,

fresh carrots. No added sugar. No creamy sauce or dips. No salt.

Just baby carrots, washed, bagged, then sold into the deadly

dull produce aisle.

“We act like a snack, not a vegetable,” he told the inves-

tors. “We exploit the rules of junk food to fuel the baby-carrot

conversation. We are pro-junk-food behavior but anti-junk-

food establishment.”

The investors were thinking only about sales. They had

already bought one of the two biggest farm producers of baby

carrots in the country, and they’d hired Dunn to run the

whole operation. Now, after his pitch, they were relieved.

Dunn had figured out that using the industry’s own market-

ing ploys would work better than anything else. He drew

from the bag of tricks that he mastered in his 20 years at

Coca-Cola, where he learned one of the most critical rules

in processed food: The selling of food matters as much as

the food itself.

Later, describing his new line of work, Dunn told me he was

doing penance for his Coca-Cola years. “I’m paying my karmic

debt,” he said.

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m i c H A E L m O S S

Joining the Conversation

1. Michael Moss provides three examples of scientific research

on junk food and its effects. What common denominator

links these examples? What makes the science of addictive

junk food so extraordinary?

2. Moss opens this essay by describing a meeting that the lead-

ers of several major food companies held to discuss the obe-

sity epidemic and how to respond to it. Why do you think

he begins with this story? How does it set the stage for the

rest of the piece?

3. Moss is able to present complex technical information so

that nonscientists can understand it. One way he does this

is by using colloquial language to explain technical terms

such as “product optimization,” “bliss point,” and “sensory-

specific satiety.” This technique helps us understand his

topic, but how also does it make his argument interesting—

and persuasive?

4. Moss reports that the major food companies hire experts to

make their products as appealing as possible. Now that you

know about these tactics, what are some specific actions you

can take to guard against manipulation when you shop for

food?

5. If Jeffrey Dunn could turn carrots into “the ultimate snack

food” (paragraph 53), what other healthy foods could be

similarly transformed? Beets? Kale? What else? Write an

essay proposing such a product. Use the “they say/I say”

format, perhaps quoting or summarizing something said in

Moss’s essay as your “they say.”

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

d a v i d h . f r e e d m a n

H

Demonizing processed food may be dooming many to obesity and

disease. Could embracing the drive-thru make us all healthier?

Late last year, in a small health-food eatery called

Cafe Sprouts in Oberlin, Ohio, I had what may well have

been the most wholesome beverage of my life. The friendly

server patiently guided me to an apple-blueberry-kale-carrot

smoothie-juice combination, which she spent the next several

minutes preparing, mostly by shepherding farm-fresh produce

into machinery. The result was tasty, but at 300 calories (by my

rough calculation) in a 16-ounce cup, it was more than my diet

could regularly absorb without consequences, nor was I about

to make a habit of $9 shakes, healthy or not.

David H. Freedman is the author of Wrong: Why Experts Keep

Failing Us—and How to Know When Not to Trust Them (2010) and

the coauthor, with Eric Abrahamson, of A Perfect Mess: The Hidden

Benefits of Disorder (2007). He is a contributing editor at the Atlantic

and Inc. magazines and is widely published on issues relating to science,

technology, and health care. He blogs at fatandskinner.org. This essay

first appeared in the July/August 2013 issue of the Atlantic.

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

Inspired by the experience nonetheless, I tried again two

months later at L.A.’s Real Food Daily, a popular vegan res-

taurant near Hollywood. I was initially wary of a low-calorie

juice made almost entirely from green vegetables, but the server

assured me it was a popular treat. I like to brag that I can eat

anything, and I scarf down all sorts of raw vegetables like candy,

but I could stomach only about a third of this oddly foamy,

bitter concoction. It smelled like lawn clippings and tasted like

liquid celery. It goes for $7.95, and I waited 10 minutes for it.

I finally hit the sweet spot just a few weeks later, in Chicago,

with a delicious blueberry-pomegranate smoothie that rang in

at a relatively modest 220 calories. It cost $3 and took only

seconds to make. Best of all, I’ll be able to get this concoction

just about anywhere. Thanks, McDonald’s!

If only the McDonald’s smoothie weren’t, unlike the first

two, so fattening and unhealthy. Or at least that’s what the

most-prominent voices in our food culture today would have

you believe.

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

An enormous amount of media space has been dedicated 5

to promoting the notion that all processed food, and only

processed food, is making us sickly and overweight. In this

narrative, the food-industrial complex—particularly the fast-

food industry—has turned all the powers of food-processing

science loose on engineering its offerings to addict us to fat,

sugar, and salt, causing or at least heavily contributing to the

obesity crisis. The wares of these pimps and pushers, we are

told, are to be universally shunned.

Consider the New York Times. Earlier this year, the Times

Magazine gave its cover to a long piece based on Michael

Moss’s about-to-be-best-selling book, Salt Sugar Fat: How the

Food Giants Hooked Us. Hitting bookshelves at about the same

time was the former Times reporter Melanie Warner’s Pandora’s

Lunchbox: How Processed Food Took Over the American Meal,

which addresses more or less the same theme. Two years ago

the Times Magazine featured the journalist Gary Taubes’s “Is

Sugar Toxic?,” a cover story on the evils of refined sugar and

high-fructose corn syrup. And most significant of all has been

the considerable space the magazine has devoted over the years

to Michael Pollan, a journalism professor at the University of

California at Berkeley, and his broad indictment of food pro-

cessing as a source of society’s health problems.

“The food they’re cooking is making people sick,” Pollan has

said of big food companies. “It is one of the reasons that we

have the obesity and diabetes epidemics that we do… . If you’re

going to let industries decide how much salt, sugar and fat is

in your food, they’re going to put [in] as much as they possibly

can… . They will push those buttons until we scream or die.”

The solution, in his view, is to replace Big Food’s engineered,

edible evil—through public education and regulation—with

fresh, unprocessed, local, seasonal, real food.

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

Michael Pollan

Pollan’s worldview saturates the public conversation on

healthy eating. You hear much the same from many scientists,

physicians, food activists, nutritionists, celebrity chefs, and

pundits. Foodlike substances, the derisive term Pollan uses

to describe processed foods, is now a solid part of the elite

vernacular. Thousands of restaurants and grocery stores, most

notably the Whole Foods chain, have thrived by answering the

call to reject industrialized foods in favor of a return to natural,

simple, nonindustrialized—let’s call them “wholesome”—foods.

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

The two newest restaurants in my smallish Massachusetts town

both prominently tout wholesome ingredients; one of them is

called the Farmhouse, and it’s usually packed.

A new generation of business, social, and policy entrepreneurs

is rising to further cater to these tastes, and to challenge Big

Food. Silicon Valley, where tomorrow’s entrepreneurial and social

trends are forged, has spawned a small ecosystem of wholesome-

friendly venture-capital firms (Physic Ventures, for example),

business accelerators (Local Food Lab), and Web sites (Edible

Startups) to fund, nurture, and keep tabs on young companies

such as blissmo (a wholesome-food-of-the-month club), Mile

High Organics (online wholesome-food shopping), and Whole-

share (group wholesome-food purchasing), all designed to help

reacquaint Americans with the simpler eating habits of yesteryear.

In virtually every realm of human existence, we turn to 10

technology to help us solve our problems. But even in Silicon

Valley, when it comes to food and obesity, technology—or

at least food-processing technology—is widely treated as if it

is the problem. The solution, from this viewpoint, necessarily

involves turning our back on it.

If the most-influential voices in our food culture today get

their way, we will achieve a genuine food revolution. Too bad it

would be one tailored to the dubious health fantasies of a small,

elite minority. And too bad it would largely exclude the obese

masses, who would continue to sicken and die early. Despite the

best efforts of a small army of wholesome-food heroes, there is

no reasonable scenario under which these foods could become

cheap and plentiful enough to serve as the core diet for most

of the obese population—even in the unlikely case that your

typical junk-food eater would be willing and able to break life-

long habits to embrace kale and yellow beets. And many of

the dishes glorified by the wholesome-food movement are, in

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any case, as caloric and obesogenic as anything served in a

Burger King.

Through its growing sway over health-conscious consumers

and policy makers, the wholesome-food movement is imped-

ing the progress of the one segment of the food world that is

actually positioned to take effective, near-term steps to reverse

the obesity trend: the processed-food industry. Popular food

producers, fast-food chains among them, are already applying

various tricks and technologies to create less caloric and more

satiating versions of their junky fare that nonetheless retain

much of the appeal of the originals, and could be induced to

go much further. In fact, these roundly demonized companies

could do far more for the public’s health in five years than

the wholesome-food movement is likely to accomplish in the

next 50. But will the wholesome-food advocates let them?

Michael Pollan Has No Clothes

Let’s go shopping. We can start at Whole Foods Market, a criti-

cal link in the wholesome-eating food chain. There are three

Whole Foods stores within 15 minutes of my house—we’re

big on real food in the suburbs west of Boston. Here at the

largest of the three, I can choose from more than 21 types of

tofu, 62 bins of organic grains and legumes, and 42 different

salad greens.

Much of the food isn’t all that different from what I can get in

any other supermarket, but sprinkled throughout are items that

scream “wholesome.” One that catches my eye today, sitting

prominently on an impulse-buy rack near the checkout counter,

is Vegan Cheesy Salad Booster, from Living Intentions, whose

package emphasizes the fact that the food is enhanced with spiru-

lina, chlorella, and sea vegetables. The label also proudly lets me

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

know that the contents are raw—no processing!—and that they

don’t contain any genetically modified ingredients. What the stuff

does contain, though, is more than three times the fat content

per ounce as the beef patty in a Big Mac (more than two-thirds

of the calories come from fat), and four times the sodium.

After my excursion to Whole Foods, I drive a few minutes 15

to a Trader Joe’s, also known for an emphasis on wholesome

foods. Here at the register I’m confronted with a large display

of a snack food called “Inner Peas,” consisting of peas that are

breaded in cornmeal and rice flour, fried in sunflower oil, and

then sprinkled with salt. By weight, the snack has six times as

much fat as it does protein, along with loads of carbohydrates.

I can’t recall ever seeing anything at any fast-food restaurant

that represents as big an obesogenic crime against the vegetable

kingdom. (A spokesperson for Trader Joe’s said the company

does not consider itself a “ ‘wholesome food’ grocery retailer.”

Living Intentions did not respond to a request for comment.)

This phenomenon is by no means limited to packaged food

at upscale supermarkets. Back in February, when I was at Real

Food Daily in Los Angeles, I ordered the “Sea Cake” along

with my green-vegetable smoothie. It was intensely delicious

in a way that set off alarm bells. RFD wouldn’t provide precise

information about the ingredients, but I found a recipe online

for “Tofu ‘Fish’ Cakes,” which seem very close to what I ate.

Essentially, they consist of some tofu mixed with a lot of refined

carbs (the RFD version contains at least some unrefined carbs)

along with oil and soy milk, all fried in oil and served with a

soy-and-oil-based tartar sauce. (Tofu and other forms of soy are

high in protein, but per 100 calories, tofu is as fatty as many cuts

of beef.) L.A. being to the wholesome-food movement what

Hawaii is to Spam, I ate at two other mega-popular wholesome-

food restaurants while I was in the area. At Café Gratitude

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I enjoyed the kale chips and herb-cornmeal-crusted eggplant

parmesan, and at Akasha I indulged in a spiced-lamb-sausage

flatbread pizza. Both are pricey orgies of fat and carbs.

I’m not picking out rare, less healthy examples from these

establishments. Check out their menus online: fat, sugar, and

other refined carbs abound. (Café Gratitude says it uses only

“healthy” fats and natural sweeteners; Akasha says its focus is

not on “health food” but on “farm to fork” fare.) In fact, because

the products and dishes offered by these types of establishments

tend to emphasize the healthy-sounding foods they contain, I

find it much harder to navigate through them to foods that go

easy on the oil, butter, refined grains, rice, potatoes, and sugar

than I do at far less wholesome restaurants. (These dishes also

tend to contain plenty of sea salt, which Pollanites hold up as the

wholesome alternative to the addictive salt engineered by the

food industry, though your body can’t tell the difference.)

One occasional source of obesogenic travesties is the New

York Times Magazine’s lead food writer, Mark Bittman, who

now rivals Pollan as a shepherd to the anti-processed-food flock.

( Salon, in an article titled “How to Live What Michael Pollan

Preaches,” called Bittman’s 2009 book, Food Matters, “both a

cookbook and a manifesto that shows us how to eat better—and

save the planet.”) I happened to catch Bittman on the Today

show last year demonstrating for millions of viewers four ways

to prepare corn in summertime, including a lovely dish of corn

sautéed in bacon fat and topped with bacon. Anyone who thinks

that such a thing is much healthier than a Whopper just hasn’t

been paying attention to obesity science for the past few decades.

That science is, in fact, fairly straightforward. Fat carries

more than twice as many calories as carbohydrates and proteins

do per gram, which means just a little fat can turn a serving of

food into a calorie bomb. Sugar and other refined carbohydrates,

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

Mark Bittman demonstrates cooking on the Today show.

like white flour and rice, and high-starch foods, like corn and

potatoes, aren’t as calorie-dense. But all of these “problem carbs”

charge into the bloodstream as glucose in minutes, providing an

energy rush, commonly followed by an energy crash that can

lead to a surge in appetite.

Because they are energy-intense foods, fat and sugar and 20

other problem carbs trip the pleasure and reward meters placed

in our brains by evolution over the millions of years during

which starvation was an ever-present threat. We’re born enjoy-

ing the stimulating sensations these ingredients provide, and

exposure strengthens the associations, ensuring that we come

to crave them and, all too often, eat more of them than we

should. Processed food is not an essential part of this story:

recent examinations of ancient human remains in Egypt, Peru,

and elsewhere have repeatedly revealed hardened arteries, sug-

gesting that pre-industrial diets, at least of the affluent, may not

have been the epitome of healthy eating that the Pollanites

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make them out to be. People who want to lose weight and keep

it off are almost always advised by those who run successful

long-term weight-loss programs to transition to a diet high in

lean protein, complex carbs such as whole grains and legumes,

and the sort of fiber vegetables are loaded with. Because these

ingredients provide us with the calories we need without the

big, fast bursts of energy, they can be satiating without pushing

the primitive reward buttons that nudge us to eat too much.

(A few words on salt: Yes, it’s unhealthy in large amounts,

raising blood pressure in many people; and yes, it makes food

more appealing. But salt is not obesogenic—it has no

See Chapter 6

for ways to

calories, and doesn’t specifically increase the desire

anticipate

objections.

to consume high-calorie foods. It can just as easily be

enlisted to add to the appeal of vegetables. Lumping it in with

fat and sugar as an addictive junk-food ingredient is a confused

proposition. But let’s agree we want to cut down on it.)

To be sure, many of Big Food’s most popular products are

loaded with appalling amounts of fat and sugar and other prob-

lem carbs (as well as salt), and the plentitude of these ingre-

dients, exacerbated by large portion sizes, has clearly helped

foment the obesity crisis. It’s hard to find anyone anywhere

who disagrees. Junk food is bad for you because it’s full of fat

and problem carbs. But will switching to wholesome foods free

us from this scourge? It could in theory, but in practice, it’s

hard to see how. Even putting aside for a moment the serious

questions about whether wholesome foods could be made acces-

sible to the obese public, and whether the obese would be willing

to eat them, we have a more immediate stumbling block: many

of the foods served up and even glorified by the wholesome-food

movement are themselves chock full of fat and problem carbs.

Some wholesome foodies openly celebrate fat and problem

carbs, insisting that the lack of processing magically renders

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

them healthy. In singing the praises of clotted cream and lard-

loaded cookies, for instance, a recent Wall Street Journal article

by Ron Rosenbaum explained that “eating basic, earthy, fatty

foods isn’t just a supreme experience of the senses—it can actu-

ally be good for you,” and that it’s “too easy to conflate eating

fatty food with eating industrial, oil-fried junk food.” That’s

right, we wouldn’t want to make the same mistake that all the

cells in our bodies make. Pollan himself makes it clear in his

writing that he has little problem with fat—as long as it’s not

in food “your great-grandmother wouldn’t recognize.”

Television food shows routinely feature revered chefs tossing

around references to healthy eating, “wellness,” and farm-fresh

ingredients, all the while spooning lard, cream, and sugar over

everything in sight. (A study published last year in the British

Medical Journal found that the recipes in the books of top TV

chefs call for “significantly more” fat per portion than what’s

contained in ready-to-eat supermarket meals.) Corporate well-

ness programs, one of the most promising avenues for getting

the population to adopt healthy behaviors, are falling prey

to this way of thinking as well. Last November, I attended a

stress-management seminar for employees of a giant consulting

company, and listened to a high-powered professional wellness

coach tell the crowded room that it’s okay to eat anything as

long as its plant or animal origins aren’t obscured by processing.

Thus, she explained, potato chips are perfectly healthy, because

they plainly come from potatoes, but Cheetos will make you

sick and fat, because what plant or animal is a Cheeto? (For

the record, typical potato chips and Cheetos have about equally

nightmarish amounts of fat calories per ounce; Cheetos have

fewer carbs, though more salt.)

The Pollanites seem confused about exactly what benefits 25

their way of eating provides. All the railing about the fat, sugar,

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

and salt engineered into industrial junk food might lead one

to infer that wholesome food, having not been engineered,

contains substantially less of them. But clearly you can take

in obscene quantities of fat and problem carbs while eating

wholesomely, and to judge by what’s sold at wholesome stores

and restaurants, many people do. Indeed, the more converts

and customers the wholesome-food movement’s purveyors seek,

the stronger their incentive to emphasize foods that light up

precisely the same pleasure centers as a 3 Musketeers bar. That

just makes wholesome food stealthily obesogenic.

Hold on, you may be thinking. Leaving fat, sugar, and salt

aside, what about all the nasty things that wholesome foods do

not, by definition, contain and processed foods do? A central

claim of the wholesome-food movement is that wholesome is

healthier because it doesn’t have the artificial flavors, preserva-

tives, other additives, or genetically modified ingredients found

in industrialized food; because it isn’t subjected to the physical

transformations that processed foods go through; and because

it doesn’t sit around for days, weeks, or months, as industrial-

ized food sometimes does. (This is the complaint against the

McDonald’s smoothie, which contains artificial flavors and

texture additives, and which is pre-mixed.)

The health concerns raised about processing itself—rather

than the amount of fat and problem carbs in any given dish—

are not, by and large, related to weight gain or obesity. That’s

important to keep in mind, because obesity is, by an enormous

margin, the largest health problem created by what we eat. But

even putting that aside, concerns about processed food have

been magnified out of all proportion.

Some studies have shown that people who eat wholesomely

tend to be healthier than people who live on fast food and

other processed food (particularly meat), but the problem with

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

such studies is obvious: substantial nondietary differences exist

between these groups, such as propensity to exercise, smoking

rates, air quality, access to health care, and much more. (Some

researchers say they’ve tried to control for these factors, but

that’s a claim most scientists don’t put much faith in.) What’s

more, the people in these groups are sometimes eating entirely

different foods, not the same sorts of foods subjected to differ-

ent levels of processing. It’s comparing apples to Whoppers,

instead of Whoppers to hand-ground, grass-fed-beef burgers

with heirloom tomatoes, garlic aioli, and artisanal cheese. For

all these reasons, such findings linking food type and health

are considered highly unreliable, and constantly contradict one

another, as is true of most epidemiological studies that try to

tackle broad nutritional questions.

The fact is, there is simply no clear, credible evidence that

any aspect of food processing or storage makes a food uniquely

unhealthy. The U.S. population does not suffer from a critical

lack of any nutrient because we eat so much processed food.

(Sure, health experts urge Americans to get more calcium,

potassium, magnesium, fiber, and vitamins A, E, and C, and

eating more produce and dairy is a great way to get them, but

these ingredients are also available in processed foods, not to

mention supplements.) Pollan’s “foodlike substances” are regu-

lated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (with some

exceptions, which are regulated by other agencies), and their

effects on health are further raked over by countless scien-

tists who would get a nice career boost from turning up the

hidden dangers in some common food-industry ingredient or

technique, in part because any number of advocacy groups and

journalists are ready to pounce on the slightest hint of risk.

The results of all the scrutiny of processed food are hardly 30

scary, although some groups and writers try to make them

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

appear that way. The Pew Charitable Trusts’ Food Additives

Project, for example, has bemoaned the fact that the FDA

directly reviews only about 70 percent of the ingredients found

in food, permitting the rest to pass as “generally recognized as

safe” by panels of experts convened by manufacturers. But the

only actual risk the project calls out on its Web site or in its

publications is a quote from a Times article noting that bromine,

which has been in U.S. foods for eight decades, is regarded as

suspicious by many because flame retardants containing bro-

mine have been linked to health risks. There is no conclusive

evidence that bromine itself is a threat.

In Pandora’s Lunchbox, Melanie Warner assiduously catalogs

every concern that could possibly be raised about the health

threats of food processing, leveling accusations so vague, weakly

supported, tired, or insignificant that only someone already con-

vinced of the guilt of processed food could find them troubling.

While ripping the covers off the breakfast-cereal conspiracy, for

example, Warner reveals that much of the nutritional value

claimed by these products comes not from natural ingredients

but from added vitamins that are chemically synthesized, which

must be bad for us because, well, they’re chemically synthesized.

It’s the tautology at the heart of the movement: processed foods

are unhealthy because they aren’t natural, full stop.

In many respects, the wholesome-food movement veers

awfully close to religion. To repeat: there is no hard evidence

to back any health-risk claims about processed food—evidence,

say, of the caliber of several studies by the Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention that have traced food poisoning to raw

milk, a product championed by some circles of the wholesome-

food movement. “Until I hear evidence to the contrary, I think

it’s reasonable to include processed food in your diet,” says

Robert Kushner, a physician and nutritionist and a professor

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

at Northwestern University’s medical school, where he is the

clinical director of the Comprehensive Center on Obesity.

There may be other reasons to prefer wholesome food to

the industrialized version. Often stirred into the vague stew of

benefits attributed to wholesome food is the “sustainability”

of its production—that is, its long-term impact on the planet.

Small farms that don’t rely much on chemicals and heavy

industrial equipment may be better for the environment than

giant industrial farms—although that argument quickly becomes

complicated by a variety of factors. For the purposes of this article,

let’s simply stipulate that wholesome foods are environmentally

superior. But let’s also agree that when it comes to prioritizing

among food-related public-policy goals, we are likely to save and

improve many more lives by focusing on cutting obesity—through

any available means—than by trying to convert all of industrial

agriculture into a vast constellation of small organic farms.

The impact of obesity on the chances of our living long, pro-

ductive, and enjoyable lives has been so well documented at

this point that I hate to drag anyone through the grim statistics

again. But let me just toss out one recent dispatch from the world

of obesity-havoc science: a study published in February in the

journal Obesity found that obese young adults and middle-agers in

the U.S. are likely to lose almost a decade of life on average, as

compared with their non-obese counterparts. Given our obesity

rates, that means Americans who are alive today can collectively

expect to sacrifice 1 billion years to obesity. The study adds to

a river of evidence suggesting that for the first time in modern

history—and in spite of many health-related improvements in our

environment, our health care, and our nondietary habits—our

health prospects are worsening, mostly because of excess weight.

By all means, let’s protect the environment. But let’s not rule 35

out the possibility of technologically enabled improvements to

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our diet—indeed, let’s not rule out any food—merely because

we are pleased by images of pastoral family farms. Let’s first pick

the foods that can most plausibly make us healthier, all things

considered, and then figure out how to make them environ-

mentally friendly.

The Food Revolution We Need

The one fast-food restaurant near a busy East L.A. intersection

otherwise filled with bodegas was a Carl’s Jr. I went in and saw

that the biggest and most prominent posters in the store were

pushing a new grilled-cod sandwich. It actually looked pretty

good, but it wasn’t quite lunchtime, and I just wanted a cup of

coffee. I went to the counter to order it, but before I could say

anything, the cashier greeted me and asked, “Would you like to

try our new Charbroiled Atlantic Cod Fish Sandwich today?”

Oh, well, sure, why not? (I asked her to hold the tartar sauce,

which is mostly fat, but found out later that the sandwich is

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

normally served with about half as much tartar sauce as the

notoriously fatty Filet-O-Fish sandwich at McDonald’s, where

the fish is battered and fried.) The sandwich was delicious. It was

less than half the cost of the Sea Cake appetizer at Real Food

Daily. It took less than a minute to prepare. In some ways, it was

the best meal I had in L.A., and it was probably the healthiest.

We know perfectly well who within our society has developed

an extraordinary facility for nudging the masses to eat certain

foods, and for making those foods widely available in cheap and

convenient forms. The Pollanites have led us to conflate the

industrial processing of food with the adding of fat and sugar in

order to hook customers, even while pushing many faux-healthy

foods of their own. But why couldn’t Big Food’s processing and

marketing genius be put to use on genuinely healthier foods,

like grilled fish? Putting aside the standard objection that the

industry has no interest in doing so—we’ll see later that in fact

the industry has plenty of motivation for taking on this chal-

lenge—wouldn’t that present a more plausible answer to America’s

junk-food problem than ordering up 50,000 new farmers’ mar-

kets featuring locally grown organic squash blossoms?

According to Lenard Lesser, of the Palo Alto Medical Foun-

dation, the food industry has mastered the art of using in-store

and near-store promotions to shape what people eat. As Lesser

and I drove down storied Telegraph Avenue in Berkeley and

into far less affluent Oakland, leaving behind the Whole Foods

Markets and sushi restaurants for gas-station markets and bar-

becued-rib stands, he pointed out the changes in the billboards.

Whereas the last one we saw in Berkeley was for fruit juice,

many in Oakland tout fast-food joints and their wares, includ-

ing several featuring the Hot Mess Burger at Jack in the Box.

Though Lesser noted that this forest of advertising may simply

reflect Oakland residents’ preexisting preference for this type of

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food, he told me lab studies have indicated that the more signs

you show people for a particular food product or dish, the more

likely they are to choose it over others, all else being equal.

We went into a KFC and found ourselves traversing a maze

of signage that put us face-to-face with garish images of vari-

ous fried foods that presumably had some chicken somewhere

deep inside them. “The more they want you to buy something,

the bigger they make the image on the menu board,” Lesser

explained. Here, what loomed largest was the $19.98 fried-

chicken-and-corn family meal, which included biscuits and

cake. A few days later, I noticed that McDonald’s places large

placards showcasing desserts on the trash bins, apparently cal-

culating that the best time to entice diners with sweets is when

they think they’ve finished their meals.

Trying to get burger lovers to jump to grilled fish may already 40

be a bit of a stretch—I didn’t see any of a dozen other cus-

tomers buy the cod sandwich when I was at Carl’s Jr., though

the cashier said it was selling reasonably well. Still, given

the food industry’s power to tinker with and market food, we

should not dismiss its ability to get unhealthy eaters—slowly,

incrementally—to buy better food.

That brings us to the crucial question: Just how much

healthier could fast-food joints and processed-food companies

make their best-selling products without turning off customers?

I put that question to a team of McDonald’s executives, sci-

entists, and chefs who are involved in shaping the company’s

future menus, during a February visit to McDonald’s surprisingly

bucolic campus west of Chicago. By way of a partial answer, the

team served me up a preview tasting of two major new menu

items that had been under development in their test kitch-

ens and high-tech sensory-testing labs for the past year, and

which were rolled out to the public in April. The first was the

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

Egg White Delight McMuffin ($2.65), a lower-calorie, less fatty

version of the Egg McMuffin, with some of the refined flour in

the original recipe replaced by whole-grain flour. The other was

one of three new Premium McWraps ($3.99), crammed with

grilled chicken and spring mix, and given a light coating of

ranch dressing amped up with rice vinegar. Both items tasted

pretty good (as do the versions in stores, I’ve since confirmed,

though some outlets go too heavy on the dressing). And they

were both lower in fat, sugar, and calories than not only many

McDonald’s staples, but also much of the food served in whole-

some restaurants or touted in wholesome cookbooks.

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In fact, McDonald’s has quietly been making healthy changes

for years, shrinking portion sizes, reducing some fats, trimming

average salt content by more than 10 percent in the past couple

of years alone, and adding fruits, vegetables, low-fat dairy, and

oatmeal to its menu. In May, the chain dropped its Angus third-

pounders and announced a new line of quarter-pound burgers,

to be served on buns containing whole grains. Outside the core

fast-food customer base, Americans are becoming more health-

conscious. Public backlash against fast food could lead to regulatory

efforts, and in any case, the fast-food industry has every incentive

to maintain broad appeal. “We think a lot about how we can bring

nutritionally balanced meals that include enough protein, along

with the tastes and satisfaction that have an appetite-tiding effect,”

said Barbara Booth, the company’s director of sensory science.

Such steps are enormously promising, says Jamy Ard, an

epidemiology and preventive-medicine researcher at Wake

Forest Baptist Medical Center in Winston-Salem, North

Carolina, and a co-director of the Weight Management Center

there. “Processed food is a key part of our environment, and

it needs to be part of the equation,” he explains. “If you can

reduce fat and calories by only a small amount in a Big Mac, it

still won’t be a health food, but it wouldn’t be as bad, and that

could have a huge impact on us.” Ard, who has been working

for more than a decade with the obese poor, has little patience

with the wholesome-food movement’s call to eliminate fast

food in favor of farm-fresh goods. “It’s really naive,” he says.

“Fast food became popular because it’s tasty and convenient and

cheap. It makes a lot more sense to look for small, beneficial

changes in that food than it does to hold out for big changes

in what people eat that have no realistic chance of happening.”

According to a recent study, Americans get 11 percent of

their calories, on average, from fast food—a number that’s

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

almost certainly much higher among the less affluent over-

weight. As a result, the fast-food industry may be uniquely

positioned to improve our diets. Research suggests that calorie

counts in a meal can be trimmed by as much as 30 percent

without eaters noticing—by, for example, reducing portion sizes

and swapping in ingredients that contain more fiber and water.

Over time, that could be much more than enough to literally

tip the scales for many obese people. “The difference between

losing weight and not losing weight,” says Robert Kushner, the

obesity scientist and clinical director at Northwestern, “is a few

hundred calories a day.”

Which raises a question: If McDonald’s is taking these sorts 45

of steps, albeit in a slow and limited way, why isn’t it more

loudly saying so to deflect criticism? While the company has

heavily plugged the debut of its new egg-white sandwich and

chicken wraps, the ads have left out even a mention of health,

the reduced calories and fat, or the inclusion of whole grains.

McDonald’s has practically kept secret the fact that it has also

begun substituting whole-grain flour for some of the less healthy

refined flour in its best-selling Egg McMuffin.

The explanation can be summed up in two words that surely

strike fear into the hearts of all fast-food executives who hope

to make their companies’ fare healthier: McLean Deluxe.

Among those who gleefully rank such things, the McLean

Deluxe reigns as McDonald’s worst product failure of all time,

eclipsing McPasta, the McHotdog, and the McAfrica (don’t

ask). When I brought up the McLean Deluxe to the innovation

team at McDonald’s, I faced the first and only uncomfortable

silence of the day. Finally, Greg Watson, a senior vice president,

cleared his throat and told me that neither he nor anyone else

in the room was at the company at the time, and he didn’t

know that much about it. “It sounds to me like it was ahead

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

of its time,” he added. “If we had something like that in the

future, we would never launch it like that again.”

Introduced in 1991, the McLean Deluxe was perhaps the

boldest single effort the food industry has ever undertaken to

shift the masses to healthier eating. It was supposed to be a

healthier version of the Quarter Pounder, made with extra-lean

beef infused with seaweed extract. It reportedly did reasonably

well in early taste tests—for what it’s worth, my wife and I were

big fans—and McDonald’s pumped the reduced-fat angle to the

public for all it was worth. The general reaction varied from

lack of interest to mockery to revulsion. The company gamely

flogged the sandwich for five years before quietly removing it

from the menu.

The McLean Deluxe was a sharp lesson to the industry, even

if in some ways it merely confirmed what generations of parents

have well known: if you want to turn off otherwise eager eaters

to a dish, tell them it’s good for them. Recent studies suggest that

calorie counts placed on menus have a negligible effect on food

choices, and that the less-health-conscious might even use the

information to steer clear of low-calorie fare—perhaps assuming

that it tastes worse and is less satisfying, and that it’s worse value

for their money. The result is a sense in the food industry that

if it is going to sell healthier versions of its foods to the general

public—and not just to that minority already sold on healthier

eating—it is going to have to do it in a relatively sneaky way,

emphasizing the taste appeal and not the health benefits. “People

expect something to taste worse if they believe it’s healthy,”

says Charles Spence, an Oxford University neuroscientist who

specializes in how the brain perceives food. “And that expecta-

tion affects how it tastes to them, so it actually does taste worse.”

Thus McDonald’s silence on the nutritional profiles of 50

its new menu items. “We’re not making any health claims,”

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

Watson said. “We’re just saying it’s new, it tastes great, come

on in and enjoy it. Maybe once the product is well seated with

customers, we’ll change that message.” If customers learn that

they can eat healthier foods at McDonald’s without even real-

izing it, he added, they’ll be more likely to try healthier foods

there than at other restaurants. The same reasoning presumably

explains why the promotions and ads for the Carl’s Jr. grilled-

cod sandwich offer not a word related to healthfulness, and

why there wasn’t a whiff of health cheerleading surrounding

the turkey burger brought out earlier this year by Burger King

(which is not yet calling the sandwich a permanent addition).

If the food industry is to quietly sell healthier products to

its mainstream, mostly non-health-conscious customers, it must

find ways to deliver the eating experience that fat and problem

carbs provide in foods that have fewer of those ingredients.

There is no way to do that with farm-fresh produce and whole-

some meat, other than reducing portion size. But processing

technology gives the food industry a potent tool for trimming

unwanted ingredients while preserving the sensations they

deliver.

I visited Fona International, a flavor-engineering company

also outside Chicago, and learned that there are a battery of

tricks for fooling and appeasing taste buds, which are prone

to notice a lack of fat or sugar, or the presence of any of the

various bitter, metallic, or otherwise unpleasant flavors that

vegetables, fiber, complex carbs, and fat or sugar substitutes can

impart to a food intended to appeal to junk-food eaters. Some

5,000 FDA-approved chemical compounds—which represent

the base components of all known flavors—line the shelves

that run alongside Fona’s huge labs. Armed with these ingredi-

ents and an array of state-of-the-art chemical-analysis and test-

ing tools, Fona’s scientists and engineers can precisely control

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

flavor perception. “When you reduce the sugar, fat, and salt in

foods, you change the personality of the product,” said Robert

Sobel, a chemist, who heads up research at the company. “We

can restore it.”

For example, fat “cushions” the release of various flavors

on the tongue, unveiling them gradually and allowing them

to linger. When fat is removed, flavors tend to immediately

inundate the tongue and then quickly flee, which we register as

a much less satisfying experience. Fona’s experts can reproduce

the “temporal profile” of the flavors in fattier foods by adding

edible compounds derived from plants that slow the release of

flavor molecules; by replacing the flavors with similarly fla-

vored compounds that come on and leave more slowly; or by

enlisting “phantom aromas” that create the sensation of certain

tastes even when those tastes are not present on the tongue.

(For example, the smell of vanilla can essentially mask reduc-

tions in sugar of up to 25 percent.) One triumph of this sort

of engineering is the modern protein drink, a staple of many

successful weight-loss programs and a favorite of those trying to

build muscle. “Seven years ago they were unpalatable,” Sobel

said. “Today we can mask the astringent flavors and eggy aromas

by adding natural ingredients.”

I also visited Tic Gums in White Marsh, Maryland, a

company that engineers textures into food products. Texture

hasn’t received the attention that flavor has, noted Greg Andon,

Tic’s boyish and ebullient president, whose family has run the

company for three generations. The result, he said, is that even

people in the food industry don’t have an adequate vocabulary

for it. “They know what flavor you’re referring to when you

say ‘forest floor,’ but all they can say about texture is ‘Can

you make it more creamy?’ ” So Tic is inventing a vocabulary,

breaking textures down according to properties such as “mouth

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

coating” and “mouth clearing.” Wielding an arsenal of some

20 different “gums”—edible ingredients mostly found in tree

sap, seeds, and other plant matter—Tic’s researchers can make

low-fat foods taste, well, creamier; give the same full body that

sugared drinks offer to sugar-free beverages; counter chalkiness

and gloopiness; and help orchestrate the timing of flavor bursts.

(Such approaches have nothing in common with the ill-fated

Olestra, a fat-like compound engineered to pass undigested

through the body, and billed in the late 1990s as a fat substitute

in snack foods. It was made notorious by widespread anecdotal

complaints of cramps and loose bowels, though studies seemed

to contradict those claims.)

Fona and Tic, like most companies in their industry, won’t 55

identify customers or product names on the record. But both

firms showed me an array of foods and beverages that were under

construction, so to speak, in the name of reducing calories, fat,

and sugar while maintaining mass appeal. I’ve long hated the

taste of low-fat dressing—I gave up on it a few years ago and just

use vinegar—but Tic served me an in-development version of

a low-fat salad dressing that was better than any I’ve ever had.

Dozens of companies are doing similar work, as are the big food-

ingredient manufacturers, such as ConAgra, whose products are

in 97 percent of American homes, and whose whole-wheat flour

is what McDonald’s is relying on for its breakfast sandwiches.

Domino Foods, the sugar manufacturer, now sells a low-calorie

combination of sugar and the nonsugar sweetener stevia that

has been engineered by a flavor company to mask the sort of

nonsugary tastes driving many consumers away from diet bever-

ages and the like. “Stevia has a licorice note we were able to

have taken out,” explains Domino Foods CEO Brian O’Malley.

High-tech anti-obesity food engineering is just warming up.

Oxford’s Charles Spence notes that in addition to flavors and

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

textures, companies are investigating ways to exploit a stream

of insights that have been coming out of scholarly research

about the neuroscience of eating. He notes, for example, that

candy companies may be able to slip healthier ingredients into

candy bars without anyone noticing, simply by loading these

ingredients into the middle of the bar and leaving most of the fat

and sugar at the ends of the bar. “We tend to make up our minds

about how something tastes from the first and last bites, and

don’t care as much what happens in between,” he explains. Some

other potentially useful gimmicks he points out: adding weight to

food packaging such as yogurt containers, which convinces eaters

that the contents are rich with calories, even when they’re not;

using chewy textures that force consumers to spend more time

between bites, giving the brain a chance to register satiety; and

using colors, smells, sounds, and packaging information to create

the belief that foods are fatty and sweet even when they are not.

Spence found, for example, that wine is perceived as 50 percent

sweeter when consumed under a red light.

Researchers are also tinkering with food ingredients to boost

satiety. Cargill has developed a starch derived from tapioca that

gives dishes a refined-carb taste and mouthfeel, but acts more

like fiber in the body—a feature that could keep the appetite

from spiking later. “People usually think that processing leads

to foods that digest too quickly, but we’ve been able to use

processing to slow the digestion rate,” says Bruce McGoogan,

who heads R&D for Cargill’s North American food-ingredient

business. The company has also developed ways to reduce fat in

beef patties, and to make baked goods using half the usual sugar

and oil, all without heavily compromising taste and texture.

Other companies and research labs are trying to turn

out healthier, more appealing foods by enlisting ultra-high

pressure, nanotechnology, vacuums, and edible coatings. At

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

the University of Massachusetts at Amherst’s Center for Foods

for Health and Wellness, Fergus Clydesdale, the director of

the school’s Food Science Policy Alliance—as well as a spry

70-something who’s happy to tick off all the processed food

in his diet—showed me labs where researchers are looking

into possibilities that would not only attack obesity but also

improve health in other significant ways, for example by

isolating ingredients that might lower the risk of cancer and

concentrating them in foods. “When you understand foods at

the molecular level,” he says, “there’s a lot you can do with

food and health that we’re not doing now.”

The Implacable Enemies of Healthier Processed Food

What’s not to like about these developments? Plenty, if you’ve

bought into the notion that processing itself is the source of the

unhealthfulness of our foods. The wholesome-food movement is

not only talking up dietary strategies that are unlikely to help

most obese Americans; it is, in various ways, getting in the way

of strategies that could work better.

The Pollanites didn’t invent resistance to healthier popular 60

foods, as the fates of the McLean Deluxe and Olestra demon-

strate, but they’ve greatly intensified it. Fast food and junk food

have their core customer base, and the wholesome-food gurus

have theirs. In between sit many millions of Americans—the

more the idea that processed food should be shunned no matter

what takes hold in this group, the less incentive fast-food joints

will have to continue edging away from the fat- and problem-

carb-laden fare beloved by their most loyal customers to try to

broaden their appeal.

Pollan has popularized contempt for “nutritionism,” the idea

behind packing healthier ingredients into processed foods. In

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

his view, the quest to add healthier ingredients to food isn’t a

potential solution, it’s part of the problem. Food is healthy not

when it contains healthy ingredients, he argues, but when it

can be traced simply and directly to (preferably local) farms. As

he resonantly put it in The Times in 2007: “If you’re concerned

about your health, you should probably avoid food products that

make health claims. Why? Because a health claim on a food

product is a good indication that it’s not really food, and food

is what you want to eat.”

In this way, wholesome-food advocates have managed to pre-

damn the very steps we need the food industry to take, placing

the industry in a no-win situation: If it maintains the status quo,

then we need to stay away because its food is loaded with fat

and sugar. But if it tries to moderate these ingredients, then it is

deceiving us with nutritionism. Pollan explicitly counsels avoid-

ing foods containing more than five ingredients, or any hard-to-

pronounce or unfamiliar ingredients. This rule eliminates almost

anything the industry could do to produce healthier foods that

retain mass appeal—most of us wouldn’t get past xanthan gum—

and that’s perfectly in keeping with his intention.

By placing wholesome eating directly at odds with healthier

processed foods, the Pollanites threaten to derail the reformation

of fast food just as it’s starting to gain traction. At McDonald’s,

“Chef Dan”—that is, Dan Coudreaut, the executive chef and

director of culinary innovation—told me of the dilemma the

movement has caused him as he has tried to make the menu

healthier. “Some want us to have healthier food, but others

want us to have minimally processed ingredients, which can

mean more fat,” he explained. “It’s becoming a balancing act

for us.” That the chef with arguably the most influence in the

world over the diet of the obese would even consider adding

fat to his menu to placate wholesome foodies is a pretty good

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

sign that something has gone terribly wrong with our approach

to the obesity crisis.

Many people insist that the steps the food industry has

already taken to offer less-obesogenic fare are no more than cyn-

ical ploys to fool customers into eating the same old crap under

a healthy guise. In his 3,500-word New York Times Magazine

article on the prospects for healthier fast food, Mark Bittman

lauded a new niche of vegan chain restaurants while devoting

just one line to the major “quick serve” restaurants’ contribu-

tion to better health: “I’m not talking about token gestures,

like the McDonald’s fruit-and-yogurt parfait, whose calories are

more than 50 percent sugar.” Never mind that 80 percent of

a farm-fresh apple’s calories come from sugar; that almost any

obesity expert would heartily approve of the yogurt parfait as a

step in the right direction for most fast-food-dessert eaters; and

that many of the desserts Bittman glorifies in his own writing

make the parfait look like arugula, nutrition-wise. (His recipe

for corn-and-blueberry crisp, for example, calls for adding two-

thirds of a cup of brown sugar to a lot of other problem carbs,

along with five tablespoons of butter.)

Bittman is hardly alone in his reflexive dismissals. No sooner 65

had McDonald’s and Burger King rolled out their egg-white

sandwich and turkey burger, respectively, than a spate of arti-

cles popped up hooting that the new dishes weren’t healthier

because they trimmed a mere 50 and 100 calories from their

standard counterparts, the Egg McMuffin and the Whopper.

Apparently these writers didn’t understand, or chose to ignore,

the fact that a reduction of 50 or 100 calories in a single dish

places an eater exactly on track to eliminate a few hundred calo-

ries a day from his or her diet—the critical threshold needed for

long-term weight loss. Any bigger reduction would risk leaving

someone too hungry to stick to a diet program. It’s just the sort

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

of small step in the right direction we should be aiming for,

because the obese are much more likely to take it than they

are to make a big leap to wholesome or very-low-calorie foods.

Many wholesome foodies insist that the food industry won’t

make serious progress toward healthier fare unless forced to by

regulation. I, for one, believe regulation aimed at speeding the

replacement of obesogenic foods with appealing healthier foods

would be a great idea. But what a lot of foodies really want is

to ban the food industry from selling junk food altogether. And

that is just a fantasy. The government never managed to keep

the tobacco companies from selling cigarettes, and banning

booze (the third-most-deadly consumable killer after cigarettes

and food) didn’t turn out so well. The two most health-

enlightened, regulation-friendly major cities in America, New

York and San Francisco, tried to halt sales of two of the most

horrific fast-food assaults on health—giant servings of sugared

beverages and kids’ fast-food meals accompanied by toys,

respectively—and neither had much luck. Michelle Obama is

excoriated by conservatives for asking schools to throw more

fruits and vegetables into the lunches they serve. Realistically,

the most we can hope for is a tax on some obesogenic foods.

The research of Lisa Powell, a University of Illinois professor,

suggests that a 20 percent tax on sugary beverages would

reduce consumption by about 25 percent. (As for fatty foods,

no serious tax proposal has yet been made in the U.S., and if

one comes along, the wholesome foodies might well join the

food industry and most consumers in opposing it. Denmark did

manage to enact a fatty-food tax, but it was deemed a failure

when consumers went next door into Germany and Sweden

to stock up on their beloved treats.)

Continuing to call out Big Food on its unhealthy offerings,

and loudly, is one of the best levers we have for pushing it

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How Junk Food Can End Obesity

toward healthier products—but let’s call it out intelligently,

not reflexively. Executives of giant food companies may be

many things, but they are not stupid. Absent action, they risk

a growing public-relations disaster, the loss of their more afflu-

ent and increasingly health-conscious customers, and the threat

of regulation, which will be costly to fight, even if the new

rules don’t stick. Those fears are surely what’s driving much of

the push toward moderately healthier fare within the industry

today. But if the Pollanites convince policy makers and the

health-conscious public that these foods are dangerous by virtue

of not being farm-fresh, that will push Big Food in a different

direction (in part by limiting the profit potential it sees in

lower-fat, lower-problem-carb foods), and cause it to spend its

resources in other ways.

Significant regulation of junk food may not go far, but we

have other tools at our disposal to prod Big Food to intensify

and speed up its efforts to cut fat and problem carbs in its

offerings, particularly if we’re smart about it. Lenard Lesser

points out that government and advocacy groups could start

singling out particular restaurants and food products for praise or

shaming—a more official version of “eat this, not that”—rather

than sticking to a steady drumbeat of “processed food must

go away.” Academia could do a much better job of producing

and highlighting solid research into less obesogenic, high-mass-

appeal foods, and could curtail its evidence-light anti-food-

processing bias, so that the next generation of social and policy

entrepreneurs might work to narrow the gap between the poor

obese and the well-resourced healthy instead of inadvertently

widening it. We can keep pushing our health-care system to

provide more incentives and support to the obese for losing

weight by making small, painless, but helpful changes in their

behavior, such as switching from Whoppers to turkey burgers,

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D A v i D H . f r E E D m A n

from Egg McMuffins to Egg White Delights, or from blueberry

crisp to fruit-and-yogurt parfaits.

And we can ask the wholesome-food advocates, and those

who give them voice, to make it clearer that the advice they

sling is relevant mostly to the privileged healthy—and to start

getting behind realistic solutions to the obesity crisis.

Joining the Conversation

1. Early in this essay, David Freedman explicitly lays out a “they

say” that frames his argument. Summarize the position that

he then sets out to refute.

2. What is Freedman’s argument, and how does he support it?

Why do you think he cites his own personal experiences?

What do they contribute to his argument—and to his essay

as a whole?

3. Paragraphs 30 and 31 introduce opinions that differ from

Freedman’s views. How fairly does he represent these

opposing views, and how persuasively does he respond to

what they say?

4. Freedman is particularly critical of the views of Michael

Pollan (pp. 624–31). What are his specific criticisms? How

do you think Pollan might respond?

5. What do you think? Could “embracing the drive-thru make

us all healthier”? Write an essay responding to Freedman,

saying what you think—and why. Draw from your own expe-

rience as well as from information in his essay in arguing for

what you say.

7 1 2

Expanding the National School Lunch

Program to Higher Education

s a r a g o l d r i c k - r a b

k a t h a r i n e b r o t o n

e m i ly b r u n j e s c o l o

H

In the early 20th century, communities and philanthro-

pists came together to provide lunch to hungry school children.

Some recognized that children couldn’t learn as well when

they were hungry and others felt a moral imperative to meet

this basic need. Decades later, the federal government joined

in these efforts and launched the National School Lunch Pro-

gram (NSLP).1 Since its inception, the NSLP has reduced the

Sara Goldrick-Rab, Katharine Broton, and Emily Brunjes

Colo wrote this essay in April 2016 for the Wisconsin HOPE Lab, an

institute based at the University of Wisconsin at Madison that focuses

on “research aimed at improving equitable outcomes in postsecondary

education” and works on translating scientific research into practice.

Goldrick-Rab, the lab’s founding director, is a professor of higher edu-

cation policy studies and sociology at Temple University. Broton, a

research assistant, is a doctoral candidate in sociology, and Colo is an

assistant researcher.

7 1 3

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

incidence of malnutrition, boosted intake of protein, fiber,

and other nutrients for children, and increased educational

attainment.2 In 2015 more than 30 million children received

lunch every day, in about 100,000 schools and other institu-

tions across the country.3

In today’s economy the continuation of education beyond

high school is common and increasingly necessary for a well-

paying job. But many of the nation’s undergraduates are strug-

gling to concentrate on their education due to hunger. Over

200 food pantries are operating on college and university cam-

puses, and staff and faculty are reaching into their own pockets

to provide lunch money to struggling students. Federal support

to address this problem may improve academic achievement

among undergraduates, as it has among schoolchildren, boost-

ing degree completion rates.4 We therefore propose expanding

the NSLP to higher education.

The New Demographics of American Higher Education

Three in four undergraduates defy traditional stereotypes.5 Just

13% live on college campuses, and nearly half attend community

colleges. One in four students is a parent, juggling childcare respon-

sibilities with class assignments. About 75% work for pay while in

school, including a significant number of full-time workers. The

number of students qualified for the federal Pell Grant—a proxy

for low-income status—grew from about 6 million in 2007–2008

to about 8.5 million in 2013–14. This is unsurprising given that

See p. 201

participation in the NSLP grew by 3.7 million students

for ways to

during that time.6 With more than one in five children

discuss your

data.

living in poverty, college-going rates at a national high,

and the price of higher education continuing to rise, food insecu-

rity among undergraduates is probably more common than ever.7

7 1 4

Expanding the National School Lunch Program

But eligibility for the federally funded food safety net on which

many schoolchildren rely (including the Supplemental Nutri-

tion Assistance Program or SNAP, the National School Lunch

Program, and the School Breakfast Program), ends abruptly for

most when they enter college. Though students’ financial needs

remain while pursuing a postsecondary education—which is

increasingly a prerequisite for a basic standard of living—food

assistance becomes very difficult to access. This may be why

undergraduates are at greater risk of food insecurity compared

to the general population.8

Insufficient attention to the nutritional needs of undergradu- 5

ates could contribute to the inadequate production of college-

educated labor. Over 60% of jobs now require some college

education, but there are not enough people with college degrees

to meet this growing demand. By 2018, the U.S. is predicted

to need an additional 3 million individuals with an associate’s

degree or higher and another 4.7 million with postsecondary

certificates.9 This demand, along with a desire to have the high-

est proportion of college graduates in the world, led President

Obama to encourage all Americans to “get more than a high

school diploma” and focus the national education agenda on

improving college completion rates.10

Enough students start college to meet these goals, but not

enough finish. Among first-time, full-time students seeking a

bachelor’s degree, 59% graduate within six years while 29% of

students seeking an associate’s degree obtain one within three

years. These completion rates mask significant variation by

economic background. Just 14% of students from the lowest

socioeconomic quartile had completed a bachelor’s or higher

degree within eight years of high school graduation compared

to 29% of those from middle socioeconomic families and 60%

of students from the highest socioeconomic quartile.11 By one

7 1 5

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

estimate, students from high-income families are six times more

likely to graduate from college than those from low-income

families.12 Moreover, these gaps persist even after controlling

for prior academic achievement.13

Lack of resources is at the root of this problem.14 The price

of college is rising faster than inflation, faster than health-

care costs, and faster than need-based financial aid.15 The Pell

Grant, the flagship federal program, does not buy what it used

to. When it was created, the grant paid for roughly 80% of

the total cost to attend a public four-year college or university,

including tuition, fees, and living costs. Today it covers barely

one-third.16 As a result, students from low- and moderate-

income families have a great deal of unmet financial need.

This means that after all grants and scholarships are

accounted for, a dependent student from a family in the low-

est income quartile (i.e., $21,000 median annual earnings) has

to devote 59% of her family’s total income to attend a public

four-year college for one year, or 40% to attend a public two-

year college. The situation for independent students is even

worse. On average, independent students over age 24 in the

bottom income quartile must pay more than 100% of their

annual income in order to attend a two- or four-year public

college. Given these numbers, is it any surprise that so many

people feel college is simply unaffordable?

Food Insecurity in Higher Education

Nationally, about half of all Pell recipients are from families

living below the federal poverty line. Many of these students

come to college to escape the material hardship they have long

endured.17 Yet food security is not examined on any national

surveys of undergraduates—so there is limited information

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

about the extent to which undergraduates struggle to find

enough food to eat.18

In 2015, the Wisconsin HOPE Lab partnered with the 10

Healthy Minds Study at the University of Michigan, the Asso-

ciation of Community College Trustees, and Single Stop to

administer a survey at 10 community colleges in seven states.

More than 4,000 students completed a standardized assessment

of food security.19 It revealed that half of all respondents (52%)

were at least marginally food insecure over the past 30 days.20

Specifically, 13% were marginally secure, indicating anxiety

over their food supply, 19% had a low level of security marked

by reductions in the quality or variety of their diet, and 21%

indicated a very low level of food security—or hunger.21 The

most prevalent challenge facing community college students

appears to be their ability to eat balanced meals, which research

suggests may affect their cognitive functioning.22 In addition,

39% of students said that the food they bought didn’t last and

they did not have sufficient money to purchase more. Twenty-

eight percent cut the size of their meals or skipped meals at

least once, and 22% did so on at least three days in the last

30 days. More than one in four respondents (26%) ate less than

they felt they should, and 22% said that they had gone hungry

due to lack of money.

This problem isn’t limited to community colleges. In 2008

the HOPE Lab surveyed more than 2,000 Pell Grant recipients

attending 42 public colleges and universities across Wiscon-

sin, and found that during their first semester of college, 71%

reported that they had changed their food shopping or eating

habits due to a lack of funds. Twenty-seven percent of students

indicated that in the past month, they did not have enough

money to buy food, ate less then they felt they should, or cut

the size of their meals because there was not enough money.

7 1 7

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

When asked if they ever went without eating for an entire day

because they lacked enough money for food, 7% of students said

yes.23 In 2015 the HOPE Lab went into the field again with a

survey of about 1,100 low- and middle-income undergraduates

at eight four-year and two two-year colleges in Wisconsin.24

Most students—61%—experienced food insecurity at some

point during the academic year. Forty-seven percent said that

they were unable to afford a balanced diet. Almost as many

students reported that the food they purchased didn’t last or

that they cut the size of meals or skipped meals altogether. Each

of these experiences was reported by 42% of students surveyed.

And 37% reported that because of financial constraints they

ate less than they thought they should.

There are likely consequences to these circumstances.

Several studies of elementary and secondary school students

show an inverse relationship between food insecurity and

academic achievement.25 Similarly, a study using data from

two community colleges in Maryland found that food inse-

cure students were 22% less likely than food secure students

to have high grades.26

As Madeline Pumariega, chancellor of the Florida Univer-

sity System, puts it, “When a student is hungry, he does not feel

safe, and it is hard to help him synthesize class material. We

have to meet students’ basic needs in order for them to fully

concentrate on assimilating the information in a class in a way

that they can apply it, learn, and take it forward.”27

Beyond SNAP

When undergraduates need assistance affording food, colleges

and universities often refer them to SNAP. While in theory

SNAP could support them, in practice the help it provides

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

is quite limited.28 An analysis of the National Postsecondary

Student Aid Survey of 2012 revealed that just 27% of under-

graduates who are likely eligible for SNAP actually participate

in the program.29 Eligibility issues aside, SNAP take-up rates

among undergraduates are quite low.

Further limiting the impact of SNAP, most low-income col- 15

lege students are ineligible. In order to qualify, students must

work at least 20 hours per week, take part in the Federal Work

Study (FWS) program, have children, or participate in other

safety net programs.30 It can be very difficult for undergraduates,

especially those without children, to meet these criteria. Con-

sider the FWS program. It is underfunded and misallocated, such

that only 1 in 10 Pell recipients at public colleges or universities

receive any support. Moreover, apart from FWS, Pell recipients

may struggle to secure and maintain 20 hours per week of employ-

ment due to increasingly common labor practices that require

flexibility and availability incompatible with the demands of

students’ class schedules.31

Moreover, working long hours while in college is counter-

productive, reducing academic achievement and inhibiting

course completion.32 Students working 20 or more hours per

week are more likely to drop out of college. And among those

who manage to graduate, working extends their time to degree

and thus increases their college costs.33

Even so, students who are food insecure are more likely to

work than their food secure peers. According to one study, the

typical food insecure college student works 18 hours per week.

Employed students are nearly twice as likely to report experiences

with food insecurity, indicating that work and financial aid are

not enough to meet the financial demands of attending college.34

SNAP also has limited utility for undergraduates because it

is rarely accepted on college campuses where students spend

7 1 9

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

their time. Qualified retailers must meet stringent requirements

on the types and quantities of staple foods such as meats, dairy,

and vegetables they sell, and also be equipped with challenging

sales hardware. While Oregon State University just became

one of the first universities in the country to accept SNAP,

additional proposed changes to rules for retailers may make it

very difficult for other schools to follow suit.35

In the meantime, campuses are opening food banks and

food pantries. The College and University Food Bank Alliance,

co-founded by student affairs professionals Clare Cady and

Nate Smyth-Tyge, now supports over 200 food banks on col-

lege campuses across the nation.36 Feeding America reports

that one in ten of its 45.5 million clients are college students.37

Organizations such as Single Stop and the Working Families

Success Network are also expanding to help colleges develop

these services to meet students’ needs, in the absence of a clear

and cohesive food safety net.

Expand the National School Lunch Program

Given the growing crisis of food insecurity in higher education, 20

the National School Lunch Program should be expanded to

include colleges and universities in order to promote college

completion. This would require modifying the authorizing leg-

islation to redefine “school” and extend program participation

to include adults.38

Under current NSLP rules, students may receive free or

reduced price lunches if their family income is below 185 percent

of the annual income poverty level guideline established by

the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and

updated annually by the Census Bureau (currently $21,756 for

a family of four).39 Pell Grant eligibility requirements map onto

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

this standard. For example, the median adjusted gross income

among Pell recipients in the public sector is just under $17,000

per year, and 85% have incomes below 200% of the poverty

line.40 Students already identified as qualified via the financial

aid system (e.g., Pell Grant awardees) could be deemed eligible

for the program to cut down on administrative costs. The NSLP

provides precedent for this “direct certification” approach and

research indicates that it increases participation, lowers admin-

istrative costs, and reduces error in who receives benefits.41

It might also be wise to consider exercising the Community

Eligibility Option, introduced in the Healthy, Hunger-Free

Kids Act of 2010, at high-poverty community colleges… .

Expanding the NSLP to all public and private not-for-profit

colleges and universities, and students of all ages, would provide

food assistance to approximately 7 million Pell recipients—

increasing the NSLP total program size by about one-quarter

(in 2015, there were 30.5 million children participating).42

As in elementary and secondary schools, broad expansion

might facilitate creative delivery models so that campuses can

effectively serve both on and off-campus students while also

reducing stigma.

Program expansion should build on existing efforts. Some

colleges are already taking steps to implement a school lunch–

type program on their campus. For example, Bunker Hill Com-

munity College is working with its cafeteria vendor to buy a

basic lunch (sandwich, fruit, and milk) at wholesale rather than

retail prices, and distributing those lunches to students in need.

Other colleges provide a limited number of food vouchers (with

a particular dollar value) to help hungry students get something

to eat in the school cafeteria. More often faculty and staff mem-

bers report taking it upon themselves to help students obtain

food on an individual basis.

7 2 1

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

Program expansion could proceed in stages, perhaps starting

with public two-year college students, in selected states, or with

selected populations. A gradual rollout based on pilot or dem-

onstration projects could be used to iron out implementation

challenges and assess impacts. We recommended splitting pilot

projects between two approaches to distribution. One approach

ought to provide money for lunches directly to colleges and

require that they provide free or reduced priced lunches to Pell

recipients on their campuses, much as the existing NSLP pro-

gram does. The other approach should provide a campus based

food voucher directly to students. Vouchers could be distributed

through existing campus ID or expense card systems. Under a

lunch voucher system, monies could be distributed to students

either in lump sums once per semester, or on a more periodic

basis—perhaps once per month or biweekly. If vouchers are

provided directly to students, requirements for institutions to

provide low-cost healthy options would also be needed. Both

efforts should be rigorously evaluated, with attention paid to

impacts on nutritional outcomes as well as academic progress.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture should work with the 25

U.S. Department of Education to plot the expansion. And any

expansion must include provisions for state matching, to ensure

that new federal money does not displace existing state level

investments in public higher education. A rough estimate based

on current program costs is that the costs of full program expan-

sion would total around $4 billion per year.43

Investing in college students by offering them the food assis-

tance they need to do well in school has immense long-term

potential. It will likely improve college attainment and reduce

future dependency on the social safety net.44 Congress is currently

considering legislation to reauthorize child nutrition programs,

including the NSLP. This is an optimal time to reshape this

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

program to include undergraduates. These students have proven

to be good investments by surviving poverty and graduating high

school. Additional support can help ensure that they successfully

complete college and become competitive in today’s labor market,

improving their odds of economic stability for the long-term.

Notes

1. Gunderson, G. W. (1971). The National School Lunch Program: Back-

ground and development. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrition

Service. Available at http://www.fns.usda.gov/sites/default/files/NSLP- Program%20

History.pdf

2. Fox, M.K, W. Hamilton, & B.H. Lin. (2004). Effects of food assistance

and nutrition programs on nutrition and health: Volume 3, literature review.

USDA Economic Research Service Report (FANRR-19-3); Hinrichs, P.

(2010). The effects of the National School Lunch Program on education and

health. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 29(3), 479–505; Rosenbaum,

D. & Z. Neuberger. (2005). Food and nutrition programs: Reducing hunger, bol-

stering nutrition. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, Washington, D.C.

3. Oliveira, V. (2016). The food assistance landscape: FY 2015 annual report.

U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Information Bulletin Number 150.

4. Gassman-Pines, A. and L. E. Bellows. 2015. The timing of SNAP benefit

receipt and children’s academic achievement. Paper presented at the Associa-

tion for Public Policy Analysis and Management annual meeting. Available at

https://appam.confex.com/appam/2015/webprogram/Paper13559.html; Price, D.,

Long, M., Quast, S., McMaken, J., & Kioukis, G. (2014). Public benefits and

community colleges: Lessons from the Benefits Access for College Comple-

tion Evaluation. OMG Center for Collaborative Learning, Philadelphia,

PA. Available at http://www.equalmeasure.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/

BACC-Final-Report-FINAL-111914.pdf

5. Casselman, B. (2013, July 6). Number of the week: ‘Non-traditional’

students are majority on College Campuses. The Wall Street Journal.

6. Kelchen, R. (2015). “Analyzing trends in Pell grant recipients and

expenditures.” Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. Available at http://

www.brookings.edu/blogs/brown-center-chalkboard/posts/2015/07/28-pell- grant

-trends-kelchen; Food Research and Action Center (2015). National School 7 2 3

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

Lunch Program: Trends and factors affecting student participation. Available

at http://frac.org/pdf/national_school_lunch_report_2015.pdf

7. Bartfeld, J. (2016.) SNAP and the school meal programs. In J. Bartfeld,

C. Gundersen, T. Smeeding & J. Ziliak (Eds), SNAP matters: How food

stamps affect health and well-being. Stanford University Press. Goldrick-Rab, S.

(forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial aid, and the betrayal of

the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

8. Broton, K., Frank, V., & Goldrick-Rab, S. (2014). Safety, security, and

college attainment: An investigation of undergraduates’ basic needs and

institutional

response. Wisconsin HOPE Lab, Madison, WI.

9. Carnevale, A. P., Smith, N., & Strohl, J. (2010). Help wanted: Projections

of job and education requirements through 2018. Georgetown University Center

on Education and the Workforce.

10. Obama, B. (2009, February 24). Address to joint session of congress.

11. U.S. Department of Education. (2015). The condition of education.

12. Bailey, M. J., & Dynarski, S. M. (2011). Gains and gaps: Changing

inequality in US college entry and completion. National Bureau of Economic

Research, Cambridge, MA.

13. U.S. Department of Education. (2015). The condition of education.

14. Goldrick-Rab, S. (forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial

aid, and the betrayal of the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

15. Kurzleben, D. (2013, Oct. 23). “Just how fast has college tuition grown?”

U.S. News & World Report.

16. Goldrick-Rab, S. (forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial

aid, and the betrayal of the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

17. Goldrick-Rab, S. (forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial

aid, and the betrayal of the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

18. The Wisconsin HOPE Lab has requested that the federal government

add these items to data collection on undergraduates. Wisconsin HOPE Lab.

(2015). Request to add measurement of food insecurity to the National Post-

secondary Student Aid Study. Available at http://wihopelab.com/publications/

NPSAS%20Brief%202015_WI%20HOPE%20Lab_ACE.pdf

19. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service. (2012).

U.S. Household Food Security Module: Six-Item Short Form. Available at http://

www.ers.usda.gov/datafiles/Food_Security_in_the_United_States/Food_Security

_Survey_Modules/short2012.pdf.

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

20. Goldrick-Rab, S., K. Broton, & D. Eisenberg. (2015). Hungry to learn:

Addressing food & housing insecurity among undergraduates. Wisconsin HOPE

Lab, Madison, WI.

21. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service. (2012).

U.S. household food security module: Six-item short form. Available at http://www

.ers.usda.gov/datafiles/Food_Security_in_the_United_States/Food_Security_

Survey_Modules/short2012.pdf.

22. Maroto, M. E., Snelling, A., & Linck, H. (2015). Food insecurity among

community college students: Prevalence and association with grade point aver-

age. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 39(6), 515–526.

23. Broton, K., Frank, V., & Goldrick-Rab, S. (2014). Safety, security, and

college attainment. Wisconsin HOPE Lab, Madison, WI.

24. Wisconsin HOPE Lab. (2016). What we’re learning: Food and housing

insecurity among college students. Data Brief 16-01. Available at: http://

wihopelab.com/publications/Wisconsin_HOPE_Lab_Data%20Brief%2016- 01

_Undergraduate_Housing%20and_Food_Insecurity.pdf

25. Cady, C. L. (2014). Food insecurity as a student issue. Journal of Col-

lege and Character, 15(4), 265–272; Alaimo, K., Olson, C. M., & Frongillo, E.

A. (2001). Food insufficiency and American school-aged children’s cognitive,

academic, and psychosocial development. Pediatrics, 108(1), 44–53; Alaimo, K.

(2005). Food insecurity in the United States: An overview. Topics in Clinical

Nutrition, 20(4), 281–298; Jyoti, D. F., Frongillo, E. A., & Jones, S. J. (2005).

Food insecurity affects school children’s academic performance, weight gain,

and social skills. The Journal of Nutrition, 135(12), 2831–2839; Winicki, J.,

& Jemison, K. (2003). Food insecurity and hunger in the kindergarten class-

room: Its effect on learning and growth. Contemporary Economic Policy, 21(2),

145–157.

26. Maroto, M. E., Snelling, A., & Linck, H. (2015). Food insecurity among

community college students: Prevalence and association with grade point aver-

age. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 39(6).

27. Goldrick-Rab, S., Broton, K., & Gates. (2013). Clearing the path to a

brighter future: Addressing barriers to community college access and success.

Association of Community College Trustees, Washington, D.C., and Single

Stop USA, New York, NY.

28. Duke-Benfield, A.E. (2015). Bolstering Non-Traditional Student Success:

A Comprehensive Student Aid System Using Financial Aid, Public Benefits, and

Refundable Tax Credits. Center for Postsecondary and Economic Success at the

7 2 5

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

Center for Law and Social Policy, Washington, D.C. Available at http://www

.clasp.org/resources-and-publications/publication-1/Bolstering- NonTraditional

-Student-Success.pdf

29. “Likely eligible” means students with incomes under 130% of the federal

poverty line who work at least 20 hours per week, take part in work-study,

receive TANF or have a dependent child under age 6; Gault, B., J. Hayes, C.

Williams, & M. Froehner. (2014.) Public benefit eligibility and receipt among

low-income college students—Working draft. Institute for Women’s Policy

Research, Washington, D.C.

30. United States Department of Agriculture. Supplemental Nutrition

Assistance Program (SNAP) website: http://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/students.

31. Goldrick-Rab, S. (forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial

aid, and the betrayal of the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

32. Dadgar, M. (2012). The academic consequences of employment for stu-

dents enrolled in community college. CCRC working paper no. 46. New York,

NY: Community College Research Center at Columbia University; Darolia,

R. (2014). Working (and studying) day and night: Heterogeneous effects of

working on the academic performance of full-time and part-time students.

Economics of Education Review, 38, 38–50.; DeSimone, J. S. (2008). The impact

of employment during school on college student academic performance. NBER

working paper 14006. National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA;

Stinebrickner, R., & Stinebrickner, T. R. (2003). Working during school and

academic performance. Journal of Labor Economics, 21(2), 473–491.

33. Bound, J., Lovenheim, M. F., & Turner, S. (2012). Increasing time to

baccalaureate degree in the United States. Education Finance and Policy, 7(4),

375–424; Bozick, R. (2007). Making it through the first year of college: The

role of students’ economic resources, employment, and living arrangements.

Sociology of Education, 80(3), 261–285; Ehrenberg, R. G., & Sherman, D. R.

(1987). Employment while in college, academic achievement, and post- college

outcomes: A summary of results. The Journal of Human Resources, 22(1), 1– 23;

Horn, L. J., & Malizio, A. G. (1998). Undergraduates who work. National Post-

secondary Student Aid Study, 1996. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of

Education.; Orszag, J. M., Orszag, P. R., & Whitmore, D. M. (2001). Learning

and earning: Working in college. Newton, MA: Upromise, Inc.; Van Dyke, R.,

Little, B., & Callender, C. (2005). Survey of higher education students’ attitudes

to debt and term-time working and their impact on attainment. Higher Education

Funding Council for England, Bristol, England.

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Expanding the National School Lunch Program

34. Patton-López, M. M., López-Cevallos, D. F., Cancel-Tirado, D. I., &

Vazquez, L. (2014). Prevalence and correlates of food insecurity among students

attending a midsize rural university in Oregon. Journal of Nutrition Education

and Behavior, 46(3), 209–214.

35. OSU participation in SNAP to help improve food access. (2016). Oregon

State University. Available at http://oregonstate.edu/ua/ncs/archives/2016/jan/

osu-participation-snap-help-improve-student-food-access; Enhancing retailer standards in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Proposed

rule. Federal Register: The Daily Journal of the United States Government. Available

at https://www.federalregister.gov/articles/2016/02/17/2016-03006/enhancing

-retailer-standards-in-the-supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-snap

36. College & University Food Bank Alliance webpage. Available at www

.cufba.org.

37. Resnikoff, N. (2014, August 8). “The hunger crisis in America’s uni-

versities.” MSNBC.

38. Agriculture, Subchapter A—Child Nutrition Programs, 7CFR210 (2014).

Available at http://www.fns.usda.gov/sites/default/files/7CFR210_2014.pdf

39. The poverty guidelines updated periodically in the Federal Register by

the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under the authority of 42

U.S.C. 9902(2). Available at http://aspe.hhs.gov/POVERTY/07poverty.shtml

40. Goldrick-Rab, S. (forthcoming). Paying the price: College costs, financial

aid, and the betrayal of the American dream. University of Chicago Press.

41. Bartfeld, J. (2016). SNAP and the school meal programs. In J. Bartfeld,

C. Gundersen, T. Smeeding & J. Ziliak (Eds), SNAP matters: How food stamps

affect health and well-being. Stanford University Press; Gleason, P. et al. (2003).

Direct certification in the National School Lunch Program—Impacts on pro-

gram access and integrity. Prepared by Mathematics Policy Research for U.S.

Department of Agriculture; Cole, N. (2007). Data matching in the National

School Lunch Program: 2005 final report. Prepared by Abt Associates for U.S.

Department of Agriculture; Ponza, M., Gleason, P., Hulsey, L., and Moore,

Q. (2007). NSLP/SBP access, participation, eligibility and certification study.

Prepared by Mathematics Policy Research for U.S. Department of Agriculture.

42. According to Title IV program volume reports, 8.6 million students

received Pell Grants in 2013–14. College Board did some calculations of the Pell

volume at each institution type (see http://trends.collegeboard.org/student-aid/

figures-tables/percentage-distribution-pell-grants-sector-over-time). According to their calculations, for-profits made up 20% of Pell recipients in 2013-14. We

7 2 7

S A r A g O L D r i c k - r A b E T A L .

subtract these students for program estimates. For the current number in NSLP

see http://www.fns.usda.gov/sites/default/files/pd/slsummar.pdf

43. Neuberger, Z. & Namian, T. (2016). Who benefits from federal sub-

sidies for free and reduced price school meals? Center on Budget and Policy

Priorities, Washington, D.C. Available at http://www.cbpp.org/research/

who-benefits-from-federal-subsidies-for-free-and-reduced-price-school- meals;

for reimbursement amounts per meal see http://www.fns.usda.gov/school

-meals/rates-reimbursement; For the cost of meals in the NSLP see: http://www

.fns.usda.gov/sites/default/files/MealCostStudy.pdf

44. Price, D., Long, M., Quast, S., McMaken, J., & Kioukis, G. (2014). Pub-

lic benefits and community colleges: Lessons from the benefits access for college

completion evaluation. OMG Center for Collaborative Learning, Philadelphia,

PA. Available at http://www.equalmeasure.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/

BACC-Final-Report-FINAL-111914.pdf

Joining the Conversation

1. Sara Goldrick-Rab, Katharine Broton, and Emily Brunjes

Colo propose expanding the national school lunch program

to include college students. What evidence do they provide

to support their proposal?

2. The authors include forty-four endnotes to identify and

explain their sources. Examine the endnotes. Pick five of

them that look interesting to you and explain what they

contribute to the authors’ argument.

3. Choose three examples of the authors’ use of data: one from

near the beginning of the report, one from the middle, and

one from near the end. What part of the authors’ argument

does each piece of data support?

4. According to Goldrick-Rab et al., the federal government

should provide lunch for college students in need. How do

you think Radley Balko (pp. 651–55), who complains of

7 2 8

Expanding the National School Lunch Program

government spending and interference in personal behav-

iors, would respond?

5. Write an essay in which you agree, disagree, or both with

the authors’ proposal. Draw from your own observations,

from another reading in this chapter, or both.

7 2 9

credits

H

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September 2, 2007. Copyright © 2007 The New York Times. All rights

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Joseph Stiglitz: “A Tax System Stacked Against the 99 Percent,” from The

New York Times, April 14, 2013. Copyright © 2013 The New York Times. All

rights reserved. Used by permission and protected by the Copyright Laws of

the United States. The printing, copying, redistribution, or retransmission of

this Content without express written permission is prohibited.

7 3 4

Credits

Clive Thompson: “Rise of the Centaurs” from Smarter Than You Think: How

Technology Is Changing Our Minds for the Better by Clive Thompson, copyright

© 2013 by Clive Thompson. Used by permission of Penguin Press, an imprint

of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. All

rights reserved.

Zeynep Tufekci: “Does a Protest’s Size Matter?” From The New York Times,

January 27, 2017. Copyright © 2017 The New York Times. All rights reserved.

Used by permission and protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States.

The printing, copying, redistribution, or retransmission of this Content without

express written permission is prohibited.

Sherry Turkle: Excerpts from Alone Together: Why We Expect More from

Tech-

nology and Less from Each Other. Copyright © 2011 by Sherry Turkle. Used by

permission of Perseus Books Group.

Sanford J. Ungar: Originally published as “7 Major Misconceptions about the

Liberal Arts,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, March 5, 2010. Reprinted with

the permission of the author.

J. D. Vance: Chapter 11 [pp. 179–95] from Hillbilly Elegy by J. D. Vance.

Copyright © 2016 by J. D. Vance. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins

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Jenna Wortham: “How I Learned to Love Snapchat,” by Jenna Wortham. From

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David Zinczenko: “Don’t Blame the Eater.” From The New York Times,

November 23, 2002. Reprinted by permission of the author.

7 3 5

C R E D I T S

photographs

Chapter 11: p. 148: 20th Century Fox/Courtesy Everett Collection; p. 156:

20th Century Fox/Courtesy Everett Collection; Chapter 16: p. 208: mathis-

works/Getty Images; p. 213: Tom Gauld; p. 214: Esquire/NBC News Poll;

p. 222: Sgt. Jennifer Pirante/US Marine Corps; p. 226; Netflix; p. 234: Miller

Center/Wikipedia; p. 237: Charles Tasnadi/AP Photo; p. 262: Photograph

by Naomi McColloch; p. 282: Sam Hodgson/The New York Times/Redux;

p. 288: Doyle Partners; p. 297: ASSOCIATED PRESS; p. 312: ASSOCIATED

PRESS; Chapter 17: p. 314: iStock/Getty images; p. 378: Photo courtesy of

Mike Rose; p. 383: Photo courtesy of Mike Rose; p. 399: ©CourtneyPerry;

p. 404: ©CourtneyPerry; p. 409: ©CourtneyPerry; p. 416: ©CourtneyPerry;

p. 417: ©CourtneyPerry; Chapter 18: p. 420: ociacia/iStock/Getty images;

p. 425: Courtesy of the Everett Collection; p. 429 (left): Gustav Schultze,

Naumburg, 1882/Wikimedia Commons; p. 429 (right): akg images/Newscom;

p. 433: Midvale Company Photographs (1883–1953)/Flickr; p. 435: Sebastian

Bergmann/Wikimedia Commons; p. 442: Foto Marburg/Art Resource, NY;

p. 446: ASSOCIATED PRESS; p. 482: Google; p. 486: James Leynse/Corbis

Historical/Getty Images; p. 488: Jonathan Albright; p. 496: REUTERS/Mariana

Bazo; p. 510: Creatista/Shuttershock; p. 526: Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images;

Chapter 19: p. 530: Maarten de Boer/Contour By Getty Images; p. 557: Thodo-

ris Tibilis/Shuttershock; p. 578: Courtesy of Grinnell College; p. 602: Damien

Maloney/New York Times/Redux; Chapter 20: p. 620: Courtesy of Marilyn

Moller; p. 633: Courtesy of the Atlantic; p. 638: Courtesy of the Atlantic;

p. 660: iStockphoto; p. 627: Shuttershock; p. 682: iStock/Getty images;

p. 684: Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washinton Post via Getty Images; p. 689: Peter

Kramer/NBC/NBC NewsWire via Getty Images; p. 696: iStock/Getty images;

p. 699: AP Photo/Reed Saxon; About the Authors: Tricia Koning (Graff and

Birkenstein); Melanie Cannon (Durst).

7 3 6

acknowledgments

H

Like the previous three editions, this one would never have

seen print if it weren’t for Marilyn Moller, our superb editor at

Norton, and the extraordinary job she has done of inspiring,

commenting on, rewriting (and then rewriting and rewriting

again) our many drafts. Our friendship with Marilyn is one of

the most cherished things to have developed from this project.

Our thanks go as well to Ariella Foss for editing this

new edition and helping to shape each readings chapters; to

Sarah Touborg for her countless contributions and insights;

to Elizabeth Marotta, Andy Ensor, and Christine D’Antonio

for managing the production and project editing; to Michal

Brody, Claire Wallace, and Madeline Rombes for curating and

producing the fabulous theysayiblog; and to Erica Wnek and

Ava Bramson for managing the digital resources that accom-

pany the book.

We thank John Darger, our Norton representative, who

offered early encouragement to write this book, to Debra

Morton Hoyt and Tiani Kennedy for their excellent work on

the cover—and give special thanks to Lib Triplett and all the

Norton travelers for the superb work they’ve done on behalf

of our book.

Thanks to Lisa Ampleman, a prize-winning poet and doc-

toral graduate in English from the University of Cincinnati, for

her invaluable aid in finding readings for the book, and to Lisa,

Courtney Danforth (College of Southern Nevada), and Trine

7 3 7

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

Miller (College of Marin) for writing the instructor’s guide that

accompanies the book.

We owe special thanks to our colleagues in the English

department at the University of Illinois at Chicago: Mark

Canuel, our former department head, for supporting our earlier

efforts overseeing the university’s Writing in the Disciplines

requirement; Walter Benn Michaels, our current department

head; and Ann Feldman, former Director of University Writing

Programs, for encouraging us to teach first-year composition

courses at UIC in which we could try out ideas and drafts of our

manuscript; Tom Moss, Diane Chin, Vainis Aleksa, and Matt

Pavesich, who have also been very supportive of our efforts; and

Matt Oakes, our former research assistant. We are also grateful

to Ann, Diane, and Mark Bennett for bringing us into their

graduate course on the teaching of writing, and to Lisa Freeman,

John Huntington, Walter Benn Michaels, and Ralph Cintron,

for inviting us to present our ideas in the keynote lecture at

UIC’s 2013 “Composition Matters” conference.

We are also especially grateful to Steve Benton and Nadya

Pittendrigh, who taught a section of composition with us using an

early draft of this book. Steve made many helpful suggestions, par-

ticularly regarding the exercises. We are grateful to Andy Young,

a lecturer at UIC who has tested our book in his courses and who

gave us extremely helpful feedback. And we thank Vershawn A.

Young, whose work on code-meshing influenced our argument

in Chapter 9, and Hillel Crandus, whose classroom handout

inspired the chapter on “Entering Classroom Discussions.”

We are grateful to the many colleagues and friends who’ve

let us talk our ideas out with them and given extremely helpful

responses. UIC’s former dean, Stanley Fish, has been central in

this respect, both in personal conversations and in his incisive

articles calling for greater focus on form in the teaching of

7 3 8

Acknowledgments

writing. Our conversations with Jane Tompkins have also been

integral to this book, as was the composition course that Jane co-

taught with Gerald entitled “Can We Talk?” Lenny Davis, too,

offered both intellectual insight and emotional support, as did

Heather Arnet, Jennifer Ashton, Janet Atwill, Kyra Auslander,

Noel Barker, Jim Benton, Jack Brereton, Tim Cantrick, Marsha

Cassidy, David Chinitz, Lisa Chinitz, Pat Chu, Duane Davis,

Bridget O’Rourke Flisk, Steve Flisk, Judy Gardiner, Howard

Gardner, Rich Gelb, Gwynne Gertz, Jeff Gore, Bill Haddad,

Ben Hale, Scott Hammerl, Patricia Harkin, Andy Hoberek,

John Huntington, Joe Janangelo, Paul Jay, David Jolliffe, Nancy

Kohn, Don Lazere, Jo Liebermann, Steven Mailloux, Deirdre

McCloskey, Maurice J. Meilleur, Alan Meyers, Greg Meyerson,

Anna Minkov, Chris Newfield, Jim Phelan, Paul Psilos, Bruce

Robbins, Charles Ross, Eileen Seifert, Evan Seymour, David

Shumway, Herb Simons, Jim Sosnoski, David Steiner, Harold

Veeser, Chuck Venegoni, Marla Weeg, Jerry Wexler, Joyce

Wexler, Virginia Wexman, Jeffrey Williams, Lynn Woodbury,

and the late Wayne Booth, whose friendship we dearly miss.

We are grateful for having had the opportunity to present our

ideas to a number of schools: University of Arkansas at Little

Rock, Augustana College, Brandeis University, Brigham Young

University, Bryn Mawr College, Case Western University,

Columbia University, Community College of Philadelphia, Cali-

fornia State University at Bakersfield, California State University

at Northridge, University of California at Riverside, University of

Delaware, DePauw University, Drew University, Duke Univer-

sity, Duquesne University, Elmhurst College, Emory University,

Fontbonne University, Furman University, Gettysburg College,

Harper College, Harvard University, Haverford College, Hawaii

Office of Secondary School Curriculum Instruction, Hunter Col-

lege, University of Illinois College of Medicine, Illinois State

7 3 9

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

University, John Carroll University, Kansas State University,

Lawrence University, the Lawrenceville School, University

of Louisiana at Lafayette, MacEwan University, University of

Maryland at College Park, Massachusetts Institute of Technol-

ogy, University of Memphis, Miami University, University of

Missouri at Columbia, New Trier High School, State University

of New York at Geneseo, State University of New York at Stony

Brook, North Carolina A&T University, University of North

Florida, Northern Michigan University, Norwalk Community

College, Northwestern University Division of Continuing

Studies, University of Notre Dame, Ohio Wesleyan University,

Oregon State University, University of Portland, University of

Rochester, St. Ambrose University, St. Andrew’s School, St.

Charles High School, Seattle University, Southern Connecticut

State University, South Elgin High School, University of South

Florida, University of Southern Mississippi, Swarthmore Col-

lege, Teachers College, University of Tennessee at Knoxville,

University of Texas at Arlington, Tulane University, Union

College, Ursinus College, Wabash College, Washington Col-

lege, University of Washington, Western Michigan University,

Westinghouse/Kenwood High Schools, University of West Vir-

ginia at Morgantown, Wheaton Warrenville English Chairs, and

the University of Wisconsin at Whitewater.

We particularly thank those who helped arrange these

visits and discussed writing issues with us: Jeff Abernathy,

Herman Asarnow, John Austin, Greg Barnheisel, John Bean,

Crystal Benedicks, Joe Bizup, Sheridan Blau, Dagne Bloland,

Chris Breu, Mark Brouwer, Joan Johnson Bube, John Cald-

well, Gregory Clark, Irene Clark, Dean Philip Cohen, Cathy

D’Agostino, Tom Deans, Gaurav Desai, Lisa Dresdner, Kath-

leen Dudden-Rowlands, Lisa Ede, Alexia Ellett, Emory Elliott,

Anthony Ellis, Kim Flachmann, Ronald Fortune, Rosanna

7 4 0

Acknowledgments

Fukuda, George Haggerty, Donald Hall, Joe Harris, Gary Hatch,

Elizabeth Hatmaker, Harry Hellenbrand, Nicole Henderson,

Donna Heiland, Doug Hesse, Van Hillard, Andrew Hoberek,

Michael Hustedde, Sara Jameson, T. R. Johnson, David Jones,

Ann Kaplan, Don Kartiganer, Linda Kinnahan, Dean Georg

Kleine, Albert Labriola, Craig Lawrence, Lori Lopez, Tom Liam

Lynch, Hiram Maxim, Michael Mays, Thomas McFadden,

Sean Meehan, Connie Mick, Joseph Musser, Margaret Oakes,

John O’Connor, Gary Olson, Tom Pace, Les Perelman, Emily

Poe, Dominick Randolph, Clancy Ratliff, Monica Rico, Kelly

Ritter, Jack Robinson, Warren Rosenberg, Laura Rosenthal,

Dean Howard Ross, Deborah Rossen-Knill, Paul Schacht, Petra

Schatz, Evan Seymour, Rose Shapiro, Mike Shea, Cecilia M.

Shore, Erec Smith, Nancy Sommers, Stephen Spector, Timo-

thy Spurgin, Ron Strickland, Trig Thoreson, Josh Toth, Judy

Trost, Aiman Tulamait, Charles Tung, John Webster, Robert

Weisbuch, Sandi Weisenberg, Karin Westman, Martha Wood-

mansee, and Lynn Worsham.

We also wish to extend particular thanks to two Chicago

area educators who have worked closely with us: Les Lynn of the

Chicago Debate League and Eileen Murphy of CERCA. Lastly,

we wish to thank two high school teachers for their excellent

and inventive adaptations of our work: Mark Gozonsky in his

YouTube video clip, “Building Blocks,” and Dave Stuart, Jr.,

in his blog, “Teaching the Core.”

For inviting us to present our ideas at their conferences

we are grateful to John Brereton and Richard Wendorf at

the Boston Athenaeum; Wendy Katkin of the Reinvention

Center of State University of New York at Stony Brook;

Luchen Li of the Michigan English Association; Lisa Lee and

Barbara Ransby of the Public Square in Chicago; Don Lazere of

the University of Tennessee at Knoxville; Dennis Baron of the

7 4 1

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Alfie Guy of Yale

University; Irene Clark of the California State University at

Northridge; George Crandell and Steve Hubbard, co-directors

of the ACETA conference at Auburn University; Mary Beth

Rose of the Humanities Institute at the University of Illinois

at Chicago; Diana Smith of St. Anne’s Belfield School and

the University of Virginia; Jim Maddox and Victor Luftig of

the Bread Loaf School of English; Jan Fitzsimmons and Jerry

Berberet of the Associated Colleges of Illinois; and Rosemary

Feal, Executive Director of the Modern Language Association.

We are very grateful to those who reviewed the new read-

ings for this fourth edition. Our thanks go to Steven K. Bailey

(Central Michigan University); Edward Baldwin (College of

Southern Nevada); Michal Brody (Sonoma State Univer-

sity); Courtney Danforth (College of Southern Nevada); Elias

Dominguez-Barajas (University of Arkansas); Karen Gaffney

(Raritan Valley Community College); Karen L. Henderson

(Helena College University of Montana); Mark Hughes

(Community College of Philadelphia); Lawrence J. Lehmann,

Jr. (Camden County College); Kelly Ritter (University of

Illinois Urbana–Champaign); Julia Ruengert (Pensacola State

College); Sara Smith (Pensacola State College); and Debbie

Williams (Abilene Christian University).

We also thank those who reviewed materials for the

fourth edition: Teresa Alto (Itasca Community College);

Darla Anderson (California State University, Northridge);

Jan Andres (Riverside City College); Steven Bailey (Central

Michigan University); Valerie Bell (Loras College); Tamara

Benson (Kent State University); Jade Bittle (Rowan-Cabar-

rus Community College); Jill Bonds (University of Phoenix);

William Cantrell (Johnson Central High School); David Chase

(Raritan Valley Community College); Barbara Cook (Mount

7 4 2

Acknowledgments

Aloysius College); Jonathan Cook (Durham Technical Com-

munity College); Lana Dalley (California State University,

Fullerton); Carol Lynne D’Arcangelis (Memorial University of

Newfoundland); Nicholas DeArmas (Seminole State College

of Florida); Elias Dominguez-Barajas (University of Arkansas);

Ember Dooling (St. Joseph High School); Andrew Dunphy

(Massasoit Community College); Justin Eells (Minnesota State

University, Mankato); Africa Fine (Palm Beach State Col-

lege); Valerie Fong (Foothill College); Reese Fuller (Episcopal

School of Acadiana); Karen Gaffney (Raritan Valley Com-

munity College); Jacquelyn Geiger (Bucks County Commu-

nity College); Joshua Geist (College of the Sequoias); Ashley

Gendek (Kentucky Wesleyan College); Sean George (Dixie

State University); Karen Gocsik (University of California,

San Diego); Sarah Gray (Middle Tennessee State University);

George Grinnell (University of British Columbia Okanagan);

Lindsay Haney (Bellevue College); Catherine Hayter

(Saddleback College); Stephen V. Hoyt (Obridge Academy/

St. Joseph’s College); Timothy Jackson (Rosemont College);

Julie Jung-Kim (Trinity International University); Hannah

Keller (Campbell University); Michael Keller (South Dakota

State University); Nina Kutty (DePaul University); Lisa Lipani

(University of Georgia); Judi Mack (Joliet Junior College);

Anna Maheshwari (Schoolcraft College); Sarah F. McGinley

(Wright State University); James McGovern (Germanna Com-

munity College); Liz McLemore (Minneapolis Community and

Technical College); Jason Melton (Sacramento State Univer-

sity); Michael Mendoza (Seminole State College of Florida);

Carey Millsap-Spears (Moraine Valley Community College);

Nicole Morris (Emory University); Shelley Palmer (Central

Piedmont Community College); Jeff Pruchnic (Wayne State

University); Tammy Ramsey (Bluegrass Community and

7 4 3

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

Technical College); Cynthia Cox Richardson (Sinclair Com-

munity College); Rachel Rinehart (St. Edward’s University);

Kelly Ritter (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign);

Deborah Rossen-Knill (University of Rochester); Laura Rossi-Le

(Endicott College); Julie Shattuck (Frederick Community

College); Ellen Sorg (Owens Community College); Jennifer

Stefaniak (Springfield Technical Community College);

Heather Stringham (College of Southern Nevada); Stuart Swir-

sky (Seminole State College of Florida); Star Taylor (River-

side City College); Stephanie Tran (Foothill College); Alicia

Trotman (Mercy College); Robert Williams (St. Edward’s Uni-

versity); and Benjamin Woo (Carleton University).

We are very grateful to those who reviewed the new read-

ings for the third edition. Our thanks go to Elias Dominguez

Barajas (University of Arkansas), Christine Berni (Austin Com-

munity College), Wanda Fries (Somerset Community College),

Leigh Hancock (Germanna Community College), Jennie Joiner

(Keuka College), Elizabeth Kalbfleisch (Southern Connecticut

State University), Jeanne McDonald (Waubonsee Community

College), Roxanne Munch (Joliet Junior College), Michael

O’Connor (Onondaga Community College), Kelly Ritter (Uni-

versity of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign), Gail Suberbielle (Baton

Rouge Community College), Eleanor Welsh (Chesapeake Col-

lege), and Debbie J. Williams (Abilene Christian University).

A very special thanks goes to those who reviewed materials

for the third edition: Carrie Bailey (Clark College); Heather

Barrett (Boston University); Amy Bennett-Zendzian (Boston

University); Seth Blumenthal (Boston University); Ron Brooks

(Oklahoma State University); Jonathan Cook (Durham Tech-

nical Community College); Tessa Croker (Boston University);

Perry Cumbie (Durham Technical Community College);

Robert Danberg (Binghamton University); Elias Dominguez

7 4 4

Acknowledgments

Barajas (University of Arkansas); Nancy Enright (Seton Hall

University); Jason Evans (Prairie State College); Ted Fitts

(Boston University); Karen Gaffney (Raritan Valley Com-

munity College); Karen Gardiner (University of Alabama);

Stephen Hodin (Boston University); Michael Horwitz (Uni-

versity of Hartford); John Hyman (American University);

Claire Kervin (Boston University); Melinda Kreth (Central

Michigan University); Heather Marcovitch (Red Deer Col-

lege); Christina Michaud (Boston University); Marisa Milan-

ese (Boston University); Theresa Mooney (Austin Community

College); Roxanne Munch (Joliet Junior College); Sarah Quirk

(Waubonsee Community College); Lauri Ramey (California

State University, Los Angeles); David Shawn (Boston Uni-

versity); Jennifer Sia (Boston University); Laura Sonderman

(Marshall University); Katherine Stebbins McCaffrey (Boston

University); K. Sullivan (Lane Community College); Anne-

Marie Thomas (Austin Community College at Riverside); Eliot

Treichel (Lane Community College); Rosanna Walker (Lane

Community College); Mary Erica Zimmer (Boston University).

A very special thanks goes to those who reviewed materials

for the second edition: Kathy Albertson (Georgia Southern

Univer sity); Joseph Aldinger (State University of New York,

Buffalo); Nicolette Amann (Humboldt State University);

Sonja Andrus (Collin College); Gail Arnoff (John Carroll

University); Lisa Siefker Bailey (Indiana University-Purdue

University Indianapolis); John Berteaux (California State

University, Monterey Bay); Sonya Blades (University of North

Carolina, Greensboro); Elyse Blankley (California State Uni-

versity, Long Beach); Andrew Bodenrader (Manhattanville

College); Rachel Bowman (University of North Carolina,

Greensboro); Eric Branscomb (Salem State College); Har-

ryette Brown (Eastfield College); Elena Brunn (Borough of

7 4 5

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

Manhattan Community College/City University of New York);

Rita Carey (Clark College); Julie Cassidy (Borough of Man-

hattan Community College); Catherine Chaterdon (The

University of Arizona); Amy Lea Clemons (Francis Marion

University); Tracey Clough (University of Texas, Arlington);

Julie Colish (University of Michigan, Flint); Matt Copeland

(San Diego State University); Christopher Cowley (State

University of New York, Buffalo); Angela Crow (Georgia

Southern University); Susie Crowson (Del Mar College);

Sean Curran (California State University, Northridge); Kate

Dailey (Bowling Green State University, Firelands); Jill Dar-

ley-Vanis (Clark College); Virginia Davidson (Mount Saint

Mary College); Page Delano (Borough of Manhattan Commu-

nity College); Elisabeth Divis (University of Michigan); Will

Dodson (University of North Carolina, Greensboro); Patricia

Dowcett (Quinnipiac University); Laura Dubek (Middle Ten-

nessee State University); William Duffy (University of North

Carolina, Greensboro); Gary Eberle (Aquinas College); Alycia

Ehlert (Darton College); Sarah Farrell (University of Texas,

Arlington); Joseph Fasano (Manhattanville College); Benja-

min Fischer (Northwest Nazarene University); Joan Forbes

(Kean University); Courtney Fowler (California State Univer-

sity, Long Beach); Caimeen Garrett (American University);

William Griswold (California State University, Long Beach);

Deborah Greenhut (New Jersey City University); Charles Guy-

McAlpin (University of North Carolina, Greensboro); Kata-

lin Gyurian (Kean University); Jami Hemmenway (Eureka

College); Jane Hikel (University of Hartford); Erin Houlihan

(University of North Carolina, Greensboro); Erik Hudak (Uni-

versity of Texas, Arlington); Chris Hurst (State University

of New York, Buffalo); Kristopher Jansma (Manhattanville

College); Michael Jauchen (Colby-Sawyer College); Jeanine

7 4 6

Acknowledgments

Jewell (Southeast Community College); Antonnet Johnson

(University of Arizona); Donald Johnson (Santa Monica Col-

lege); Lou Ann Karabel (Indiana University Northwest); Rod

Kessler (Salem State College); Kristi Key (Newberry College);

Kelly Kinney (Binghamton University); Francia Kissel (Indi-

ana University-Purdue University Indianapolis); Geoff Klock,

Debra S. Knutson (Shawnee State University); Morani Korn-

berg-Weiss (State University of New York, Buffalo); David

LaPierre (Central Connecticut State University); Ann-Gee

Lee (St. Cloud State University); Jerry Lee (University of

Arizona); Jessica Lee (University of Arizona); Eric Leuschner

(Fort Hays State University); Brian Lewis (Century College);

Damon Kraft (Missouri Southern State University); Amy

Losi (Hamburg Central School District); Aimee Lukas (Cen-

tral Connecticut State University); Jaclyn Lutzke (Indiana

University-Purdue University Indianapolis); John McBratney

(John Carroll University); Heather McPherson (University

of Minnesota); Cruz Medina (University of Arizona); Dawn

Mendoza (Dean College); Rae Ann Meriwether (University of

North Carolina, Greensboro); Catherine Merritt (University

of Alabama); Gina Miller (Alaska Pacific University); Tomas

Q. Morin (Texas State University); Jenny Mueller (McKen-

dree University); Matt Mullins (University of North Caro-

lina, Greensboro); Roxanne F. Munch (Joliet Junior College);

Charles Nelson (Kean University); Pauline Newton (Southern

Methodist University); Pat Norton (University of Alabama);

Marsha Nourse (Dean College); Anne-Marie Obilade (Alcorn

State University); Adair Olson (Black Hills State University);

Nancy Pederson (University of Minnesota, Morris); Christine

Pipitone-Herron (Raritan Valley Community College); D.

Pothen (Multnomah University); Sarah A. Quirk (Waubonsee

Community College); Clancy Ratliff (University of Louisiana,

7 4 7

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

Lafayette); Kelly Ritter (University of North Carolina,

Greensboro); Stephanie Roach (University of Michigan, Flint);

Jeffrey Roessner (Mercyhurst College); Scott Rogers (Weber

State University); Suzanne Ross (St. Cloud State University);

Keidrick Roy; Myra Salcedo (University of Texas, Arlington);

Ronit Sarig (California State University, Northridge); Saman-

tha Seamans (Central Connecticut State University); Rae

Schipke (Central Connecticut State University); Michael

Schoenfeldt (University of Michigan); Pat Sherbert (National

Math and Science Initiative); Joyce Shrimplin (Miami Uni-

versity of Ohio); Leticia Slabaugh (Texas A&M, Galveston);

Lars Soderlund (Purdue University); Summar Sparks (Uni-

versity of North Carolina, Greensboro); David Squires (State

University of New York, Buffalo); Alice Stephens (Oldenburg

Academy of the Immaculate Conception); Mary Stroud (The

University of Arizona); Kimberly Sullivan (Clark College);

Doug Swartz (Indiana University Northwest); William Tate

(Covenant College); James Tolan (Borough of Manhattan

Community College); Dawn Trettin-Moyer (University of

Washington, Oshkosh); Clementina Verge (Central Con-

necticut State University); Norma Vogel (Dean College);

Nhu Vu (Seattle Central Community College); Christie Ward

(Central Connecticut State University); Stephanie Wardrop

(Western New England College); Rachael Wendler (Univer-

sity of Arizona); Cara Williams (University of North Carolina,

Greensboro); Todd Williams (Kutztown University); Robert

Wilson (Cedar Crest College); Courtney Wooten (Univer-

sity of North Carolina, Greensboro); Chuck Venegoni (John

Hersey High School); William Younglove (California State

University, Long Beach).

We also thank those who reviewed materials for the

first edition: Marie Elizabeth Brockman (Central Michigan

7 4 8

Acknowledgments

University); Ronald Clark Brooks (Oklahoma State Univer-

sity); Beth Buyserie (Washington State University); Michael

Donnelly (University of Tampa); Karen Gardiner (University

of Alabama); Greg Glau (Northern Arizona University); Anita

Helle (Oregon State University); Michael Hennessy (Texas

State University); Asao Inoue (California State University at

Fresno); Sara Jameson (Oregon State University); Joseph Jones

(University of Memphis); Amy S. Lerman (Mesa Community

College); Marc Lawrence MacDonald (Central Michigan

University); Andrew Manno (Raritan Valley Community

College); Sylvia Newman (Weber State University); Carole

Clark Papper (Hofstra University); Eileen Seifert (DePaul Uni-

versity); Evan Seymour (Community College of Philadelphia);

Renee Shea (Bowie State University); Marcy Taylor (Central

Michigan University); Rita Treutel (University of Alabama at

Birmingham); Margaret Weaver (Missouri State University);

Leah Williams (University of New Hampshire); and Tina Žigon

(State University of New York at Buffalo).

Finally, a special thank you to David Bartholomae for

suggesting the phrase that became the subtitle of the book.

7 4 9

index of templates

H

disagreeing without being disagreeable

(pp. 10–11)

j While I understand the impulse to

, my own view

is

.

j While I agree with X that

, I cannot accept her over-

all conclusion that

.

j While X argues

, and I argue

, in a way

we’re both right.

the template of templates

(p. 11)

j In recent discussions of

, a controversial issue has

been whether

. On the one hand, some argue

that

. From this perspective,

. On the other

hand, however, others argue that

. In the words of

, one of this view’s main proponents, “

.”

According to this view,

. In sum, then, the issue is

whether

or

.

7 5 1

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

My own view is that

. Though I concede that

, I still maintain that

. For example,

. Although some might object that

, I would

reply that

. The issue is important because

.

introducing what “they say”

(p. 23)

j

A number of

have recently suggested that

.

j It has become common today to dismiss

.

j In their recent work, Y and Z have offered harsh critiques of

for

.

introducing “standard views”

(pp. 23– 24)

j Americans today tend to believe that

.

j Conventional wisdom has it that

.

j Common sense seems to dictate that

.

j The standard way of thinking about topic X has it that

.

j It is often said that

.

j My whole life I have heard it said that

.

j You would think that

.

j Many people assume that

.

7 5 2

Index of Templates

making what “they say” something you say

(pp. 24–25)

j I’ve always believed that

.

j When I was a child, I used to think that

.

j Although I should know better by now, I cannot help thinking

that

.

j

At the same time that I believe

, I also believe

.

introducing something implied or assumed

(p. 25)

j Although none of them have ever said so directly, my teachers

have often given me the impression that

.

j

One implication of X’s treatment of

is that

.

j Although X does not say so directly, she apparently assumes

that

.

j While they rarely admit as much,

often take for

granted that

.

introducing an ongoing debate

(pp. 25–28)

j In discussions of X, one controversial issue has been

.

On the one hand,

argues

. On the other

7 5 3

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

hand,

contends

. Others even maintain

. My own view is

.

j When it comes to the topic of

, most of us will read-

ily agree that

. Where this agreement usually ends,

however, is on the question of

. Whereas some are

convinced that

, others maintain that

.

j

In conclusion, then, as I suggested earlier, defenders of

can’t have it both ways. Their assertion that

is contradicted by their claim that

.

capturing authorial action

(pp. 39–41)

j X acknowledges that

.

j X agrees that

.

j X argues that

.

j X believes that

.

j X denies/does not deny that

.

j X claims that

.

j X complains that

.

j X concedes that

.

j X demonstrates that

.

j X deplores the tendency to

.

j X celebrates the fact that

.

j X emphasizes that

.

7 5 4

Index of Templates

j X insists that

.

j X observes that

.

j X questions whether

.

j X refutes the claim that

.

j X reminds us that

.

j X reports that

.

j X suggests that

.

j X urges us to

.

introducing quotations

(p. 47)

j X states, “

.”

j As the prominent philosopher X puts it, “

.”

j According to X, “

.”

j X himself writes, “

.”

j In her book,

, X maintains that “

j

Writing in the journal

, X complains that

.”

j In X’s view, “

.”

j X agrees when she writes, “

.”

j X disagrees when he writes, “

.”

j X complicates matters further when he writes, “

.”

7 5 5

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

explaining quotations

(pp. 47–48)

j Basically, X is saying

.

j In other words, X believes

.

j In making this comment, X urges us to

.

j X is corroborating the age-old adage that

.

j X’s point is that

.

j The essence of X’s argument is that

.

disagreeing, with reasons

(p. 58)

j I think X is mistaken because she overlooks

.

j X’s claim that

rests upon the questionable assump-

tion that

.

j I disagree with X’s view that

because, as recent

research has shown,

.

j X contradicts herself / can’t have it both ways. On the one

hand, she argues

. On the other hand, she also

says

.

j By focusing on

, X overlooks the deeper problem

of

.

7 5 6

Index of Templates

agreeing—with a difference

(pp. 59–62)

j I agree that

because my experience

con-

firms it.

j X surely is right about

because, as she may not be

aware, recent studies have shown that

.

j X’s theory of

is extremely useful because it sheds

insight on the difficult problem of

.

j Those unfamiliar with this school of thought may be interested

to know that it basically boils down to

.

j I agree that

, a point that needs emphasizing since

so many people believe

.

j If group X is right that

, as I think they are, then we

need to reassess the popular assumption that

.

agreeing and disagreeing simultaneously

(pp. 63–65)

j Although I agree with X up to a point, I cannot accept his overall

conclusion that

.

j Although I disagree with much that X says, I fully endorse his

final conclusion that

.

j Though I concede that

, I still insist that

.

j Whereas X provides ample evidence that

, Y and

Z’s research on

and

convinces me that

instead.

7 5 7

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

j X is right that

, but she seems on more dubious

ground when she claims that

.

j While X is probably wrong when she claims that

,

she is right that

.

j I’m of two minds about X’s claim that

. On the one

hand, I agree that

. On the other hand, I’m not sure

if

.

j My feelings on the issue are mixed. I do support X’s position that

, but I find Y’s argument about

and Z’s

research on

to be equally persuasive.

signaling who is saying what

(pp. 70–72)

j X argues

.

j According to both X and Y,

.

j Politicians

, X argues, should

.

j Most athletes will tell you that

.

j My own view, however, is that

.

j I agree, as X may not realize, that

.

j But

are real and, arguably, the most significant fac-

tor in

.

j But X is wrong that

.

j However, it is simply not true that

.

j Indeed, it is highly likely that

.

j X’s assertion that

does not fit the facts.

7 5 8

Index of Templates

j X is right that

.

j X is wrong that

.

j X is both right and wrong that

.

j Yet a sober analysis of the matter reveals

.

j Nevertheless, new research shows

.

j Anyone familiar with

should agree that

.

embedding voice markers

(p. 74)

j X overlooks what I consider an important point about

.

j My own view is that what X insists is a

is in fact

a

.

j I wholeheartedly endorse what X calls

.

j These conclusions, which X discusses in

, add weight

to the argument that

.

entertaining objections

(p. 81)

j At this point I would like to raise some objections that have been

inspired by the skeptic in me. She feels that I have been ignor-

ing

. “

,” she says to me, “

.”

j Yet some readers may challenge the view that

.

j

Of course, many will probably disagree with this assertion

that

.

7 5 9

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

naming your naysayers

(pp. 82–83)

j Here many

would probably object that

.

j But

would certainly take issue with the argument

that

.

j

, of course, may want to question whether

.

j Nevertheless, both followers and critics of

will prob-

ably argue that

.

j Although not all

think alike, some of them will prob-

ably dispute my claim that

.

j

are so diverse in their views that it’s hard to gener-

alize about them, but some are likely to object on the grounds

that

.

introducing objections informally

(pp. 83–84)

j But is my proposal realistic? What are the chances of its actually

being adopted?

j Yet is it always true that

? Is it always the case, as

I have been suggesting, that

?

j However, does the evidence I’ve cited prove conclusively that

?

j “Impossible,” some will say. “You must be reading the research

selectively.”

7 6 0

Index of Templates

making concessions while still

standing your ground (p. 88)

j Although I grant that

, I still maintain that

.

j Proponents of X are right to argue that

. But they

exaggerate when they claim that

.

j While it is true that

, it does not necessarily follow

that

.

j On the one hand, I agree with X that

. But on the

other hand, I still insist that

.

indicating who cares

(pp. 94–95)

j

used to think

. But recently [or within

the past few decades]

suggests that

.

j These findings challenge the work of earlier researchers, who

tended to assume that

.

j Recent studies like these shed new light on

, which

previous studies had not addressed.

j Researchers have long assumed that

. For instance,

one eminent scholar of cell biology,

, assumed in

, her seminal work on cell structures and func-

tions, that fat cells

. As

herself put it,

” (2012). Another leading scientist,

,

argued that fat cells “

” (2011). Ultimately, when it came

to the nature of fat, the basic assumption was that

.

7 6 1

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

But a new body of research shows that fat cells are far more

complex and that

.

j If sports enthusiasts stopped to think about it, many of them might

simply assume that the most successful athletes

.

However, new research shows

.

j

These findings challenge neoliberals’ common assumptions

that

.

j At first glance, teenagers appear to

. But on closer

inspection

.

establishing why your claims matter

(pp. 97–98)

j X matters / is important because

.

j Although X may seem trivial, it is in fact crucial in terms of today’s

concern over

.

j Ultimately, what is at stake here is

.

j These findings have important consequences for the broader

domain of

.

j

My discussion of X is in fact addressing the larger matter

of

.

j These conclusions / This discovery will have significant applica-

tions in

as well as in

.

j Although X may seem of concern to only a small group of

, it should in fact concern anyone who cares about

.

7 6 2

Index of Templates

commonly used transitions

(pp. 104–06)

addition

also

in fact

and indeed

besides moreover

furthermore

so too

in addition

elaboration

actually

to put it another way

by extension

to put it bluntly

in short

to put it succinctly

that is

ultimately

in other words

example

after all

for instance

as an illustration

specifically

consider

to take a case in point

for example

cause and effect

accordingly since

as a result

so

consequently then

hence therefore

it follows, then

thus

7 6 3

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

comparison

along the same lines

likewise

in the same way

similarly

contrast

although nevertheless

but

nonetheless

by contrast

on the contrary

conversely

on the other hand

despite

regardless

even though

whereas

however while

in contrast

yet

concession

admittedly

of course

although it is true that

naturally

granted

to be sure

I concede that

conclusion

as a result

so

consequently

the upshot of all this is that

hence therefore

in conclusion, then

thus

in short

to sum up

in sum, then

to summarize

it follows, then

7 6 4

Index of Templates

translation recipes

(pp. 120–21)

j Scholar X argues, “

.” In other words,

.

j Essentially, X argues

.

j X’s point, succinctly put, is that

.

j Plainly put,

.

adding metacommentary

(pp. 133–39)

j In other words,

.

j What

really means by this is

.

j Ultimately, my goal is to demonstrate that

.

j My point is not

, but

.

j To put it another way,

.

j In sum, then,

.

j My conclusion, then, is that,

.

j In short,

.

j What is more important,

.

j Incidentally,

.

j By the way,

.

j

Chapter 2 explores

, while Chapter 3 examines

.

7 6 5

I N D E X O F T E M P L A T E S

j Having just argued that

, let us now turn our atten-

tion to

.

j Although some readers may object that

, I would

answer that

.

linking to what “they say”

(p. 171)

j As X mentions in this article, “

.”

j In making this comment, X warns that

.

j Economists often assume

; however, new research by

X suggests

.

introducing gaps in the existing research

(p. 195)

j Studies of X have indicated

. It is not clear, however,

that this conclusion applies to

.

j

often take for granted that

. Few have

investigated this assumption, however.

j X’s work tells us a great deal about

. Can this work

be generalized to

?

j Our understanding of

remains incomplete because

previous work has not examined

.

7 6 6

index of authors and titles

H

Addison, Liz, 365

Alexander, Michelle, 230

Are Too Many People Going to College?, 344

Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy Problem, 599

Balko, Radley, 651

Blanda, Sean, 212

Blue-Collar Brilliance, 377

boyd, danah, 219

Broton, Katharine, 713

Cadwalladr, Carole, 480

Carr, Nicholas, 424

Casselman, Ben, 390

Colo, Emily Brunjes, 713

Crawford, Kate, 599

Cullington, Michaela, 462

7 6 7

I N D E X O F A U T H O R S A N D T I T L E S

Does a Protest’s Size Matter?, 525

Does Texting Affect Writing?, 462

Don’t Blame the Eater, 647

Dorment, Richard, 555

Eberstadt, Nicholas, 605

Escape from the Western Diet, 624

Expanding the National School Lunch Program to Higher

Education, 713

The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food, 656

Food as Thought: Resisting the Moralization of Eating, 641

Frankel, Laurie, 583

Freedman, David H., 681

From He To She in First Grade, 583

Go Ahead: Waste Time on the Internet, 500

Goldrick-Rab, Sara, 713

Goldsmith, Kenneth, 500

Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search, 480

Graff, Gerald, 369

Hidden Intellectualism, 369

Hillbilly Elegy, 251

Howard University Commencement Speech, 296

7 6 8

Index of Authors and Titles

How I Learned to Love Snapchat, 474

How Junk Food Can End Obesity, 681

I’m Gay and African American. As a Dad, I Still Have It Easier

Than Working Moms, 576

Is Google Making Us Stupid?, 424

Khazan, Olga, 632

Kington, Raynard, 576

Kolowich, Steve, 398

Leonard, Robert, 279

Maxfield, Mary, 641

Mays, Stephen, 596

Men without Work, 605

Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?, 269

Moro, Gabriela, 269

Moss, Michael, 656

Murray, Charles, 344

The New Jim Crow, 230

The New Liberal Arts, 336

No Need to Call, 505

7 6 9

I N D E X O F A U T H O R S A N D T I T L E S

Obama, Barack, 296

On the Front Lines of a New Culture War, 398

The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb, 212

Owen, Stephanie, 318

Pollan, Michael, 624

Reiner, Andrew, 589

Rose, Mike, 377

Sawhill, Isabel, 318

Should Everyone Go to College?, 318

Shut Up about Harvard, 390

Slaughter, Anne-Marie, 534

Smarter Than You Think: How Technology Is Changing Our Minds

for the Better, 441

Stiglitz, Joseph E., 286

A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent, 286

Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest, 589

Thompson, Clive, 441

Tufekci, Zeynep, 525

Turkle, Sherry, 505

Two Years Are Better Than Four, 365

7 7 0

Index of Authors and Titles

Ungar, Sanford J., 336

Vance, J. D., 251

What about Gender Roles in Same-Sex Relationships?, 596

What You Eat Is Your Business, 651

Why America Is Self-Segregating, 219

Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?, 632

Why Men Still Can’t Have It All, 555

Why Rural America Voted for Trump, 279

Why Women Still Can’t Have It All, 534

Wortham, Jenna, 474

Zinczenko, David, 647

7 7 1

GERALD GRAFF, a professor of English and

education at the University of Illinois at Chicago

and the 2008 president of the Modern Language

Association of America, has had a major impact

on teachers through such books as Professing

Literature: An Institutional History, Beyond the

Culture Wars: How Teaching the Conflicts Can

Revitalize American Education, and, most recently, Clueless in Academe:

How Schooling Obscures the Life of the Mind.

CATHY BIRKENSTEIN is a lecturer in English

at the University of Illinois at Chicago and

co-director of the Writing in the Disciplines

program. She has published essays on writing,

most recently in College English, and, with

Gerald Graff, in The Chronicle of Higher

Education, Academe, and College Composition and

Communication. She has also given talks and workshops with Gerald

at numerous colleges and is currently working on a study of common

misunderstandings surrounding academic discourse.

RUSSEL DURST, who edited the readings

in this book, is a professor of English at the

University of Cincinnati, where he teaches

courses in composition, writing pedagogy and

research, English linguistics, and the Hebrew

Bible as literature. A past president of the

National Conference on Research in Language

and Literacy, he is the author of several books, including Collision

Course: Conflict, Negotiation, and Learning in College Composition.

7 7 2

Document Outline They Say / I Say, 4e [with Readings]

Title Page Copyright Dedication Contents

Preface to the Fourth Edition Preface: Demystifying Academic Conversation Introduction: Entering the Conversation Part 1. “They Say”

1. “They Say”: Starting with What Others Are Saying 2. “Her Point Is”: The Art of Summarizing 3. “As He Himself Puts It”: The Art of Quoting

Part 2. “I Say” 4. “Yes / No / Okay, But”: Three Ways to Respond 5. “And Yet”: Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say 6. “Skeptics May Object”: Planting a Naysayer in Your Text 7. “So What? Who Cares?”: Saying Why It Matters

Part 3. Tying It All Together 8. “As A Result”: Connecting the Parts 9. “You Mean I Can Just Say It That Way?”: Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice 10. “But Don’t Get Me Wrong”: The Art of Metacommentary 11. “He Says Contends”: Using the Templates to Revise

Part 4. In Specific Academic Contexts 12. “I Take Your Point”: Entering Class Discussions 13. Don’t Make Them Scroll Up: Entering Online Conversations 14. What’s Motivating This Writer?: Reading for the Conversation 15. “Analyze This”: Writing in the Social Sciences

Readings 16. How Can We Bridge The Differences That Divide Us?

Sean Blanda, The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb Danah Boyd, Why America Is Self-Segregating Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow J. D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy Gabriela Moro, Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration? Robert Leonard, Why Rural America Voted for Trump

Joseph E. Stiglitz, A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent Barack Obama, Howard University Commencement Speech

17. Is College the Best Option? Stephanie Owen And Isabel Sawhill, Should Everyone Go to College? Sanford J. Ungar, The New Liberal Arts Charles Murray, Are Too Many People Going to College Liz Addison, Two Years Are Better Than Four Gerald Graff, Hidden Intellectualism Mike Rose, Blue-Collar Brilliance Ben Casselman, Shut Up about Harvard Steve Kolowich, On the Front Lines of a New Culture War

18. Are We In A Race Against The Machine? Nicholas Carr, Is Google Making Us Stupid? Clive Thompson, Smarter Than You Think: How Technology Is Changing Our Minds for the Better Michaela Cullington, Does Texting Affect Writing? Jenna Wortham, How I Learned to Love Snapchat Carole Cadwalladr, Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search Kenneth Goldsmith, Go Ahead: Waste Time on the Internet Sherry Turkle, No Need to Call Zeynep Tufekci, Does a Protest’s Size Matter?

19. What’s Gender Got to Do with It? Anne-Marie Slaughter, Why Women Still Can’t Have It All Richard Dorment, Why Men Still Can’t Have It All Raynard Kington, I’m Gay and African American. As a Dad, I Still Have It Easier Than Working Moms. Laurie Frankel, From He to She in First Grade Andrew Reiner, Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest Stephen Mays, What about Gender Roles in Same-Sex Relationships? Kate Crawford, Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy Problem Nicholas Eberstadt, Men without Work

20. What’s There To Eat? Michael Pollan, Escape from the Western Diet Olga Khazan, Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food? Mary Maxfield, Food as Thought: Resisting the Moralization of Eating David Zinczenko, Don’t Blame the Eater

Radley Balko, What You Eat Is Your Business Michael Moss, The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food David H. Freedman, How Junk Food Can End Obesity Sara Goldrick-Rab, Katharine Broton, Emily Brunjes Colo, Expanding the National School Lunch Program to Higher Education

Credits Acknowledgments Index of Templates Index of Authors and Titles

  • They Say / I Say, 4e [with Readings]
    • Title Page
    • Copyright
    • Dedication
    • Contents
  • Preface to the Fourth Edition
  • Preface: Demystifying Academic Conversation
  • Introduction: Entering the Conversation
  • Part 1. “They Say”
    • 1. “They Say”: Starting with What Others Are Saying
    • 2. “Her Point Is”: The Art of Summarizing
    • 3. “As He Himself Puts It”: The Art of Quoting
  • Part 2. “I Say”
    • 4. “Yes / No / Okay, But”: Three Ways to Respond
    • 5. “And Yet”: Distinguishing What You Say from What They Say
    • 6. “Skeptics May Object”: Planting a Naysayer in Your Text
    • 7. “So What? Who Cares?”: Saying Why It Matters
  • Part 3. Tying It All Together
    • 8. “As A Result”: Connecting the Parts
    • 9. “You Mean I Can Just Say It That Way?”: Academic Writing Doesn’t Mean Setting Aside Your Own Voice
    • 10. “But Don’t Get Me Wrong”: The Art of Metacommentary
    • 11. “He Says Contends”: Using the Templates to Revise
  • Part 4. In Specific Academic Contexts
    • 12. “I Take Your Point”: Entering Class Discussions
    • 13. Don’t Make Them Scroll Up: Entering Online Conversations
    • 14. What’s Motivating This Writer?: Reading for the Conversation
    • 15. “Analyze This”: Writing in the Social Sciences
  • Readings
    • 16. How Can We Bridge The Differences That Divide Us?
      • Sean Blanda, The “Other Side” Is Not Dumb
      • Danah Boyd, Why America Is Self-Segregating
      • Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow
      • J. D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy
      • Gabriela Moro, Minority Student Clubs: Segregation or Integration?
      • Robert Leonard, Why Rural America Voted for Trump
      • Joseph E. Stiglitz, A Tax System Stacked against the 99 Percent
      • Barack Obama, Howard University Commencement Speech
    • 17. Is College the Best Option?
      • Stephanie Owen And Isabel Sawhill, Should Everyone Go to College?
      • Sanford J. Ungar, The New Liberal Arts
      • Charles Murray, Are Too Many People Going to College
      • Liz Addison, Two Years Are Better Than Four
      • Gerald Graff, Hidden Intellectualism
      • Mike Rose, Blue-Collar Brilliance
      • Ben Casselman, Shut Up about Harvard
      • Steve Kolowich, On the Front Lines of a New Culture War
    • 18. Are We In A Race Against The Machine?
      • Nicholas Carr, Is Google Making Us Stupid?
      • Clive Thompson, Smarter Than You Think: How Technology Is Changing Our Minds for the Better
      • Michaela Cullington, Does Texting Affect Writing?
      • Jenna Wortham, How I Learned to Love Snapchat
      • Carole Cadwalladr, Google, Democracy, and the Truth about Internet Search
      • Kenneth Goldsmith, Go Ahead: Waste Time on the Internet
      • Sherry Turkle, No Need to Call
      • Zeynep Tufekci, Does a Protest’s Size Matter?
    • 19. What’s Gender Got to Do with It?
      • Anne-Marie Slaughter, Why Women Still Can’t Have It All
      • Richard Dorment, Why Men Still Can’t Have It All
      • Raynard Kington, I’m Gay and African American. As a Dad, I Still Have It Easier Than Working Moms.
      • Laurie Frankel, From He to She in First Grade
      • Andrew Reiner, Teaching Men to Be Emotionally Honest
      • Stephen Mays, What about Gender Roles in Same-Sex Relationships?
      • Kate Crawford, Artificial Intelligence’s White Guy Problem
      • Nicholas Eberstadt, Men without Work
    • 20. What’s There To Eat?
      • Michael Pollan, Escape from the Western Diet
      • Olga Khazan, Why Don’t Convenience Stores Sell Better Food?
      • Mary Maxfield, Food as Thought: Resisting the Moralization of Eating
      • David Zinczenko, Don’t Blame the Eater
      • Radley Balko, What You Eat Is Your Business
      • Michael Moss, The Extraordinary Science of Addictive Junk Food
      • David H. Freedman, How Junk Food Can End Obesity
      • Sara Goldrick-Rab, Katharine Broton, Emily Brunjes Colo, Expanding the National School Lunch Program to Higher Education
  • Credits
  • Acknowledgments
  • Index of Templates
  • Index of Authors and Titles