Review on Energy Resilience

Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Energy & Buildings

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/enbuild

The water-energy vulnerability in the Barcelona metropolitan area

Hyerim Yoon a , ∗, David Sauri a , Elena Domene b

a Department of Geography, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Edifici B, Campus de Bellaterra, 08193 Cerdanyola del Vallès, Barcelona, Spain b L’Institut d’Estudis Regionals i Metropolitans de Barcelona (IERMB), Plaça del Coneixement, edifici MRA, planta 2, 08193 Cerdanyola del Vallès, Barcelona,

Spain

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:

Received 18 May 2018

Revised 18 April 2019

Accepted 15 June 2019

Available online 16 June 2019

Keywords:

Water-energy nexus

Water poverty

Energy poverty

Domestic hot water

Expenditure based analysis

a b s t r a c t

This paper focuses on the water-energy nexus in low income households. Water, electricity and gas con-

stitute fundamental resources for households that interplay throughout many daily activities. However,

in studies on household poverty, there is a tendency to treat water and energy separately. In this contri-

bution, we argue for the joint consideration of both forms of deprivation and present empirical evidence

for the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona (AMB). In Barcelona, the dynamics between water and energy

poverty in households widened the scope of institutional measures on energy poverty by incorporating

water poverty as part of guaranteeing the ‘right to basic utilities’. We document the interactions between

the two resources through the water-energy nexus approach by combining quantitative and qualitative

methodologies. Apart from presenting the expenditure-based analysis of the Spanish Survey of Income

and Living Conditions, which reveals that a significant part of the population is both water and energy

poor, with the results from our semi-structured interviews, we are able to demonstrate how much im-

portance and value the affected households give to their thermal and hydric (dis)comfort, which in turn,

exerts a direct impact on their daily hygiene and health. The paper also highlights institutional and socio-

technical perspective as the differences in ownership and regulatory status of both resources cause dis-

cordances in public effort s to alleviate the status of the water and energy poor.

© 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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1. Introduction

Only recently in Catalonia, and other parts of Spain, water and

energy (WE) poverty has surfaced as a social problem confirming

the findings of earlier studies disclosing high excess death rates

in winter and limited affordability of basic resources by vulnera-

ble households [1,2] . At the same time, the analyses conducted on

income, expenditure and living conditions at regional and national

levels have sharpen the focus on energy poverty studies [3–7] . This

growing visibility correlates to the rising number of households in-

capable of securing energy and water in the aftermath of the Span-

ish financial and housing crisis of 2008, echoing the very ordeal

and hardships faced by other countries hit by financial crisis, such

as Portugal and Greece [8–11] . Despite the fact that water and en-

ergy are managed and regulated by different authorities, numerous

organizations are calling attention to WE poverty (Interview #26

Abbreviations: AMB, metropolitan area of Barcelona; APE, alliance against en-

ergy poverty (Aliança contra la Pobresa Energètica, in Catalan); ATLL, Aigües Ter-

Llobregat; DHW, domestic hot water; EPC, energy performance certificates; WE, wa-

ter and energy; WEN, water-energy nexus. ∗ Corresponding author.

E-mail addresses: [email protected] (H. Yoon), [email protected] (D. Sauri),

[email protected] (E. Domene).

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enbuild.2019.06.039

0378-7788/© 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

8/2/2016, expert in the private sector). The vulnerability of house-

olds has reached such critical proportions that water poverty and

nergy poverty have caused social services to face near collapse,

s suffering households have poured in with their unpaid bills, let-

ers of notice of arrears, or more dramatically, cut-offs. Currently

n vulnerable households, these symptoms have become chronic

ver time. 1 The Spanish Royal decree 897/2017 defines vulnerable

onsumers based on the economic situation of households accord-

ng to the Public Index of Multiple Purpose Income (IPREM, ab-

reviation in Spanish). Special considerations apply to handicapped

nd dependent members, victims of terrorism and of gender vio-

ence, and single parent families. The European Union, on its part,

efines vulnerable consumers from a broader spectrum of con-

umer behaviour components, including personal characteristics,

1 The economic situation has improved but the majority of families in vulnerable

ituations have not seen any benefits. It is true that unemployment has dropped,

but it is still remains relatively high. Many households have survived and still

survive with savings, unemployment subsidies, and especially family support. The

problem is that many people come to Social Services when their situation of depri-

ation has become acute. “In this country we have been in a situation of economic

risis from 2008 until today. It is true that now the situation is improving, but we

ill not notice in a few years because we started from very low incomes.” (Inter-

iew #22, 08/02/16, Head of Social Services, Barcelona)

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 177

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omprehension of market materials, accessibility, and market re-

ated issues. In addressing households affected by energy and wa-

er poverty, the direct translation of los afectados is used in this

rticle, as this term is considered to be less stigmatizing for the

oor and vulnerable population. “The affected” is also considered

broader term than that of “vulnerable consumer” where citizens

re recognized as purchasers of commodities, whereas vulnerabil-

ty reflects more narrowly financial difficulties.

In this article, water and energy are treated as two funda-

ental flows of household metabolism [12] . This approach stands

n contrast with most of the energy and water poverty studies

hich tend to treat these two flows separately. Conceptually, en-

rgy poverty studies [13,14] have expanded their foci: from ad-

ressing the situation, wherein a household is unable to access

hysically and socially sufficient levels of energy services in the

ome, to addressing commonalities in the driving forces of ‘en-

rgy vulnerability’, i.e. from the supply chain to end-uses [15] . The

robabilistic character of ‘energy vulnerability’ accounts for the dy-

amics of households in changing time scales, as these households

ay experience different phases of energy poverty during their life

pans.

The concept of water poverty has been developed separately

16–18] , around the metrics on water poverty, e.g. the Indicators

f the Millennium Development Goals or the Water Poverty Index.

his index chiefly focuses on access to potable water and improved

anitation services and may be inadequate for developed countries,

uch as Spain, where 100% access to water is guaranteed [19] . Feit-

lson and Chenoweth [16] highlighted the importance of domestic

ater supply and defined water poverty as ‘a situation where a

ation or region cannot afford the cost of sustainable clean wa-

er to all people at all times’. However, their definition referred

mplicitly to the Global South. Contrary to energy, domestic water

eprivation in the context of the Global North has garnered insuf-

cient academic attention. Rather, studies have focused on water

ricing with the objective of recovering the full cost of the water

upply chain. In the review by Walker [20] , the water poor are de-

ned as ‘people who may not have a sufficient supply of water at

price that they can afford’. Additionally, there is some considera-

ion for a fair tariff design that would permit equal access to water

20–25] but it is dealt with less urgency compared to energy vul-

erability probably because of the general notion that compara-

ively less people suffer from water poverty in the Global North.

Nevertheless, recently, climate change and its adverse impacts

n water availability has highlighted the problem of water poverty

n the Global North, as increasing tariffs for scarcer water re-

ources are predicted to add extra economic burdens on low in-

ome households [20,22,26,27] . This also contrasts with the com-

rehensiveness of energy vulnerability studies. March and Sauri

uggested water poverty to be a driver behind the significant de-

rease of water consumption in the poorer districts of Barcelona

uring the current economic crisis and post-crisis years, thereby

lluding to the possibility of households with difficulties in secur-

ng the appropriate water consumption needed for sustaining their

ives [28] .

This article expands the energy vulnerability concept to

ater vulnerability in order to address the problem of household

esource deprivation in the AMB. Few studies have focused on wa-

er and energy vulnerability as a combined occurrence or circum-

tance [21,29–31] . Moreover their approach has been partial and

imited to addressing either affordability [21] or accessibility [29] ,

otwithstanding the fact that domestic hot water (DHW) use has

een given considerable attention in energy studies [32–38] . Ap-

lying a mixed methodology, water poverty and energy poverty or

ater-energy vulnerability [29] are explored with the aim of un-

avelling the complex dynamics of water and energy use in vul-

erable households inspired by the Water-Energy Nexus (WEN)

pproach. In addition, we intend to understand better how WE vul-

erability is affected by the socio-technical arrangements of wa-

er and energy as commodities and, reversely, how WE vulnera-

ility has induced changes in these socio-technical arrangements

y reimagining water and energy governance through community

truggles. Our view aligns with recent studies that draw upon po-

itical ecology [39] to disentangle the role of social, cultural, polit-

cal and economic conditions and the institutions that accompany

hem as WE vulnerability becomes a multifactorial and multiscalar

roblem [12] .

The intrinsic links between water and energy have gained aca-

emic interest in WEN studies, which address the importance of

nderstanding the interdependencies of WE throughout their re-

pective cycles: acquisition, processing, transportation and end use.

lobally many governments and international organisations have

greed on the importance of WEN to capture the positive synergies

etween the two resources, opt for win-win situations, and avoid

egative trade-offs. Howe ver, due to locked-in administrative prac-

ices, inertia slowing down innovation in administration, and the

ack of an institutional (public or private) architecture for informa-

ion sharing between the two sectors, integrated planning for en-

rgy and water still remains a challenge. Particularly, the WEN at

nd-use stages underscores the challenge faced in demand man-

gement, as studies have revealed that 72% of the total water cycle

equires energy [40,41] . Concerning end-use stages, domestic re-

ource use is particularly implicated in everyday practices, where

he home becomes the place in which the metabolism of WE oc-

urs [12,42] . Table 1 shows various activities, technologies and en-

rgy intensities that are crucial for thermal comfort and health in

he domestic environment of developed countries. Among the var-

ous activities present in the nexus, DHW use plays a pivotal role

n WE vulnerability, as water heating comprises 97% of total water-

elated energy use [43,44] .

Studies on residential buildings conducted in Spain have found

hat 47% of energy demand belonged to heating; 21.7% to electric

ppliances; 18.9% to DHW; 7.4% to kitchen use; 4.1% to lighting and

.8% to air-conditioning [50] . Compared with other parts of Spain,

he AMB, under a Mediterranean climate, requires less energy for

HW mainly due to higher indoor water temperature [51] . Stud-

es show that apart from geographical factors, energy consumption

or DHW also depends on habits, time of the year, the function

f the building, and, above all, consumer lifestyles [33,51] . Winters

n the AMB are considered mild compared to Northern European

ountries or other parts of Spain with Atlantic or continental cli-

ates. However, during the summer, hot and humid weather poses

ther challenges. Moreover, predictions of temperature increases

nd precipitation decreases due to climate change [52] raise the

uestions of vulnerable household’s resilience to droughts and heat

aves [26] .

The quality of both WE is also important. Water impurities

ust be removed, and water should be provided at an adequate

emperature. Energy may be derived from various sources but it

equires efficient, reliable, and continued supplies to guarantee a

ervice of quality [41] . In the Global North, where quality is well-

ontrolled, ensuring the vital amount of the resource in efficient

onditions and at affordable costs to meet the comfort of resi-

ents is fundamental for solving the WE poverty problem. Efficient

se mitigates the impact of climate change by reducing consump-

ion. Moreover, nexus thinking further implies that reduced con-

umptions would result in saving energy for water or water for

nergy. There is extensive literature addressing energy and wa-

er efficiency in built environment, where various practices, inno-

ative technological options are examined and solutions are pro-

osed [31,47,49,53–65] . However, vulnerable homes find it difficult

o afford costly retrofits or to change to technologies that require

elatively high initial investments. Moreover and often due to the

178 H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Table 1

Water-energy nexus in the domestic environment.

Source: modified from [34,40,45–49] .

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2 The expression “affected households” comes from the Spanish expression los

afectados addressing those that experience or are vulnerable to water and energy

poverty. Instead of water/energy poor, we have opted for affected households in

order to introduce the terminology that is widely used in local context. We also

believe that it is more neutral and less stigmatizing compared to words such as

poor or vulnerable.

fact that vulnerable families live in rented flats, after renovations,

landlords tend to increase rents, which can result in displacing the

tenant (known as “renoviction”) unless public regulations prevent

such outcomes [66] .

The nexus perspective of the WE vulnerability provides an in-

depth understanding of the interrelatedness of two resources at

the supply level as well as the lived experiences of poor house-

holds in the AMB. We emphasize the complexity of energy vul-

nerability and water vulnerability based on our observations and

address the need to deal with the water and energy experience

together in the households. Inspired by approaches developed by

cultural researchers [67,68] , we added a socio-technical perspec-

tive to the analysis built around practices, technologies and larger

systems and their relationships at the household scale. Particularly,

we offer em pirical results on how the WE poverty of households

at specific times and administrative scales [69] , is related to do-

mestic technologies regarding the use of appliances, the built envi-

ronment, and larger systems. By larger systems, we understand the

institutional regulations of water and energy companies as they af-

fect households. [70] .

The rest of the paper is organised as follows. Section 2 intro-

duces the background and contextualises the role of the water en-

ergy nexus in the WE vulnerability in the AMB. Section 3 briefly

explains the methodology used. Section 4 explores the empirical

evidence of WEN in the study areas. Finally, the paper discusses re-

sults and concludes with the main relevant points of this research.

2. Background: WE vulnerability nexus-ed in the AMB

The AMB consists of 36 municipalities with a total popula-

tion of 3.2 million people. In 2016, 21.2% of the AMB households

faced risk of poverty or social exclusion. Domestic water consump-

tion reaches an average of 103.5 litres per person (capita) per day

(lpcd) [71] , while domestic electricity consumption amounted to

1131.86 kWh per person in 2014 [72] .

Barcelona is currently leading the discussion on water and en-

ergy poverty issues in Spain and making its situation known na-

tionally and internationally. The town council of Barcelona, which

has been governed by the progressive left political party Barcelona

en Comú since 2015, is taking energy and water deprivation in

vulnerable households very seriously. Recent studies reveal that

70,0 0 0 persons (11% of the city population) are in energy poverty,

ither because they cannot afford the bills or because they are

nable to maintain adequate indoor temperatures [73] . Beyond

he institutional actions of town councils, which might be lim-

ted, grassroots movements have played a critical role in raising

wareness on WE poverty. In the AMB, the Alliance Against Energy

overty ( Aliança contra la Pobresa Energètica, APE), a social move-

ent created in February 2014, has called attention not only con-

erning the rising problem of energy poverty, but also of water

overty. Their motto ‘no more thirst, cold, or darkness’ (‘ni sed, ni

red, ni foscor’ in Catalan) aptly captures the importance given to

omestic metabolism of WE for dignified livelihoods. This move-

ent was also influenced by the partnership with another Cata-

an social platform, Water is Life ( Aigua és vida in Catalan), which

orks on water rights. Moreover, the movement arose from ob-

erving the mounting number of households suffering from WE

overty. With the participation of affected households, 2 APE raised

wareness on WE poverty by transforming their voices into direct

ction claiming rights to energy and water. The first Catalan law

hat prohibited electricity, gas and water cut-offs (Law 24/2015 of

9th of July) was enacted by a citizen-led initiative promoted by

PE and other social entities. The law proved to be a successful

ase of politicising the energy and water issue experienced by the

ulnerable households. Specifically, this law protected 30,0 0 0 fam-

lies from disconnections as of October 2017 [74,75] . It was also

he only legal instrument that considered WE poverty. One of its

ost immediate effects was to force the Spanish Ministry of In-

ustry and Energy to reform national regulations on social tariffs

or essential resources [76] .

. Methodology

In order to investigate WE poverty in households as well as its

auses and implications, we use a mixed methodology, i.e. qualita-

ive and quantitative, to process the information compiled in the

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 179

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3 As of September 2015, there were 2.414 million consumers with social vouchers,

with each household spending on average 1,657 kWh per year. A household in a

free electricity market spends on average 2,620 kWh per year, which is about 1,0 0 0

kWh more than the average social voucher beneficiaries [84–86] .

MB. [77] . Due to limited and fragmented data collection by dif-

erent institutions dealing with energy efficiency, energy consump-

ion and water consumption along with data on living conditions, a

olistic quantitative analysis to grapple with the complexity of wa-

er and energy vulnerability is difficult in the current Spanish con-

ext. Particularly there is lack of information on desired energy and

ater consumption, actual water and energy consumption (in m 3

r kWh), whether a household benefits from social vouchers, water

nd energy efficiency data, and the links between energy efficiency

ata and data on living conditions at the household level. For ex-

mple, data on EPC are managed by the Catalan Energy Agency

nd is not linked with the Living Condition Surveys. Therefore, a

ixed methodology was selected to fill the data gap by triangula-

ion. While authors agree to the claim that the analysis on water

nd energy poverty should go beyond the affordability and acces-

ibility of the resources, we take quantitative analysis based on af-

ordability as a starting point in order to approximate the number

f affected populations.

The quantitative analysis was conducted using secondary data

ollected from the aforementioned Living Conditions Survey by the

panish National Institute of Statistics (INE) [78] . The Expenditure-

ased approach on WE poverty was calculated to understand the

xtent of population facing WE poverty in the country. The incom-

leteness of the statistical data collection in Spain and the need

or considering water and energy consumption at the same time

ere the main reasons to estimate the affected households based

n this approach.

Water poverty was measured with the benchmark of house-

olds that dedicate more than 3% of their income to pay water

ills following the threshold of previous studies on water poverty

79,80] . The expenditure on energy services, including electricity,

atural gas and other fuels, is measured using the benchmark of

0% of income. It is important to note that the benchmarks ap-

lied in this study have some limitations, mainly because they are

ased on the aforementioned survey, which only offers data on ac-

ual consumption but not on preferred WE consumption. Therefore,

t is difficult to detect households that reduce their consumption to

eet their ability to pay, which is a common practice in vulnera-

le households. Households with no income would also be left out

n the calculation due to computation problems. Various method-

logies based on expenditure have proven to be incomplete be-

ause they overlook some segments of the population [15,18] . We

ocus on the households that are at risk of poverty and/or social

xclusion (AROPE), namely those whose household income is be-

ow 60% of the median income, suffer material deprivation or have

abour intensities lower than 20% of their total potential [81] . The

forementioned survey also addresses household perceptions to-

ard the capability of maintaining adequate indoor temperatures

n winter as well as structural challenges related to the lack of

eating and cooling.

Qualitatively, we administered 33 semi-structured interviews

onducted with key actors and experts from public administra-

ions, utility companies, non-profit sectors and people suffering

rom WE deprivation (see Table A). The interviews were conducted

t the place chosen by the interviewee: home, office, or a coffee

hop. On average, each interview took around 50 min to complete.

he main actors were asked about their recognition and obser-

ation on water and energy poverty, counter measures and chal-

enges. Affected households were asked to explain their lived ex-

erience, of day-to-day challenges. They were also asked to trace

ack to talk about marked moments since recognising the wa-

er and energy poverty challenges. A snowballing strategy offered

ore opportunities to contact local actors who had been work-

ng on WE poverty. Affected households were approached through

wo social organizations, Alliance Against Energy Poverty (APE) and

undació Hàbitat (H3). APE participants were contacted directly by

he researchers as affected households were easier to reach thanks

o the open counselling sessions. On the other hand, H3, a non-

rofit organization on social housing, contacted households to ask

heir willingness for participation. They were introduced to the re-

earcher on the day of the interview. The interviews were con-

ucted till data saturation [82] was reached. The interviews were

ranscribed and coded following an iterative process.

. Results

.1. WE poverty metrics – expenditure-based approach

The expenditure based approach for energy and water was used

or the AMB population in order to estimate the extent of af-

ected households according to the Survey on Living Conditions

f 2016. One of the primary shortcomings of the metrics based

n the proportion of utility costs over the total household ex-

enses is that households with high incomes, who consume large

mounts of water or energy for non-essential purposes (exceeding

he benchmarks), would also be considered to be water or energy

oor. In order to overcome this limitation, the population above

he threshold limit, which, at the same time, fell at risk of poverty

r social exclusion was finally defined as “affected households”

AROPE) [81] . According to the expediture based criterion, 8.86% of

ll households in the AMB were affected households in the case of

ater, spending an average of 490 € per year on this resource. With egard to energy, 7.35% were affected, spending an average of 1182 € er year. Households suffering from both water and energy poverty

epresented 4.96% of the total households with an average com-

ined total expenditure of 1360 € per year. The task of considering ROPE households only reduced slightly the number of affected

ouseholds. 7.31% of the total households were classified as wa-

er poor, with an average expenditure of 345 € per year, and 6.95% ere classified as energy poor (1157 € per year). Affected house- olds suffering from water and energy poverty at risk of poverty

emained around same level of 4.85% of the total households with

combined expenditure of 1338 € per year. Summarizing, around ne third of households at risk of poverty in the AMB were identi-

ed as water and energy poor (34.5% and 31.9%, respectively) while

2.8% suffered water and energy vulnerability at the same time

Table 2 ).

Results show that most affected households were at risk of

overty: 83% of water vulnerable households and 95% of energy

ulnerable households. In case of vulnerable households having

ater and energy problems 97% were at risk of poverty. The aver-

ge annual expenditure in both resources was lower in the house-

olds at risk of poverty compared to that of the total households.

hile the tendency is more apparent for water consumption, it

evertheless implies the possibility of limiting the use of all ba-

ic commodities in the household budget. 3 This so-called ‘habi-

us of modesty’, wherein households restrict their use in order

o avoid financial burdens [87] , is a common attitude observed

n these households. The tendency of reducing their consumption

ay also imply that there could be households undetected as en-

rgy poor because they spend less than 10% of their income. As

ne project officer on energy renovation in social housing (RELS

roject) highlighted in an interview, the problem they faced in the

nitial phase of the project was ‘monitoring no consumption be-

ause households were not using energy’ (Interview #11, 15/12/15,

ousing Agency of Catalonia).

180 H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Table 2

Metrics on water and energy poverty.

Source: [83] .

Note: (1) It includes electricity, natural gas and other fuels.

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Regarding metrics of declared thermal comfort, also known as

the self-reported indicator, 8.9% of households expressed that they

experienced thermal discomfort during the winter months. 4 Three

percent of households were in thermal discomfort and at risk of

poverty. This correlated with the availability of central heating in

households but showed a low correlation with household income.

Interestingly, this contrasts with a previous study conducted in

the Ukraine where central heating did not seem to affect ther-

mal comfort whereas the household material wealth was identified

as one of the contributors [88] . In the AMB, a significant propor-

tion of households live with insufficient domestic equipment for

thermal comfort. Thus 35.4% of households live in houses with-

out central heating, 2.1% without hot water for showers and 54.4%

without air conditioning [89] . Due to limited affordability, many

more households may not be using this resource, which suggests

that official statistics may not always reflect the ‘lived’ experience

of residents. Deteriorated living conditions that can be either a

cause or consequence of energy poverty as well. For example, 17%

of households reported problems related to humidity (e.g. leaks,

damp walls, floors, ceilings or foundations or rotten floors, win-

dow frames or doors), and 10.6% reported limited natural light at

home. Additionally, financial difficulties also impact access to ap-

4 Survey asked if a household could keep the dwelling heated at an appropriate

temperature during the cold months, in order to address ‘too much heat’ and ‘lack

of heat’.

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liances, such as a refrigerator, which again may not be covered by

he official data. Since such appliance needs are also considered vi-

al, they are provided for by social service funds. According to one

nterviewee:

‘We have various aid programs for these people. From what [we]

have seen here, maintenance could be buying appliances. We de-

cide in cases of urgencies and emergencies. If a person does not

have a refrigerator, he/she cannot live. […] The services of the city

councils of Barcelona try to the extent of their possibilities [so] that

people have a minimum coverage and we help you to get out of

the situation. (Interview #22, conducted on 08/02/16, Head of So-

cial Services in Barcelona)’

The increasing problem of energy and water poverty can also

e inferred from the significant reduction in domestic energy and

ater consumption per capita in the AMB. Domestic energy con-

umption for both electricity and natural gas decreased at an aver-

ge of 20% in 2014 compared to 2009, when the population began

xperiencing the negative impact of the economic crisis. Similarly,

ater consumption decreased 9% during the same period in the

MB area ( Fig. 1 ).

The quantitative results derived from the available data pro-

ide a snapshot of the extent of the WE poverty problem in the

MB. However, the lack of detailed information on WE poverty in

pain still limits the quantitative analysis for the scale applied in

his study [90] . Results from the qualitative analysis provide with

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 181

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nsights on the dynamics and the multifactorial character of WE

overty as well as on their impacts on daily practices.

.2. The water-energy nexus of lived experiences

Since their objective is to increase comfort levels and fulfil the

asic needs of households, WE use are deeply intertwined in daily

ctivities s. According to one interviewee:

…people must have their basic needs covered, such as food, hous-

ing, and at this moment, we also believe that basic supplies like

water, electricity and gas; education, health, etc. are also needed

(Interview #22, conducted on 08/02/16, Head of Social Services

Barcelona)

Not being able to secure energy and water causes the lack of

HW. We highlight this use in WEN, as it exerts a significant im-

act on the water use comfort level. Conversely, a minimal amount

f hot water or lack thereof challenges enormously the basic repro-

uction functions of households. Hot water use in the household is

irectly related to life, as it serves fundamental hygiene and san-

tation needs, such as cooking, cleaning, washing and showering.

ot water is also a factor in making water use at home energy-

ntensive. The average annual energy consumption for DHW use

n the Mediterranean area is estimated at 1755.9 kWh per house-

old [91] . Considering that in Barcelona households that had a

ocial voucher consumed on average 1657 kWh yearly [85,86] , it

eems very likely that heating must be reduced if water is heated

ith electricity. The participants of APE emphasised the lack of hot

howers as one of the most indignant experience of their liveli-

oods. Sometimes the trade-offs are between which energy appa-

atus to rely on, making a strategic choice of turning off the radi-

tor for space heating, but keeping the water boiler on. This is an

nconvenience felt by every family member, from young to old. An

nterview with an affected household with irregular water supply

pened a discussion on water for showers, where kids jumped in

ith enthusiasm, conveying the high satisfaction they feel when

hey could have a good shower at their grandparent’s house.

Mother: […] The day we can have water, we’re going to freak out.

Sometimes when they [daughters] go to my mother’s house, they

say: “Oh! [Satisfying expression]”

Daughter 3: When I go to Grandma’s house, it makes a difference

because here, there is water to take a shower, but… [making a face

of dissatisfaction]

Mother: There are seasons that you hear: “Mom, there is not

enough water for the head!”

Daughter 1: At Grandma’s house, I sometimes get lost [in the

shower] but Grandma tells me: “Come, Betty, wake up!”

Mother: [In my mother’s place there is] real water, and it is paid

by my mother. But well. We have become accustomed to what we

have and all we are going to learn is that, if things change one day,

we have become accustomed to saving here and there. (Interview

#8, 07/12/15, Affected household)

Hot water is sometimes an alternative way of heating up:

Sometimes we put an electric heater in the bathroom, but it scared

me how much it’s going to increase [the bills]. So I didn’t put the

heater on. [Instead] We bathed two at a time instead of taking a

shower… We warmed with the hot water in the bath; moreover,

we saved because two were bathing at the same time. (From In-

terview #29, 3/6/2017, Affected household)

Moreover, in some municipalities, WE vulnerability is mani-

ested by the increased water consumption at the municipal sports

acility, as households try to externalise WE use for essential activ-

ties, such as the shower. On this, a municipal environment officer

n charge of affected households answers that:

Also, many people come to you saying: water and gas, I have it

more controlled because we take showers at the municipal swim-

ming pool. Of course, the municipal swimming pool has increased

water consumption a lot (Interviewer: Did you notice it in this pe-

riod of crisis?) Yes. They say it, that they shower there. They go to

the gym, and at home they don’t shower. (Interview #7, 01/12/15,

Technical Officer in the AMB)

Households also limit cooking as they have to control energy

osts (Interview #24, 09/05/2016), Affected households). Moreover,

onsidering that preparing large quantities (by mass) of water-

ntensive food is less energy-intensive [92] , single households with

imited cooking resources are inclined to cook with higher en-

rgy intensity, which means spending more energy per unit quan-

ity on food preparation. Often these households rely on a social

itchen, products from humanitarian organisations, canned food or

icrowave, or opt for quick cooking even though food costs clearly

ave more priority over electricity or water bills (Interviews #3,

8, #17, #25 Affected households).

Generally, limited affordability causes households to reduce

heir daily water and energy practices to minimum usage to avoid

igh bills [93] . The inconvenience of not having sufficient energy is

xpressed throughout the entire year; not only in winter, but also

uring the long, hot summer that characterises Mediterranean cli-

ates. According to one interviewee:

In summer, it’s a problem that you can’t keep things fresh; you

cannot get anything fresh or it all goes bad. In winter, you are

freezing to death […] When I had nothing to pay, from that day,

I started controlling, turn off this, turn off that, turn off the other.

You are left with the minimum, for example, the refrigerator. […]

I intend to save the maximum. Now look, I have electricity (at

home), but I cannot have the luxury of turning on the air condi-

tioning or heaters during the winter. We are in the poverty thresh-

old. (Interview #4, 27/05/2015, Affected household)

Thus, the impact of WE vulnerability is expressed in vital repro-

uction services that directly impinge on the health and hygiene of

itizens.

.3. The institutional and socio-technical perspective of water and

nergy in the AMB

WE poverty issues result from distinct socio-technical regimes,

ore broadly referred to as governance, reflected in the compa-

ies’ regulations. Both water and energy are affected by inequal-

ty issues. As Petrova [94] asserted in her study, energopolitics

95,96] represents the core factor in the lived experience of en-

rgy poor households. Table 3 summarises the different social poli-

ies that utility companies provide for vulnerable households. The

ariff structure has a significant influence in domestic flows. In

arcelona, water consumption is charged according to a block tar-

ff system to promote water savings and environmentally friendly

ehaviors. It includes the compulsory purchasing of water of the

rst block, which may help recover fixed costs but disfavours the

ulnerable households with consumptions lower than the level es-

ablished in this first block. Despite this, the water sector has been

n close cooperation with social services in the AMB in order to

each vulnerable populations.

AGBAR, the major water company in the AMB, is actively

roposing various social measures for water services. A social tar-

ff is applied guaranteeing 66 litres per capita per day with a first

lock tariff, which could mean that the affected are tariffed at the

ate of 2011 levels (0.3999 €/m 3 ). Local social services, AGBAR and

182 H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Table 3

Comparison of socio-technical regimes for energy gas and water vulnerability households.

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the Catalan Water Agency promote the direct application of a so-

cial voucher or online (web or phone) services, which would make

the process in principle more accessible for vulnerable populations.

Regarding solidarity funds, giving discounts of a maximum of 28 € per bill, discretionary decisions are made by the local government’s

social service agency or by charitable organisations, such as, Cáritas

and Creu Roja , which help expedite assistance. As part of their so-

cial responsibility program, discount schemes are paid by the wa-

ter company. This differs from the position of energy companies

that claimed that the government should pay half of the cost of so-

cial vouchers. Thus, public institutions may end up subsidising pri-

vate companies by paying these companies what the energy poor

cannot pay.

Comparatively, the electricity market is much more complex

than the water market. To begin with, it is divided in two seg-

ments: regulated and free. Usually, in a regulated market, the bill is

calculated by a simple function of unit price and a passage fee for

the amount of power contracted and does not reward any energy-

saving effort s. Off peak discount s provide households with an op-

tion to control their energy use in order to lower the bill. In the

free market segment, there are various service contracts promoted

by different companies. Thus, prices may vary creating confusion

among many vulnerable households. Moreover, the social voucher

is only applied in the regulated market, and acquiring this bene-

fit is considered to be slow and confusing due to the passive atti-

udes of electricity companies. The latest reform provides greater

iscounts, as it applies to the final price. However, a cap is put

n the annual electricity consumption, for which the discount is

pplied, without taking into account the different ener gy services

nd devices required at home. Electricity companies only open a

arrow window for the vulnerable, as they make it difficult to

hange power contracts over the phone or online and they force

onsumers to apply for social vouchers only by directly visiting

heir offices. For gas, a discount scheme does not exist despite the

act that the energy poor in Catalonia rely on natural gas for most

f the hot domestic water (66%) and heating (49%) [97] .

Since the Catalan law 24/2015 mentioned above, both water

nd energy companies cannot order cut-offs for vulnerable house-

olds which has allowed these households access to energy and

ater despite the inability to pay. This policy measure is powerful

s it reduces households fear and distress from cut-offs and dark-

ess. The contrary was observed in the case of Greece, as dark-

ess was used as a fear producing tool to impel vulnerable house-

olds to pay arrears on energy bills [94] . However, social services

ere given the task to sort out vulnerable households from long

ists of households with arrears. As a result, not only did the sit-

ation of understaffed social services worsen, in terms of delay-

ng the process of making reports available to vulnerable house-

olds that need them to obtain social vouchers (which in certain

ases, took up to four months), but also created hostility against

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 183

Table 4

Evolution of domestic energy prices (PPS/kWh) from 2007 to 2016 (all taxes and levies included ( €)).

Electricity consumption Price Increase (2007 vs. 2016) Gas consumption Price Increase (2007 vs. 2016)

Consumption < 1 0 0 0 kWh 71% Consumption < 20 GJ 58%

1 0 0 0 kWh < Consumption < 2 50 0 kWh 73% 20 GJ < Consumption < 200 GJ 48%

2 500 kWh < Consumption < 5 000 kWh 64% Consumption > 200 GJ 24%

5 0 0 0 kWh < Consumption < 15 0 0 0 kWh 56%

Consumption > 15 0 0 0 kWh 42%

Source: [81] .

Note: Figure B.1, B.2 for graphical information.

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Fig. 1. (A) Percentage of reduction in resource consumption in the municipalities

of AMB per income quartile from 2009 to 2014 (B) Summary of percentage re-

duction of consumption per inhabitant in box plot. Horizontal line in the box in-

dicates the median while the boxes reflect the interquartile ranges (Q2 and Q3).

The upper whiskers extend to maximum (Q4), and the lower whiskers to minimum

(Q1). × represents mean and dots represent outliers. Source: [72] .

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lectricity companies, and altogether presented a setback to the

verall efforts in improving energy poverty. As another example of

he unjust, opportunistic, and oligopolistic character of the Spanish

lectricity market, two years later, the Spanish law RD897/2017 re-

ormulated the social voucher for electricity. This reform not only

ade even more difficult for vulnerable households to apply for

ocial vouchers, but it also further reduced the responsibility of

lectricity companies, since they changed the ‘rules of the game’.

nstead of finding a way to expedite the administrative process,

hat the reformed regulation provided was in fact the opposite.

earing the general socio-technical regime of vulnerability in mind,

he following sections reveal the intrinsic link between WE vulner-

bility by focusing on tariffs, economic vulnerability and efficiency.

.3.1. Increasing resource prices against vulnerability of households

Vulnerable households in socio-economic terms highly corre-

ate with the energy poor households [98] . In the daily practice

f households, energy and water as commodities are recognised in

erms of bills. In other words, in order to have these commodities,

ou have to pay these bills. This also justifies a joint analysis of

he two resources. Considering the household budget from a holis-

ic perspective, a water or energy tariff increase imposes a threat

n the affordability of the other bill. APE recognises that increases

n the water tariff would affect ener gy poor households ‘in a mo-

ent when neither income nor pensions are increasing [by] even

single euro’ [99] despite the fact that only a part of most vul-

erable households tend to suffer both water poverty and energy

overty. Further considering the economic impact on the vulnera-

le population in the AMB, it seems reasonable that WE poverty is

eing discussed chiefly to address the low-income households. In

he AMB, 26.1% of households in 2011 expressed economic difficul-

ies in making ends meet. This figure rose to 28.6% in 2016. 5

A decrease in water and energy consumption was detected in

he AMB during the period of economic crisis whereby munici-

alities in the highest and lowest percentile of average income

arked the most significant reduction ( Fig. 1 ). The reduction in

he lower income range of municipalities calls for attention as

he average water consumption rate below 100 liter/day ·capita. hen combined with the evolution of energy and water prices

uring the past decade, economic vulnerability brings to the fore

he challenges that households must face ( Table 4 and Fig. 2 ). Be-

ween 2007 and 2016, while the price of electricity and water in

arcelona increased by 70 and 66%, respectively, the purchasing

ower of residents declined by almost 10% (Idescat). Fig. 3 demon-

trates a strong correlation between energy and water price in-

rease during the past decade. Moreover, in a particularly perverse

ay energy prices have increased more for the smallest consumers,

urther disfavouring vulnerable households and their saving habits.

his implied an enormous burden for vulnerable households and

s often addressed in the interviews as their effort to reduce the

nergy bill sometimes feels vein. On the contrary, they feel it is al-

5 This does not include households that expressed some difficulties to make ends

eet, and which account for 28.4% of the total in 2011 and 32% in 2016.

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ays increasing. Moreover, in a household functioning with a small

udget, often a high electricity bill causes arrears on water bills

nd vice versa (Interview #4, #29, #32, #33). AGBAR, the major

ater company in the AMB, admits that the water poor have in-

reased since the crisis, and that the number of households ben-

fitting from social tariffs is rising steadily since the creation of

his program. Moreover, they remain sceptical that these numbers

184 H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Fig. 2. Box plot on the evolution of water price in the municipalities of AMB from

2009 to 2016. For an explanation of the box plot, please refer to Fig. 1 (based on

consumption of 12 m 3 /month, €/m 3 VAT not included). Source: [101] .

Fig. 3. Correlation between water and energy price (electricity and gas) from 2009

to 2014.

Source: [101,108] .

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would decrease any time soon (Interview #27, 02/06/2016, AGBAR).

According to AGBAR, some 17,0 0 0 households in the AMB are un-

able to pay their water bills and the company assumed €6 million of the debts incurred between 2012 and 2016 [100] .

The steady rise of electricity prices in Spain correspond to sev-

eral factors that derive from the peculiar structure of the electricity

system in this country. Firstly, the high dependence on fossil fuels

makes the electricity market vulnerable to world price fluctuations,

as Spain has to import most of its energy resources. The electricity

auction system does not allow customers to pay different electric-

ity prices depending on sources. Thus, renewable energy does not

benefit from reduced cost and electricity is overpriced. Secondly,

price increases are inevitable due to the tariff deficit arising from

the liberalisation of the electricity market. Third, deficits have also

resulted from overcapacity in electricity generation and the failure

of some large projects such as a number of nuclear power plants.

Spain has a generation capacity of 25,0 0 0 megawatts annually, of

which only 18,0 0 0 are actually consumed.

Water prices and taxes in Barcelona have also increased sub-

stantially since 2008, partially as a result of privatisation of the re-

gional water company Aigües Ter-Llobregat (ATLL) in 2012 as well

as the investments in new infrastructures, to increase water sup-

ly such as desalination. As an emergency source, desalination is

n attractive source, as it taps seemingly endless sources of wa-

er that free the population from climatic and hydraulic limitations

102] . The desalination plant of El Prat serves the population of

MB since 2009. However, it has been operating at a minimum

apacity because after a rainy period, cheaper surface and ground-

ater resources have been available. In this sense, desalination in-

reases water security but at high costs, which translates into wa-

er bills that poor households can barely afford and, in some cases,

ventually lead to their limited access to water. According to one

nterviewee:

In the last 10 years, it [water price] has gone up a lot. Before 2009

… the water was taken directly to the user from wells, but that

water was excessively saline. From 2009 it was necessary to intro-

duce desalination through reverse osmosis to improve the quality.

That has very high energy costs, so the entire cost of the invest-

ment had to be passed on to the water bill… to be able to balance

the fees, the income, the expenses. […] In fact, in El Prat today, 70%

of the water is produced by the company itself, the rest is bought

outside, but all that is desalted undergoes osmosis; and this has a

high cost. [It is] a radical change. Although the percentage [of the]

water we buy outside is small (25% or 30%), this water costs us a

lot. It comes from what would be the high network, which today

is managed by a company that has recently been privatised. ATLL

is one of the companies managing the water produced in the de-

salination plants. Especially since it has a very high fixed quota, no

matter if we consume more or consume less, the guarantee of the

supply is very expensive and that has a very high impact on the

bill. We have no alternative. (Interview #19, 02/02/2016, Aigües del

Prat (public water company))

In both energy and water, the value added tax (VAT) has in-

reased as part of a package of measures presented by the Spanish

overnment to increase revenue [103] . Today VAT is charged at 21%

n electricity and gas and at 10% on water.

A large portion of affected households have expressed difficul-

ies in confronting unexpected high bills due to, for example, ad-

itional maintenance costs, incorrect meter readings, or leakages.

ost of the detected malicious cases reflect the questionable prac-

ices of some electricity companies of changing the contract of

given household from the regulated market to the free market

ithout obtaining an informed consent beforehand. This certainly

mpacts the increase in bills, and in some cases, has taken away

he right to use a social voucher. Where flexible company policies,

uch as payment through instalments, could alleviate the stress

f households, many companies do not provide a regularised pol-

cy for these more flexible measures. As a result, households are

ressed to make decisions that might jeopardise spending on es-

ential items, such as food. When rigid company policies are ap-

lied to recover arrearage, the affected households’ decision be-

omes fraught with dramatic trade-offs.

.3.2. Efficiency challenges

Efficiency is considered an important factor that allows resource

se and comfort at lower costs, which also brings benefits in re-

ucing environmental impacts. Energy (in)efficiency in the built

nvironment is considered one of the three main causes of energy

overty. On the other hand, the synergies achieved in alleviating

limate change by improving energy poor households have been

argely highlighted as resilient actions [104,105] . Programs target-

ng energy efficiency have gradually increased, in recent years in

he AMB, but not at a level sufficient enough for the local munic-

pality to take major initiatives. Water efficiency measures for re-

ucing toilet flows, shower time and the like have also been often

mplemented (Interview #19). According to one interviewee:

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 185

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Fig. 4. Distribution of EPC certificate category (A to G) for households in the mu-

nicipalities of AMB. For an explanation of the box plot, please refer to Fig. 1 (Source:

[108] ).

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I believe that the most important thing at this moment is to make

a task of improving the energy efficiency and the quality of the

houses. The payment of bills is palliative; the remedies are to im-

prove the housing stock of Barcelona […] I think these are the

measures we would have to address not from Social Services but

from the [Department of]Environment of Barcelona; … especially

old, old houses in poor conditions and the forethought, because if

this bulb saves me 25% of the cost, it’s worth it, right? (Interview

#22, 08/02/16, Head of Social Service, Barcelona)

Poorly built environments inherently carry the problem of in-

fficient energy use, which trigger unsustainable metabolism pat-

erns in the city with important social impacts, as poor households

end to occupy housing in the worse conditions and have limited

esources to improve the built environment (Interview #9, #14,

20, #25). The problem with energy efficiency is the low insula-

ion of much of the housing stock built in Spain during the 1960s

nd 1970s. According to one interviewee:

Here what was done is to comply with the regulations in force at

that time [of the period of construction boom]. At the time the ad-

ministration has always been a bit more advanced on the topic of

what would now be the letters of energy efficiency, A and B, C, and

all these things, than the private ones (sector). The private wanted

to build and did not think about the subsequent consumption. […]

Before the energy was free…, not free, [but rather] cheap. Before

the regulations, the technical codes were enforced, and at the time

of construction, the minimum was done. And that is how we are

[here] now because the minimum was done. [As] I already told

you, the most we did here is to try to recover rainwater at the

time. There are many municipalities that are already incorporated

in their regulations, the recovery of grey water and the minimum

energy efficiency mandated by the regulations, which are double

discharges in the toilets, diffusers in the taps. Because the Gen-

eralitat at the time began drawing rules in this regard, the min-

imum was met. (Interview #20, 02/02/16, Housing Department,

Barcelona Province)

Thus, the financial burden from achieving thermal comfort is

assed on to households. Vulnerable households suffer from easily

issipated energy, leading to high bills. In case of the AMB, a large

mount of households rely on standalone heating devices. House-

olds commonly reduce thermal comfort or, in some cases, chose

o spend time outside home to find warmth. According to Energy

erformance Certificates (EPC), over 70% of the housing stock in

he AMB was built before 1980, most commonly with EPC E cate-

ory certificate (54%); houses with a certificate level above C added

o around 5%, among which A and B barely represented 0.1% and

.8%, respectively ( Fig. 4 ). Poor insulation is also a common charac-

eristic of the AMB built environment where only 37.5% of house-

olds have double glazed windows, with households largely de-

ending on standalone heating rather than central heating [106] .

A recent study found out that EPCs are still not effectively re-

ected in the rent or in the housing market in Spain [107] . There-

ore, the deprivation of vulnerable households in the future may

orsen when the EPC’s impact on housing prices and rents be-

omes normalised. All in all, apartments and houses with improved

nergy efficiency become more difficult for vulnerable households

o afford.

The direct impacts of the built environment on the daily lives

f vulnerable households is felt more severely in families moving

o new flats that have worse conditions than the previous ones.

n our interview of a single mother household (Interview #33,

6/07/2016, Affected household) who had recently moved to a so-

ial housing unit provided by the city council, she noted problems

n the new flat due to reduced energy efficiency and absence of

ight. Her previous flat was better located with plenty of sun re-

ucing the energy bill and giving her enough margin to afford wa-

er bills. However, in the new flat, the electricity bill increased to

he point of making her worry about how to pay the incoming wa-

er bill (not yet received at the time of the visit). Her flat had a

arge single glazed window with a wooden frame, where a finger

ould pass through the gap between the window and the frame.

ack of efficiency is expressed as problem of affordability in the

ynamics of WE household vulnerability, as these households suf-

er from insufficient economic means for covering extra costs.

.4. Lack of institutional coordination

Hilber and Werner’s recent study on energy poverty showed

he multiscalar character of energy vulnerability [39] . The differ-

nces in the ownership and regulatory status of energy and water

ause discordances in public effort s to alleviate WE vulnerability

Table 5 ). In the AMB, these problems are also detected as causing

ifficulties in daily operative tasks, particularly the lack of coordi-

ation arising from managing energy and water commodification.

Affected households rely primarily on support from municipal-

ties, either from the technical manager of the Department of En-

ironment or from Social Services, depending on the arrangements

f each municipality. The difficulties arising from institutional lack

f coordination manifest mostly in the inaccessibility of customer

ervices. As one technical manager explained in our interview:

I: Do you also work with a private supplier, with Endesa, Iber-

drola?

P: Not much, I try to avoid it because it is choking (cumber-

some). It is very difficult. […] When you have to change the owner,

I tell them: “call here”. And I avoid being transferred to an operator

[referring to the operator of phone customer services for electricity

companies] who does not understand anything and waiting. I can-

not. I have to manage my time. (Interview #7, 01/12/15, Technical

officer in the AMB)

Moreover, electricity companies remain highly uncooperative

egarding data provision, which causes difficulties in estimating the

mpact of energy poverty at the municipal level. In this way, all the

esponsibility for detecting the problems is passed on to the public

dministration lacking the sufficient means or resources to protect

ulnerable households. According to one interviewee:

There is not much data. It is one of the problems and one of the

demands too because it is not being reported. And I suppose you

know the law that was approved in Catalonia on energy poverty.

186 H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189

Table 5

Comparison of administrative scale and characteristics of energy and water.

Note: ∗ Number of municipalities.

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Now in theory, there should not be so many cuts. … Even so, there

are cuts of people who are users of social services. So, one of the

demands is that companies should give information about supply

cuts. For water, there is data; the difference between energy and

water is that most of the powers are at the state level, and water is

at the municipal level, and since it is a municipally owned service,

it is much easier to manage certain things and also the municipal-

ities have access to these data. With energy, it does not work like

this. For this reason, with energy, it is much more difficult to have

certain data on cut-offs, etc. (Interview #26, 18/2/2016, Expert in

the private sector)

However, in the extreme cases of occupied housing, access to

these vital resources may be limited with some exceptions in case

of water where a separate agreement is signed with the munic-

ipality. Households without contracts cannot ask for a legal ar-

rangement and are thus forced to establish illegal connections. In

old houses with obsolete electric hardware, threats to life may be

present, as there is a fire hazard from potentially overheated elec-

tric wires. In the case of one affected household that we inter-

viewed, similar strategies of preventing any connection with the

municipality and the utility company are pursued. As one affected

household member explains:

The issue that concerns us with energy poverty is as a result of

living here. We find a house abandoned for more than five years,

without basic supplies of electricity and water… They were not

contracted. There was no water meter or electricity meter. Logi-

cally, we illegally connected, we did a job. Within the three months

of being connected, they [the municipality and water company]

did an inspection and removed the water supply from the house

in September 2013. They lifted the sidewalk and covered it [water

service pipe]. From the electrical part, I put a power strip[…] The

problem is that it is a very obsolete installation, not adapted to the

new regulations and the cables are overheated from using electric

stoves in winter with the consequent danger that these cables can

burn… It can cause fire. And so we live with the light (electricity)

and water illegally connected [by tapping into power and water

line]. (Interview #8 07/12/15, Affected household)

With strong social movements advocating rights to water and

energy, the Catalan public and public officers’ awareness evolved

to recognise these utility companies and their policies as major

causes of suffering for these households. In varying degrees, they

also criticise water and energy companies for their company prac-

tices.

… I am very critical of the companies because they immediately

threaten to cut-off the supply, so people get scared and ask for

help to pay for it… I suppose you know the Generalitat’s decree of

energy poverty [Law 24/2015]. This was very good because it as-

sured us that they were not going to cut-off anyone’s supplies. […]

We have many problems because sometimes, we [pay] here but

they [the company] do not know, and [so they] cut-off the light.

There are many intermediaries. There is a distributor, marketing,

the one who is going to remove the meter or cut the gas. Then as

there are so many people in the middle, sometimes the information

does not arrive, so they also make cut-offs. We have many discus-

sions with the companies because they want to profit and want

to make money, and they do not care. I think that on top of that,

we are paying the deficit of a private company with public money.

They would have to be more understanding. I’m talking about gas

and light. They do not contribute any money, they could do so-

cial work, social collaboration, but they do not make any effort, or

they make very small efforts[…] The water is different because in

Barcelona it is a semi-public company. And for a long time, they

have a social tariff, a solidarity fund and other aids, although in

the end, like all companies, they want to collect the debts. They

[water companies] are much more aware and much more coop-

erative [compared to energy companies]. (Interview #9 10/12/15,

Social Service in the AMB)

However, at supra municipal and regional levels, water and en-

rgy sectors are managed separately on the contrary to calls for

ntegrated management and better decision making with WEN in

onsideration.

.5. Re-imagining energy and water governance in AMB

Currently in Barcelona, WE vulnerability has resulted in foster-

ng a re-imagination of energy governance, including a discussion

f the municipal electricity company as a possible option for cre-

ting a fairer electricity service for all citizens. According to one

nterviewee:

A key element is to be able to influence the market, to be able

to influence the supply conditions through a public and pri-

vate energy operator. We are also working on this, in creating a

metropolitan energy operator that controls the public (Interview

#14, 18/01/16, Barcelona Advisor to Mayor)

As WE poverty issue persists, the acknowledgement of this situ-

tion not only as a problem of households suffering economic and

ousing crises, but also as a problem that affects the general pop-

lation as well is evolving. Vulnerability is seen as a question that

tems from the lack of an energy culture, whereby people are not

ware of how to interpret the bills. Hence, what lies in the con-

ractual terms may influence our daily interaction with these flows

f materials. According to one interviewee:

Now we want to make a leap towards a larger scale, and we want

to do it with the public because it is a broad-spectrum problem. It

H. Yoon, D. Sauri and E. Domene / Energy & Buildings 199 (2019) 176–189 187

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affects the whole world. Nobody understands the bills- nobody. Be-

cause some see it as impossible, and others do not devote the time

it takes. [We need to] create a little network. People like you, or-

dinary people, who show you that you can make changes with the

company. (Interview #7, 01/12/15, Technical Officer in the AMB)

Therefore, WE poverty has become politicised not only to find

olutions for poor households, but also to address the problem

rising from the (poor) energy culture and the current economic

odel that is promoted at the European level. Thus, the case of

he AMB moves beyond the actions that simply focus on WE vul-

erability, as it questions the dominant energy and water model

ased on the commodification of both resources by private com-

anies that work under the ‘benefit imperative’. According to one

nterviewee:

A last reportage that I saw was that Endesa wants to divide the

dividends of the benefits, among them until 2019. They are bene-

fiting. And they are abusing citizens unbeknownst to them because

they are taking public aid […] That money, that comes out of the

public coffers, are given to the vulnerable families. They make a

small bridge, and in the end the money is always taken by the

companies. Yes, citizens benefit because they pay a little for the

debts, but that money comes from the public money of all taxpay-

ers. The energy companies do not assume their responsibility to al-

leviate these needs. The fight is against these new great giants. We

are fighting and we will continue fighting. [Like] David against Go-

liath, Goliath fell. Endesa will fall. (Interview #8 07/12/15, Affected

household)

. Conclusions

This article focused on energy and water deprivation in vul-

erable households of the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona (AMB).

he analysis of the Water Energy Nexus (WEN) at various scales

uggests that Water and Energy (WE) vulnerability deserves more

ttention from those studying energy poverty, so as to take more

nto account the dynamics in the domestic metabolism of crucial

esources that impede vital activities. From the supply angle, WEN

ffects household vulnerability as energy and water are subject to

ncreased economic costs. Deteriorated or non-existent efficiency

easures for energy and water are also pointed out as one of the

ain features of the built environment, especially in low-income

eighbourhoods; these factors also worsen WE vulnerability.

Our study on the understanding of WE vulnerability, which is

ased on the Spanish Surveys on Living Condition, is limited due to

he lack of data. Establishing a new survey framework that encom-

asses various aspects of vulnerability for both energy and water,

nd linking built environmental data (efficiency of houses, appli-

nces, climate, etc.), user practices and behaviour (required and ac-

ual) and water and energy affordability, is essential for enhancing

ur understanding of WE vulnerability in Spain. Despite its limita-

ions, the study was intended to contribute to the understanding of

E vulnerability in Barcelona by employing quantitative and qual-

tative methodologies.

More than 10% of households of the AMB are experiencing dif-

culties with either water or energy bills. The results derived from

he expenditure-based metrics for energy and water in the AMB

re alarming, as a significant percentage of vulnerable households

emain overwhelmed with unpaid water and energy bills. Some-

ow surprisingly, a slightly higher number of households were

dentified to be water poor compared to those that were energy

oor. Nevertheless, this concurs with interviews. For instance, So-

ial Services staff confirmed having detected initially both water

nd energy poor (and not only energy poor) as an emerging social

roblem. Consequently, and despite the lack of academic conven-

ions or precedents in this respect, in this paper, we defend the

onsideration of two resources together.

Around 22% of those at risk of social exclusion in the AMB are

dentified as being more susceptible to both water and energy vul-

erability. Among the many adversities in their lived experience,

he need to have DHW for vital activities for sanitation and hy-

iene cause these households to subsist in and endure undignified

iving conditions. We observed that their lived experience creates

arious dynamics in the practice of WE use and saving practices

ithin their homes. Often, WE vulnerability is bound to have wider

amifications, as the affected households make strategic decisions

o outsource their shower from municipal facilities, to use water

rom municipal fountains or in extreme cases, to illegally connect

o water and electricity networks.

In broad terms, targeting both WE vulnerability could turn into

in-win strategies for the households, as they are alleviated from

nancial burdens by being offered a more economic tariff. Paying

ess for electricity would allow more affordability for water, and

ice versa. Needless to say, WEN synergies arising from reducing

nergy use via improved efficiency results in saving water, and re-

ucing water use via improved efficiency implicates energy sav-

ngs in the urban water cycle. These nexus relations are valuable

n an area usually burdened by water scarcity, such as the AMB.

he AMB has experienced significant increases in the water tar-

ff in the past years, which have added extra burdens during the

risis period, as water security requires new and expensive infras-

ructures such as desalination. However, this new source of water,

hile increasing water security for the general public, resulted in

iminishing the capability of vulnerable households to afford pay-

ng their utility bills due to the high costs of desalinated water.

Our findings suggest that a large potential lies in rethinking the

ater-energy metabolism of households for the vital functions that

hese resources perform at the nexus level. A better understand-

ng of the complex dynamic between WE under different socio-

echnical regimes would help broaden the view on WE vulnerabil-

ty as well as more thoroughly address the difficulties of affected

ouseholds in their daily lives.

cknowledgment

The authors would like to thank Melissa García-Lamarca, Sergio

irado-Herrero and Hug March for their comments on the earlier

ersion of the manuscript. Special thanks go to Suzette Paguirigan

or English editing.

unding

This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy ,

ndustry and Competitiveness [ predoctoral scholarship BES-2013-

6 6420 and grant CSO2015-65182-C2-1-P ]

eclarations of conflict of interest

None.

upplementary materials

Supplementary material associated with this article can be

ound, in the online version, at doi: 10.1016/j.enbuild.2019.06.039 .

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