Assignment 1 200 words

The United States and the Dominican Republic Author(s): Charles E. Chapman Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Feb., 1927), pp. 84-91 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2505764 Accessed: 14-05-2020 04:44 UTC

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THE UNITED STATES AND THE

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

The Dominican Republic occupies the eastern two-thirds

of the island of Haiti, although it has a population of only

some 900,000 inhabitants as against about two millions and

a half in the negro republic of Haiti to the west. It was here

that the first European settlements in the new world were

founded during the course of the voyages of Columbus. The

whole island, at first called Hispaniola (Espaniola), at length became known as Santo Domingo (not "San" Domingo), a

name that is still used popularly, but incorrectly, for the

Dominican Republic. Eventually, that part of the island now

known as the Republic of Haiti was seized by French bucca-

neers, and at the close of the seventeenth century the terri-

tory was formally taken over by France. Later, in 1795,

France also acquired Spanish Santo Domingo, but did not

retain it for long.

One of the primary factors in the history of the eastern

part of the island has been that the character of its popula- tion is far different from that of the west. The Dominican

Republic is a mulatto country, with a Spanish-descended ruling class, and its language and social customs are Spanish. The much more populous Republic of Haiti is black, French- speaking (though it requires some courtesy to call the Haitian "creole" speech French), and ruled over by mulattos who

have no love for the whites at the same time that they despise

the Negro. So the people in the eastern part of the island have always had to consider the alien black peril to the west. Obsessed by this idea, they did not wish for complete inde- pendence at the time of the revolutions against Spain in the early years of the nineteenth century. Instead, they hoped to become a part of Bolivar 's Republic of Colombia, but

84

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THE UNITED STATES AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC 85

were disappointed. Hardly had they separated from Spain,

when they had to suffer an invasion from Haiti which over-

whelmed them. For over twenty years (ending in 1844) they

had a rather harrowing experience under Haifian rule, but at length regained their independence, and set themselves up

for the first time as the Dominican Republic.

The conservative elements were not desirous of inde-

pendence, however, as they were afraid of their terrible enemy to the west and distrustful of their own ability to main- tain an orderly government. They wished to associate their country with some stronger power. Spain was at first the

nation on which the Dominicans rested their hopes, and in

the '60's the republic voluntarily gave up its independence

and returned to its status as a Spanish colony. The experi-

ment was not successful, whereupon a fresh separation took place. For a number of years thereafter, this little republic, which had been having unhappy experiences in the attempt to manage its own affairs, made overtures for annexation to

the United States. Each project to that end, however, was defeated in the United States senate. Left to its own devices, the republic now drifted into a wretched state of disorder. Early in the twentieth century there was an insistent pressure by European powers for the collection of claims and damages. Washington was faced with the alternative of allowing Euro- pean intervention, under the leadership of the then aggres- sive German Empire, or else of taking some steps itself. So hesitatingly, unwillingly, and imperfectly, the intervention

began in 1905. The senate was not yet ready to undertake

it, but at the earnest solicitation of the Dominican officials themselves President Roosevelt took charge of the custom-

.houses and began giving attention to the foreign claims. Owing to the opposition of the senate it was not until

1907 that the so-called modus vivendi arrangement of 1905 was formally embodied in a treaty. The general purport of this treaty is important to bear in mind, as the situation has recently been restored to what it became by the arrange-

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86 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

ment of 1907. Most of the disorders in the republic had been

occasioned by battles of rival groups for the custom-houses,

whence the principal revenues were obtained. It was believed

that with this under control of the United States the reason

for most or all the civil wars would disappear. So it was

provided that an American, appointed by the president of the United States, should have complete charge of the col- lection of customs. The Dominican debt was funded into a bond issue falling due in 1958, and disbursement of the revenues by the receiver general of customs was to be made

as follows: payment of the costs of collection-a very small percentage, not to exceed 5 per cent of gross collections; pay- ment of the interest and fixed sinking fund requirements on

the bonds of 1958-about $100,000 a month; and the balance to the Dominican government, except that one half of the sur- plus over $3,000,000 of customs revenue was to go toward further amortization of the loan. Under the able direction of

the American collector, William E. Pulliam of California,

revenues proceeded to jump to hitherto unheard of propor- tions, and for a time it seemed that a real panacea had been found.

It was not long, however, before fresh clouds appeared

upon the political horizon. After all, the prize of government was still worth while, if not more so than ever, and certainly it was much better than nothing at all in a country where a political job was considered a necessity of life. So the revolutions broke out afresh, damage to foreign interests

threatened, and there were indications of European intent

to collect claims unless the United States should take steps

to help them. The World War was then in full swing, and it was generally believed, whether true or not, that Germany was looking with covetous eyes at this island. So Washing- ton moved, in defense of the Monroe Doctrine.

In 1916 the United States took full control of the republic, and administered it thereafter for a number of years through the navy department. There was bitter resentment in the

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THE UNITED STATES AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC 87

republic, for the "patriots" of all political groups were in- volved in disaster-though, to be sure, Dominicans continued to be employed in the government offices. It is a question, too, whether some better method of intervention might not have been found. Naturally, peace and other internal benefits ensued, not least of which was the building of the best roads to be seen anywhere in the Hispanic American republics, under the remarkably efficient direction of John H. Caton. In the closing months of President Wilson's administration and at the beginning of that of President Harding, negoti- ations were opened with a view to a restoration of Dominican sovereignty. There was a halt, but discussions were resumed in 1922 and an agreement was reached, the essential feature of which was a return to the situation existing under the treaty of 1907. It was not until 1924, however, that it was possible to put the new arrangement into effect.

From 1922 to 1924 there was a provisional president, pending final dispositions for the withdrawal of the United States. In March of 1924 a formal election was held. The leading candidate for the presidency was General Horacio Vazquez, a veteran of the earlier civil wars and twice before the provisional head of the Dominican state. An immensely popular man, General Vazquez was overwhelmingly victori- ous, and on July 12 was installed in the presidency. It remains to discuss the course of affairs since his inauguration.

There are two issues of Dominican bonds outstanding, the already-mentioned issue of 1908, and the issue of 1922,

both placed in the United States. One other issue of 1918 was entirely paid off by the close of 1925, and it is probable that the bonds of 1908, though not due until 1958, will be taken up by the close of the present year, 1926. In other words, the amortization of the bonds of the earlier issues out of the percentage taken from the surplus has proceeded at an abnormally rapid rate, because of the unexpectedly great increase in the volume of receipts under the receivership. This service is most capable managed, oddly enough by the

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88 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

same Mr. Pulliam who had charge when the treaty first went into effect, for after a lapse of years he returned to his old post through an appointment by President Harding. Cus- toms receipts for the present calendar year are expected to be more than $4,600,000, with internal revenue adding far more than that amount. Service on the debt, for the fixed payments, calls for oiily $1,800,000, although some $800,000 a year in addition has been applied out of surplus in accordance with the treaty of 1907. The couiitry has developed wonder- fully in the past twenty years. The same things are being produced as formerly, but more abundantly. Sugar, coffee, cacao, and tobacco have always been the leading crops, but some others of lesser import, corn and beans among them, have lately attained much importance.

How has the revived Dominican government worked?

People speak well of General Vazquez personally, but there is considerable dissatisfaction with some of the things that have been done by his government. It is said that eighty per cent of the government employes were dropped in the first few months of the new administration, and their places filled by partisans of the president and his followers. Legis- lation has tended toward the creation of new posts and new forms of internal taxation with which to pay for the addi- tional jobs or to increase the emolument of men already in office. Soldiers in the vicinity of the capital have been promptly paid, but it is said that payment of those stationed in the less populous outlying districts is sometimes months in arrears. The supposedly hated American invaders are now surprisingly popular among the non-political elements of the population. Some complain because the United States got out so soon. One man in the Santiago district said to the writer:

You won't find many people around here but speak well of the Americans. You built the roads and helped the country in a lot of other ways, and proved you weren't after our territory by getting out.

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THE UNITED STATES AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC 89

We are beginning to realize, too, that you spent a lot of money, and

it is going to be necessary to economize now, to make both ends meet.

Occasionally there have been rumors of revolution in the

north. To one Dominican who predicted that a new revolu-

tion would some day come, it was suggested that the United

States would most likely aid the government in power, as

had been done recently in revolutions taking place in Mexico

and Cuba. "All right," he replied,

but I know another way that is even surer than a revolution. All I

have to do is hire two men to kill an Englishman! It would do no

good to kill an American, but Washington will have to act if an Englishman is killed, to prevent England from doing so herself.

This is indeed a sad commentary, not so much against our

state department, often reproached in this connection, but

against the American people, which the state department is

obliged to reflect. It is possible, however, that there may be

a flaw in the Dominican' s argument. Fifteen years ago

Washington would indeed step quickly in avoidance of for-

eign pressure that might endanger the Monroe Doctrine. But

with Europe no longer able to speak in a loud voice, will

Washington do so now? Refusal, to be sure, would make the

United States morally responsible before Europe and the

Dominican Republic itself for any disorder that might occur.

Nevertheless, the writer is inclined to believe there is more

smoke than fire in the talk of revolution. On this score a well

informed American of Santo Domingo wrote to him as

follows:

Personally I am bullish on the permanency of peace, for I believe Dominicans are weaned from the former distressing and baneful pastime which did so much damage to their country and retarded its progress. Of course there are political malcontents just as there are in all of the smaller countries.

In view of the revival of the political job evil, one might be pardoned for thinking that the Dominicans had learned

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90 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

nothing from their long period of loss of independence, but

there is something that may be said on their side of the

case. It is true that the fixed sum allocated to the Dominican

government under the terms of the treaty of 1907 is not ade-

quate for existing needs. If wealth and revenues have in-

creased enormously in the past twenty years, so also, though

to a less extent, have the necessary expenses of government.

For example, the republic now has about six hundred miles

of excellent roads-a valuable asset, to be sure, but costing

heavily for upkeep. On the other hand, these difficulties have

been greatly alleviated, if not remedied, by increased govern-

ment receipts from other sources of taxation. Nevertheless,

the government claims that it is unfair to the present admin- istration to pay so much on the foreign debt as to extinguish

it an unreasonably long time ahead of maturity, when the

surplus funds are needed now.

Negotiations were therefore inaugurated two years ago,

for a modification of the treaty of 1907. The main feature

of the arrangement was to be a loan for $25,000,000, half to

be applied in refunding the existing funded debt (wholly for- eign) and the remainder devoted to capital needs of the republic. The plan provided for a distant maturity date and

a sinking-fund allowance in accord therewith; and surplus revenues were to go to the government instead of being

applied to the rapid amortization of the bonds. This treaty failed, but has been revived again, although for a smaller loan, namely, $10,000,000.

There are several interesting consequences of the pro- posed arrangement. Among other things, it means that the American control over the collection of customs will be in- definitely prolonged-at the suggestion of the Dominican authorities themselves, be it observed! The customs receiver- ship is to cease automatically as soon as the foreign debt shall have been paid. That would have taken place within a comparatively few years under the old treaty. But, if the

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THE UNITED STATES AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC 91

wishes of the Dominican authorities for a distant maturity

are followed, so that correspondingly small sinking-fund pay-

ments may allow greater amounts of current funds to be used

by the government, the extinction of the receivership will be

many years away. A query inevitably arises in one's mind

as to whether these greater current sums may not be applied

to increase the "honest wage" of prominent politicians or

add to the number of jobs at their command for the enjoy-

ment of friends, relatives, and henchmen. But if the Domini-

cans pay their debts, and live up to their obligations in inter-

national law, it is perhaps true that they should be allowed

to govern themselves as badly as they like.'

CHARLES E. CHAPMAN.

University of California.

I While this article is primarily the result of the writer's personal observations

in the Dominican Republic, it lhas also availed itself of other evidences. One such

is the following: Edna Lucile Breen, "The intervention of the United States in

the Dominican republic since 1898'', MS (M.A. thesis in the writer's seminar),

November, 1919, in the Library of the University of California. Among important

current items may be mentioned the annual reports of the receiver general of

customs. For a recent estimate of the mission and work of the Dominican customs

receivership, see Henry Kittredge Norton, ' The ethics of imperialism " in World 's

Work, LI. (January, 1926), 321-328, especially 324-325.

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