Week 2 Discussion

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ARTICLE

Journal of Sport Management, 2015, 29, 257 -271 http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsm.2013-0079 © 2015 Human Kinetics, Inc.

Nefertiti A. Walker and E. Nicole Melton are with the McCor- mack Department of Sport Management, Isenberg School of Management, University of Massachusetts—Amherst, Amherst, Massachusetts. Address author correspondence to Nefertiti A. Walker at [email protected].

The Tipping Point: The Intersection of Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation in Intercollegiate Sports

Nefertiti A. Walker and E. Nicole Melton University of Massachusetts—Amherst

To date, sport research on sexuality has primarily focused on White lesbian, bisexual, and gay (LBG) persons or heterosexual racial minorities; few studies have provided meaningful insight into how sexual prejudice affects racial minorities. Thus, the purpose of the current study is to explore the intersection of race, sexual orientation, and gender in the context of collegiate sport and examine the influence of multiple marginal- ized identities on organizational outcomes. Grounded in intersectionality literature and feminist standpoint theory, semistructured interviews were conducted with 15 current and former intercollegiate sport employees. Results revealed four higher order themes: (a) racially influenced experiences, (b) managing lesbian-ness, (c) organizational climate, and (d) organizational outcomes. This research expands the theoretical knowledge of intersectionality, introduces a turnover intention tipping point phenomenon, and provides mangers with firsthand feedback on current policy and norms that may decrease satisfaction.

Keywords: race, female, athletic administration, job satisfaction, intercollegiate athletics

Though attitudes toward lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals are improving (Herek, 2009), sexual minorities still face considerable prejudice in sport, espe- cially lesbians in intercollegiate athletics. For instance, in 2007, media reports revealed that Pennsylvania State University coach Rene Portland had implemented a “no lesbians allowed” policy on her women’s basketball team and openly discriminated against players she perceived to be lesbian (Newhall & Buzuvis, 2008). Unfortunately, players are not the only ones who experience discrimina- tion based on their sexual orientation, as lesbian coaches readily encounter instances of sexual prejudice. In fact, in 2010, Belmont University soccer coach Lisa Howe resigned after she announced that she and her female partner were expecting a baby (Pearlman, 2010). That same year Kathryn Brenny, associate head women’s golf coach at the University of Minnesota, filed a lawsuit against the athletic department claiming she was not allowed to coach, travel with the team, or recruit after she revealed her sexual orientation (Gotlieb & Born, 2010). In addition to these recent events, sport management researchers have documented how sexual minorities are often harassed, denied leadership positions, stigmatized,

and sometimes face physical abuse because of their sexual orientation (Anderson, 2005; Griffin, 1998; Krane, 1997). Unfortunately persons who are LGB have limited legal protections, are oftentimes reluctant to reveal their sexual identity, and feel compelled to adopt identity negotiation and impression management tactics to avoid prejudice and discrimination (Anderson, 2005; Krane & Barber, 2005). While some conservative, hyper-masculine insti- tutions in the United States are making steps toward progress (i.e., the U.S. military repealed the discrimina- tory Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy, allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military), there has been no significant legislation to help deter discrimination against sexual minorities in sports organizations. The lack of government legislation protecting sexual minorities in the workplace, coupled with sports organizations’ being a hyper-masculine, heterosexist institution (Melton & Cunningham, 2014b; Walker & Sartore-Baldwin, 2013), creates an unwelcoming organizational climate for indi- viduals who have marginalized identities.

Sport organizational climates may be worse if we consider lesbians who are also racial minorities (Melton & Cunningham, 2012b). These women face discrimina- tion not only because of their sexual orientation and gender but also because of their race. To date, research has primarily focused on White LGB persons or heterosexual racial minorities; few studies have provided meaningful insight into how sexual prejudice affects racial minorities. Within the research examining multiple marginalized identities, Bruening (2005) observed how Black female

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athletes are subject to a considerably different type of discrimination when compared with their White female and Black male counterparts. Similarly, lesbian student- athletes have felt a high degree of prejudice because of both their gender and sexual orientation, which has sometimes been detrimental to their academic and athletic performance (Krane, 1996). In the one relevant study we could identify that examines sexual minorities of color, athletes expressed how it was difficult to express their full identity in the college athletics setting. Oftentimes they only felt comfortable expressing their racial identify, choosing to conceal their sexual orientation to avoid prejudice and discrimination (Melton & Cunningham, 2012b).

A review of the aforementioned literature points to two trends. First, limited research considers the influence of race. This is regrettable as women of color in college athletics who are lesbians face a unique situation. They are more likely to encounter discrimination based on their gender, sexual orientation, race, or a combination of the three—creating a “multiple jeopardy” effect (Collins, 2000; Greene, 2000; King, 1998) that influences how they perceive the sport world and how the sport world perceives them. In addition, researchers have not critically examined how having multiple marginalized identities may influence organizational outcomes such as turnover intentions or employee satisfaction. While Melton & Cunningham (2012b) examined lesbian student-athletes of color, their research focused solely on athlete experi- ences and did not include coaches or staff members with multiple marginalized identities.

Thus, the purpose of the current study is twofold. First, we looked to explore the intersection of race, gender, and sexual orientation among intercollegiate sport employees (e.g., coaches, athletic department staff). Second, we examined the influence of having multiple marginalized identities on organizational outcomes. We drew primarily from the intersectionality literature (Cren- shaw, 1991) and feminist standpoint theory (Borland & Bruening, 2010) to understand how multiple marginalized identities (e.g., race, gender, sexual orientation) challenge the status quo in sport organizations and influence one’s work experiences.

Theoretical Background Intersectionality Intersectionality can be defined as the crossing of multiple forms of oppression (e.g., gender, race, ethnicity, class, and sexuality), hence producing distinct sets of perspec- tives and consequences among individuals. Intercollegiate sport remains a White, heterosexist, and male-dominant culture. Therefore, the intersectionality literature not only provides a lens to investigate each marginalized identity (i.e., racial minorities, sexual minorities, and women) but also provides an appropriate way to examine how multiple marginalized identities (i.e., Black lesbian) influ- ence one’s experiences within sport organizations. While

research in other fields have examined intersectionality (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991; Dyer, McDowell, & Batnitzky, 2010; Essers, Benschop, & Doorewaard, 2010; Greene, 2000; King, 1998), very little research has exam- ined how having multiple marginalized identities can influence one’s experiences in sport. Within the general intersectionality literature, Crenshaw (1991) focuses on the intersection of race and gender in her analysis of how holding these identities shapes the political, structural, and representational influence in violence against women of color. In this early piece, Crenshaw sought to “high- light the need to account for multiple grounds of identity when considering how the social world is constructed” (p. 1245). As such, Crenshaw has influenced the further investigation of marginalized identities and other spheres of our social world. Emerging research suggests that when a marginalized ethnicity (Dyer et al., 2010) or religious affiliation (Essers et al., 2010) interacts with gender and race, women face a distinctly different experience than their male counterparts. Within the sport context, Bruen- ing, Borland, and Burton (2008) examined factors that relate to Black females’ sport involvement. In addition to race, they discovered that gender, economics, geography, school opportunities, poor media coverage, and the pres- ence of mentors are intersecting influences that impact the experiences of Black females in sport. Findings from these studies point to how having a combination of deval- ued identities or adverse life experiences can negatively impact one’s life experiences.

Additional studies show how downplaying a mar- ginalized identity, or emphasizing a valued identity, may help minorities avoid some forms of prejudice or discrimination (Boogaard & Roggeband, 2010; Melton & Cunningham, 2012b, 2014a). For instance, Boogaard and Roggeband (2010) examined the intersection of multiple identities as well as the negotiation of identities within a Dutch Police force. Their findings suggest that those who employed the identity that supports the institutional norms (e.g., women adapting more masculine behaviors and characteristics to fit in with a masculine culture) managed to enhance their professional opportunities but also perpetuated the same exclusive culture, which inhibit opportunities for less masculine individuals. Within the sport context, research suggests athletes will oftentimes conceal one of their marginalized identities in an effort to reduce minority stress. For example, college athletes in Melton & Cunningham’s (2012b) study discussed how they felt it was necessary to hide their sexual orientation because they already faced discrimination because of their more visible marginalized identities (i.e., gender and race). Although intersectionality may examine the nuanced intersection of multiple identities (i.e., race, gender, and sexual orientation), it falls short of critically explaining how these multiple marginalized identities may influence organizational outcomes. Specifically, below, we use a critical lens and an individual perspec- tive (i.e., feminist standpoint theory and Black feminist theory) to further explain the intersection of multiple marginalized identities in sport.

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Critical Perspective In an effort to understand the sport experiences of women who hold positions of limited power, many scholars adopt critical perspectives, in particular feminist standpoint theory or Black feminist theory (Borland & Bruening, 2010; Krane, 2001a). Using critical approaches such as these allows researchers to gain a better understanding of how participants experience their reality and also gives the participants an opportunity to let their voices be heard. Below, we will elaborate on how both feminist standpoint theory and Black feminist theory aid the cur- rent investigation.

Feminist standpoint theory is a theoretical perspec- tive that recognizes knowledge is “socially located and arises in social positions that are structured by power relations” (Hallstein, 1999, p. 32). In short, knowledge dissemination is influenced and controlled by those with power. Critical to the feminist standpoint theory is the understanding that scholarly research should inform humankind and provide unbiased knowledge of differ- ent phenomena. However, early theorists recognized that throughout history women’s voices were excluded from major social institutions (e.g., education, law, science, politics) in America—creating a patriarchal view of the world. This uncontested worldview perpetuates the notion that hegemonic masculinity is the dominant culture in sport, which favors men and disadvantages women. As such, feminist standpoint theory seeks to challenge traditional assumptions or “truths” by examining the per- spectives of women, as their experiences can provide new insights and knowledge into our social world. Particularly in sports, hegemonic masculinity (see Walker & Sartore- Baldwin, 2013) and hegemonic femininity (see Krane, 2001b) continue to preserve traditional gender roles, in which strong, physical women are misfits unless their sexuality and beauty can be overemphasized. Feminist standpoint theory allows women who may not fit the institutionalized norms of intercollegiate sports to freely express how their marginalized identities influence their experiences in sport.

While some have criticized feminist standpoint theory for presenting a singular (i.e., White, heterosexual) women’s perspective (Harding, 2004), scholars now acknowledge both the shared experiences of women as well as the differences that emanate from having multiple marginalized identities. When researchers adopt such a perspective, they place the “life experiences of mar- ginalized groups at the center of the research project. It then directs the view of the researcher toward the social structures that shape the lives of the group members” (Swigonski, 1994, p. 387). Thus, providing these women with a platform to share their stories serves as a way to contest views endorsed by dominant groups.

Previous research supports the use of feminist stand- point theory when examining the experiences of multiple marginalized women in sports. For instance, Fink, Burton, Farrell, and Parker (2012) grounded their qualitative interviews in this feminist theory to gain a deeper under-

standing of what it is like to be an “out” female athlete in intercollegiate athletics. Such an approach provided a deeper understanding of how lesbian athletes—who have little power compared with coaches or athletic administrators—challenge heterosexist culture. Likewise, the work of Krane (2001a) suggests, “If all women are considered other in sport, then lesbians have an even greater propensity to be considered other. . . . Examining sport from the perspective of lesbians allows researchers to uncover things previously invisible and unnoticed” (p. 403). Krane (2001a) suggests that feminist standpoint theory allows the researcher to put underrepresented groups or individuals at the center of the inquiry, thereby giving them a voice to be heard and an intimate lens from which to be viewed.

Black feminist theory, although similarly critical to feminist standpoint theory, allows for a deeper under- standing of the intersecting oppressions faced by Black women (Collins, 2000). Black feminist theory puts the Black woman at the center of the phenomena by allowing her perspective to shape the discussion. This framework is a necessary addition to the current study because Black women are extremely underrepresented in intercollegiate athletic departments (Lapchick, 2012) and are often rel- egated to an out-group (McDowell, 2008) status. As such, Black feminist theory acknowledges that Black women are “othered” and feel compelled to negotiate their mul- tiple marginalized identities (Borland & Bruening, 2010; McDowell, 2008). Most recently, Borland and Bruening (2010) used Black feminist theory to examine the under- representation of Black women as assistant coaches in collegiate basketball. Although women in general are underrepresented as coaches and leaders in intercollegiate sports, the authors note that Black women in particular are balancing “being a woman in a gender-conscious society and being Black in a race-conscious society” (Borland & Bruening, 2010, p. 409). The current study adds to the work of Borland and Bruening by examining the influ- ence of being a sexual minority to the Black woman’s experience in sport. Black lesbians will offer a distinct perspective as their gender, sexual orientation, and race will uniquely influence how they perceive their position within the sport world. The knowledge we gain from lis- tening to these women can lead to better understanding of the barriers or conflicts they face as they navigate through sport organizations—places where White, heterosexual males continue to hold greater prestige and power. Such intimate knowledge of sexual minorities’ experiences can also help sport organizations improve their diversity man- agement strategies, which may enhance organizational attractiveness and ability to retain talented employees. Take, for example, Florida’s (2003, 2004) work, which suggests the most talented employees are attracted to cities and organizations that are accepting of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals. He con- tends discrimination toward sexual minorities is the last socially accepted form of bias in the United States, and an organization that supports LGBT employees is going above and beyond what is generally expected in terms

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of inclusion. His empirical work therefore demonstrates that when job seekers perceive a place to be inclusive for LGBT individuals, they also perceive that place to be accepting of all people and perspectives. Thus, employees believe they are more likely to experience organizational support and satisfaction if the company exhibits support for sexual minorities.

In addition, recent research suggests managers can enhance work-related outcome for diverse individuals by creating more inclusive work environments for their LGBT employees (Ragins, 2008). Much of this work has largely focused on the organization’s role in ensuring sexual minorities feel included and supported in the work- place. For example, research suggests sexual minorities are more likely to disclose their sexual orientation at work when organizations have a nondiscrimination statement that incudes sexual orientation or offer domestic partner benefits, which can then lead to higher job satisfaction and lower job anxiety among LGBT employees (Griffith & Hebl, 2002). In addition, Button’s (2001) work observed how the presence of inclusive policies drastically reduced the likelihood of sexual minorities’ experiencing treat- ment discrimination. Button also observed that equitable treatment was associated with higher levels of overall job satisfaction and organizational commitment.

Having such policies can also positively relate to organizational outcomes. For instance, Cunningham (2011a) examined performance outcomes related to sexual orientation diversity in National Collegiate Ath- letic Association (NCAA) Division I athletic programs. In his study, athletic departments that combined high sexual orientation diversity with a proactive diversity strategy (i.e., a strategy that values diversity and emphasizes inclusion) were able to significantly outperform other programs—in some instances, these programs earned almost seven times the National Association of Collegiate Directors of Athletics points of their peers. In a follow- up study conducted with NCAA Division III athletic departments, Cunningham (2011b) found that high sexual orientation diversity positively related to a creative work environment when the organization had a strong commit- ment to diversity. Of particular interest, the least creative work environments were characterized by high sexual orientation diversity and low commitment to diversity. Thus, these studies provide empirical evidence of how sexual orientation diversity can substantially improve organizational performance, but only in an organizational context that values diversity and inclusion.

Given the benefits inclusion can bring to a sport orga- nization, we draw from the intersectionality literature, feminist standpoint theory, and Black feminist theory discussed above to gain a more complete understanding of how multiple minority statuses influence working in intercollegiate sport. Intersectionality, feminist stand- point theory, and Black feminist theory are connected to one another when considering the unique experiences of lesbians, especially Black lesbians, in intercollegiate sport. Acknowledging that identities intersect is a tenet of Black feminist theory and the essence of intersectionality.

Likewise, feminist standpoint theory provides a voice and lens to women, whose perspective is at the core of this phenomenon. As such, the current study draws from various aspects of the aforementioned frameworks and was guided by the following research questions:

RQ1: How do multiple marginalized identities (i.e., race, gender, sexual orientation) influence one’s work experiences in intercollegiate sport?

RQ2: From the perspective of lesbian sport employ- ees, how can sport organizations create more inclu- sive work environments?

Method

Participants To begin, researchers set criteria of recruiting participants who were women, sexual minorities, and either currently work or recently (i.e., within the last year) worked in intercollegiate sports. Researchers began the recruitment of participants by developing a list of participants whom they personally knew fit the criteria. There is currently no formal organization of lesbian women working in intercollegiate sports. In addition, many lesbian women who work in sport such as coaches do not list their significant other’s name or give any hint of sexual ori- entation in online biographies or media correspondence. Most lesbian women who work in intercollegiate sports remain closeted. Therefore, after contacting gatekeepers, or people who offered insight and access into lesbians in intercollegiate sports, researchers began to use social media outlets such as Twitter and Facebook to recruit participants. Once all sources were exhausted (i.e., social media announcements, e-mail and LISTSERV, as well as word of mouth) there were 7 confirmed participants. Next, snowball sampling methods were administered. Snowball sampling takes place when researchers ask current participants to offer access to other potential participants who fit the criteria of the study. After admin- istering snowball sampling methods, 8 more participants agreed to be a part of our study. There were people who responded to recruitment e-mail and announcements but declined to be a part of the study. All individuals who declined to take part in this current study stated their willingness to be a participant once their professional career in intercollegiate sports was over. All interviews took place in person, or via Skype (i.e., an online face- to-face communication software system). Participants were given the choice to conduct interviews with one of two researchers. Both researchers were women who identified as lesbian. One researcher was Black/African American while the other researcher was White. Par- ticipants chose to conduct interviews with the researcher who had the similar identities. For instance, participants who played intercollegiate basketball and were Black/ African American chose to conduct interviews with the researcher who also was Black/African American and

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played intercollegiate basketball. Likewise, the partici- pant who was White and played intercollegiate golf chose to interview with the researcher who was also White and played intercollegiate golf. All 15 participants identified as lesbian and ranged in age from 25 to 51. Of the 15 participants, 8 identified as African American/Black, 5 identified as White, 1 identified as Asian American, and 1 identified as being of mixed ethnicity (i.e., Latina and African American). All participants were Americans who had played intercollegiate sports (see Table 1 for specific sports), coached/worked in intercollegiate sports, and lived in the Northeast, Southeast, West Coast, and Midwest regions of the United States. Participants stated that their experiences with their organization had little to do with the location and were heavily influenced by the norms and climate within the sports industry.

Procedure During the research process, we adopted a constructivist– interpretivist perspective to understand the lived experi- ences and perspectives of the participants (Ponterotto, 2005). This perspective places an emphasis on the par- ticipants, allowing for their voices to be heard. However, the researchers recognize that their own values and lived experiences impact the research process. As such, the constructivist–interpretivist perspective maintains that researchers bracket their preconceived notions so that they can understand how the participants experience the world (Schwandt, 2007).

The interview guide consisted of an introduction to the study, interview questions, and concluding comments from both the interviewer and interviewee. Interview

guide questions related to the theoretical background and maintained a constructivist–interpretivist lens. Questions related to intersectionality included the following: How do you identify your racial identity, sexual identity, and gender identity? How do these identities influence your experiences in intercollegiate sports? Interview guide questions related to Black lesbians consisted of questions such as the following: How does your race influence your experiences working in intercollegiate sports? Finally, interview questions related to the constructivist–inter- pretivist approach were present in most questions, as participants were asked to explain how organizational norms coupled with their perspective of having multiple marginalized identities (i.e., standpoint theory) influenced how they constructed their reality of working in sports organizations: What are some organizational norms that influence your unique experiences (i.e., having multiple marginalized identities) in intercollegiate sports? Inter- views lasted from about 45 to 90 min. Conversations off the record went much longer as many participants were very passionate about the topic. They wished to discuss their individual scenarios of discrimination further but did not want these stories recorded. All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed immediately following the interview. All participants were addressed by their pseudonym (which they chose during the interview). This was done to protect anonymity and confidentiality.

Data Analysis The first author administered inductive and narrative analysis methods during the data collection and analysis process (Creswell, 1998). Narrative analysis allowed the

Table 1 Demographic Description of Participants

Pseudonym Sport Age Racial Identity Openly Expresses Sexual

Identity Tenure

(in Years)

Nellie Basketball 32 Black Yes—left college sports 12

Maci Basketball 27 Black No—left college sports 5

Jackie Basketball 29 Black Yes—left college sports 6

Rachel Basketball and IWFL 32 Black No 7

Kelsey Basketball 28 White No 6

Melanie Basketball 30 Black No—left college sports 7

Angie Golf 33 White Only with select people 8

Ellen Soccer 31 White No 9

Lisa Soccer 33 White Only with select people 3

Lori Basketball 50 Black No—left college sports 15

Moe Basketball 33 White No 10

Megan Basketball 31 Asian-American No 9

Natalie Basketball 29 Black Yes—left college sports 3

Casey Basketball 33 Mixed ethnicity No—left college sports 7

Vicky Basketball 29 Black No—left college sports 8

Note. IWFL = Independent Women’s Football League.

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marginalized voices of the participants to come forth in the data. However, inductive analysis also assisted in developing the final themes. The first author began by coding and preliminary grouping emergent themes in transcriptions. Roughly 40 thematic groups were identified. Next, clustering of preliminary groups was conducted to reduce the overall number of themes from 40 to 20. Further condensing of invariant groups concluded with seven themes, based solely on the interpretation of participants’ experiences. The final step in data analysis was conducted by establishing a mix of literature concepts and verbatim data from participants, which produced the final set of themes (Gioia, Corley, & Hamilton, 2013; Moustakas, 1994). The aforementioned process, in which data were transcribed, clustered, condensed, and compiled into thematic groups, was completed using NVivo 10.

Transferability, trustworthiness, and authenticity were established in a variety of ways throughout the data collection and analysis process. A peer debriefer, an outside researcher who was a lesbian in sport but not a participant in this study, corroborated our results in an effort to use multiple methods of strengthening thematic codes. Recent management research (Gioia et al., 2013) has also recommended using peer debriefers, or outside researchers, in the data analysis process. The purpose of this peer debriefer is to add a knowledgeable analyst, who thoroughly understands the methodology but may have less literary bias than the authors who have been intimately connected to the literature on this subject. In essence, this procedure provides other researchers and readers a basis to make judgments on the transferability of our research (Bryman, 2008). The outside researcher assessed that themes and the verbatim quotes that fol- lowed each theme were familiar to how she interpreted the institution and her experiences as a lesbian in inter- collegiate sport. In addition, participants were asked to provide member checks of the transcriptions. Member checking is the process of ensuring verbatim transcrip- tions are reliable. Only themes and verbatim data con- firmed through member checks and the peer debriefer were used in the Results section. These rigorous methods were administered to the data to provide evidence sup- porting the reliability and validity of our data as a result of the trustworthiness and authenticity of our research (Guba & Lincoln, 1994).

Results and Discussion Data analysis revealed four higher order themes: (a) racially influenced experiences, (b) managing lesbian- ness, (c) organizational climate, and (d) organizational outcomes (see Table 2 for more details).

Racially Influenced Experiences One of the most significant findings was the influence race had on the participants’ experiences in sport. Specifically,

11 of the 15 participants had comments and experiences that were coded into this theme of racially influenced experiences. As such, the theme of racially influenced experiences is discussed further in two subthemes: the White lesbian experience and the racial minority lesbian experience.

The White lesbian experience. White women generally did not consider race when describing their work environment. Such a finding supports past research that suggests White lesbians have a privileged identity compared with racial minority lesbians. As Shields (2008) states, “the White lesbian may be disadvantaged because of divergence from the heterosexual norm and standard, but relative to other lesbians she enjoys racial privilege” (p. 302). Within the sport context, Fink, Pastore, and Riemer (2001) stated that White, heterosexual males are the prototypical sport employees. As such, they are afforded in-group or privilege status, while those who deviate from this norm are oftentimes relegated to an out-group status. However, the findings in the current study suggest that holding one of the privileged statuses may enhance one’s working experiences, as the White women in the study seemed to feel more included in the workplace when compared with the Black lesbians who were interviewed. Similarly, men, regardless of race or sexuality, enjoy a level of privilege because they are men. White individuals, regardless of sexuality or gender, enjoy a level of privilege because they are a racial majority in America, and this pattern holds for heterosexuals as well. Thus, while other minorities might emphasize their valued identity (e.g., White or heterosexual) to avoid differential treatment, minority lesbians have few ways to fit into the work group.

Based on the interviews, it was evident that the women were keenly aware of what identities were more valued in their respective athletic departments. White women felt it was obvious they were White and they knew their race brought a certain degree of privilege (Shields, 2008). Kelsey stated, “When I come to work, I don’t ever think about being a White person, but I consider being a lesbian every day.” Whiteness was a privilege they spent little time negotiating.

However, being a woman in a male-dominated environment did weigh on White women, and sexuality was something they felt forced to manage every day. Initially, every White participant said they joined their organization as a White woman, omitting their sexuality altogether—some even jokingly referred to themselves as “asexual” when at work. Thus, for the White lesbians in the study, having a privileged race somewhat reduced the amount of minority stress they experienced.

The racial minority lesbian experience. In contrast to the White participants, racial minorities felt they had a more difficult time working in college sports because of their race. As Maci (see Table 1 for participant descriptions) suggested, “We have it worse because not only are there very few Black women in sports, but Black

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Table 2 Data Matrix of Quotes and Themes

Representative Verbatim Quotes From Transcribed Data First-Order Themes (Nodes)

Higher Order Themes

“We have it worse because not only are there very few Black women in sports, but Black lesbian women who identify as such are non-existent.”

Lack of Black les- bian role models

Racially influenced experiences (11/15 participants)“They [Black lesbians] are either very, very deep in the closet or they are

unapologetically ‘out’ and content with having very little upward mobility.” Salience of racial identity

“I’ve had lots of role models who demonstrate how to be Black in the sport workplace.”

[Most lesbians in sports were] “so deep in the closets, they might as well had been straight.”

Being “in the closet” at work

Managing lesbian- ness (15/15 partici- pants)“Okay I’m hanging out with my girls, I’m going to be gay tonight. Or, if I

have a meeting, I’m straight. I’m always a Black female representing my com- munity.”

Pressure to conform to heterosexual norms

“It’s one thing if you’re a Black woman you are kind of held in high esteem for positions but the second you disclose that you’re a lesbian it’s just like . . . we’ll think twice.”

Hiding behind femi- ninity

“There was part of my identity that I didn’t share with the public. Or any- body.”

“On a professional level, you kind of leave your personal life out of it.”

“I think that I would make sure that I looked feminine enough under certain circumstances, such as where I would have an opportunity for the future.”

“If I had to introduce my significant other to someone and I would say, this is my friend.”

“I would not introduce her (same-sex partner) as anything significant.”

“It was easy to hide behind the sports.”

“And then as I got older, it got to the point of, well I got to try to keep my job so let me try to kind of conform.”

“When I have to go to work or I have to do certain things around kids [stu- dent-athletes] to appear more straight. It’s just an effort that I have to make.”

“I think as an athlete, I’m a Black female lesbian, and I think as a coach I’m more a Black female.”

“If we [lesbians] had partner benefits we would know the school accepts our relationships. However, this week, they just added pet insurance to our bene- fits through the university . . . and we were like, ‘this is a joke.’ We can insure our pets, but we can’t insure our partners.”

Lack of support from administration

Organizational cli- mate (13/15 partici- pants)

“Education on how inclusive language influences our overall feelings toward the organization needs to be done. That way they will have proof that change is needed.”

Lack of inclusive language

“If on the invite, something as simple as, ‘bring your significant other’ was used as opposed to husband or wife, we [lesbians working in sport] would feel more welcomed in our organizations.”

“I’m going to get to know them and then if I get to trust them and I develop this level of comfort with them, only then I’ll start opening up.”

“It’s a small world out there [intercollegiate sports, in particular women’s bas- ketball;] you never know where you will end up, so you have to be careful.”

“I think that I would make sure that I looked feminine enough under certain circumstances, so that my sexuality was not questioned.”

“A lot of our younger Black female lesbians don’t have anyone to look up to because everyone that is established is hiding the fact that they are a Black lesbian.”

No sense of com- munity

Organizational out- comes (13/15 partici- pants)

(continued)

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lesbian women who identify as such are non-existent.” Nellie stated, “Part of it is that people aren’t used to seeing Black people in athletic administration or coaching. So the second you are different in another way, it’s like, ‘okay this is too much.’” The minority participants also felt the isolation and invisibility they faced was unlike anything their colleagues experienced or could understand. This feeling may relate to the limited power or influence Black lesbians typically have in sport organizations, which are dominated by majority group members. Although Blackness (McDowell & Cunningham, 2009) and sexuality (Melton & Cunningham, 2012b) are identities in sport that have been negotiated by women, the Black lesbians in this study felt comfortable expressing their racial identity but generally concealed their sexual orientation. According to Maci, “I’ve had lots of role models who demonstrate how to be Black in the sport workplace.” However, being a Black lesbian was something much different. All participants felt that it was the norm to hide one’s sexuality when working in sports, as a lesbian with feminine characteristics. As Lori said, “I think that I would make sure that I looked feminine enough under certain circumstances, so that my sexuality was not questioned.” In essence, the women who held some characteristic of privileged identity (i.e., feminine Black lesbian) were aware that they could emphasize this

element of their identity to avoid discriminatory treatment. Furthermore, participants felt that a majority of lesbians hid their sexuality while working in intercollegiate sports because “most White, male athletic directors would not be accepting.” The experiences of participants support Melton & Cunningham’s (2012b) work that suggests sexuality is sometimes more difficult to express in the sport setting than racial identity.

Some of the minority participants believed White lesbians could fit into White work groups by conceal- ing their sexual orientation; however, concealing one’s sexual orientation did not guarantee minority lesbians would feel included in the workplace. Nellie expressed her difficulty with a sense of belonging. “We have it worse because not only are there very few Black women in sports, but Black lesbian women who identify as such are non-existent.” According to the participants, minority lesbians feel invisible. In essence, they know there are other minority lesbians out there, but as Nellie suggests, “They are either very, very deep in the closet or they are unapologetically ‘out’ and content with having very little upward mobility.” In other words, the participants acknowledged that some women did challenge the cul- ture of sport by being out, and refused to conform to traditional gender norms; however, doing so drastically reduced their career opportunities. As a result, women in

Representative Verbatim Quotes From Transcribed Data First-Order Themes (Nodes)

Higher Order Themes

“We have invisible role models and a disassembled community. They [White lesbians] have a community of lesbians and they [Black straight women] have a community of Black coaches. We have no community that welcomes us in most organizations within intercollegiate sports.”

Seeking inclusive environments

Note: All (10) minor- ity women were coded into this theme.

“During school holidays, many heterosexual administrators and coaches would have their family meet them at their office for lunch. For my first two years, I did not participate in this [organizational practice] out of fear that my family was much too different. However in my third year, I decided to have my [same-sex] partner and stepdaughter meet me at my office before heading off to lunch. We spent about 15 minutes in my office while I finished up a bit of work and then left for lunch. The next day my head coach sat me down and relayed a message from the athletic director, in which he said I am not allowed to bring “those people” to the office any more because this [referring to Jackie’s athletic department] was not that kind of place. The head coach was not willing to fight for my equality and told me to comply because otherwise I would ‘cause a fuss.’”

Overt discrimina- tion

“Part of it is that people aren’t used to seeing Black people in athletic admin- istration or coaching. So the second you are different in another way, it’s like, ‘okay this is too much.’”

Tipping point

“Keep the sport connection, without having to deal with the burden of [inter- collegiate athletics] sport culture.” [On leaving college sports job]

“It’s sometimes hard to distinguish if we are being treated unfairly because we are Black or because we are lesbian, but then a closeted lesbian or a White or Black straight coach comes along and beats you out of a coaching job and you realize its because you are a both Black and a lesbian.”

Note. The number of participants who have comments or stories coded into this section is represented under higher order themes and in parenthesis. This sample is not exhaustive.

Table 2 (continued)

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this study, both minority and White, found themselves managing how they expressed their sexual orientation in the workplace far more than their racial identity.

Managing Lesbian-ness Analysis of the data revealed that all participants man- aged how their sexuality was portrayed in the workplace. Therefore, the theme of managing lesbian-ness is dis- cussed further in two subthemes: signs of inclusion and identity management techniques. Signs of inclusion often informed how participants navigated identity manage- ment techniques.

Signs of inclusion. All 15 participants in this study felt that it was necessary to manage their multiple marginalized identities. In particular, they felt as though when they were working in intercollegiate sports, being a lesbian and portraying that identity in the workplace was not the norm and, therefore, not accepted. Participants stated they first had to “get to know” the organization and search for signs of inclusion before making the decision to openly disclose their sexual orientation. Similar to Ragins’s (2008) safe havens, the participants looked for cues as to whether the organization was accepting of sexual minorities. Specifically, the women examined organizational policies related to diversity inclusion, the type of language used by supervisors and coworkers, and other implicit or explicit indicators displayed by organizational employees. In Ellen’s words: “I’m going to get to know them and then if I get to trust them and I develop this level of comfort with them, only then I’ll start opening up.” Even then, Ellen said that she rarely stated her sexual orientation, which compelled her to never speak of her partner. For the most part, participants, regardless of the organizational climate, never overtly stated their sexual identity; they feared by revealing their sexual identity they might hinder their growth and upward mobility within the organization as a whole. As Ellen stated, “It’s a small world out there [intercollegiate sports, in particular women’s basketball;] you never know where you will end up, so you have to be careful.”

As previously mentioned, participants feared that expressing their sexuality in an unwelcoming climate would reduce their chances for upward mobility or advancement in their organization. The fear or level of perceived discrimination seemed to manifest in different ways for the women as they progressed from athlete to coach or administrator. As such, the findings in the current study somewhat contrast with previous studies examining the experiences of gay and lesbian athletes. For instance, work from Anderson (2009) and Fink et al. (2012) illus- trates how the team setting is becoming more accepting of gay and lesbian athletes. However, the experiences of the women in the current study seem to mirror interviews conducted by Krane and Barber (2005), which suggest coaches and administrators still fear disclosing their sexual orientation. Likewise, participants did not share their sexual identity because they lacked social support

and organizational support. Based on our interviews, it appears progress is moving at a slower pace for coaches and administrators when compared with lesbian athletes.

Nellie expressed pride in being a Black woman work- ing in intercollegiate sports. She felt empowered to take a stand for her racial community. However, she did not feel being a lesbian was an acceptable identity to portray in her particular organization. Nellie stated,

Okay I’m hanging out with my girls [friends outside of sports], I’m going to be gay tonight. Or, if I have a [work] meeting, I’m straight. I’m always a Black woman representing my community. It’s one thing if you’re a Black woman you are kind of held in high esteem for positions but the second you disclose that you’re a lesbian it’s just like . . . we’ll think twice.

Nellie felt that expressing to anyone within her organization that she was a lesbian would hinder her upward mobility. She did not apologize for not fitting the norm of being a White male. She felt strongly about her stance and position as a Black woman and felt it was necessary to be a role model for other Black women and girls who may consider a career in intercollegiate sports. However, she did not feel that same sentiment about her lesbian identity. Nellie’s experience may highlight how power relates to certain identities. Specifically, Nellie felt her lesbian identity might reduce or hurt her stand- ing in the athletic department because she would have three stigmatized identities. Placing her in the group of Black lesbian would make it more difficult for her to find acceptance with her White heterosexual female or Black heterosexual coworkers. These results suggest that there is varying power even within a seemingly homogeneous group of women. We understand from Kanter (1977) that proportionality influences power. Therefore, it is sensible that Black women would feel empowered by their race as Blacks gain a higher proportion of leadership positions in sports. Likewise, White women may feel empowered by their Whiteness in intercollegiate sports, considering Whites are the racial majorities in most working groups. However, the lack of visibly out lesbians in sports influ- ences perceived proportions, opportunities, and as a result, power. Therefore, lesbians as a whole lack propor- tional power in intercollegiate sports and are marginalized when expressing their sexual identity.

Identity management techniques. While most of the lesbians in the study decided to conceal their sexual orientation, often based on the signs of inclusion, their opinions varied regarding how feminine to appear in the workplace. For instance, Nellie did not make any efforts to express femininity. She felt that “having masculine traits was ok for sports, as long as you weren’t confirmed to be a lesbian.” On the contrary, Lori was much more worried about appearing heterosexual:

There was part of my identity that I didn’t share with the public, or anybody. On a professional level, you kind of leave your personal life out of it . . . I think

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that I make sure that I look feminine enough under certain circumstances, such as where I would have an opportunity for the future.

Similar to Nellie, Lori also believed that being con- firmed a lesbian by her organization would negatively influence her upward mobility and possibly ruin her career. All 15 participants expressed similar sentiments related to managing their lesbian identity. Some even lied to their peers to ensure their secret remained hidden. Jackie and Ellen recount instances of lying to their coworkers to maintain their heterosexual perception. Jackie stated, “If I had to introduce my significant other to someone I would say, this is my friend.” Likewise Ellen said, “I would not introduce her (same-sex part- ner) as anything significant,” which she later explained meant either as a friend or by name only. Ironically, the lying and hiding of their sexual identity became second nature. As Lisa suggested: “It was easy to hide behind the sports.” All 15 of the participants also explained that life was not always difficult. In particular, women who played intercollegiate basketball stated that as intercollegiate athletes they were out and very open with their sexual identity. However, as they transitioned into administra- tion they quickly realized that lesbian identities were not welcomed. Rachel’s sentiment below was echoed by all of her participant peers:

I think as an athlete, I was Black lesbian, and I think as a coach I’m more a Black female . . . when I have to go to work or I have to do certain things around kids [student-athletes] I try to appear more “straight.” It’s just an effort that I have to make.

Some participants even recalled instances early in their careers of trying to change the norm by portraying small pieces of their sexual identity. But this effort to change a seemingly unchangeable institution soon faded. “As I got older, it got to the point of, well I got to try to keep my job so let me try to kind of conform.” The par- ticipants’ experiences suggest there was more pressure to adopt identity management techniques as the women moved from being a college athlete to working in a coach- ing or administrative role. As an athlete, the individual’s skill, not sexual orientation, held the greatest influence on playing time. However, in the organizational setting, the participants expressed that more ancillary aspects (sexual orientation and/or appearance) were factored into their job stability and career trajectory.

Organizational Climate A considerable amount of research, both in the sport management and general management literature, empha- sizes that for diverse employees to feel accepted, there should be a strong organizational climate for diversity and inclusion. Having such a climate not only benefits both minority and majority group employees but can lead to a host of positive organizational outcomes (e.g., increased job satisfaction, enhanced organizational commitment,

decreased turnover, improved employee well-being; Cunningham, 2011a, 2011b). Within this research, the importance of organizational climate was also apparent and led to the development of two subthemes: implicit practices and explicit policies.

Implicit practices. Thirteen of the 15 participants made comments or told stories coded as organizational climate. These participants spoke about the lack of inclusive policies and how the workplace behaviors and norms played a role in their job satisfaction. For instance, participants expressed that if coworkers and supervisors made an effort to use inclusive language (i.e., using the terms partner or significant other as opposed to spouse, husband, or wife), they would feel more comfortable working in intercollegiate athletics. As Lori stated, “If on the invite, something as simple as, ‘bring your significant other’ was used as opposed to husband or wife, we [lesbians working in sport] would feel more welcomed in our organizations.” Lori’s sentiments are similar to ones expressed in other studies examining sexual minorities in sport. For instance, in Melton & Cunningham’s (2014b) study with LGB athletic department staff and coaches, participants explained how subtle signals of acceptance (e.g., using inclusive language or displaying a LGBT safe zone card on the door) oftentimes made them feel more included in the workplace. Using implicit cues is particularly important if sexual minorities work in less accepting sport environments (Melton & Cunningham, 2014a).

Explicit policies. While implicit inclusive practices can significantly enhance one’s perception of inclusion, explicit organizational policies do more to publically show how the organization views inclusion. When the formal policies are supportive of LGB rights, sexual minorities feel more comfortable disclosing their sexual orientation in the workplace, which tends to increase job satisfaction and individual performance (Griffith & Hebl, 2002). The impact of organizational policies was evident in the current research. For instance, Melanie felt that her institution crossed the line from marginalizing to being downright insulting. Her institution, which is a large state NCAA Division I institution in the Southeast, offered pet insurance in their benefits packet, while (during her tenure), “never even considering” insurance for same-sex partners:

If we [lesbians] had partner benefits we would know the school accepts our relationships. However, this week, they just added pet insurance to our benefits through the university . . . and we were like, “this is a joke.” We can insure our pets, but we can’t insure our partners.

Similar sentiments were expressed about the use of language in e-mails, banquet invitations, and other organizational means of communication. Participants felt organizations could demonstrate their acceptance for same-sex relationships if they had a policy that encour-

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aged using inclusive language, such as changing the language from husband/wife to partner/significant other. Melanie suggested sport organizations provide formal diversity training on issues related to sexual orientation, as she noted, “Education on how inclusive language influ- ences our overall feelings toward the organization needs to be done. That way they will have proof that change is needed.” Many of the factors influencing the organi- zational climate such as policy, language, and coworker support were the same for all participants and contributed to their initial sense of belonging. Ultimately this sense of belonging to their work community influenced orga- nizational outcomes.

Organizational Outcomes As briefly mentioned before, offering inclusive policies often leads to a number of positive outcomes for indi- vidual employees and the organization as a whole. In the current study, the majority of women worked in athletic departments that lacked formal or informal supportive policies. As such, many of the participants experienced adverse work environments. We identified two subthemes under the organizational outcomes theme: low job satis- faction and the tipping point.

Low job satisfaction. The unwelcoming organizational climate also influenced organizational outcomes, but these outcomes varied somewhat depending on the participant’s race. For instance, White lesbians in this study described experiencing low organizational satisfaction. Generally, their dissatisfaction stemmed from their perception of having limited access to social networks and no community with lesbian peers. However, they experienced a higher level of organizational inclusivity in intercollegiate sports when compared with racial minority lesbians and did not express any intent to leave intercollegiate athletics. Although White lesbians expressed less angst from not having a community or not fitting in with a working group, all lesbians in this study felt marginalized. As Kelsey said,

I have a community of White women, and I can fit in with them on work issues because we are all women trying to move up the ranks. Some of my Black lesbian peers are the only Black woman in the department. The Black men do not invite them to golf outings and the White women try to be welcoming, but I think it would be hard for them.

Kelsey followed this statement by suggesting that she still does not feel completely welcomed in her work com- munity of women because she is not out at work. Kelsey stated, “I still have moments of being uncomfortable because we never discuss my personal life. It’s difficult to feel comfortable talking about my partner, when she is not even welcomed to the end of the year banquet.” Kelsey reaffirmed that most lesbians in sports may feel marginalized. Regardless of whether they are able to fit into work communities or not, the unwelcoming environ-

ment continues and negatively influences organizational satisfaction.

The tipping point. Unlike the White lesbians, all 10 of the minority lesbians experienced the listed forms of negative outcomes. Most, once they decided to no longer play the role of closeted lesbian or “fake straight coach,” left their organizations. When faced with the decision to either (a) conceal elements of their identity or (b) be open and jeopardize their career, these women elected to leave intercollegiate sports. This finding is supported by the fact that all 10 of the 10 minority lesbians in this study have either left intercollegiate sports in the last year or are actively seeking other employment options. These women have a passion for sports but chose to work for sport marketing firms and athletic shoe companies as a way to “keep the sport connection, without having to deal with the burden of [intercollegiate athletics] sports culture.” For instance, literature related to leadership within intercollegiate sport may explain why some women felt more comfortable working in sport organizations outside of college athletics. White, heterosexual males generally hold top leadership positions at NCAA Division I athletic programs, and these individuals do not usually promote policy or an organizational culture that is supportive of minority groups (Cunningham, 2010). Jackie, a Black lesbian who coached NCAA Division I basketball, explains how intercollegiate athletics is oftentimes a difficult place for minorities. Jackie’s experiences portray the nuanced influence of intersectionality in sport organizations:

It’s sometimes hard to distinguish if we are being treated unfairly because we are Black or because we are lesbian, but then a closeted lesbian or a White or Black straight coach comes along and beats you out of a coaching job and you realize its because you are both Black and lesbian.

Her experience was significant because she expe- rienced overt discrimination directly from her athletic director:

During school holidays, many heterosexual admin- istrators and coaches would have their family meet them at their office for lunch. For my first two years, I did not participate in this [organizational practice] out of fear that my family was much too different. However in my third year, I decided to have my [same-sex] partner and stepdaughter meet me at my office before heading off to lunch. We spent about 15 minutes in my office while I finished up a bit of work and then left for lunch. The next day my head coach sat me down and relayed a message from the athletic director, in which he said I am not allowed to bring “those people” to the office any more because this [referring to Jackie’s athletic department] was not that kind of place. My head coach was not will- ing to fight for my equality and told me to comply because otherwise I would “cause a fuss.”

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Jackie said there were other minority coaches who brought their families to work and other White lesbians in the department (although she was not sure if they brought their families around). She felt that being a minority les- bian was the cause for this overt discrimination. Jackie’s experience speaks to the hyper-masculine (Walker & Sartore-Baldwin, 2013), heteronormative institution of intercollegiate sports.

Stories like Jackie’s, in which athletic directors, coworkers, or other personnel were overtly discriminatory, significantly influenced turnover intentions and negative outcomes for these women. All minority lesbians were unsatisfied and uncomfortable in their organizations, and many felt completely excluded. Even the women who they knew were lesbians were so “deep in the closets, they might as well had been straight.” In sum, analysis of the data suggest White lesbians who hid their sexual identity were able to survive in the institution of college sports by depending on their White privilege, while the minority lesbians suffered from having no racial privilege as an administrator or coach to support their identity in the institution of intercollegiate sports. The minority les- bians’ disadvantaged status led most of them to reach the tipping point: a phenomenon that has not been explored by many researchers but adds a significant contribution to the sport management literature. Based on the data, we operationalize the tipping point as the point where mul- tiple marginalized identities intersect in such a way that individuals feel powerless, and as a consequence, decide to leave the sport organization. The tipping point seems to be more evident in the institution of sport, in part because of sport’s masculine, hegemonic norms and practices. In general, minority lesbians differed from the White lesbians in this study because many times the tipping point for them was being lesbian. For instance, they felt that Black women in sports were left out of male networks and White female networks. However, they were still able to find community by joining organizations such as the Black Coaches Asso- ciation or identify with their gender and associate with organizations such as the Women’s Basketball Coaches Association. Some were even able to do both; however, identifying as a Black lesbian oftentimes left these women on the outside of both networks and very uncomfortable in the world of intercollegiate sports. Further, and very similar to work done by Bruening, Armstrong, and Pastore (2005), Bruening, Pastore, and Armstrong (2008), and Carter and Hart (2010), we found that the lack of role models or men- tors is a major barrier to Black lesbian women working in intercollegiate sports. For instance, Rachel felt that “a lot of our younger Black lesbians don’t have anyone to look up to because everyone that is established is hiding the fact that they are a Black lesbian.” Minority lesbians felt like they were always on an island because few felt welcomed in the small White lesbian networks within their organization. Black participants suggested that as minorities, they lack any form of community. Nellie expressed this sentiment:

We have invisible role models and a disassembled community. They [White lesbians] have a small and

quiet community of lesbians and they [Black straight women] have a community of Black coaches. We have no community that welcomes us in most orga- nizations within intercollegiate sports.

Most of the Black participants in the study experi- enced lower organizational satisfaction and an increased desire to leave intercollegiate sport because they lacked a sense of community with similar others and did not receive support from their athletic departments.

As a result, 8 of the 10 minority lesbians interviewed in this study have recently left their jobs in sport and the remaining 2 are currently searching for jobs outside of intercollegiate athletics. Many say lesbian coaches leave intercollegiate sports, especially basketball, “because as a coach, there is so much negative recruiting based on sexuality” (Fagan & Cyphers, 2012; Griffin, 2012). While none of the participants were knowingly victims of negative recruiting tactics, the threat of this occurring forced them to conceal their sexual orientation. Lori said, “It’s difficult enough moving up the ranks as a Black woman, you have a one in 500 chance as a Black lesbian.” However, once it became too difficult to lead a double life, these women decided to leave intercollegiate sports altogether. Again, it is important to note that all, with the exception of 2 of the minority lesbian women in this study, have left intercollegiate sports.

Conclusion The current study offers a number of contributions to the sport literature. To begin with, it is one of the first to examine how women with multiple marginalized identities or minority lesbians may be viewed as a threat to the hyper- masculine, heterosexist norms of intercollegiate sports. Recent sport management research provides evidence as to why these women may be considered threats to sport norms. Specifically, Walker & Sartore-Baldwin (2013) note how sport is governed by norms, traditions, and pref- erences of the dominant group (i.e., White, male, hetero- sexual) rather than by policy (i.e., equal employment and treatment policies). These taken-for-granted assumptions of how sport should operate usually seem impermeable. Therefore, individuals who do not fit these norms usually do not gain access to or maintain membership in sport institutions. Related to the current study, the ingrained and long-standing exclusive practices in sport support the notion of the tipping point phenomenon for women who have multiple marginalized identities, as minority lesbian women often view the intercollegiate sports culture as too difficult to change or challenge; therefore, they leave sport to find more welcoming and diverse work environments. Understanding that this tipping point phenomenon may exist is insightful for organizational behavior and human resource management scholars, as well as managers who are interested in reducing costly organizational turnover.

Second, this study expands intersectionality research, as well as inquiry into the concept of multiple marginal-

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ized identities within the institution of sport, by examin- ing women who hold multiple marginalized identities. As Greene (2000) suggests, minority women in general and lesbians in particular receive little to no attention in the literature. In sport and management literature, this group is relatively nonexistent, but as this research shows, they encounter troubling situations because of their devalued identities, which lead to negative work outcomes. More- over, the experiences of lesbians in sport organizations may inform the study of marginalized identities in other management organizations and workplaces. It is reason- able to assume that women with multiple marginalized identities working in sports organizations may have many of the same experiences as women working on police or security forces, in retail management services, and in other male-dominated, heterosexist organizations.

The current study also has practical implications for those working in intercollegiate sport. Specifically, the results provide sport managers with firsthand feed- back related to current policy and norms that decrease employee satisfaction among diverse employees. From a managerial perspective, it is important for organizations to be aware of the realities multiple-minority women face within intercollegiate sports. Coaches and athletic administrators need to implement policies and practices that will make marginalized minorities feel more included in the department. Doing so will help sport managers recruit and retain diverse employees. Furthermore, most of the participants in this study hid their sexual orienta- tion, which suggests most sport organizations do not have a realistic idea of how many sexual minorities work in their department. To ensure marginalized minorities do not suffer in silence, organizations should evaluate their current policies and determine whether they are inadver- tently excluding particular groups of employees (e.g., use inclusive language in departmental communications).

As noted above, research suggests that understand- ing how to make sport organizations more inclusive for sexual minorities benefits all employees—irrespective of minority status. When sport organizations make an explicit effort to demonstrate their support for sexual minorities, all employees tend to perceive this as a sign that the organization will support them and their diverse perspectives (see Florida, 2004, for similar arguments). Further, these policies can help the organization attract a diverse and talented group of employees, which will then lead to enhance organizational outcomes (Cunningham & Melton, 2011; Melton & Cunningham, 2012a).

Limitations and Future Research Like most research, this study has limitations. To begin with, these findings provide the groundwork for future research and the methods provide transferability. In addition, many of our participants worked in the sport of basketball. In future investigations, researchers should attempt to attract a more diverse sample of sport employees. Generally speaking, the women in this study believed there was a uniquely unac- cepting climate to women, racial, and sexual minorities in

intercollegiate sports. This is not new to sport literature, as there has been a plethora of research on racial and gender inequity (for a review, see Cunningham, 2008, 2010; Cun- ningham & Sagas, 2008; Knoppers & McDonald, 2010). Interventions, such as diversity training and using inclu- sive language, should be tested using quasi-experimental research to examine the influence on stakeholders within the organization and the sexual minorities themselves. In addition, research examining multiple marginalized iden- tities in other settings may help strengthen the argument for or against the tipping point proposition. Many of these women openly expressed their sexual identities as athletes but hid their sexuality as administrators. Therefore, addi- tional research is needed to examine the unique culture of working in intercollegiate administration and coaching, as opposed to being an athlete.

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Copyright of Journal of Sport Management is the property of Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.