Big Developments in E-Business - 6 pages - APA - 5 references - Due 31 October
ORI GIN AL ARTICLE
The rise of cyberinfrastructure and grand challenges for eCommerce
Susan J. Winter
Received: 10 December 2009 / Revised: 20 November 2010 / Accepted: 20 November 2010 /
Published online: 21 January 2011
� Springer-Verlag 2011
Abstract Advances in ICT have enabled the transformation of commerce into eCommerce. The eCommerce revolution is well under way, but what grand chal-
lenges are on the horizon? This paper extrapolates from the past to understand the
forces that shape the future. It focuses on cyberinfrastructure growing out of the
Cold War and highlights the role of government, Big Science and of the National
Science Foundation in that story. Big Science and eCommerce will continue to
shape Web activities and to react to advances in ICT. Both are involved in the co-
evolution of physical, social, organizational, economic and legal factors and face
analogous issues arising from similarly disruptive transformations, though the
manifestations of these transformations differ in their surface features. Each may
lead in addressing a particular issue at a given time, but can learn from the other.
Finally, this paper identifies three Extreme Grand Challenges for Big Science and
eCommerce that represent important steps toward an even brighter future for both.
Keywords Grand challenge � Cyberinfrastructure � Internet history � Infrastructure � eCommerce
1 Introduction
Information and communication technologies (ICT) have enabled the transforma-
tion of commerce into eCommerce with the rise in globalization, flattened
Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the
author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NSF. Some ideas in this paper were drawn from an
unpublished talk by John L. King, and are used with permission from the author.
S. J. Winter (&) Office of Cyberinfrastructure, National Science Foundation, 4201 Wilson Blvd,
Arlington, VA 22230, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
123
Inf Syst E-Bus Manage (2012) 10:279–293
DOI 10.1007/s10257-011-0165-5
hierarchies, and the growth of networked organizations, not to mention doing
business ‘‘on-line.’’ These have depended on improved ‘‘cyberinfrastructure,’’
meaning advances in network capacity, connectivity, interoperability, processing,
and effective handling of large quantities of data (Atkins 2003). Early barriers to
eCommerce such as low public trust of online payments have been largely
addressed. The eCommerce revolution is well under way, but what issues remain?
To use contemporary parlance from Big Science, ‘‘What grand challenges are on the
horizon?’’ This paper extrapolates from the past to understand the forces that shape
the future. It focuses on cyberinfrastructure growing out of the Cold War, highlights
the role of the National Science Foundation in that story, and suggests steps toward
an even brighter future for Big Science and eCommerce working together to address
emergent cyberinfrastructure grand challenges.
The term ‘‘Big Science’’ as used in this paper encompasses all science and
engineering research that meets one or both of two conditions. First, it is expensive
due to the need for equipment, large numbers of expert personnel, and institutional
support. The Manhattan Project and the Apollo Program are often cited as examples
of Big Science, but there are earlier examples including the mobilization of the
National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis (polio) and its hugely successful March
of Dimes campaign in the 1930s that led to the creation of the Salk and Sabin
vaccines and the virtual elimination of polio in many parts of the world. Second, it
addresses a problem of great scale and/or social importance requiring the
engagement of a large number of experts from across different domains. A
contemporary example of this is the challenge of climate change, but similar
examples can be seen in efforts to clean up major bodies of freshwater such as the
Great Lakes. Big Science is a nickname, and as such is intended merely as a
shorthand description of much more complicated, underlying activities.
World War II and the subsequent Cold War altered the US national climate for
Big Science and ushered in an era of close partnership between the federal
government, academia, and private industry. That climate of collaboration was
essential in the development of the Internet that enabled eCommerce. The Internet
would not have been created only by commercial interests pursuing profits; the role
of government pursuing a vital national interest was essential, as was the role of
academics working at the forefront of science (King et al. 1997). Nevertheless, the
thing we now call the Internet was shaped dramatically by commercialization, a
process undertaken by and overseen by NSF in the 1990s because of the network’s
growing importance to Big Science. The importance of the Internet to commerce of
all kinds grew out of original investments made on behalf of national defense and
the role of Big Science in such defense, but the story of the Internet in the era of
commercialization is far from over.
2 NSF, big science and the cold war
The National Science Foundation was born in the midst of the Cold War. It arose
from the vision of Vannevar Bush, Dean of Engineering at MIT and an advisor to
US leaders in WW II. In July of 1945 Bush published an influential article titled ‘‘As
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We May Think’’ in The Atlantic Magazine (Bush 1945a) that foreshadowed many scientific advancements yet to come and helped build public support for science.
The same month, in his role as Director of the US Office of Scientific Research and
Development, Bush issued a report to President Harry Truman titled ‘‘Science, The
Endless Frontier’’ that proposed something called a National Research Foundation
(Bush 1945b). This document was the impetus for the creation of the NSF to
‘‘…promote the progress of science… advance the national health, prosperity and welfare… secure the national defense…’’ (NSF 1950).
The Cold War that ran between 1948 and the early 1990s saw much innovation in
information technology, based in research conducted at the intersection of military,
industrial and academic interests. For example, the Semi-Automatic Ground
Environment, Project SAGE, was designed and deployed to detect Russian bombers
entering the US from Canada and determine whether they represented a surgical
strike or a large scale attack (Hughes 1998; Naughton 2000; King 2010). SAGE
consisted of radar stations, command centers, and air defense positions connected
through a data communication network and modern computers operating 24/7.
Project SAGE had many consequences, not the least involving Vinton Cerf, later
dubbed a ‘‘father of the Internet.’’ Cerf reports that he became interested in
computers as a teenager when he saw a SAGE computer at the System Development
Corporation in Santa Monica, California (Lambert et al. 2005).
The Internet was also a product of the Cold War, but its evolution is more
complicated than most people know. The Internet had origins in the ARPANet, the
first successful packet-switched network developed by the Department of Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency between the late 1960’s and the late 1980’s
(Edwards 1996; Abbate 1999; Naughton 2000). In 1962 J.C.R. Licklider, a prime
instigator of the ARPANet, moved to ARPA from an advanced Boston-area
research company called Bolt Beranek and Newman (BB&N). BB&N had been
founded in 1948 by two MIT professors and a graduate student, and had established
a strong reputation for its work for the military. Licklider convinced DARPA to
invest in an advanced computer-based communications infrastructure that could
survive multiple nuclear strikes (the strategic objective) and bring scientists working
for the DoD to computer resources instead of having DoD buy each scientist an
expensive computer (a practical objective).
In 1968 ARPA awarded a contract to BB&N with work to be done by various
universities on packet switching. Vinton Cerf, at this time a graduate student at
UCLA, worked on Telnet and the File Transfer Protocol (FTP) as part of this project
(Crocker 1987). As a faculty member at Stanford, Cerf co-designed with Robert
Kahn the Transfer Control Protocol (TCP) and the Internet Protocol (IP) which
together formed TCP/IP, the basis of the ARPANet. Cerf subsequently became an
ARPA program manager, funding research that enabled key features of the
emerging network that proved particularly useful for distributed communities of
scientists such as remote login and file transfer (Cerf 1993; Lynch 1993).
As noted above, providing computer support to scientists was an important early
objective for the ARPANet. As part of the Cold War, the US invested heavily in
provision of scientific computing for US scientists between 1950 and the early
1970’s (Aspray and Williams 1994). A significant portion of this investment was
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through the National Science Foundation, and NSF became the first-tier provider of
computing support of US ‘‘open science.’’ NSF was not alone in providing
computing support: the Atomic Energy Commission (later the Department of
Energy), the Department of Defense, and specialized agencies such as the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration and the National Weather Service also made
investments. But NSF’s role as a supporter of ‘‘open science’’ proved vital as the
Internet evolved.
During the 1980s NSF’s destiny in computing was transformed by the rise of the
supercomputer movement, spurred largely by computational scientist Kenneth
Wilson (Fisher 2006). Wilson was an elementary particle physicist who had joined
the faculty at Cornell in 1963 and won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1982 for his
work on quantum field theory. Wilson worked on problems with finite but high
degrees of freedom that could be solved only with very powerful computers. He
successfully lobbied Congress and the White House to make a major national
investment in what became known as supercomputing, and NSF was given the task
of implementing a plan to build and support supercomputing at a national scale. Six
supercomputer centers were founded in this effort, of which three survive to this
day: the San Diego Supercomputer Center at UCSD, the National Center for
Supercomputer Applications at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and
the Pittsburgh Supercomputer Center run jointly by the University of Pittsburgh and
Carnegie-Mellon University. Support for these centers and related programs became
part of the new NSF Directorate for Computer and Information Science and
Engineering (CISE) in 1986.
The DoD withdrew from the rapidly evolving ARPANet project in the late 1980s
to pursue defense-only applications and NSF took leadership of the project because
the emerging network had become an important tool for Big Science. NSF
continued supporting the academic programs related to the ARPANet, and
embarked on the creation of a new network called NSFNet through the non-profit
MERIT Network, Inc. in Ann Arbor, Michigan. MERIT and the academic centers
worked with IBM and MCI to improve network capability (T1 speeds of 1.5 mb/
second in 1988 and T3 speeds of 45 mb/second in 1991), opened the network to
commercial use in 1993, and officially named the network the Internet in 1995 just
before shutting NSFNet down and turning the enterprise over to a mix of non-profit
and commercial interests. The initial ‘‘testbed’’ of the rapidly growing network were
links between the NSF supercomputer centers, and the network topology today
clearly shows the role of those centers.
NSF remains engaged with advanced networking. NSF’s CISE Directorate
continued to support supercomputing until 2005 when the NSF-wide Office of
Cyberinfrastructure (OCI) was created, and continues to support research in
computer architectures, data management and high-performance networking. OCI
supports the development and deployment of high end computing power (e.g.,
high performance computers, clusters, grids, clouds), simulation and visualization
methods and technologies, large scale data acquisition, processing, and storage
techniques, distributed and networked sensors, instrumentation, and remote work,
linking people and information to form virtual organizations (Atkins 2007).
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eCommerce today runs on a foundation built in significant measure by the NSF,
driven by the powerful forces of the Cold War and the needs of Big Science. The
Cold War wound down in the early 1990s at about the time NSFNet was taking the
network toward commercial development. Since the end of the Cold War,
commerce has become a powerful driver of Internet development, replacing the role
played by defense in the earlier period. Big Science remains an important factor in
the development of cyberinfrastructure technologies. Perhaps more important, Big
Science depends upon advancements both in enabling technologies and in the social
conventions of work. eCommerce does, as well. The next section describes the way
the work of Big Science is changing, with implications for eCommerce.
3 Cyberinfrastructure and big science at work
Big Science is increasingly organized around grand challenges: goals that push the
boundaries of existing knowledge, established disciplines, and available capabilities
(Hoare and Milner 2005). Grand challenges embrace multiple intellectual fields as
well as societal concerns such as competitiveness, security, economic development,
or well being. Examples include reconciling quantum physics and relativity, making
solar energy economical, reverse-engineering the human brain, and achieving
universal and effective primary education. Progress on grand challenges requires
long time frames, new tools and changes in the ways that work gets done (Lutters
and Winter in press). In the process, fields are reconstructed: we move from simple
problems such as mapping ocean currents to the grand challenge of mitigating
global climate change. Grand challenges often require the efforts of distributed
interdisciplinary global teams including participants from India, South Korea, China
and other countries that have recently developed world-class capabilities (Friedman
2005). In short, grand challenges require resources and participation from academic,
practitioner, and policy-oriented communities, as well as cooperation among groups
with differing perspectives over long periods of time.
This section discusses an early example of the grand challenge phenomenon: the
high-energy physics community that built on the Internet to create the World Wide
Web between 1989 and 1991 at Cousiel European pour la Reserche Nuclaire
(CERN), the European Organization for Nuclear Research (Naughton 2000).
CERN’s experiments take place using huge instruments located in deep pits along a
27-km circular tunnel about 100 m underground. By the mid-1990s most of
CERN’s work was focused on the creation of the world’s most powerful particle
accelerator, the Large Hadron Collider (LHC), which accelerates elementary
particles to near the speed of light. In 1993, the US Congress had cancelled funding
for the Superconducting Super-Collider then under construction in Texas, and
CERN became the world’s only option for such an accelerator. With the LHC,
physicists could collide particles at speeds high enough to mimic the conditions of
the big bang when the universe was created. The resulting data would aid the search
for the theoretically postulated Higgs Boson, supersymmetry, and other important
questions in the grand challenge of reconciling quantum physics and relativity. The
LHC would cost about 10 billion USD (including significant NSF funding), so
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sharing was essential. The largest of the LHC experiments, the ATLAS (http://
atlas.ch/), has nearly 3,000 principal investigators worldwide. New tools and new
ways of working were necessary.
A CERN researcher, Tim Berners-Lee, needed an easy way to distribute many
documents to thousands of researchers around the world. He and Mark Andreeson, a
young computer scientist at NCSA (NCSA’s supercomputing resources were being
used to process CERN-generated data), developed a hypertext markup language for
documents and an application called Mosaic that could ‘‘read’’ documents created in
that language. Html and Mosaic quickly became important parts of the high energy
physics collaboration toolkit, but were also recognized more broadly as important
innovations in communication. Mosaic was turned into a commercial product called
Netscape by Andreeson and Eric Bina at NCSA, and released to the public in 1993
(Reid 1997). Netscape was the first ‘‘Web Browser’’ that became the heart of
business-to-customer (B2C) ecommerce. Browsers are now available from
commercial providers (Microsoft’s Internet Explorer, Apple’s Safari, Google’s
Chrome) and from open source consortia (Mozilla’s Firefox). Big Science provided
the venue for the rise of the Web, but the Web itself grew up mainly around other
forms of enterprise, many of them commercial.
Big Science has pushed the frontier of ICT dramatically both with respect to the
underlying technologies and to ways in which work can change through their use.
The Large Hadron Collider, when fully operational, will generate up to a petabyte (a
quadrillion bytes) of data per second. Most of these data will be stripped out
immediately and discarded as uninteresting, but about 100 petabytes per year must
be distributed globally to thousands of researchers working on the LHC
experiments. Such data transfers require ‘‘audit trails’’ to allow reanalysis and
reproducibility of important results. Where computational power was once the main
concern (as per Ken Wilson’s crusade for supercomputers), management of data is
now looming as a major challenge. This shift is subtle but vital for understanding
the larger role of cyberinfrastructure in changing work because it is a shift from
‘‘inputs’’ to ‘‘outputs.’’
Ironically, the fantastic drop in the cost of digital storage exacerbates this
challenge because it removes previously powerful, natural impediments to going
‘‘big’’ with data. Continuing with high-energy physics, Traweek (1988) provides a
detailed account of the resource politics affecting physicists’ efforts to secure access
to the major inputs—the large instruments without which contemporary high-energy
physics is impossible. Gaining access to inputs is in service of the real goal, namely
‘‘outputs’’ in the form of findings and discoveries. Data are the vital first steps
toward those payoffs. Not surprisingly, over time high-energy physics has evolved
ways of handling data that affect collaboration and competition in the scientific
‘‘marketplace of ideas.’’
Cyberinfrastructure empowers Big Science to handle very large data sets, but that
is dependent on the evolution of the right social conventions. Gaps in existing
knowledge about the social conventions of handling data are becoming clear. For
example, the law does not permit copyrighting of data, but certain data sets can be copyrighted. Ambiguity around the fundamental question of what can be ‘‘owned’’
makes it difficult to adjust as old presumptions about de facto ownership by
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investigators give way to increasing calls for investigators to make their data
available to other investigators. And this signals a broader concern about the nature
of the ‘‘payoff’’ from the work of Big Science, namely credit for publication.
Traditionally, Big Science followed a complicated but well-understood path from
collection and analysis of data to working papers to discussion in conferences and
colloquia, to publication in archival journals. Powerful but often invisible and tacit
social conventions governed this path: attribution of provenance (e.g., authorship
and order of authorship), the character and quality of peer review (e.g., open vs.
single vs. double-blind reviewing), assignment of intellectual property rights (e.g.,
assignment of rights to commercial publishers who sell the product back to the
researchers), and so on. By the early 1990s high-energy physicists were playing
with that traditional path, using the Internet to begin ‘‘pre-print’’ publication of
important papers, a practice since embraced by other fields of science and
scholarship (Harnad 1995). It is no longer clear when, exactly, a work is
‘‘published.’’
Beyond this, there is a question of credit when a work is published. When cost makes it necessary that only one set of data can be collected, how do you share it
among all those who are interested? CERN’s ATLAS experiment with nearly 3,000
investigators illustrates this: papers published from CERN research can have
hundreds of co-authors, with the list of authors longer than the article itself.
University promotion and tenure committees might have difficulty evaluating the
contribution of a single author within that list, so the high-energy physics
community has had to develop internal social conventions for assigning credit that
are both fair and not self-debasing (e.g., not assigning more credit than there is to
assign).
Finally, how in the era of Big Science can reproducibility of results be ensured?
This is especially problematic with the case where a given kind of work can only be done at a single location such as CERN. For one thing, it is not clear exactly how
ownership of intellectual property works in a project costing billions of taxpayer
dollars from more than a dozen countries. But even if that is clarified, it remains to
determine what must be shared to ensure reproducibility. Must data be accompanied
by the software, models, and simulations required to reproduce the work? At what
stage should data be released: raw, cleaned, or analyzed? Who pays the added costs
for later release? And who is responsible for long-term curation of the data, an
especially important issue given the cost of reproducing the data? Answering such
questions requires re-organization of research work at many levels.
Big Science increasingly requires the co-evolution of physical, social, organi-
zational, economic and legal factors. NSF is not alone in this challenge, but as the
major supporter of open science, and the federal government’s largest supporter of
cyberinfrastructure, NSF faces particularly acute challenges in this regard. One of
the challenges comes from resource politics. NSF has long supported single-
investigator science, but in the past 30 years it has expanded to support projects
with large teams of investigators. Some of these projects involve large, established
centers such as the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR), the
Southern California Earthquake Center (SCEC) and the supercomputer centers
already mentioned. Some members of the Big Science community feel the ‘‘right
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kinds’’ of research are being shortchanged to do the ‘‘wrong kind’’ of research. NSF
also must learn to manage different kinds of research programs, each with its own
complexity: concentrated and shared infrastructure such as that at CERN or the
National High Magnetic Field Laboratory (MagLab); networked but geographically-
distributed infrastructure such as the George E. Brown Network for Earthquake
Engineering Simulation (NEES); finely distributed sensor networks such as the
recently launched National Ecological Observatory Network (NEON); and ‘‘citizen
science’’ projects such as Zooniverse in astronomy and eBird in ornithology. These
challenges go beyond the problem of incorporating computation into Big Science
(Wolfram 2002; Atkins 2007; NSF 2010).
The work of Big Science evolves through practice. Cyberinfrastructure has
enabled new ways of working, and as seen in the birth of the World Wide Web at
CERN, that enablement sometimes coincides with emerging needs in the scientific
community. The needs of the scientific community, in turn, can reflect the needs of
the society at large. The explosive commercial growth of the Web in the late 1990s
and early 2000s was foreshadowed by the smaller but nonetheless impressive
growth of the Web in Big Science and the academy generally a few years earlier. In
some ways, Big Science is a leading indicator of challenges facing the world of
eCommerce. And, as discussed in the next section, eCommerce offers important
opportunities for the realm of Big Science.
4 Lessons and grand challenges for eCommerce
There is no question that the Internet has transformed commerce. The examples are
legion, from the rise of ‘‘e-tailing’’ to phenomena such as Google (which grew out
of the NSF-funded Digital Libraries Initiative), FaceBook, YouTube, Twitter and so
on. In some cases it is not clear what these phenomena mean. Even Google’s
founders did not imagine when they created the company that it would earn most of
its revenues from advertising, but the Google model profoundly changed the world
of advertising ushering in an era of clickstream revenue and data analytics
(Hofacker and Murphy 2000). Every venture capitalist, if not every investor, wants
to know what the ‘‘next big thing’’ will be. The experience of Big Science cannot
‘‘pick winners’’ in this race, or even point the way, but it can be used to see where
the trends are headed. Clearly, Big Science, eCommerce and government will
continue to shape Web activities and to react to advances in ICT. Though surface
features differ, all face analogous issues arising from similarly disruptive
transformations, many of which are enabled by new technologies.
The Google phenomenon illustrates one of these trends, a transformation
catalyzed by the aggregation and management of large-scale data resources. The
beauty of Google is its simplicity: it collects data from the users of the Web and
sells those data, in different forms, to users of the Web. The magic of Google lies in
the sophistication of its infrastructure, both with respect to collecting and
redistributing data, and operating at very large scale. That sophistication raises
concerns, as well, including those of personal privacy. The question of what Google
‘‘knows’’ about individuals and what it is willing to do with such information has
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been at the heart of many criticisms of the company and its practices. The company
famously touts its motto, ‘‘Do no evil,’’ but given the company’s inevitable
transgressions in the service of its transformations, that motto can be seen as cynical
just as easily as it can be seen as heartfelt. The issue is not whether Google or its
leadership are pro-privacy or anti-privacy, but whether our concepts of privacy
grounded in an earlier era are up to the challenges of a new era where technology
enables something like Google to exist.
The challenges of privacy in the Google era are similar to those facing Big
Science. New analytic techniques and new sources of data (especially those arising
from ubiquitous mobile computing), are transforming the human sciences enabling
such new research areas as societally-informed climate models, global-scale
epidemiological models, and understanding human networks. Text can be extracted,
combined and analyzed automatically from traditionally public materials (e.g.,
published articles, speeches, and government reports), but also from tweets,
personal blogs and email messages. Commercial and social data of scientific interest
have long been captured as credit and debit card transactions, but geographic
location information is also available from ubiquitous computing devices such as
cell phones, tollbooths using transponders, and RFID product tracking. Health care
research may be transformed by access to more complete databases linking person-
level genomics, proteomics, and digital medical records with data on hospital
admittance, purchases, and location.
These changes bring both scientific opportunities and challenges, including
privacy concerns similar to those facing Google. Advances in cyberinfrastructure
can link existing information sources (databases, published literature) with
previously private data about individuals, transactions, and social networks. These
can be integrated with data from ubiquitous computing devices, distributed sensor
webs, and other sources in ways that could revolutionize the human sciences.
Exploiting such scientific resources without infringing on personal privacy requires
careful attention to the sensitivity of person-level data and development of new
techniques to allow individual identities to remain hidden during data collection and
analysis. These techniques may be able to mitigate some of the privacy issues facing
Google as well.
Wikipedia represents another web-based phenomenon with important implica-
tions for Big Science. The fifth most popular website, Wikipedia is accessed by over
400 million people per month (about one-third of the Internet connected world) and
provides information on topics of general interest. Building on the scientific
encyclopaedic tradition of aggregating summary reference documents on a wide
variety of topics, Wikipedia has transformed societal expectations regarding the
availability of standardized, structured overview documents. One of these expec-
tations is that identical terms should be disambiguated. Disambiguation is a crucial
service for improving information search efficiency and effectiveness, alerting
readers to various meanings of a term and directing them to information on the
target subject. Wikipedia’s disambiguation service is quite extensive. For example,
if one enters the term ‘‘Portland’’ into Wikipedia, the resulting disambiguation page
lists over 75 different meanings with links to relevant pages for Portland, Oregon,
Portland, Maine (and New Portland, Maine, which is noted to be ‘‘not near Portland,
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Maine’’), Portland Cement, the Battle of Portland, Portland Orange (the color
emitted by ‘‘don’t walk’’ pedestrian crossing signals in North America), and
Portland Sheep, among others.
However, Wikipedia is not exhaustive. It provides information of general interest
and is not a substitute for specialized collections of knowledge on subjects such as
science. Multiple efforts (such as the Web of Science) are underway to aggregate
scientific documents into an archive that can be searched by subject, journal, or
author. Subject searches are aided by keywords, journals are uniquely identified by
their ISSN, but author identity has proven much more difficult to determine. There
may be multiple scientists with the same name and journals often do not list middle
initials, or may only list first initials making it hard to distinguish between Mike
Smith and Mark Smith or between Mike James Smith and Mike John Smith.
Wikipedia’s disambiguation feature is of limited value for scientific research since
its database includes only a small subset of scientists. The Wikipedia disambig-
uation page for ‘‘Mike Smith’’ lists only 4 of the many researchers with that name.
Extensive experience with the Wikipedia disambiguation page as a communication
genre is increasing pressure for the creation of a researcher identification scheme
with unique scientist identifiers that can be used in searchable scientific archives.
However, such a scheme could also be misused and some scientists are concerned
that such a database could threaten the security of those engaged in controversial
research.
Privacy and disambiguation are but two of many difficult challenges one can
point to in the realm of eCommerce, Big Science, and government. Interestingly,
blogging and citizen science represent two co-emergent eCommerce and Big
Science trends. Blogging allows individuals to easily generate information and post
it on the web. Others can get notifications of updates, add information, or aggregate
it with other information sources. Citizen science enables individuals not previously
part of the Big Science production system to generate data, post it on the web for
aggregation with other information sources, perform analyses, and make discov-
eries. Cornell’s eBird project allows citizens to report bird sightings by species,
location, and time, creating a large scale database that has been used to better
understand migration patterns, responses to climate and habitat change, and
population dynamics. Both blogging and citizen science face questions about
accuracy, integrity, and control over resulting intellectual property. It is not yet clear
under what formal, social or psychological contracts this work will be done.
Some trends reflect more technical aspects of these transformations. As the US
moves toward eMedicine, the Federal Government is encouraging development and
implementation of interoperable digital health systems to improve medical data
handling. These efforts rely heavily on lessons learned from the digital medical
records systems created by the Federal Government to provide healthcare to active
service military personnel and veterans (a centralized system) and by Petsmart’s
Banfield veterinary medical sevice (a more franchised, distributed model).
eCommerce, Big Science and the federal government are also facing issues of
environmental sustainability and green IT. Large server farms and high performance
computer sites (many of which are supported by the Department of Energy) can
have equally large carbon footprints. Plans for some future supercomputer sites are
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expected to require the electrical output equivalent to that of a small nuclear reactor.
Finally, as the gaming segment of eCommerce has grown, chip architecture has
moved to multi-core processors. The supercomputers used for modeling and
simulation-based Big Science are also based on multi-core chips and efforts are
underway to maximize performance through new software, networking and data
architectures and methods. Of course, this commoditization of chips has also
reduced costs and allowed experimentation with multiple configurations that would
not previously been possible.
Some transformations in the social organization of work are disrupting entire
economic sectors with serious implications for eCommerce, Government, and Big
Science. One such transformation is affecting both news journalism and the
scientific promotion and tenure systems. Under the old news production model, a
journalist or editor would develop an idea for a story. The journalist would research
the topic and write the news article. A news outlet would check the article for
accuracy, edit it for clarity, aggregate related stories and publish them. Reader
subscriptions and advertising paid the news outlet for its content and the news outlet
paid the journalist. Libraries further aggregate the published stories into searchable
archives and curated them. Now, search engines such as Google and Yahoo
aggregate and provide searchable content at no charge to the reader and advertising
revenue goes to the aggregators, not to the content providers. This disruption in the
previously established reward system has severely reduced the revenue stream for
news outlets and journalists. Established newspapers and magazines are closing,
journalists are being fired, and the future of the free press (long a cornerstone of US
democracy) is being questioned. However, the business model for aggregators such
as Google and Yahoo depends upon content providers. If news outlets and
journalists disappear, there will be nothing to aggregate and Google is beginning to
invest in existing news outlets to ensure its content stream.
Big Science is facing an analogous problem, with somewhat different surface
features. An earlier era of science confined research to the scientist’s laboratory and
provided an established path from effort to payoff in the form of journal publication,
promotion and tenure. A single scientist developed hypotheses to be tested,
collected data, analyzed the data, wrote-up and submitted an article describing the
results. Scientific conferences and journals used peer review to determine the
accuracy and importance of the research, edited articles for clarity, aggregated and
published them. Academic institutions rewarded the scientist for publications
through promotion and tenure. Journals were compensated for their costs through
advertising and subscriptions from readers and academic libraries, which further
aggregated, archived and curated scientific articles. Authorship was assumed to
represent responsibility for hypothesis development, data collection, data analysis,
and write up of results. Promotion and tenure committees assessed and rewarded
these activities with proportionally reduced rewards for each author on a
collaborative paper.
Big Science has seen a disaggregation of several of the early steps in the research
process and a disruption in the reward structure similar to that faced by news outlets.
By definition, Big Science is too big to be performed by a single investigator and
requires a more elaborate division of labor, but the rewards for scientific activities
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have not yet been disaggregated and distributed accordingly. Hypothesis generation,
data collection, analysis and the write-up of results are often performed by different
groups, and currently rewards are distributed unevenly among them. Hypotheses are
developed by domain scientists or by multi-disciplinary teams of domain scientists.
Big Science relies on shared infrastructure (such as distributed sensor nets, shared
equipment like the LHC, or citizen scientist portals), but a new era in which most or
all of the scientists in a field must use a single laboratory or shared dataset turns
conventional work practices upside down.
In Big Science, data collection and analysis becomes a multi-stage process
performed by different sets of scientists, some of whom are responsible for
designing, deploying or maintaining initial sensors, collecting raw data, cleaning
data, early stage data processing, or data distribution. Other computational scientists
may write specialized algorithms and software for data analysis to test hypotheses
developed by the domain scientists, who then write up the research results. In this
new model of Big Science, authorship is often limited to the subset of scientists
involved in the downstream tasks of hypothesis testing, thus under-rewarding those
involved in the early stages of data collection and cleaning. Much like the
journalists who are no longer rewarded by news outlets, but are crucial to the
success of news aggregators like Google, the contributions of scientists who create
and maintain the data and computational infrastructure are not rewarded by
promotion and tenure committees, but are crucial to the success of scientific
research. Some academic communities have addressed this issue by including all of
the thousands of principal investigators involved in an experiment in the list of
authors, resulting in papers with hundreds of authors, and the question of who gets
credit for the work becomes confused as promotion and tenure committees try to
assess the value of 1/300th of a publication. As with the transformation of
journalism, new organizational forms and protocols for scientific research must
evolve to supplement or replace those already in place, and the new order of things
faces serious opposition from incumbent interests.
In some instances, eCommerce, government, and Big Science can work
synergistically, as in the case of Iridium. Iridium is a private company that provides
mobile satellite voice and data communications with service in even the most remote
locations (e.g., across oceans, polar regions) through its network of 66 cross-linked
low earth orbit satellites (Iridium 2010). Most consumers do not require such
complete coverage, but some government entities do. The DoD’s global commu-
nications system relies on an Iridium dedicated gateway. Iridium has recently
announced a new generation of low earth orbiting satellites with space for a
secondary sensor payload that could accommodate scientific instruments. Continual
sensing of the entire Earth’s surface and atmosphere has the potential to improve our
understanding of global climate change and of scientific phenomena in the
magnetosphere and ionosphere with implications for astronomy and satellite
communications systems. Working together, this private company, government
agency, and Big Science may accomplish more than they could achieve on their own.
Though differing in surface features, Big Science, eCommerce and government
are undergoing similar disruptive transformations catalyzed by technological
advances. All three are struggling to address issues and opportunities presented by
290 S. J. Winter
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the data deluge including privacy, disambiguation, citizen participation, interoper-
ability, environmental sustainability of ICT, adaptation to changing hardware, and
emerging disconnects between the division of labor and the allocation of rewards. At
any given time, one or another will be out in front on a particular issue and each can
learn from the others. All three are creating and reacting to the same underlying
cyberinfrastructure. As in the case of Iridium, Big Science, private companies, and
the government can work together to achieve synergy.
5 Extreme grand challenges for eCommerce
Clearly, the eCommerce revolution is well under way, but faces significant
challenges, many of which are emerging from the gathering data deluge. However,
none of these represents a Grand Challenge. The Extreme Grand Challenges for
ecommerce are shared jointly with government and Big Science, and it is this shared
responsibility that makes them true Grand Challenges.
Government played a crucial role in the birth of the Internet; Big Science
provided the venue for the rise of the Web; but the Web itself grew up mainly
around other forms of enterprise, many of them commercial. Without this interplay
among government, Big Science and commerce, eCommerce could not have arisen
and could not continue. Each played an important role at different stages in the
development of this transformational phenomenon. The Extreme Grand Challenge
is to develop an understanding of the intertwined roles of these three actors in
innovation and commercialization. Neither commerce nor Big Science could have
created the Internet; only the government had the necessary motivation, resources,
and organization. Neither DARPA nor commerce could have prepared the nascent
Internet for commercial uses; only Big Science had the necessary commitment to
open access and open standards. Neither government nor Big Science could have
provided the multitude of services we’ve come to rely upon; only commerce has the
flexibility to create and adjust to market demands. Knowing when in the
developmental trajectory of an innovation each of these sectors can best make a
contribution and how those contributions should be structured is an Extreme Grand
Challenge for eCommerce, government, and Big Science.
eCommerce, Big Science, and government depend upon advancements both in
enabling technologies and in the social conventions of work. It is popular to talk
about the accretion of continuous incremental adjustments that culminate in a
tipping point after which change is swift and inevitable, but identifying the
underlying forces behind those adjustments can be elusive. The Extreme Grand
Challenge is to see beyond the surface features of the issues facing eCommerce, Big
Science, and government and identify their fundamental similarities. True
transformations often unfold over decades in response to underlying disruptive
transformations catalyzed by changes in ICT. Distinguishing between surface
features and underlying transformations requires a much longer time frame and
deeper analysis than is common in IS research. To meet this Extreme Grand
Challenge, we must be willing to adopt what has been called ‘‘the long now’’
encouraging the long view and long-term thinking (Brand 2010).
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Finally, The Cold War that ran between 1948 and the early 1990s saw much
innovation in information technology, based in research conducted at the
intersection of military, industrial and academic interests. This paper has shown
that many of the issues facing eCommerce continue to lie at the intersection of
government, industrial and academic interests. In short, we are all in this together
and could benefit from working together to address these common concerns.
However, learning to work together and determining the optimal form for such
collaboration will also be an Extreme Grand Challenge.
Commerce, science and government have changed dramatically since the
beginning of the Cold War in the mid-1950s. Globalization, flattened hierarchies,
and the growth of networked organizations, and doing business ‘‘on-line’’ are the
hallmarks of eCommerce. They are features of Big Science as well. Both grew out
of improved cyberinfrastructure, nurtured in turn by the DoD, NSF, and commercial
interests. This cyberinfrastructure holds great promise, but presents significant
challenges to privacy, data management, sustainability, and existing social and
organizational arrangements. These disruptive transformations are affecting eCom-
merce, Big Science and government. Achieving the Extreme Grand Challenges of
determining when each should take the lead in creating and nurturing new
innovations, adopting the long now to recognize common underlying transforma-
tions, and learning to work together to address shared concerns are important steps
toward an even brighter future for Big Science and eCommerce.
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- c.10257_2011_Article_165.pdf
- The rise of cyberinfrastructure and grand challenges for eCommerce
- Abstract
- Introduction
- NSF, big science and the cold war
- Cyberinfrastructure and big science at work
- Lessons and grand challenges for eCommerce
- Extreme grand challenges for eCommerce
- References