4 Discussion Posts about China's Government

University of Pennsylvania Press

Chapter Title: Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo Chapter Author(s): Marina Svensson

Book Title: The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing China Book Editor(s): Jacques deLisle, Avery Goldstein, Guobin Yang Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press. (2016) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1b3t8nr.5

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C H A P T E R 2

Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing

on China’s Weibo

Marina Svensson

Th is chapter addresses and problematizes connectivity and civic engagement on social media in the context of China. It explores the potential of social media, focusing on the microblogging ser vice Sina Weibo, for civic engage- ment, and analyzes the diff erent forms such engagement can take. Th e chap- ter engages with the growing literature and debate on the role of social media for civic and po liti cal engagement and social mobilization.1 Th e more opti- mistic observers believe that new information and communication tech- nologies (ICTs), including social media, open up for more horizontal and participatory forms of civic engagement, lower the threshold for activism, and empower people to challenge the communicative power of entrenched po liti cal institutions and traditional media. Th e skeptics, on the other hand, fi nd limited connectivity and strong fragmentation, rather than a real public sphere, on social media. Th ey also draw attention to the continuing existence of digital divides and the dominance of privileged actors on social media. Many in addition dismiss civic engagement in the form of clicking, sharing, and liking on Twitter and Facebook as “clicktivism” or “slacktivism,” and argue that they do not bring about any real and eff ective social and po liti cal changes.

In the context of China, there have been similar heated debates between techno- optimists, who argue that the Internet opens up for critical voices that challenge the party- state, and more critical scholars who focus on the party- state’s ability to adapt to the new information society and/or draw attention

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50 Marina Svensson

to the big digital divides that prevent many people from benefi ting from ICTs (see introduction to the volume). Th is chapter focuses on the following ques- tions: Do social media enable, or prescribe, new forms of connectivity, en- gagement and activism? What kinds of limitations exist in an authoritarian society such as China? Is social- media- facilitated civic engagement a safety valve and outlet for “feel- good” activism or clicktivism that defl ects from more radical po liti cal activism?

Th e chapter begins with an attempt to defi ne and analyze connectivity and civic engagement on social media, while outlining diff erent arguments and recent works on the topic. It pays par tic u lar attention to why and how images have become a ubiquitous presence on social media, and the signifi cance of images for civic engagement, connectivity, and social mobilization. Th e chap- ter next briefl y addresses recent developments in civil society and civic engagement in China and the role of the Internet in this respect. Th e main argument of the chapter is that the emergence of new forms of civic engage- ment has been facilitated by social media platforms such as weibo, although not determined by the technology, and that users have appropriated weibo as a tool to develop new ways to connect and engage on social issues. Chinese citizens become aware of and engaged in social problems thanks to the circu- lation of information on weibo, and they are also able to share their views and concerns with others. Many in addition use smartphones and other digital de- vices to upload, share, and comment on images depicting social and po liti cal issues and injustices, which has made weibo into a platform for spectatorship, performativity, witnessing, and sousveillance. Th e posting and browsing on social media, including sharing, reposting, clicking, and liking, is impor- tant on the cognitive level as it serves to highlight gaps between offi cial policies and media reports and the reality as experienced by citizens themselves. One should therefore not be too quick to describe or denounce these kinds of activities as slacktivism/clicktivism, or see them as necessarily bad in the context of China. Furthermore, one also needs to be aware that the line be- tween online and off - line engagement and activities oft en is quite blurred.

Connectivity and Civic Engagement on Social Media: Theoretical Debates and Empirical Findings

Several studies have found that young people in Westerns democracies are no longer as interested in traditional po liti cal institutions and activities such

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 51

as voting or becoming a member of po liti cal parties, unions, and established organizations as older generations were.2 Th eir engagement is more related to specifi c issues and causes, such as concerns about the environment, social justice, gender equality, and human rights. Rather than becoming involved in party politics, young people are more likely to express themselves in more ad hoc and networked ways through the diff erent ICTs they have already incorporated into their daily lives, to participate in various civic activities such as boycotts and demonstrations, and to sign petitions and volunteer. However, because of historical diff erences, diff erent po liti cal cultures, and more or less open traditional institutions, there also exist big diff erences among Western democracies as to youth participation in party politics, forms of civic engagement, and use of social media. Many scholars see strong con- nections between the emergence of more issue- based politics and personal- ized forms of civic engagement and the rise and use of the Internet and social media. Young people belong to a generation that has been socialized into con- necting, sharing, and expressing themselves online. Th eir social and po liti- cal identities and sense of community is constructed and expressed through individual lifestyle choices and connectivity with others on social media platforms such as Facebook. Although there exist big diff erences between Western democracies and China, I would argue that the emergence of more diversifi ed forms for civic engagement in China in part is also facili- tated by the development and use of Internet and social media, at the same times as it reveals people’s exclusion and alienation from traditional politics and institutions in an authoritarian one- party state.

Th ere exist diff erent defi nitions and understandings of civic engage- ment, and whereas some scholars would include po liti cal participation and mobilization such as voting, membership in po liti cal parties, and attending po liti cal campaigns and protests, I focus on civic actions and engagement on social issues outside traditional po liti cal institutions and channels. I thus defi ne civic engagement as consisting of a range of increasingly diverse ways of expressing concern on social issues. Th is includes personal engagement with peer networks on social media, that is, clicking, liking, and sharing views and off ering support. It also includes involvement in civic activities both online and off - line, ranging from online petitions to participation in loose networks and communities to joining social and issue- based campaigns to donating money to volunteering and working for NGOs. Many of these forms of civic engagement make use of creative expressions, including art, per for mances, and the making and sharing of images and memes, and many are quite ad

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52 Marina Svensson

hoc in nature and do not require sustained commitment or membership in any or ga ni za tion.

Th ere, however, exist widely diff erent views among scholars and observ- ers on the potential of social media for connectivity, civic engagement, social change, and po liti cal mobilization. To simplify somewhat, techno- optimists see new ICTs, in par tic u lar Web 2.0 and social media, as “liberation tech- nologies” that empower marginalized groups of people and social movements to challenge entrenched po liti cal institutions.3 Th ey believe that social media open up more horizontal and participatory forms of civic engagement and communication that can bypass traditional po liti cal institutions and media. Many also argue that social media play a central role for new social move- ments, oft en referring to the case of the Middle East in 2011 and to the Occupy Wall Street movement the same year. Other scholars paint a more negative picture of social media for civic engagement. Th ey fi nd limited connectivity and strong fragmentation rather than a real public sphere and a continuing existence of digital divides and dominance of privileged actors on social me- dia, and they are concerned about the commercialization of the Internet.4 Th ese critical scholars also worry that engagement on social media may not lead to sustained commitment and real social and po liti cal changes because it is too fragmented and issue based. Some critics describe engagement on social media as clicktivism or slacktivism because people’s engagement is limited to clicking, sharing, and liking on Twitter and Facebook. Evgeny Morozov is one of the strongest critics of techno- optimism and clicktivism.5 He sees the signing of online petitions, donating of money, and voicing sup- port through clicking, sharing, and liking as illusionary quick fi xes and easy- to-do activities that do not involve any sustained eff orts or off - line activities. Th ey make people feel good about themselves but prevent in- depth analysis of more complex social and po liti cal problems and po liti cal or ga niz ing. Morozov also criticizes digital movements for focusing too much on mobili- zation for demonstrations and not on more protracted and hard struggles and institutionalized work.

Several scholars have criticized the sweeping and negative picture of clicktivism/slacktivism as a lazy, lighthearted, low- cost, and low- risk, maybe even selfi sh, form of commitment that builds on the false belief that posting, liking, and sharing will change the world.6 Th ey have instead tried to provide a deeper analysis of how social media enable new forms of civic engagement that are meaningful for those involved. I agree that it is important to pro- vide a more empirically grounded analysis that acknowledges that click-

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 53

tivism includes a range of diff erent activities with diff erent content and outcomes. Clicktivism, as some of these scholars have argued, is oft en an ad hoc and refl exive act that does not aim to further any ideological or po liti cal cause. Th is being said, it may do so as it can be part of a more complex reper- toire or the beginning of more sustained activism. It is also important to real- ize the sociopo liti cal context of clicktivism, if one should still use the term, as it might be the best one can do in an authoritarian society since it at least raises awareness on hidden or suppressed issues.

In a recent study of how social media gave rise to new forms of connec- tivity and social mobilization, Bennett and Segerberg identify three major categories of action.7 Th e fi rst category, or gan i za tion ally brokered collective action, is centered around more established organizations and traditional modes of participation where digital media function as a tool facilitating communication and work but do not fundamentally change the way they work. Th e second category, or gan i za tion ally enabled connective action, con- sists of loose networks of organizations that cosponsor and enable diff erent actions, but where followers/supporters take part in a personalized way. In the third category, crowd- enabled connective action, the digital media plat- forms take center stage and serve as an or gan i za tional hub that brings indi- viduals and their diff erent networks together, where individuals are engaged around diff erent issues in a very personalized way. Although Bennett and Segerberg’s study focuses on large- scale protests, such as the Occupy Wall Street Movement in the United States, their fi ndings and categories are of in- terest when studying other forms of civic engagement online and when pon- dering developments in non- Western societies. It is also worth remembering that most social and po liti cal campaigns and movements today combine and make use of both online and off - line activities, and that there is no clear- cut line between online and off - line engagement and activism.

Images and Social Media: Spectatorship, Witnessing, and Sousveillance

A striking feature of today’s networked society is the ubiquitous presence of images in everyday life and politics.8 Th e emergence of digital photography and fi lm has made the production, storage, and circulation of images and fi lms a much easier, widespread, and equal practice. For many people in China, a smartphone is the fi rst and only camera they possess. Th e development and

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54 Marina Svensson

aff ordability of digital devices such as smartphones and digital video cameras has fundamentally changed how, where, and why people take photos and fi lm. Many people today document their daily lives in photos and share them with friends on social media sites and other platforms, including Face- book, Flickr, and Instagram— and weibo and WeChat in the case of China. Th e sharing of images is a natural part of communication and thus a central aspect of connectivity on social media. Whereas in the past images for public circulation were mostly produced by professional photographers, photojournalists, media organizations, and NGOs, the digital revolution has opened up possibilities for ordinary citizens to reveal and bear witness to cases of injustices and human rights violations, as well as document the social and po liti cal protests they are taking part in. Th e digital revolution has thus empowered more people to make and circulate images online and on social media that challenge and expose entrenched power holders and traditional media.

Our knowledge, emotional responses, and civic engagement are highly infl uenced by what we can see and know. On weibo, Chinese citizens are exposed to images of kneeling petitioners, traffi cked children, and villagers who try to defend their land, images of suff ering and injustices that they might not see in the offi cial media and that make them aware of social ills that once were hidden. Activists and NGOs in diff erent parts of the world have long made use of images because of their aff ective power and educative possibilities, and with the advent of the Internet and social media they can also more easily use and circulate these images.9 Th ey thus use images to make social inequalities visible, bear witness to human rights violations, and push for social and po liti cal change. Powerful images can help create soli- darity and support for disadvantaged and suff ering others, and they also make social and po liti cal struggles visible. Chinese NGOs and activists, as discussed further in the following, have also increasingly come to use images as a way to create awareness and promote civic engagement. Some activists and NGOs are not only carefully using images to make injustices visible; they are also actively summoning “witnessing publics” to create and circulate visual testimonies of injustices.

Th e role of the visual in recent social movements and po liti cal struggles is noteworthy and has also received more scholarly attention.10 Taking pho- tos and making videos, and sharing and uploading them on the Internet, has become an indispensable part of today’s protest repertoires. Th e image of citizens holding up their mobile phones and taking pictures of protests has

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 55

become a common sight. We have, for example, in recent years seen many images of Chinese citizens holding up their smartphones and taking photos or fi lming while being involved in environmental protests in Dalian, Kun- ming, and Ningbo.

Many social movements in diff erent parts of the world have been spurred by events that were captured on camera, and these images have served to strengthen and further the movement and cause (examples include the live broadcast of the killing of Neda Agha Soltan, a young Ira nian student who died on the streets of Tehran in 2009, and the photos of the dead body of Khaled Mohamed Saeed that helped spur protests in Egypt in 2011).

Th e emergence of new modes of civic engagement on social media is connected to the widespread use of smartphones that enables easy and real- time updates in both textual and visual form on the Internet and social media. Andén- Papadopoulos therefore talks about “citizen camera- witnessing” when discussing how po liti cal activists use their mobile phones to produce public testimonies of atrocities and abuses.11 Witnessing is part of what it means to be an activist and participant in social protests today. Using smart- phones to document protests and also point the camera against offi cials, very oft en the police, who in their turn take pictures of or fi lm protesters, have become a widely recognized gesture of defi ance. Th is is a common theme in many of Ai Weiwei’s documentary fi lms, and many Chinese citi- zens and lawyers have also uploaded similar images and videos on weibo. Th is kind of inverse surveillance, or sousveillance, is an important aspect of witnessing in the age of smartphones and social media. It shows how power relations have partly shift ed as a result of people’s access to new technologies.

However, there are also critical voices who argue that the proliferation of images of suff ering and atrocities give rise to compassion fatigue and apa- thy, and thus undermine our abilities to feel, connect, and act.12 Images can create a distance and prevent connectivity and civic engagement. Chouliaraki distinguishes between images that play on people’s sense of guilt and give rise to pity, charity, and goodwill, and images that provoke outrage and calls for more radical social and po liti cal changes.13 Only the latter would thus serve to promote change, whereas the former might actually prevent structural change and encourage more individual solutions. In this context it is also im- portant to be aware of continuing inequalities in the production and circu- lation of images of suff ering and injustices, as it is oft en the affl uent middle classes that consume images of suff ering others. Th ey are also more likely to react to images that give rise to goodwill and charity rather than work for

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56 Marina Svensson

real social changes that would challenge their privileged positions. However, regardless of what we think of the ubiquitous use of images today, we need to be aware that both civic engagement and social mobilization are more visual than in the past, and that spectatorship, witnessing, and sousveillance consti- tute a central aspect of connectivity and civic engagement on social media.

Civic Engagement and Civil Society Developments in China

Th e space and scope for civil society in China is shaped by an authoritarian state that needs nonstate actors to provide much needed welfare ser vices but also worry about the potential of NGOs for undermining state power. Civil society organizations are tightly controlled and need to negotiate with state organizations, and this forces them to carefully consider what kinds of activities they engage in.14 Nonetheless, there has been a dramatic growth in civil society organizations in China, and the Internet has played an important role in this development.15

Th e “negotiated” and “contingent” nature of civil society, and the diffi - culties for formal organizations, has also encouraged the creation of non- registered groups, informal communities, and networks that have a presence both online and off - line. Many Chinese citizens exhibit low levels of trust and interest in offi cial organizations, including the Red Cross aft er the Guo Meimei scandal, and are also less than enthusiastic about top- down fund- raising activities or ga nized by the Party.16 Th e earthquake in 2008 un- leashed a new sense of more in de pen dent and informal civic- ness among Chinese citizens, many of whom raised donations and or ga nized aid to the victims that bypassed established channels and institutions.17 Much of this work took place through informal networks and contacts among friends, colleagues, and neighbors, where the Internet, including the use of Tencent (QQ) instant messaging groups, played an important role for coordination and mobilization (on activities in relation to the earthquake, see also Shi and Yang, chapter 3 in this volume).

New ideals and visions of civic engagement have developed as a result of ideological shift s and socioeconomic changes in Chinese society. Th is is re- fl ected in the emergence of new ideals and values among certain groups such as youth, the growing middle class, and professional groups such as lawyers and journalists. Young people are more individualistic and they socialize in diff erent ways as a result of growing up in a more affl uent society and being the

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 57

only child in their families. Many are digital natives, and this experience shapes the way they connect and socialize with friends and strangers.18 Like their peers in the West, they seek self- fulfi llment through making lifestyle choices and addressing specifi c issues and causes of interest to them, rather than becoming involved in traditional organizations.19 Many are, however, also attracted by and become involved in new NGOs such as environmental organizations, organizations that work to help migrant workers’ children, and so on. Th e growing middle class for its part tries to fi nd ways to express and safeguard its interests without opposing the party- state, which has led individuals to become involved in homeowners associations and participate in NIMBY protests. Th ey have also developed a sense of civic duty to give back to society and to donate to diff erent charities. Members of the new gen- eration of rich entrepreneurs have therefore set up their own charities and donations, as have new Internet and media companies. Successful business- people and celebrities have also become active in diff erent social causes on weibo and are involved in some of the new weibo- based charities discussed below, and some have become infl uential opinion leaders. Chinese citizens’ experiences abroad and exposure to transnational movements, such as the women’s movement and the gay movement, have exposed them to new types of civic engagement, and they sometimes consciously borrow their style and format. Young Chinese women and China’s gay and lesbian activists have started to use art, fi lm, and street per for mances when advocating gender and sexual equality, while making use of social media to spread information about their activities.

Despite huge diff erences when it comes to po liti cal institutions, the role of civil society, and the possibilities for civic engagement, we thus see some- thing of the same shift s in types of civic engagement in the Chinese society as we observe in many Western democracies. Chinese citizens are increas- ingly attracted to more personalized and interest- based ways of networking and forms of civic engagement. Th is engagement is oft en fl uid and ad hoc in nature, and it centers on specifi c issues and causes such as the environment, child welfare, and gender equality. But should we really describe this kind of engagement as clicktivism, and, if so, do we need to worry about it in the case of China? Do special circumstances such as China’s weak civil society even encourage diff erent types of clicktivism, or make some forms of con- nective actions as discussed by Bennett and Segerberg more attractive? Most scholars have focused on more radical forms of protest and dissent on weibo, and there is, as yet, not much focus on the more diverse forms of civic

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58 Marina Svensson

engagement that I have outlined above, or on how new types of charities and networks have emerged that use weibo to engage citizens on social issues.20 While I focus on civic engagement in its more positive and civil sense, it needs to be pointed out that there exist a lot of less civil activities on weibo, as dis- cussed by Min Jiang in chapter 1 of this volume, and that censorship and con- trol, as outlined by Rogier Creemers in chapter  4, set clear limits on what can be discussed and which kind of civic engagement is possible. Further- more, the middle class and other privileged users, including opinion leaders and celebrities, dominate much of the social debates and civic engagement on weibo.21

Connectivity and Civic Engagement on Sina Weibo: Forms and Limitations

What kind of civic engagement do we then fi nd on weibo? Diff erent individu- als, networks, and organizations use weibo to address a range of issues, in- cluding social ills and environmental issues, and they oft en combine online and off - line actions. Th e type of engagement and the results depend on dif- ferent factors, including the form and focus of the actions, and whether the topic is po liti cally sensitive or instead has offi cial backing and endorsement. Th e digital skills and the social and cultural capital of initiators and support- ers are also crucial. It is interesting to note the growing importance of celeb- rities and so- called opinion leaders of diff erent stripes. New modes of solidarity and engagement are based on lifestyle choices and emotions, and are thus part of the general more individualized consumerist orientation of the Chi- nese society. In some ways this trend mirrors the role of celebrities in what Chouliaraki has described as “mediated humanitarianism” in the Western context. She argues that humanitarian work and solidarity today is a form of consumerist lifestyle choice, and she detects a trend to express solidar- ity and support through tweeting, clicking to donate, liking certain sites/ organizations/celebrities, and linking to their pages. Th e new forms of charity actions, such as giving three yuan to rural children so that they can have a decent and nutritious lunch, or carry ing one kilo of books when traveling to donate to rural schools, and expressing compassion and solidarity with disadvantaged groups on one’s weibo account may be more to the liking of an urban middle class who are wary of earlier top- down enforced donations and expressions of solidarity. Th is kind of civic engagement predominantly

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 59

involves young students and middle- class urban residents, whereas margin- alized users are not so involved and have diffi culties even making themselves heard on weibo. It is oft en others who speak on their behalf, and thus they are deprived of agency and voice. Nonetheless, migrant workers and labor NGOs also try to make use of the platform to or ga nize and communicate their needs and interests.22

My aim in the following is to provide a tentative typology of diff erent forms of civic engagement on weibo and discuss their features, implications, and limitations. Who are the actors and initiators? Which topics and aims do they have? What kind of repertoire do they use? Do they only exist on- line, or do they include or lead to off - line actions? To what extent are more established organizations, or networks of organizations, involved, and have new forms of networks and organizations emerged?

Clicktivism with Chinese Characteristics or a New Form of Civic Engagement?

It is relevant to ask whether a lot of the activities and engagement we see on weibo is merely a form of slacktivism or clicktivism. Although not discuss- ing China specifi cally, Morozov has been rather skeptical of the value of clicktivism in authoritarian societies. He warns of the negative consequences and illusionary feeling of community that comes from the relative ease and little investment digital activism require. “Th e danger that ‘slacktivism’ poses in the context of authoritarian states is that it may give young people living there the wrong impression that another kind of politics— digital in nature but leading to real- world po liti cal change and the one underpinned entirely by virtual campaigns, online petitions, funny Photoshopped po liti cal car- toons, and angry tweets—is not only feasible but actually preferable to the in eff ec tive, boring, risky, and, in most cases, outdated kind of politics prac- ticed by the conventional oppositional movements in their countries.”23 Th is kind of warning has a relevance to China, where we have seen a growth of netizens producing and circulating jokes, po liti cal cartoons, Photoshopped images, and funny videos online as a form of playful and ironic re sis tance (compare Min Jiang, chapter 1 in this volume). Th is trend has become even stronger with the advent of weibo as it has enabled many more people to pro- duce and circulate such images. Citizens not wanting to take part in protests or not daring to write something critical can still show support or voice their

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60 Marina Svensson

views by just reposting other postings, clicking, and maybe even adding a comment without facing serious repercussions. Th e value of this kind of click- tivism and ironic re sis tance is that it enables people to share sentiments and concerns that before were hidden from the public view or only shared among trusted friends.

However, the limitations of clicktivism, and the big gap between making critical posts, re- tweeting, commenting, and liking online and taking this engagement and protest off - line is perhaps best illustrated with the Southern Weekend incident in early 2013. An especially heavy- handed case of cen- sorship led many of the paper’s journalists to protest on weibo, where they received vocal support by other journalists, opinion leaders, and ordinary citizens. A few citizens ventured to the paper’s headquarters to protest. One of them held up a sign reading, “Yesterday I was online, today I’m at the scene.” He then posted a photo of this on his weibo. But the protesters who went off - line were quite few, and protests soon faded away without having led to any changes of the censorship system. Some of the protesters later were arrested. As with the failed Jasmine revolution in early 2011, where some ac- tivists called for off - line protests aft er being inspired by events in North Af- rica and the Middle East, there is a gap between expressing criticism and solidarity online and taking one’s discontent to the streets. Th e authorities are also more likely to crack down on off - line protests and demonstrations than online expressions of discontent and critique.24

Weibo has also encouraged and given rise to a whole range of campaigns and charities that likewise could be described as a form of clicktivism as they oft en take the form of reposting, clicking, or donating money. Th ey thus of- fer the possibility of a more personalized form of feel- good activism that does not require sustained participation, critical social analysis, or off - line engage- ments. But maybe this form of clicktivism is better understood and concep- tualized as the kind of personalized connective actions discussed by Bennett and Segerberg.

Incorporating Digital Media in Already Existing Organizations: Facilitating Communication and Real- Time Reporting

Many NGOs early on had a presence on the Internet, but for other smaller groups and networks, social media off er easier possibilities to make use of

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 61

ICTs at low cost and reach a larger public. Social media are thus changing the way many NGOs communicate, share information, network, and mo- bilize.25 Th ey have also strengthened their visibility and ability to get their messages out and provide alternative views that challenge offi cial views dis- seminated in the traditional media. Chinese NGOs use social media to raise awareness on pressing social issues, such as gender in e qual ity, discrimina- tion, poverty, labor issues, and environmental problems. Microblogging has the additional advantage of opening up possibilities for interactive con- versations with diff erent individuals and organizations, including volunteers and members (although QQ seems more used for internal communication), other NGOs, the general public, the media, and offi cial institutions. Contacts and information become easier, faster, and cheaper, which is important for resource- poor NGOs. Weibo has enabled NGOs to do live broadcasting of their events and to include volunteers and ordinary citizens in their work. Th e worsening air quality in Beijing and other cities has led many NGOs and new networks to start monitoring pollution levels and encouraging volun- teers to help in this work.26 Th is information has then been published on weibo, and these calls for transparency have pushed the government to provide more reliable information.

But even though many NGOs have set up weibo accounts, most have quite few followers. One of the environmental organizations with the largest number of followers among environmental NGOs is Green Peace China with forty thousand followers (as of October 2013). Even a well- known and long- established domestic or ga ni za tion such as Friends of Nature has only 33,311 followers on Sina Weibo. Labor NGOs have even fewer followers and have for po liti cal reasons sometimes been more hesitant and slow to use weibo.27 Some labor NGOs began to use it in 2012 to spread news and mobilize when they were facing increasing restrictions and harassments, and one labor or ga ni za tion got its start thanks to weibo (discussed in the following).

Crowd- Sourcing: Engagement without Membership

Weibo has proved to be a useful platform to initiate certain types of activi- ties that build on a fl uid and personal engagement without requiring sus- tained activity or membership. Nonetheless, they oft en include some off - line

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62 Marina Svensson

activism even though the information sharing takes place online. In 2011 two activities to help traffi cked children were initiated on weibo (see also Shi and Yang, chapter 3, and Min Jiang, chapter 1, this volume). Th ose starting the activities/calls had a strong social standing and cultural capital and many followers on weibo that helped spread the information and ensured a good impact. One was the journalist Deng Fei (with 4.2 million followers on weibo), who started a campaign to help families whose children had been kidnapped and sold through sharing information and photos of the miss- ing children on his weibo. Th e same year sociologist Yu Jianrong (1.5 mil- lion followers) also initiated a campaign on weibo when he made a post and attached a photo of child beggars that elicited a lot of support among his followers. Th is led to the campaign to “take a photograph to rescue child beggars,” where citizens were asked to document child beggars and upload photos.28 Diff erent individuals, civil society organizations, and the media took an interest, and volunteers began to take photos that were uploaded on a special weibo account. Th e campaign grew, and by October 2013 had 218,112 followers. Th ese campaigns got a lot of general support and attention in the media because of their emotional topics and the credibility and fame of the two initiators. Yu’s campaign, however, diff ered from that of Deng Fei by his calls to “witnessing publics” to take photos of begging children and upload them to weibo. Yu clearly saw this as an act of civic participation, although the act of photograph taking also was criticized by some people for violating privacy and exposing innocent people. Th ose engaging in the campaigns by reposting the posts might have felt good about themselves and engaged in an easy clicktivism, but the campaigns did raise awareness on the issue and spurred further discussions and demands for off- line actions by calling upon the police to take the matter seriously and make investigations.

Another example of crowd- sourcing is a campaign by Deng Fei in 2013 to document and raise awareness on water pollution. Deng posted a call on his weibo account asking his followers: “How is the river in your hometown? While you’re at home for the holidays, take a photo of the river or stream in your hometown and upload it to weibo for us to see.” Th is led to a strong response with people submitting many photos of polluted rivers, and it led eventually to the establishment of a new NGO, China Water Safety Founda- tion. Th e or ga ni za tion has attracted environmental experts, legal scholars, and other activists, and it is supported by the Internet company NetEase/

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 63

Wangyi. However, if people’s environmental consciousness stops at just taking photos, the campaign might have a very limited impact.

Networked- Based Off- Line Activities: Personalized Charity

Many forms of civic engagement that build on acts of connecting and sharing online also involve off- line activities. One example is the 1kg project— “take a kilo more on your back”— that encourages people to make a diff erence by taking books and school materials to rural children and then share that experience in blogs.29 Th e or ga ni za tion seems quite pop u lar with the young urban middle class as it encourages individualized action that does not re- quire membership or long- term commitments. It is an interesting example of a networked form of civic engagement that combines online connectivity with individual off - line activities.

Weibo- Based Charities: A New Form of Civic Engagement

Many new forms of charity activities and fund- raising campaigns have appeared on social media sites during the past two years. Internet companies such as Sina and Tencent have set up special sites where both individuals, such as verifi ed users, and organizations can make calls for donations on special causes and initiate charities.30 Th e most prominent weibo- based charity is Free Lunches, set up by the journalist Deng Fei in 2011.31 Th e campaign ini- tially built on and was or ga nized around Deng’s personal network of some fi ve hundred journalists and many media organizations.32 Th ese journalists had over the years built up a strong network on QQ and in 2009 also begun to use weibo. Th e campaign rapidly spread to include people from diff erent walks of life, as well as several celebrities and opinion leaders, who either pledged money or became active in diff erent parts of China in or ga niz ing the distribution of food to schools. Th e or ga ni za tion has also solicited support from Internet companies that are developing into important actors in Chi- nese philanthropy, and as a fi nal sign of success the state council stepped in with offi cial funds.

While Deng Fei himself has 4.2 million followers, the or ga ni za tion’s offi cial weibo only has 86,269 followers, still making it probably one of the

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64 Marina Svensson

NGOs with the biggest number of followers on weibo. Th e or ga ni za tion, and Deng Fei personally, has gotten favorable and extensive publicity in both Party and commercial media and TV.33 Although the or ga ni za tion today also makes use of many other platforms, Deng Fei is a strong believer in the power of weibo, and he has argued that “through weibo we can solve China’s prob- lems one by one.”34 He has also started several other projects that make good use of both social media and traditional media to reach out to young people, successful businesspeople, and local offi cials.

Deng Fei’s way of campaigning shows how weibo can be used for con- nective action and then lead to off - line or ga ni za tion and more sustained work. People can also choose their level of activity, ranging from clicking and forwarding posts, to donations and volunteer work. In some ways these campaigns fi t into Bennett and Segerberg’s third category of crowd- enabled connective action. Th ey started as a form of loose networking around friends and concerned citizens, or as open call and crowd- sourcing, but in- terestingly they then developed into formal organizations while continuing to rely on social media. Th ey, however, bridge and connect diff erent organi- zations, loose networks, and individuals in a more personalized way. Th e personality and social capital of Deng Fei, and the topics that he has cho- sen to focus on, traffi cked children, improving children’s health through providing better food, and water pollution, topics that are acceptable to the government, explain the success of the charity projects. Deng Fei has also received praise for being a responsible “opinion leader” by Zhu Huaxin, the director of the People’s Daily Net Public Opinion Centre, who has de- scribed him as somebody who has developed from a critical investigative journalist to a more constructive actor engaged in charity projects.35

Witnessing and Grievance Sharing: Images and Civic Engagement on Weibo

New technologies have strengthened the possibilities for Chinese citizens to use images and fi lm to document social issues and criticize power abuses and violations, and they have given rise to the production and circulation of many new forms of visual images in the form of memes, spoofi ng, and cultural jamming (see Min Jiang, chapter 1 in this volume). My focus here is mainly photography, and to a limited extent short videos and fi lm, circulated on weibo. Chinese citizens today document both their everyday lives and social

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 65

struggles and circulate these images and videos on domestic online video- sharing sites such as Tudou and Youku as well as post them on blogs and weibo. Weibo is strongly visual in character, more so than Twitter, and it has become a platform for spectatorship and witnessing. Th e fact that images and fi lms are not as easy to censor as texts has further spurred their use for crit- ical comments and open defi ance.36

Images and videos on weibo have diff erent content, aesthetics, aims, and targets, and they are made and/or uploaded and circulated by diverse groups of people, including ordinary citizens, activists, media profession- als, and NGOs. Many images depict suff ering, social ills, and injustices and are taken and circulated in order to evoke and communicate empathy and solidarity. NGOs and charities post images to elicit support and engage- ment, whereas victims and their relatives use images in their calls for help. Activists and victims of injustices see witnessing and documenting as an act of civic engagement. Th eir images provide alternatives to those circulated in the offi cial media, and they are oft en used to criticize offi cial policies and mobilize supporters. Diff erent images, however, elicit diff er- ent kinds of emotions and reactions among viewers, and they also raise many questions as to how solidarity, suff ering, and witnessing are visualized, repre- sented, understood, shared, and acted upon in Chinese society, which will be briefl y explored below.

Images of Re sis tance: Irony and Support

Many images are made and uploaded on the Internet as deliberate acts of re sis tance, and to this end they oft en use humor and irony (see Min Jiang, chapter 1 of this volume). Th e artist Ai Weiwei is well known for his many ironic images and memes that have gone viral on the Internet.37 Citizens also use images to show support and critique, and one very simple form of click- tivism is to change one’s profi le on weibo. When Ai Weiwei was detained in April 2011 many supporters replaced their own photos with that of Ai on their profi le pages, whereas those supporting blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng up- loaded photos of themselves wearing black glasses or a T- shirt with his photo (on the case of Chen, see also Min Jiang, chapter 1 of this volume). A video that was smuggled out of Chen’s home was also circulated on weibo, and some supporters made videos where they spoke out in support of him. On the oc- casion of his birthday, some supporters gathered with birthday cakes and

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66 Marina Svensson

banners reading: “Rights Defenders from China celebrate Chen Guangcheng’s birthday” and then uploaded these photos to their weibo accounts. Others were even more daring and posed outside a local government offi ce wearing T- shirts bearing Chen Guangcheng’s photo.

Although many of these messages and photos are rapidly deleted from weibo, new postings and photos can quickly be uploaded. Even when people are not posting their own photos, they can easily repost such images as a rather low- key and low- cost form of re sis tance and a show of defi ance. Al- though this may be regarded as a form of clicktivism, it makes more people aware of these issues and emboldens them to state their views and show sup- port. Th is humorous and visual re sis tance also creates a sense of community, strengthens new and old ties, and builds new networks that can be activated for other purposes and joint causes.

Images of Suffering: Guilt, Empathy, and Indignation

Images of suff ering others are oft en used in NGO work, such as those of starv- ing children on the African continent, but they have also given rise to charges of sensationalism and exploitation. Many images published and circulated by NGOs evoke empathy and benevolent and more positive emotions that aim to encourage people to make donations. Images of children are a par- ticularly useful motive as they play on people’s protective and parental instincts, address less controversial issues, and off er quite unproblematic solutions (individual donations rather than a distribution of wealth). Images of happy and grateful children playing or at school are thus oft en used when addressing issues related to children’s welfare. Th e most frequently used photo by Free Lunches, for example, is that of a young girl feeding her little brother. Th e or ga ni za tion also circulates images of donors/volunteers with the ben- efi ciaries of their work. Th ese images have the additional bonus that they show what satisfaction and feelings of goodwill donors get from their civic engagement and charity work. Many donors and volunteers take and share such photos as a testimony of their own engagement.

But there is also an active circulation of harrowing images of suff ering on weibo, including of sick and handicapped children, workers suff ering ac- cidents and work- related diseases, and victims of torture and violent protests. Many of these images and stories are not found in traditional media and thus

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 67

reveal hidden truths and tragedies. Desperate Chinese families with sick or handicapped children in need of expensive health care have taken to post- ing photos of their children’s sick bodies on weibo. Th ese photos work on the viewer in diff erent ways, including compassion, guilt, sadness, and shame. Th ey reveal the desperation of parents with no welfare provision or economic means to get medical help, refl ecting the stark inequalities in society, and they also show that very strong images are needed in order to get any attention at all in the current image- saturated environment. It is diffi cult to know how oft en such appeals meet with any success, although it probably depends on whether the story is picked up by infl uential weibo users, celebrities, opin- ion leaders, or media organizations.38 Whereas such images and calls draw attention to and may help individuals, they do not address the deep struc- tural problems and inequalities in society.

Th e Love Save Pneumoconiosis Foundation, an or ga ni za tion that was started in 2011 by the journalist Wang Keqin on weibo, has actively used pho- tos and videos of migrant workers suff ering from the work- related lung dis- ease pneumoconiosis in order to draw attention to their plight. Some migrant workers use weibo to circulate information and their own images. Th e pho- tos and videos show the workers’ weak and emancipated bodies; reveal the seriousness of the illness; and provoke empathy, support, indignation, and action. Th e or ga ni za tion both seeks fi nancial and medical support for the individual workers as well as demands institutional changes, such as stricter enforcement of safety regulations.

Images of Injustice: Revealing Inequalities and Calling for Justice

Other types of images on weibo include victims of de mo li tions crying in front of houses to be demolished; petitioners kneeling in front of government build- ings; and peasants holding up banderols calling for justice and protesting corrupt offi cials, polluting factories, or real estate companies. Th ese images reveal injustices and demand social and institutional changes. Many have become quite well known and almost iconic as they oft en have a rather standardized format and aesthetics that are easily recognized.

Yu Jianrong, a scholar with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, has since late 2010 become an avid user of weibo, where he has discussed the plight of petitioners, a long- standing concern of his.39 He has also turned to

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68 Marina Svensson

visual materials, including photos, fi lm, and paintings, to illustrate the plight of petitioners and thus tried to give the very act and experience of petitioning a face. His images are rather generic and similar in composition, and they oft en depict the petitioners with a white headband with the character for injustice (yuan), or holding letters and court documents as evidence of their struggle for justice. Although these images, like those in the previous cate- gory, give rise to pity and empathy, they are more radical in that they also highlight structural problems and inequalities in society. In his writings Yu also demands more than just charity and goodwill, but also institutional and legal change.

Images of Witnessing: Crowd- Sourcing and Witnessing Publics

Many campaigners and organizations use crowd- sourcing and summon witnessing publics to engage in the civic act of taking photos and bearing witness to social problems. For example, they have called on concerned citi- zens to document such diverse topics as traffi cked children and polluted rivers. Th ese images are then uploaded on weibo or special web pages to create awareness among both the general public and offi cials. Th is work is not only about collecting information. It is also an encouragement to citizens to become more engaged than just clicking and liking, rather become en- gaged and responsible civic witnesses.

Image Wars: Surveillance and Sousveillance

Th ere is a very real concern among many observers that digital technologies can lead to a strengthening of the powers of control and surveillance in both authoritarian and demo cratic societies. New technologies enable the Chinese police to document and track protesters and activists through CCTV cam- eras and mobile phone tracking devices. But citizens can also use similar technologies to engage in acts of sousveillance that reveal and document po- lice abuse and other abuse of power. Images on weibo of police and citizens confronting one another during protests equipped with cameras are one ex- ample, and images of corrupt offi cials wearing expensive watches are another. Sousveillance is thus a new form of civic engagement that has become easier because of the proliferation of smartphones and social media. Th is new civic

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Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China’s Weibo 69

sousveillance put some pressure on Chinese offi cials and may push offi cials toward more transparency and accountability.

Conclusion

Th e fact that civil society is relatively weak in China and that many people are wary of or skeptical about formal organizations, including some NGOs, makes issue- based civic engagement and individual ad hoc activities on so- cial media quite attractive. Th ese new possibilities for civic engagement may encourage new groups of people to become engaged with civic and social is- sues. One could thus argue that in an authoritarian country such as China where many forms of off - line or ga ni za tion are diffi cult, tightly controlled, and risky, social media open up new avenues for connective action and civic en- gagement. It lowers the threshold for people to engage in online discussions, campaigns, and mobilization, as well as helps them learn new tactics that could prove useful in other and future contexts. But, on the other hand, such engagement could also provide a safe haven of “feel- good” activism and clicktivism that serves to legitimize the government and prevent more criti- cal social analysis and po liti cal engagement. It is no coincidence that chil- dren’s welfare, food safety, and environmental issues have received a lot of attention, and that NIMBY movements have appeared in bigger cities and more affl uent regions. Digital divides and the middle- class background of many weibo users also infl uence the topics addressed as they do not engage in is- sues that challenge their privileged position. Th e experience of more critical individuals, networks, and organizations, including Xu Zhiyong of Gong- meng, who in 2014 was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment, and the arrests in 2014 of Guo Yushan of the Transition Institute and many rights defense lawyers, also shows the limits of civic engagement and what happens when people challenge the offi cial policy and make more po liti cal demands.

For all its limitations, weibo has nonetheless provided more people with a platform to express themselves, connect, and bear witness about social problems than was previously the case. It has served to break the silence and enabled people to fi nd a voice and share views and concerns that before were hidden from the public view or only shared among trusted friends. Witnessing and the sharing of images on weibo reveal a very diff erent so- cial reality from that found in the traditional media. Th ese images give rise to a whole range of emotions, such as empathy, solidarity, and indignation,

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70 Marina Svensson

and therefore also spur civic engagement. In addition, many people have become engaged in off - line activities or joined new charities. However, it should be remembered that civic engagement in the absence of participa- tion in decision- making bodies and po liti cal rights remains a weak form of empowerment, and that censorship oft en steers civic engagement into less controversial issues. Th e attack on Big Vs in 2013 has turned many people away from weibo and into the more private networking site WeChat. But networks and communities that fi rst emerged and later were expanded on weibo can now in some cases be sustained and deepened on WeChat. Some individuals and many organizations and charities have now opened public accounts on WeChat, and, although they are also heavily monitored, it has enabled them to promote their views and work. Th e content and forms for civic engagement continue to develop in Chinese society as people explore, negotiate, and adapt to new technologies and try to deal with censorship and repression.

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