Religion 3
the opposition to Jesus: the world which does not know the Father who has
sent Jesus into the world (17: 25–6).
Was Judas in charge of the arresting party (18. 3)? The REB (and some
other translations) leaves the question open: ‘Judas made his way there with
a detachment of soldiers, and with the temple police.’ One can visualize
Judas mingling with the arresting party. The NRSV (and other transla-
tions) reflect the Greek much more accurately: ‘Judas brought a detach-
ment of soldiers.’ Judas takes the initiative, leads the way, and hence is fully
culpable.
John 18: 13 records that Jesus was taken first of all ‘to Annas, who was the
father-in-law of Caiaphas, the high priest that year’. Annas is then referred
to twice as ‘high priest’ (18: 19, 22). Since there could only be one high
priest in post at any one time, is the evangelist’s reference to both Annas
and Caiaphas as ‘high priest’ hopelessly muddled? Probably not. It is likely
that the title ‘high priest’ continued to be used for Annas even after his
departure from office: he held a ‘patriarchal’ position in high-priestly cir-
cles (cf. Luke 3: 2; Acts 4: 6), and still enjoyed the courtesy title, ‘high
priest’, as did some other respected high priests (Josephus, Antiquities §34).
The comment that Caiaphas was high priest ‘that year’ does not necessarily
imply that the evangelist believed (wrongly) that the office was held for
only one year: most scholars accept that the sense is ‘that particularly
memorable year’.
The preceding discussion of some of the issues raised by a close reading
of John 18 confirms that this gospel is like a stream in which children can
wade and elephants swim. My hope is that my readers will want to become
elephants and wade further into other parts of this fascinating but
enigmatic gospel.
Purpose and setting
In the final verse of the gospel proper, the evangelist seems to state his
purpose very clearly: the signs written in this book are recorded ‘so that
you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God’ (20: 31). But does
the evangelist mean that these are written ‘so that you may continue to
believe’ or ‘in order that you may come to believe’? Is the gospel written to
strengthen faith or is it intended to be a missionary tract? Unfortunately
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the Greek is ambiguous. And to make matters worse two forms of the verb
are found in the early manuscripts.
Most scholars accept that the evangelist writes with his own Christian
readers and listeners primarily in mind. In 6: 68–9 Peter speaks for the
reader: ‘Lord . . . you have the words of eternal life. We have come to
believe and know that you are the Holy One of God.’ Passages such as 8: 31
(‘If you continue in my word, you are truly my disciples’) and 15: 4 ff.
(‘Abide in me . . . those who abide in me, and I in them bear much fruit’)
are addressed to believers. At the climax of the Prologue in 1: 14, the faith
not only of the evangelist himself, but also of Christians associated with
him, is confessed in the words: ‘we have beheld his glory, glory as of the
only Son from the Father’ (cf. also 1: 16).
What do we know about the recipients of this gospel? We have already
noted passages which indicate that they are involved in fierce controversy
with the Jewish synagogue. (See pp. 99 and 111.) This is a pervasive theme.
The rejection of Jesus by ‘his own people’ is noted in the Prologue (1: 11). In
the dialogue with Nicodemus there is a dramatic change at 3: 11. Up until
that point Jesus and Nicodemus have been speaking as individuals. But
suddenly the evangelist switches to plural pronouns: this change cannot be
brought out in English translations unless we resort to ‘thee’ and ‘thou’ in
the preceding verses. In 3: 11 we move to John’s day and to discussion
between Christians and Jews: ‘We (Christians) speak of what we know, and
testify to what we have seen; but you (Jews) do not receive our testimony.’
In chapters 5–9 there are repeated references to the theological disputes
between Christians and Jews. The evangelist’s readers are undoubtedly at
loggerheads with their Jewish neighbours.
At least some members of the evangelist’s communities have parted
company painfully with local synagogues. Down through history minority
religious groups which have parted with the ‘parent’ group have tended to
become inward-looking and isolated from the world ‘outside’. This atti-
tude is often said to be ‘sectarian’, though that term begs questions of
definition. What is hardly in doubt is that the evangelist and his readers are
at odds not only with Judaism but with the world in general. This is
reflected clearly in the farewell discourses addressed by Jesus to the
disciples—but on another level the evangelist is speaking to his own
readers and listeners. In 15: 18–19 Jesus says: ‘If the world hates you, be
aware that it hated me before it hated you. If you belonged to the world,
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the world would love you as its own. But because you do not belong to the
world, but I have chosen you out of the world—therefore the world hates
you.’
This isolation from the world is also expressed clearly at the climax of
the farewell discourses in chapter 17. Jesus does not pray for the world, but
‘on behalf of those whom you gave me’ (v. 9). The disciples are ‘not of the
world, just as I am not of the world’ (vv. 14, 16).
Not surprisingly, the ethical teaching in this gospel is directed almost
entirely to Christians. The ‘new commandment’ which Jesus gives his dis-
ciples is ‘love one another’ (13: 34). This is the central ethical principle in
John: it is love for one’s fellow-Christian which is being expressed, not love
for one’s neighbour or enemy. This is in strong contrast to Matt. 5: 44, ‘I
say to you, Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you’, and
to the parable of the good Samaritan which is the reply to the lawyer’s
question, ‘Who is my neighbour?’ (Luke 10: 25–37; cf. also Mark 12: 31 ff.).
The sayings of Jesus in the synoptic gospels on marriage, divorce, property,
and the state are all missing in John. There is no sign of Luke’s insistence
that the story of Jesus is related in any way to world history (see above,
pp. 80–1).
The recipients of this gospel, then, do seem to be decidedly at odds both
with their Jewish neighbours and also with the world in general. What was
their relationship to other strands of early Christianity? This is an interest-
ing but difficult question: it raises numerous issues which we cannot pur-
sue here. In his influential commentary Rudolf Bultmann (1971) argued
that some passages in John were added by an ‘ecclesiastical redactor’ after
its composition in order to bring it into line with ‘mainstream’ Christian-
ity at the end of the first century. He claimed that in genuine Johannine
thought there is no room for the sacraments; the passages which seem to
allude to them most clearly were later additions. Similarly, the passages
which refer to future judgement ‘at the last day’ (5: 28–9; 6: 39–40, 44, 54;
12: 48) are taken as additions. Bultmann insisted that the evangelist’s
primary emphasis was on the judgement which takes place in the present
when people are confronted with the claims of Jesus, so there can be no
room for future judgement.
If Bultmann’s analysis is correct, then this gospel does represent a form
of Christianity which is very different from most of the strands we can
trace in the closing decades of the first century. But even if, with most
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