Order 349505: Writer′s choice
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Brandon Freeman
Professor Lee
English 101
25 February 2017
Problems with Assisted Reproductive Technology and the Definition of the Family
It is not unusual for people to think of a family in its basic form as a mother and a
father and the child or children they conceive together. But a genetic connection
between parents and children is not necessary for a family to exist. New families are
often created by remarriage after a divorce or the death of a spouse, so that only one
parent is genetically related to the child or children. Also, the practice of adoption is
long-standing and creates families where neither parent is genetically related to the
child or children. There are many single-parent families in the United States, and some
of these may be families where the parents live together but are not married (Coontz
147). Couples that consist of two men or two women are also increasingly common, and
more of these couples now also have or want children (Buchanan). Although there is no
universal definition of the family, in recent years scholars have established that the
“normative” definition in most societies is “at least one parent and one child.” This
definition goes on to say that a child does not have to be genetically related to the
parent, and “children conceived through artificial insemination or a surrogate mother”
count (Munro and Munro 553). Though we may accept the idea that the definition of the
“normative” family is a broad one and that no biological relationship is needed for a
parent and child to form a family, for many people genetic heritage remains an
important factor in describing who they are and how they relate to other members of
their family. This thinking, which persists despite the broad variety of families that now
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exist, provokes particular conflicts for members of families that are created with the new
methods of assisted reproductive technology, methods that are new in human history,
having developed only over the past few decades.
Assisted reproductive technology (including artificial insemination and in vitro
fertilization) is often used when one member of a male-female couple is infertile; the
resulting child is usually related to at least one member of the couple.1 This technology
is also used to allow male-male and female-female couples to have children. In 2005,
52,041 children were born in the United States through assisted reproductive
technology, an increase of more than a hundred percent from 1996 (United States 61). It
can be argued that the new families formed through artificial reproductive technology
“tend to be stronger and more highly functioning than naturally conceived ones, because
the parents are so motivated to have children, and so gratified once they arrive” (Mundy
1 This paper uses the term assisted reproductive technology for both artificial
insemination, where eggs are fertilized in a woman’s body, and technologies like in vitro
fertilization, in which an egg is fertilized outside the body. In artificial insemination, a
woman can be impregnated with her husband’s or another man’s sperm by having a
doctor collect semen and place it into the vagina (Shanley 261). A woman can become a
surrogate for a couple by being artificially inseminated with the husband’s sperm. In in
vitro fertilization, eggs are taken from a donor and fertilized by sperm outside the
woman’s body; the fertilized egg is then placed in a woman’s uterus. In gamete
interfallopian transfer, unfertilized eggs and sperm are put into a woman’s fallopian
tubes. In zygote intrafallopian transfer, eggs are fertilized outside the body and then
placed into a woman’s fallopian tubes (United States 3).
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99). If the parents involved tell their children how they were conceived and if the sperm
donors, egg donors, or surrogate mothers are not kept anonymous, then the children
resulting from artificial reproductive technology can have more than two “parents” or
parental figures in their lives, possibly enriching their emotional environment. Artificial
reproductive technology can give infertile women the chance to have a biological
mother’s relationship with a child, since the technology allows them to bear a child, give
birth, and bond with the child through breastfeeding. The possibilities given by artificial
reproductive technology thus seem to support the idea that love and care from parents
(“nurture”) outweigh the importance of genetics (“nature”) in forming strong families.
But though this may be the case, the fact that many couples decide on artificial
reproductive technology rather than on adoption means that the origin of these new
families lies in the enduring importance of genetics in people’s ideas of what a family
should be.
As Mary Lyndon Shanley points out, genetic relationship in families creates a
sense of “genetic continuity through the generations” and is vitally important to many
people’s identity, which is why people want to know who their biological parents are:
“The right to learn the identity of one’s genetic forebear stems from some people’s desire
to be able to connect themselves to human history concretely as embodied beings, not
only abstractly as rational beings or as members of large social (national, ethnic,
religious) groups” (268). We seem almost unable to see a child with his or her parents
without looking for a resemblance between them; a lack of resemblance between parents
and children can be a source of stigma (Mundy 194-95). Like adopted children, the
children who result from the new reproductive technologies can be left with “genetic
bewilderment” as they wonder who their biological father or mother is (and why they
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are genetically related to only one of their parents) and how many siblings they might
have (103). Lobbying by the children of sperm donors has resulted in changes in the law
in New Zealand and the United Kingdom: sperm donors can no longer be anonymous
and can be contacted by their biological children when they reach the age of eighteen
(Wente). A Web site, The Donor Sibling Registry, has been established “to assist
individuals conceived as a result of sperm, egg or embryo donation that are seeking to
make mutually desired contact with others with whom they share genetic ties” (“Our
History”). The existence of this Web site, along with the common emotional need for
children to know who their biological parents are, suggests that genetic heritage is
important to many individuals conceived through assisted reproductive technology.
Assisted reproductive technology has also led to unexpected and disturbing
events that show how the technology, which was meant to bring a genetically connected
family into being, ends up creating something quite different. In one case, a British
woman who became sterile as a result of cancer treatment but who had already had
some of her eggs fertilized with her partner’s sperm through in vitro fertilization was
denied the right (by the European Human Rights Court) to use those embryos, because
her partner did not want them brought to term. Unable to bear a child without these
embryos, the woman was forced by a court to allow the embryos to be destroyed and
give up all chance of ever having a child that was genetically related to her (Rozenberg).
In another case, the parents of a man who was about to die but was being kept alive
artificially asked a doctor to obtain sperm from him so that they could use it in in vitro
fertilization and thus gain a grandchild (Marcotty and Yee). It is possible that the child
born from this process will feel sadness or confusion if he or she finds out that his or her
father did not even intend to have a child and was near death in a hospital when his
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sperm was taken from him without his permission.
Assisted reproductive technology can also mix up the usual progress of the
generations, thereby taking apart the family structure that it was meant to promote.
Through assisted reproductive technology, women have given birth to their own
grandchildren by being implanted with their own daughters’ eggs (“Woman”). In
Canada a mother has frozen some of her own eggs so that her daughter, who will
become sterile at the onset of puberty because of a rare disease, will be able to have
genetically related children through in vitro fertilization. This means that the daughter
will be able to give birth to a child that is her sibling; that child will be the birth child of
his or her “mother” and the biological child of his or her “grandmother” (“Mother’s
Eggs”). The urge to create genetic offspring in these cases has led to confusing and
disturbing relations that distort the family structures we are most familiar with.
The common use of assisted reproductive technology today means that many
future families will have children whose relationship to their parents will be clouded by
the technology used to bring them into the world. Kay S. Hymowitz, a commentator who
calls for an end to anonymous sperm donation, writes that there is a great deal of irony
in the way these technologies are used to produce children without “fathers” at a time
when society bewails the increase in fatherless families—a problem she sees in terms of
desertion by fathers. Artificial reproductive technology is thus used to produce families,
but it can also turn the biological father into a genetic instrument who is not required or
expected to help raise the child. Hymowitz writes:
More ordinary “choice mothers,” as many single women using AI [artificial
insemination] now call themselves, are usually not openly hostile to fathers, but
they boast a language of female empowerment that implicitly trivializes men’s
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roles in children’s lives. The term “choice mothers” frames AI as a matter of
women’s reproductive rights. Only the woman’s decision making—or intention—
carries moral weight.
This reduction of a biological parent into a mere instrument occurs with
surrogate mothers as well. A series of dramatic lawsuits starting in the 1980s
demonstrated the dangers of treating a woman as primarily a womb. In the case of
“Baby M” in 1988, Mary Beth Whitehead was artificially inseminated with the sperm of
William Stern. A contract between Whitehead and Stern said that the child must be
given up to Stern and his wife at birth. Though the court involved ended up giving Stern
parental rights, it found that the contract was against “public policy” (“Developments”
2069-71). Beyond the legal complexities, however, what the case dramatizes is that a
surrogate mother can bond with the child in her womb to such a degree that she may not
want to give him or her up. This bonding may occur even when the baby is the result of
assisted reproductive technology where the surrogate mother’s egg is not the one used.
A judge may have to decide whether the birth mother (the surrogate) or the genetic
mother whose egg was fertilized in vitro and implanted in the surrogate mother is the
legal mother of a child produced by assisted reproductive technology (2071-72).
Assisted reproductive technology has many unintended consequences. Despite
the fact that the ability to produce children that are genetically related to at least one
parent might seem to make the technology a source of family stability, it sometimes can
create dissension, emotional pain, and legal quandaries. Liza Mundy points out that the
technology has produced family arrangements where genetic connection is “often both
affirmed and denied, . . . simultaneously embraced and rejected” (99). Indeed, the great
lengths people will go to in order to establish a genetic connection between themselves
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and their children—bypassing the possibilities provided by adoption—show that genetic
connection between parents and children remains an ideal for many people, even if it is
not necessary for a family to be “normative.” If a genetic connection between parent and
child, then, remains the ideal that drives the use of assisted reproductive technology, it
is proving to be a questionable ideal. When pursued at all costs by means of this
technology, the biological bond between parents and children can become a negative
force, producing detrimental results that actually work against the very values of love,
trust, and stability that the family is supposed to cultivate.
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“Our History and Mission.” The Donor Sibling Registry,
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