Mezzo and Macro Practice Settings

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Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought

ISSN: 1542-6432 (Print) 1542-6440 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wrsp20

The ecosystems perspective in social work: Implications for culturally competent practice with American Muslims

Sawssan R. Ahmed, Mona M. Amer & Amal Killawi

To cite this article: Sawssan R. Ahmed, Mona M. Amer & Amal Killawi (2017) The ecosystems perspective in social work: Implications for culturally competent practice with American Muslims, Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought, 36:1-2, 48-72, DOI: 10.1080/15426432.2017.1311245

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15426432.2017.1311245

Published online: 25 Apr 2017.

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ARTICLE

The ecosystems perspective in social work: Implications for culturally competent practice with American Muslims Sawssan R. Ahmed, PhDa,b, Mona M. Amer, PhDc, and Amal Killawi, LMSW, LCSWd,e

aDepartment of Psychology, California State University, Fullerton, California; bSidra Medical and Research Center, Doha, Qatar; cPsychology Unit, The American University in Cairo, New Cairo, Egypt; dThe Family & Youth Institute, Hilliard, Ohio; eRutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey

ABSTRACT The ecosystems framework is relevant to social work because it helps to envision a better fit between clients and their environ- ments by improving the quality of transactions across different ecological systems. This approach can be useful to understanding the experiences of Muslims living in America, and is consistent with Islam’s emphasis on person-in-context. This article analyzes American Muslims’ experiences at different ecological levels; namely, family and peers, organizations that individuals are in regular contact with (school, college, workplace, Islamic center), and pervasive sociopolitical influences at the macrolevel. For each of these ecosystems, the article outlines challenges the person may have in adapting, strategies that enhance the quality of the environment and person-environment fit, and practical recommendations for social work practice. The aim of this review is to provide social workers with a rich understanding of the various systemic factors that can influence the well-being of their American Muslim clients so that they can support their growth and empowerment.

ARTICLE HISTORY Received 24 July 2016 Accepted 6 March 2017

KEYWORDS American Muslims; discrimination; ecosystems; Islam; person-in-environment

The person-in-environment perspective is a central and guiding framework for social work practice. It is based on the belief that an individual can only be understood in the context of his/her environment (e.g. physical, familial, spiritual, social, political, societal, etc.), and thus practitioners must consider both the person and the various aspects of that person’s environment in their assessment, planning, and intervention processes. This dual focus on the person and environment has been a distinguishing feature of social work, setting it apart from many other disciplines (Kondrat, 2008).

Although the person-in-environment perspective has guided social work for almost a century (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002), there has been a historical tension between micro/clinical practice with individuals and macro/commu- nity practice with the environment (Austin, Coombs, & Barr, 2005). Social workers did not always attend to both areas, often paying more attention to individual interventions, modeling their practice after psychiatrists and

CONTACT Sawssan R. Ahmed, PhD [email protected] Department of Psychology, California State University, 800 N State College Blvd, Fullerton, CA 92831USA.

JOURNAL OF RELIGION & SPIRITUALITY IN SOCIAL WORK: SOCIAL THOUGHT 2017, VOL. 36, NOS. 1–2, 48–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15426432.2017.1311245

© 2017 Taylor & Francis

psychotherapists for professional status (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002). This focus on the individual may have also been due to a limited knowledge base about the environment compared to more extensive knowledge about human behavior and development (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002) and because the envir- onment is generally considered to be more difficult to change (Kemp, Whittaker, & Tracy, 1997).

Over time, the person-in-environment perspective evolved from a hyphe- nated structure (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002) into a more transactional one known today as the ecological-systems approach, considered to be “the most significant and most commonly accepted cohering perspective for social work” (Green & McDermott, 2010, p. 2418). Originating from ecology (DuBos, 1972) and gen- eral systems theory (Von Bertalanffy, 1967), the ecosystems perspective views individuals and environments as constantly interacting with and adapting to one other in a series of “interconnected transactional networks” (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002, p. 16). Thus, instead of viewing the person and the environment sepa- rately, social workers “pay attention to the multiple interacting elements that are always present”(Mattaini & Meyer, 2002, p. 33).

Germain (1978) conceptualized a metaphor for the ecological approach, organizing various client systems in a hierarchal fashion, like a set of Chinese boxes with smaller boxes fitting into increasingly larger ones. For example, a person may exist in a family system, which exists in a religious community, which then exists in a region. Kondrat (2002) offered a modified metaphor for the ecological model, suggesting instead that people were more like dancers in a ballet or players in a football game, engaging in a constructive and recursive process in which they shape their environment, and the environment in turn shapes their behavior.

Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model of human development has also been useful to social work, in that it clarifies the various social systems in which a person lives as a series of concentric circles: the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem. The microsystem consists of family, peers, neigh- bors, classmates, and other individuals and institutions that the person regularly interacts with. The mesosystem represents the relationships between compo- nents in the microsystem, such as the transactions between a child’s parents and his/her school, which in turn influences the child. There are distal factors in settings that do not directly touch the person but link to settings that do influence the person, and this is considered the exosystem. For example, dis- crimination faced by a mother at her workplace may increase her levels of distress, which in turn influences her childcare practices in the home setting, thus impacting the child. Finally, the macrosystem includes the pervasive cul- tural influences on the person including socioeconomic, political, and religious factors.

With an ecosystem approach, social work’s purpose is to ensure a better fit between clients and their environments, aiming for improved quality of these

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transactions so “that growth and adaptive potential are released and environ- ments are more responsive to people’s needs and goals” (Gitterman & Germain, 1981, p. 44). Interventions can occur in any of the multiple elements of a client’s case, even in the transactions directly, which provides social workers with end- less possibilities for action (Mattaini & Meyer, 2002). Thus, the ecological approach allows social workers to move between various client systems, treating problems at the individual, family, small group, organizational, and community levels (Pardeck, 2015). Although some have criticized the ecological model as being too abstract to be helpful to practitioners and lacking rigor and clarity (Brower, 1988; Wakefield, 1996a, 1996b), it remains the most popular and widely used framework in social work.

The ecosystems approach may be particularly relevant to working with American Muslim clients, not only because it provides a rich understanding of the person’s experience but also because it is aligned with how Islam views the person-in-context. The Islamic perspective considers a person’s context and environment to play a vital role in shaping individual behaviors and experiences. For example, there are hadiths (religious sayings of Prophet Muhammad) that speak to the contextual influences on individuals. As narrated in one hadith:

The good companion and the bad companion can be compared to a perfume seller and a blacksmith. When you visit the perfume seller he may give you a gift or you may purchase some musk from him and at the very least you leave with a sweet trace of his scent upon you. When you visit the blacksmith his flying sparks may burn your clothes and you will leave smelling of the smoke from his furnace. (Sahih Bukhari, Chapter 34, Hadith #314)

This hadith highlights how peer relations can have a positive or negative influence depending on whether they are health promoting or not. Another hadith highlights the systemic influence on individuals: “The Muslim ummah [global Muslim community] is like one body. If the eye is in pain the whole body is in pain, and if the head is in pain then the whole body is in pain” (Sahih Muslim, Chapter 32, Hadith #6261).

Thus, Islam views the individual as embedded within a larger ecosystem in which different parts of the system interact with and impact one another. Therefore, improving an individual’s environment will have a positive impact on that individual. This is why the Islamic way of life incorporates detailed guidelines for all aspects of living including family, social, political, economic, and religious systems. For example, alcohol is prohibited to avoid harming families and communities, recommended marital and family interactions are meant to prevent discord, economic well-being is maintained through prohibit- ing unjust usury and business transactions, and just governance is outlined to ensure effective policies. The regulation of these different settings aims to encourage healthy environments to produce healthy individuals.

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In this narrative review, a conceptual framework that focuses on promot- ing wellness among American Muslim clients across different ecological levels is offered. American Muslims are a diverse and growing community in the United States, estimated to become the second largest religious group by 2050 (Pew Research Center, 2016a). Estimates on the number of Muslims in the United States vary greatly with ranges between 3.3 and 7 million (Pew Research Center, 2016b; Smith, 2002). Ethnically, estimates indicate that most Muslims in the United States are African American (35%), Arab American (25%–30%), or South Asian American (20%–25%) (Gallup Center for Muslim Studies, 2009). More than half of Muslims in the United States are immigrants (Pew Research Center, 2007), and although most American Muslims identify as Sunni (65%), a significant minority (11%) identify with the Shiite sect of Islam (Pew Research Center, 2011).

Despite the diversity among Muslims, common experiences including the shared stress associated with rise in anti-Muslim sentiment post-9/11 and an increase in anti-Muslim rhetoric, make it increasingly important to pay attention to the well-being and mental health of American Muslim communities (Clay, 2011; Padela & Heisler, 2010). Due to the diverse settings in which social workers function, it is likely that social workers will interact with American Muslims in some capacity. In fact, there are more social workers in the United States than there are psychiatrists, psychologists, and psychiatric nurses combined, and social workers provide the largest group of mental health services in the United States (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2013). Thus, social workers can play a key role in supporting American Muslims.

In this review, the authors have divided the ecological levels into family and peers who are closest to the individual; organizations that American Muslims may interact with frequently (including school, college, workplace, Islamic centers); and macrolevel factors such as the sociopolitical context. The macrolevel factors may be more distal yet profoundly impact Muslims living in America. Using the existing literature as a backdrop, the authors explore the person-in-environment fit at each level. First, a review is pro- vided of the factors that increase stress and distress at that ecological level. Second, factors that enhance adaptation and quality of the environment are discussed. Finally, recommendations for social work practice are pre- sented, aiming to improve the quality of interactions between individuals and their environment in each of these settings. The ultimate aim of this narrative is to guide culturally competent social work practice with American Muslims by integrating relevant literature on members of this faith community with a conceptual framework that demonstrates how the ecosystems perspective coincides with their Islamic worldview.

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Families and peers

As the groups of people that American Muslims have the most contact with, families and peers play a significant role in shaping the lives of American Muslims. The concept of person-in-environment fit is important in two ways when discussing families and peers. First, families may face tensions when interacting with surrounding ecological systems, and these challenges in adaptation can negatively influence the individual who is embedded in the family unit. Second, the individual may need to adapt to differences in worldviews and cultural norms within family and friendship groups, which may have the potential to be stressful.

Family

For American Muslims, the definition of “family” may extend beyond the Western concept of the nuclear family to include extended family members who actively influence family decisions and dynamics (Carolan, Bagherinia, Juhari, Himelright, & Mouton-Sanders, 2000; Smith, 2007). There is great heterogeneity in Muslim family structures based on ethnic/national back- ground and nativity status. Among immigrants, the gender division of house- hold labor may be more traditional with men having higher authority (Ayyub, 2000; Carolan et al., 2000). In immigrant families, parents, particu- larly mothers, play a key role in socializing children into cultural and religious traditions by encouraging an Islamic lifestyle (Ross-Sheriff, Tirmazi, & Walsh, 2007). For many Muslim families regardless of immigra- tion status, Islam is interwoven across multiple aspects of daily family life (Carolan et al., 2000; Smith, 2007).

Many American Muslim families face pressures when adapting to the surrounding ecological contexts, and such tensions in turn can place strain on individual family members. For example, practicing religion, particularly rituals such as prayer and dietary restrictions, can be challenging especially to those newly arrived to the United States (Carolan et al., 2000). The pressures associated with adaptation, also known as acculturation stressors, that immi- grant Muslim families face can precipitate psychological distress especially if families arrive with lower levels of education, English fluency, familiarity with Western culture, and social support systems (Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004). Refugee families have typically faced prior exposure to violence and other traumatic transactions in their homelands. This may contribute to individual psychological disorders, as well as disruptions to family roles and family relationships (Alemi, James, Cruz, Zepeda, & Racadio, 2014; Snyder, May, Zulcic, & Gabbard, 2005; Weine et al., 2004).

Conflictual transactional processes within the family system can also pre- cipitate stress and distress for individual family members. For example, intergenerational differences between parents and children may be

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exacerbated by intercultural and acculturation differences. Parents may feel anxious to protect their children and ensure that the children maintain family honor by adhering to community norms and religiocultural codes of behavior (Ross-Sheriff et al., 2007; Smith, 2007). Yet the school environment and other ecosystems may act as competing socializing agents, leading children to struggle with negotiating between the demands of their family culture with other norms (Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004). Parental restrictions may frustrate children and precipitate family conflicts, particularly for girls who grow annoyed at the double standards that accord boys greater freedoms (Kanji & Cameron, 2010; Smith, 2007).

Conflicts can also occur within the marital dyad, including severe disrup- tions such as domestic violence and divorce. Sociocultural factors associated with higher risk for domestic violence in American Muslim families include acceptance of male dominance, lower education, and female employment (Adam & Schewe, 2007). Some men may interpret Islamic texts to give them license to hit their wives, and cultural and social norms emphasizing family honor and pressure to maintain traditional family structures may lead women to remain in abusive relationships (Ayyub, 2000). With regards to divorce, it is permissible but highly eschewed in Islam (Smith, 2007). Surrounding microsystems such as family, friends, and religious leaders may intervene to resolve the marital conflicts in order to prevent divorce (Alshugairi, 2010). Stigma, shame, and blame often follow women who are divorced (Ayyub, 2000), which can exacerbate the stress of the divorce itself.

There are many factors that can improve the quality of the family envir- onment thereby fostering growth of its individual members. Religious faith and ethnic/national identity can be sources for resilience within American Muslim families. Moreover, family well-being can be strengthened through healthy linkages with external systems such as social and community con- nections and accessing institutional resources such as social services (Beitin & Allen, 2005; Carter, 2010; Kanji & Cameron, 2010). Given the salience of religion to many American Muslim families, it’s not surprising that religios- ity, in particular, has been found to be a significant source of strength. For example, shared religious practices among couples was found to enhance marital and family bonds, regulate rights and responsibilities of the partners, and buffer against potential domestic abuse (Alghafli, Hatch, & Marks, 2014). Religion may also serve as a link to other forms of external supports such as faith communities and religious leaders (Marks, 2005).

Social work practice Social workers interact with Muslim families in multiple settings such as commu- nity mental health centers, schools, and social service agencies. Previous authors have argued that to work effectively across these settings, it is important to respect religious and cultural values and avoid imposing European American world views

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(Carter, 2010; Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004). It is important for social workers to be aware of the gender roles and divisions of household labor chosen by the family (Beitin & Allen, 2005). The high respect bestowed upon parents, extended family members, and other authorities in the family hierarchy should be considered when assessing and offering services to American Muslim families. For example, extended family members may be involved in the services if desired (Carolan et al., 2000).

Because American Muslim families may come from collectivistic cultures, more individualistic-focused services may create tension between the client and the service setting (Carter, 2010; Kiely-Froude & Abdul-Karim, 2009). Instead, social workers can work to promote healthier interactions among family members. For example, assessing acculturation can help social work- ers better understand family dynamics (Beitin & Allen, 2005) including intercultural gaps between parents and children. Social workers can then strengthen parent–child relations by exploring interventions that balance the cultural expectations of both parents and children. Positive and open com- munication channels between parents and children can help with these dynamics (Ross-Sheriff et al., 2007).

When working with women who face domestic violence, social workers may consider how spirituality and the Islamic faith can be integrated in the services, if relevant (Kiely-Froude & Abdul-Karim, 2009). Research has found religion to be an important resource for coping and healing among American Muslim women who experienced domestic violence (Ayyub, 2000; Hassouneh-Phillips, 2003). Moreover, surrounding support systems will likely have eroded over time; these women may have become isolated as a result of their husbands’ controlling behaviors, and the community may have criticized or shunned these women for leaving their marriages (Hassouneh-Phillips, 2001; Kiely-Froude & Abdul-Karim, 2009). Thus, it would be essential to support these women in establishing new support systems, perhaps through exploring new mosques or community net- works (Kiely-Froude & Abdul-Karim, 2009). These women may also need various medical, mental health, legal, and social services (Abu-Ras, 2007), which social workers can facilitate access to. If available in their locale, social workers can connect Muslim clients with Muslim-specific services. Social workers can also engage in community education efforts to increase awareness about domestic violence and promote healthy family relationships.

In cases of divorce, social workers can support Muslim families better adapt to the surrounding systems. They may help families, particularly immigrants, under- stand the ideologies and practices of U.S. laws. The division of financial assets and child custody arrangements may have regulations under Islamic family law or cultural traditions that do not align with U.S. legal standards. Social workers can help clients navigate the court systems, connect them with legal advocates and interpreters, and educate judges about their religious and cultural backgrounds. Women from immigrant backgrounds who can legally remain in the United States

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can be supported in developing skills for managing independent living by con- necting them with support groups and employment programs. American Muslims may have the perception that social workers break up families. In cases of neglect or abuse in particular, it is imperative that social workers explain their role and provide reassurance that the goal is to establish healthy relationships and help families adapt to their situation (Graham, Bradshaw, & Trew, 2009).

Peers

Similar to families, peer groups are one of the most important sources of support for American Muslims. Almost all of the literature related to Muslim peer relationships focuses on children and emerging adults. For Muslim youth who were born and raised in the United States and those of European or African American heritages, friendship-making may be less complicated compared to those who immigrated to the United States at a young age. For example, some children express concern that the quality and sincerity of friendships in North America are less than what would be found in their home country (Kanji & Cameron, 2010).

American Muslim youth who adhere to traditional cultural and religious values may find it challenging to adapt to and “fit in” with peer groups that don’t share the same belief systems (Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004; Zine, 2001). Parents may also play a role in isolating their children by encouraging their children to engage only with others from the same ethnic, national, and/or religious backgrounds (Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004). Poor quality of the peer group setting, or poor cultural concordance between the child and his/her peers, can facilitate engagement in risk- taking behaviors (Kanji & Cameron, 2010). For example, peer pressure (from both Muslim and non-Muslim peers) may result in Muslim youth experimenting with tobacco, drug and alcohol use, and premarital sex, all of which run counter to religious dictates (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009). Moreover, in the absence of religiously and culturally sanctioned leisure and recreational activities, youth may turn to activities that conflict with religiocultural norms in order to feel accepted by surrounding social net- works (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009).

One of the greater challenges for Muslim youth relates to interactions with the opposite sex (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009; Zine, 2001). Religious and cultural proscriptions against premarital romantic and sexual relationships, as well as physical contact, may place young Muslims at odds with American cultural norms, which can be stressful (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009; Smith, 2007).

On the other hand, when American Muslim youth are embedded in healthy peer groups, this can positively influence their identity development, self- concept, and self-esteem (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009). To cope with the

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challenges of finding healthy peer groups, Muslims at many schools and colleges have founded associations for Muslim students with networks of peers who share social and religious supports (Ahmed & Ezzeddine, 2009; Zine, 2001). Moreover, Islamic organizations and community centers have tried to address the challenges of ensuring Islamically sanctioned interactions between the sexes by designing structured activities at which boys and girls, and young men and young women, can meet and interact in a protective environment. Matchmaking services have also gained attention by these organizations (Smith, 2007).

Social work practice Muslim youth can benefit from strength-based and youth-generated pro- grams and interventions that incorporate mentoring and provide a safe space to socialize with their peers and engage in meaningful activities (Ahmed, Patel, & Hashem, 2015). Social workers can connect Muslim youth with supportive networks that share their cultural and religious values or design such programs if it they are not available. Social workers can also provide educational programs and interventions to parents and religious and com- munity leaders about youth development, challenges, and needs, thereby fostering improved parenting.

Organizational settings

American Muslims may be in regular contact with on a daily or at least weekly basis, with their school, college, workplace, and mosque. Although social workers may not typically be employed at colleges, workplaces, and mosques, these settings are presented because they may have significant influences on individuals seen in social work practice in other settings. Moreover, if a member of a client’s family faces tensions in those environ- ments (e.g., a parent faces employment discrimination), the impacts may indirectly influence the client, as described above with Bronfenbrenner’s concept of the exosystem. Finally, social work strategies that can enhance the person-in-environment fit at schools may be transferred to future aca- demic and professional settings if the child has gained new skills.

Schools

American Muslim children may experience numerous challenges in their transac- tions with public schools. They are faced with the tough tasks of negotiating their Islamic beliefs with the secular curricula and maintaining their religious and cultural identities within the European American cultural environment (Ahmad & Szpara, 2003; Khalifa & Gooden, 2010; Zine, 2001). Adapting to the school context can be more difficult when the academic system ignores Muslim students (Khalifa & Gooden, 2010) or there are biased, incomplete, and stereotypical

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depictions of Islam and Muslim historical events in curricula and textbooks (Douglass & Dunn, 2003; Sabry & Bruna, 2007). There may be biases and insufficient knowledge about Islam among teachers (Ezzani & Brooks, 2015; Mastrilli & Sardo-Brown, 2002; Sabry & Bruna, 2007); threats, harassment, and physical assaults from peers (Bonet, 2011); and discrimination by teachers and administrators (Bonet, 2011; Zine, 2001). Muslim children may thus feel misun- derstood and stereotyped by peers and teachers who often conflate Muslim cultures with the Islamic faith in a monolithic way (Ahmad & Szpara, 2003; Tindongan, 2011; Zine, 2001).

Despite these tensions in the person-in-environment fit, the school setting can foster growth, well-being, and resilience if there are positive transactions. For example, school attendance has been associated with greater self- confidence, problem solving ability, and hope for a better future for Muslim refugee children (Kanji & Cameron, 2010; Snyder et al., 2005). For American Muslim children it is moreover a venue for developing friendships and a stepping stone to future academic and employment prospects (Kanji & Cameron, 2010). In American Muslim families there is often high value placed on education, which is embedded in the religious faith, and this emphasis on academic achievement among parents can motivate children and ensure that children have opportunities for academic success (Ross- Sheriff et al., 2007).

The quality of the school environment itself can also be improved, which can in turn foster a more positive experience for American Muslim children. For example, efforts by schools to be more culturally sensitive may include celebrating Islamic holidays, accommodating religious-based practices (e.g., modest dress, Islamic diet and fasting, prayer), and showing administrative support from school officials (Ahmad & Szpara, 2003; Sabry & Bruna, 2007). Some school districts have even developed comprehensive training curricula for educators that have had positive consequences (see, e.g., Ezzani & Brooks, 2015; Kenan, 2005).

Social work practice Social workers can play prominent roles in educational settings to improve the school climate and enhance the person-in-environment fit. They can organize or advocate for the following: safe and nonjudgmental discussions about difficult issues such as politics and the events of September 11 (Bonet, 2011), learning opportunities and cultural proficiency trainings for educators to gain knowledge and multicultural skills relevant to supporting their Muslim students (Ezzani & Brooks, 2015; Isik-Ercan, 2015), and informa- tional materials and cultural events for school personnel and students to gain exposure to Islam and Muslims (Sabry & Bruna, 2007).

School social workers who offer services to individual students should be cognizant of stressors specific to Muslim students when conducting

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assessments and formulating treatment or educational plans. Given the power differential, Muslim students should be made to feel comfortable utilizing the services of social workers in school settings. Providers should demonstrate cultural sensitivity and flexibility when working with Muslim students. Social workers can also advocate for student needs around religious accommodation, and serve as brokers between parents and school staff, thereby, enhancing positive interactions between them. Greater efforts need to be made to improve the links between the home and school environments, and increase the engagement of Muslim parents in school life and decision- making (Sabry & Bruna, 2007). Finally, social workers can refer students and parents to community resources.

Higher education/college

In the college setting Muslim youth may continue to face challenges to the person- in-environment fit related to negotiating their identities within a non-Muslim context (Stubbs & Sallee, 2013). They may struggle to find freedom and space to practice their religion such as prayer, modest dress, and Islamic diet (Speck, 1997). They may constantly need to address discrimination and misinformation about Islam and Muslims from educators and peers (Calkins et al., 2011; Speck, 1997).

There is heterogeneity of experiences among Muslim college students depend- ing on their ethnic/national background, degree of religiosity, the density of other Muslim students on campus, multicultural characteristics of the student body, and institutional commitment to diversity. Challenges in adaptation or tensions in transactions between different ecosystems may be specific to certain subgroups of Muslim students. For example, those living in residence halls need to adapt to limited privacy in physical spaces and living with roommates of other faiths (Calkins et al., 2011). Those from South Asian backgrounds may face pressure from parents to select careers in high-status and high-income fields such as medicine or engineering which can lead to family conflict if children prefer another career path (Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004).

There are many initiatives that college campuses may take to improve the quality of the college environment for Muslim students (Ali & Bagheri, 2009). Structural policies that are important to address include recognizing Islamic holidays, establishing prayer spaces, ensuring suitable dietary options in dining halls, diversifying course offerings, and hiring Muslim chaplains or university staff. Educational forums and safe dialogues can be organized to discuss issues of relevance to Muslim students and present more accurate information regarding their faith and culture. Student affairs officials can partner with Muslim student associations in many of these initiatives, and Muslim organizations can also partner with other organizations to establish interfaith discussions and community development projects.

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Social work practice Social workers may engage with American Muslim college students at college counseling centers. They can advocate for previously mentioned structural and organizational interventions and empower their clients to do so as well. Clinical social workers can help their clients develop interpersonal, beha- vioral, and coping skills to more successfully adapt to the stressors of the college environment, and they can educate clients on how to pursue their rights in cases of discrimination on campus.

Workplace

Just as there is wide diversity in the experiences among American Muslim college students, the same can be said for Muslims in workplace settings. For example, immigrant Muslims tend to be employed in higher-status profes- sional jobs compared to African American and other U.S.-born Muslims (Khalifa & Gooden, 2010). Yet there are some common stressors faced by American Muslims in their adaptation to the workplace environment. Like employees of other faiths, Muslims may face job stress as a result of excessive employment pressures and poor-person-environment fit such as mismatch between individual skills and the workplace demands (Jamal & Badawi, 1993). Muslims face additional stressors including bias and discrimination in hiring practices and employment policies (Park, Malachi, Sternin, & Tevet, 2009; Solieman, 2009) as well as challenges to practicing their religion.

In many workplaces, efforts have been made to enhance the quality of the environment for Muslim employees. Many of the strategies are preventive, such as diversity and legal trainings for coworkers and supervisors. Other strategies relate to accommodating religious practices such as prayer, reli- gious holidays, and religious attire (specifically for women who wear the headscarf), in addition to having official implementable policies to address discrimination and microagressions (Burke & Ng, 2006; Kelly, 2008; Mujtaba & Cavico, 2012; Syed & Pio, 2010). Examples of specific actions include having a designated prayer room for American Muslims to perform their ritual prayers, not restricting workplace socialization to environments that may be uncomfortable (e.g., bars), and acknowledging and even celebrating Islamic religious holidays.

Social work practice Social workers can help American Muslim clients build skills to cope and adjust with workplace stressors. Social workers can empower clients to discuss potentially uncomfortable topics with their supervisors such as requesting religious accommodations. Muslims who face discrimination in the workplace may need to resort to legal recourses when contesting dis- crimination as civil rights violations (Solieman, 2009). As advocates for their

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clients, social workers can facilitate these efforts and connect clients with agencies providing civil rights advocacy and also mental health services as needed.

Mosque/Islamic center

Aside from their academic and professional endeavors, American Muslims may be regularly involved with their local religious center. The mosque or Islamic community center may play a significant role as a gathering place for community members, as well as an educational institution and socialization agent. These institutions are not only places for worship but they are often also a venue for leisure and social events, funerary facilities, health education, and civic engagement opportunities; they may even house a full time or weekend school (Foley, 2012; Jamal, 2005). They may host a wide array of events such as polling drives, youth basketball tournaments, food festivals, health fairs, and/or wedding receptions.

Although the number of mosques in the United States has grown tremen- dously in the last decade (Council of American Islamic Relations, 2011), some American Muslims may feel excluded or disconnected from their local mosques. Some immigrants may have trouble adapting to the culture of American mosques because of the different structure and function of mos- ques in the United States compared to their home countries (Foley, 2012). Although mosques may have ethnically diverse members, one survey found that three fourths of the mosques in the United States were dominated by one ethnic group (Bagby, 2012a), and 30% of mosques conducted Friday prayer services in a language other than English (Bagby, 2012b), which may alienate some community members. Youth may feel excluded, particularly if they perceive that the mosque leadership do not relate to their struggles. The same survey found that 85% of full time mosque imams (religious leadership) were born outside of the United States; thus, U.S.-born American Muslims may not feel connected to their religious leaders (Bagby, 2012a). Some American Muslims may also avoid attending their local mosque for fear of being a target for hate crimes or government surveillance (Ali, 2016).

For American Muslims who have found an Islamic community center that they feel at home in, the setting can be a place for spiritual growth and self- development. Jamal (2005) found that mosque involvement was associated with group consciousness for African and Arab American Muslims. One study with mostly Muslim Arab American adolescents found that the extent to which an individual felt connected to a religious congregation and reli- gious leadership was associated with better psychological health (Ahmed, Kia–Keating & Tsai, 2011). Additionally it appears that Muslim clergy play a role beyond serving the spiritual needs of their community by serving as

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advocates, providing social service referrals and sometimes counseling (Padela, Killawi, Heisler, Demonner & Fetters, 2011).

Many Islamic centers have attempted to modify their activities in order to be more accommodating to Muslims of different backgrounds, thereby enhancing the person-in-environment fit (e.g., Dana, Barreto, & Oskooii, 2011; Abdo, 2005, 2006). For example, they may have services held in different languages, activities that are tailored to youth, and efforts to be inclusive to diverse members including those from various ethnicities or those who may not fit the traditional model of orthodoxy.

Social work practice Social workers should have a basic understanding of their Muslim clients’ religious beliefs and rituals, and they should support clients’ spiritual expres- sion when conducting assessments and interventions (Graham et al., 2009). It is important to link clients, especially recent immigrants, with mosques and other faith-based institutions for social support and additional services (Hodge, 2005). Social workers may find consulting with religious leaders and creating linkages between the mosque and mental health practice settings to be helpful in clarifying concerns about interventions and providing spiri- tual support to clients (Graham et al., 2009; Hodge, 2005). Additionally, establishing connections between social workers and religious institutions in the Muslim community can ensure that social workers are accepted and are functioning within cultural and religious boundaries (Graham et al., 2009).

Macrolevel influences: Sociopolitical contexts

It is important to consider the sociopolitical and historical contexts that may have an impact on the well-being of American Muslims. Muslim refugees may have been forced to leave their homelands due to war and persecution. Additionally, although those experiences may have taken place in the past and are due to events that impacted entire societies and groups, their repercussions such as distress can be seen at the level of the individual American Muslim. American Muslims may moreover face dif- ficulty adapting to society in the United States due to biased policies and an environment that is discriminatory and rejecting of them.

Exposure to war and displacement in the homeland

Perhaps one of the most severe examples of poor person-in-environment fit is in the case of war, violent conflict, and other events that force people to leave their homelands. There are a total of 21.3 million refugees worldwide who have been forced to flee their countries of origin due to conflict,

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generalized violence, and human rights violations (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2016). Many of the world’s refugees hail from Muslim majority countries, with Muslim majority countries repre- senting the top five countries of origin for refugees worldwide, which are Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Somalia, and Sudan (UNHCR, 2014).

Among Muslim refugees who relocate to the United States, their previous exposure to traumatic environments can negatively impact a slew of physical and mental health outcomes (Lustig et al., 2004; Porter & Haslam, 2005). In addition to being directly affected by trauma exposure, the exosystem of American Muslims may be impacted indirectly and vicariously due to their close contact with relatives affected by the refugee crisis as well as media exposure to war and conflict in general. One study found that media expo- sure to the second Gulf War in Iraq negatively affected Iraqi American refugees’ mental health (Kira et al., 2008).

Once Muslim refugees resettle in America, they may face challenges adapting to their new environment. These challenges may include discrimi- nation, language and cultural barriers, policy restrictions on economic mobi- lity, and difficulty navigating the educational system and finding employment (Ellis, MacDonald, Lincoln, & Cabral, 2008; Kerwin, 2012; Porter & Haslam, 2005).

Factors that may help ease the post-resettlement adaptation process for Muslim refugees include spirituality, connection to one’s culture, family and peer support, and community integration (Fazel, Reed, Panter-Brick, & Stein, 2012; Sossou, Craig, Ogren, & Schnak, 2008). For example, one study with Somali refugee adolescents found that feeling a sense of school belonging was associated with less depression and more self-efficacy (Kia-Keating & Ellis, 2007). Another study with Sudanese refugees in Australia, that may have similar parallels in the United States, found that social support from one’s ethnic community as well as employment were associated with better mental health (Schweitzer, Melville, Steel, & Lacherez, 2006).

Social work practice Social workers can help refugees adapt to their new home by connecting them with English language classes and employment/financial assistance programs. They can also teach clients about American laws, help them with basic life skills such as gaining a driver’s license and opening a bank account, and enroll their children in schools. Social workers can also link refugees with support groups and cultural and religious organizations to provide a sense of familiarity and comfort in a foreign environment. Social workers should also assess for trauma and other illnesses and refer refugees to mental health and health services as needed.

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An unwelcoming environment in the United States

For Muslims of all immigration statuses—whether refugee, immigrant, or U.S. born—the contextual environment in the United States can be experi- enced as hostile and unwelcoming. In recent decades, U.S. foreign and domestic policy has centered around the War on Terror, including accom- panying legislature including Patriot Acts I and II and counter-radicalization programs known in the Obama era as Counter Violent Extremism. These policies center on that the notion that American Muslims may not be truly committed citizens of the United States. Surveillance programs such as the New York Police Department’s blanket surveillance of the Muslim commu- nity create an environment in which any association with the American Muslim community can deem an individual as citizen-suspect and a potential terrorist (Ali, 2016). Howell and Shyrock (2003) gave the example of how the War on Terror resulted in the Detroit Arab community feeling compelled to engage in activities to prove their loyalties to the nation. These national policies can place strains on American Muslims. For example, parents may be uncomfortable broaching the subject of the post-9/11 War on Terror with their children, which may add to the children’s anxiety and avoidance of such topics (Rousseau & Jamil, 2010). Individuals who have experienced govern- ment surveillance may feel more anxious and modify their behaviors to prevent further profiling and surveillance (O’Conner & Jahan, 2014).

With national policies demonstrating suspicion and hostility toward American Muslims, it is not surprising that these kinds of sentiments have spread pervasively throughout society, with increased rates of anti-Muslim discrimination. Aggregated data collected from the Federal Bureau of Investigations found that the rates of discriminatory acts targeted toward American Muslims are five times more than what they were before September 11th (Ingraham, 2015). Even though Muslims represented only 1% of the U.S. population in 2013, they represented 13.7% of victims of religious discrimination (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2014). A poll by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (2016) found that more than half of Muslim respondents reported experiencing discrimination, with 18% experiencing regular discrimination compared to 5% of Jews, 4% of Catholics, and 2% of Protestants. Living in such a discriminatory environ- ment post-9/11 can lead to increased psychological distress and worse health status (Padela & Heisler, 2010; Ross-Sheriff & Husain, 2004; Rousseau, Hassan, Moreau, & Thombs, 2011).

An environment marked by prejudice and discrimination negatively impacts not only adults but also youth. The Council on American Islamic Relations (2015) surveyed 621 American Muslim students between the ages of 11 and 18 in California and found that 55% were bullied due to their religious identity, which is twice the rate found in national surveys on school

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bullying. Sirin and Fine (2007) similarly found that American Muslim youth experience high rates of discrimination: 84.3% of participants in their study reported that they had been discriminated against in the last year because of their religion and/or ethnicity. Discrimination was associated with anxiety and worry for the female participants. Similarly, Ahmed, Kia–Keating & Tsai (2011) found that perceived discrimination was associated with depressive, anxiety, and internalizing and externalizing symptoms in a sample of mostly Muslim Arab American adolescents.

While much of the research on anti-Muslim sentiment and discrimination has focused on immigrant and Arab adults and youth, it should be high- lighted that a significant portion of the Muslim community in the United States is Black (Gallup Center for Muslim Studies, 2009). As such, socio- political factors that affect the Black community in the United States undoubtedly also impact the Black Muslim community. Thus, mass dispro- portionate incarceration, police brutality, as well as implicit and explicit discrimination are likely to have negative psychological effects on Black Muslims in the United States (e.g., Alexander, 2011; Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999).

Muslims of diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds and nativity statuses have engaged in multiple efforts to enhance their adaptation to living in a hostile and discriminatory society. They may mobilize to advocate for legislature and policy, assemble voting blocks to elect candidates who may be sympathetic to issues important to them, and engage in public media campaigns to change cultural sentiments about Muslims (Alsutany, 2007; Ayers, 2007; Jamal, 2005; Senzai, 2012). For example, after 9/11, the Council on American Islamic Relations as well as the U.S. State Department engaged in advertising cam- paigns aimed at reducing misinformation about the American Muslim com- munity (Alsultany, 2007). Much has also been written how the American Muslim community made a political shift from mostly voting for Republican party candidates to mostly supporting Democratic Party candidates post-9/11 because democrats were viewed as more sympathetic to American Muslim causes (Ayers, 2007; Senzai, 2012).

In coping with the contextual stressors, Muslims may also turn to the rest of the American Muslim community for support and a sense of shared emotional connection. In that regard, the concept of ummah, defined as the pan-Islamic community, may be especially relevant given Muslims’ minority status within the context of the wider American landscape. The ummah transcends national, racial/ethnic, and regional boundaries, and as such can be described as part of the macrosystem. Being a member of the Muslim ummah can give Muslims a sense of empowerment, security, and sense of community that can support their psychological well-being within a hostile sociopolitical context.

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Social work practice American Muslims may be hesitant to seek services from social workers due to assumptions that the practitioners may share the same kinds of disrespect and prejudice toward Muslims that is pervasive throughout society (Hodge, 2005). Moreover, Muslim clients may be mistrustful of service agencies due to ongoing concerns about discrimination and government surveillance policies. African Americans in particular may be even more distrustful of helping agencies because they have historically experienced research abuse and disenfranchisement (Gamble, 1993).

Social workers can engender trust and build rapport by demonstrating respect for clients’ belief systems and asking them about their fears and concerns (Graham et al., 2009). Other strategies to increase rapport and service adherence include explaining processes and policies, maintaining flexibility when providing services, assuring clients of confidentiality, and establishing relationships in the community (Graham et al., 2009). Social workers should be sensitive to helping Muslim clients cope with experiences of discrimination and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Social workers can also connect clients with legal resources and advocacy in case they experience discrimina- tion in various settings. They should also advocate for socially just policies for targeted religious and racial communities.

Conclusion

American Muslims in the 21st century face unique circumstances and strug- gles. An ecosystems framework coincides with the Islamic worldview and can be used to understand the complexity of the American Muslim experience. This complexity highlights that the person-environment fit may differ among Muslims based on their nativity status (immigrant/refugee/United States born), ethnic/racial background, national origin, and other characteristics. Utilizing the ecosystems perspective, this article provided a summary of the literature on relevant ecological levels for American Muslims, discussed the sources of stress and support found at each of these levels, and offered recommendations for social work practice to improve the person-in- environment fit for American Muslims.

In accordance with the National Association for Social Workers Code of Ethics, social workers have an ethical responsibility to provide their clients with culturally competent services. Because of the diversity of American Muslims, this review may not apply to all Muslims in the United States. Social workers can enhance their cultural competence with American Muslim communities by gaining an understanding of their clients’ cultural and religious nuances. Social workers can also work on they systemic level by improving the quality of the relevant settings for American Muslims so that these settings are accommodating and enhance individual, interpersonal, and

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community well-being. This can be done by improving the environmental fit of settings and also creating linkages between different ecological systems (such as families with religious institutions or schools with families). Social workers working in one setting (e.g., health care, schools) can help clients develop skills to better adapt to their environmental context, and these skills may be transferable to other settings. Additionally, social workers can improve the macrolevel environment for American Muslims by empowering their clients to engage in advocacy and social justice work or by being directly involved in that work.

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