research paper Sufism
The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib Prior to Al-Shādhilī (d. 656/1258)
Author(s): A. M. Mohamed Mackeen
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society , Jul. - Sep., 1971, Vol. 91, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1971), pp. 398-408
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/600258
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THE EARLY HISTORY OF SUFISM IN THE MAGHRIB PRIOR TO AL-SHADHILI
(D. 656/1258)
A. M. MOHAMED MACKEEN
UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA, KUALA LUMPUB
Most modern studies on the general history of the Sufi movement tend to converge on the centres and representatives of the movement in the eastern flank of the Islamic world- generally covering Egypt, Iraq, Persia, Turkey and India. The few extant French studies on Sufism in the Islamic West do not go beyond an account of the contemporary activities of the Sufi orders of the Maghrib under French rule and do not provide a consolidated historical survey of the expansion of the movement from its earliest times in the Maghrib. The following pages, therefore, constitute a preliminary attempt to capture its historical antecedents in Spain and North Africa prior to the emergence of Abu' -HIasan al-Shadhili (d. A.D. 1258) in Tunis. Results of the investigation indicate considerable scope for further study.
Previous Studies
THE MAGHRIB, ACCORDING TO MEDIEVAL ARAB GEOGRAPHERS, is the name given to the lands of North Africa-Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and in a sense modern Libya. Although a few writers include also medieval Muslim Spain-al-Andalus-within the Maghrib, we may for our purpose treat them under separate headings due to certain essential differences in the character of their historical development.
Although French orientalists have in the recent past evinced some interest in the study of the history of Sufism in the Maghrib, it is scarcely sufficient to render any classification possible, particularly in the period preceding the rise of al-Shadhili in the twelfth century. Our knowledge of the subject is still limited to a few modern studies of a very general nature.
Haneberg,l the earliest author of an article on al-
ABBREVIATIONS
AM Archives Marocaines; EI Encyclopaedia of Islam (Old edition); Lamahat Al-Lamahdt al-Insiyyah fZ Sharh al-Qaszdat al-Musammdt bi-l-Szniyyah, Br. Musuem Ms. No. Or. 7939; Maqsad Al-Maqsad al-SharZf wa l-Manza' 'al-LatZf fz dhikr Sulahd'al-Rif, trans. Colin in Archives Marocaines, XXVI (1926); MW Muslim World; Nail Nail al-Ibtihdj bi-Tatrzz al-Dlbdj (Fez, 1317 A.H.); RA Revue Africaine; Tashawwuf al-Tashawwuf ild Rijdl al-Tasawwuf, ed. A. Faure (Rabat, 1958); Uns al-Faqzr Uns al-Faqzr wa-'Izz al-Haqzr, Br. Museum Ms. Or. 7939; Unwdn 'Unwdn al-Dirdyah, ed. Ben Cheneb (Al- giers, 1910); tr. Cherbonneau, Notice et Extraits du Enouan ed-Diraia (Paris, 1860); ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
1 See art. "Ali Abulhasan Schadeli", ZDMG (1853), pp. 13-27.
Shadhili, has very little to say on the historical past and confines himself to a biographical sketch of the Sufi. Among the earliest works on Sifi Orders in gen- eral and those of North Africa in particular are the contributions of Rinn, Neveu, Le Chatelier, and Depont and Coppolani.2 Broadly speaking the above studies bear a sterotyped strain of treatment, padding in abundant details of the working of these Orders in the later period but failing to reconstruct historically the earlier local evolution of the Sufi movement in the
land. Depont and Coppolani, whose outstanding study was considered a standard work of reference, accumu- lated a fund of information, statistical and otherwise, on the structure and rituals of the various Tariqahs but were content to fill the pre-Shadhili period with a general account of the native religious history, with special reference to the pagan survivals of Berber culture, the influence of Christianity, the Donatists, the God Mithra and other such ancient cults.3 In the
post-Islamic period their study was limited to the mention of primitive religious institutions like the mazar and other holy places and to the impact of the Murabits and the Muwahhids on internal religious development. They then refer to the role of the Shurafa' and to maraboutism in the growth of popular Islam. Valuable though it may be for the wealth of its infor- mation, it would ill stand modern historical criticism
2 L. Rinn, Marabouts et Khouan, carte del l'Algerie (Alger, 1884); Neveu, Les Khouan, ordres religieuses chez les musulmanes de l'Algerie, ed. Jourden (Alger 1913); Le Chatelier, L'lslam dans l'Afrique occidentale (Paris, 1899); Depont and Coppolani, Les confreries religieuses musulmanes (Alger, 1897).
3 Op. cit., ch. 2.
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MACKEEN: The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib
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and betrays indeed the political motive of the authors. The same is true of others who too left the earlier his-
tory obscure. Barges4 preferred to concentrate on the life of one personality, Abu Madyan, the national figure of Maghrib mysticism. Other authors like Doutt6 generally included Sufism within their range of in- terest but such data as they offered were hardly of much use for our purpose and were largely based on the sources enumerated above. A significant scheme launched towards the close of the nineteenth century, destined to make the field more attractive for research, was the officially backed scientific exploration of the country undertaken by scholars, the results of which soon began to fill the pages of important specialist journals on North Africa. Reference may be made here to the admirable work of Mouli6ras,5 a repository of inexhaustible notes on the Jebala and the Rif prov-
4 Vie du celebre marabout Cidi Abou Median (Paris, 1884).
6 Le Maroc inconnu, 2 vols. (Paris, 1895-99).
inces of Northern Morocco. Beginning from the twentieth century, however, scholars were able to make use of new original sources and this brought an advance in our knowledge of the period.
Joly's Etude sur Les Chadouliyas6 was far from being concerned with historical antecedents. Articles by Bel7 and Michaux-Bellaire8 were an improvement on the earlier approach and were mostly devoted to Morocco.
6 See RA, 50 (1906) pp. 336-47; 51 (1907) pp. 5-40, 223-49.
7 See "Sidi bou Medyan et son maitre Ed-Daqqaq A Fes", Melanges Rend Basset: etudes Nord-Africaines et Orientales, Tome 1 (Paris, 1925); "L'Islam mystique", RA (1927-28); "Le Soufisme en Occident Musulman au XIIe et au XIIIe siecles", Annales de l'Institut des ltudes Orientales, 1 (1934-35).
8 See "Le Rif", AM, XXVII (1927); "L'Islam et le Maroc", AM, XXVII (1927); "Essai sur l'histoire des confreries Marocaines" in Hespgris (1921); "Les con- freries religieuses au Maroc", AM, XXVII (1927).
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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.3 (1971)
The former's study of Abu Madyan and al-Daqqaq constitutes a modest and yet a specific and pioneer attempt to trace the forerunners of al-Shadhili. In his La religion musulmane en Berberie he has restricted his remarks to the Andalusian Stfis like Ibn al-'Arif
(d. 538/1143) of al-Mariyyah (Almeria), Ibn Qasi (d. 546/1151) of Shilb (Silves), and Ibn 'Arabi (d. 638/1240), and in North Africa to Abu Madyan and a few of his predecessors like al-Daqqaq, Abu Ya'za and others. Essays by Michaux Bellaire was a good effort at a classified study of what may generally be called Tariqah organization although they ran the risk of being ill-related to actual local trends. Evidently he had not made use of the original material then avail- able. A few others like Xicluna,9 Fischer,10 and Loubignacll wrote on individual figures like Abu Ya'za and Ibn Mashish and are somewhat legendary in portrayal. Douglas12 has just a brief notice of the earlier developments, while the immense contributions of L6vi-Provenqal help us only indirectly in our task. Among the more recent additions, La Berberie orientale sous les Hafsides, a brilliant book by Brunschvig, endeavours to surveyl3 the period prior to al-Shadhili, presenting Abu Madyan (d. 594/1197-98) as the principal representative of the movement, and alludes to his contemporaries and followers who sprang up in its eastward drift in centres like Bijayah (Bougie), Bunah (Bone) and Tunis.
For the history of Sufism in Spain, our best sources are the profound and scholarly writings of Miguel Asin Palacios,l4 who, in spite of his Christian predilection, appears to be the only author to have dealt with the doctrinal origins of the Shadhili school and its later members. He does not, however, adequately acquaint us with facts of history. The bibliography furnished by him does not show that he had access to all the relevant
9 See "Quelques legendes relative a Moulay 'Abd as-Salam ben Machich", AM III (1905), pp. 119-33.
10 See "Der grosse marokkanische Heilige 'Abdes- selam ben Me'si", ZDMG (1917), pp. 209-22.
See "Un saint berb6re: Moulay Bou 'Azza", Hesperis, 31 (1944), pp. 15-34.
12 See "al-Shadhili, a North African Sufi", MW (1948) pp. 257-79.
13 In vol. II, pp. 320-22. 14 An important work of his is Vidas de Santones
Andaluces (Madrid, 1933), a Spanish translation of Pt. 3 and partially of Pts 1, 2 and 4 of Ibn 'Arabi's Risalat al-Quds, an epistle addressed by the latter in 600/1203 to the Tunisian Sufi 'Abd al 'Aziz al-Mahdawi. Cf. Bel, La Religion Musulmane en Berberie (Paris, 1938), p. 344.
source-material for the purpose. Contributions by Affifi were in the main devoted to Andalusian mystic theory with a summary of historical data.
Salim 'Ammar'sl5 recent attempt remains the only modest Arabic work on the subject which contains an outline of the picture before al-Shadhili while al- Sandubi,l6 Yashrutiyyahl7 and othersl8 were interested only in the post-Shadhili events.
It will be seen from the above account that the
existing knowledge on this little explored aspect of the subject is very scanty and precludes any essay at a synthesis. However, it is proposed in the following pages to sketch out in broad terms basic evidences con- cerning the history of Sufism in the Maghrib, of which al-Shahili himself was a distinct product. The sources utilised are among the earliest at the writer's disposal.
General Observations
The growth of Sufism in the Maghrib forms an integral part and is largely a direct result of the develop- ment of Islam in Barbary, displaying features char- acteristic of a heterogeneous Muslim society. The Muslim West produced results which, while maintaining a general uniformity with those of the East, reflected the color of its own surroundings. In no sphere was this fact so clearly demonstrated as in the popular Sufi movement, in spite of what Snouck Hurgronje describes as its "inter-regional quality".19 To understand this phenomenon it is essential to grasp the broader aspects of the evolution of Muslim thought in North Africa and Spain.
The sequel to the Arab conquest of North Africa bore a striking contrast, more distinctly in the domain of religion, with those of other areas. In the Berbers the Arabs found a society wholly foreign to their language and culture. It is the nature and extent of the fusion of
these two cultural entities that determined the pattern in the growth of local Islam. Although the inhabitants of the Maghrib had resisted the conquerers far more fiercely than the oppressed subjects of Persia and the
1 See Abu 1-IJasan al-Shadhili (Cairo, 1952). 6 See Abu l-'Abbas al-MursZ (Cairo, 1944). 17 See Rihlah ila l-faqq (Beirut, 1373 A.H.). 18 A work well known to Shadhilis of South India and
Ceylon is the unique manaqib in Arabic-Tamil, the Nafahat al-'Anbar (Bombay, 1320 A.H.), by one Nuih b. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qahiri, a Shadhili theologian of great repute in South India.
19 Selected Works, ed. Bousquet and Schacht (Leiden, 1957), p. 99.
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MACKEEN: The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib
Byzantine Empire, yet they succumbed to the invaders not only in accepting their religion but also in inheriting their language as the focus of Muslim intellectualism. Unlike Persian, Turkish, Urdu and other similar tongues, the crudely developed medium of the Berbers, unable to absorb and interpret the ingredients of the new cultural revival, was ultimately banished from the realm of Islamic literary activity. Hence Arabic re- mained the sole determinant of religious ideas, forcing the country into dependence on the East then pre- eminent as the radiating centre of Shari'ah learning. The language that came to the Maghrib, at all events, was that of fiqh, the guardian of orthodoxy. The result was that the views of the intelligentsia were led to develop within a rather constricted mental atmosphere with a retarded literary productivity. Spain, however, was an exception and attained a speedier intellectual advancement, due perhaps to the early flowering of Arabic learning there.
Throughout the early centuries the principal cri- terion of religious practice had been the Sunnite law adhered to by the Arabs. The Mu'tazilites were repre- sented in Ifriqiyah towards the close of the second/eight century by a negligible minority. The madhhab of Imam Malik, based on strict adherence to tradition and ideally suited to the temperament of the Berber, ap- peared early in Tunisia in the Aghlabid period (184- 296/800-909) and eventually superseded the Hanafi expositions of Ibn Furat. Before long it became the law of the land including Spain, where it was introduced by Yahya b. Yahya.
The diversity of religious ideas that early arose in the East did not fail to find its way to the Maghrib. Kharijism, in the form of the Ibadiyyah and the Sufriyyah,20 was an initial success in the land and ac- corded well with the political instincts of the local inhabitants. Shi'ism, unable to overcome Malikite orthodoxy, ceased to be a political force with the re-
20 The 'Ibadiyyah was named after one 'Abd Allah b. 'Ibad who appears to have been the Kharijite Imam during the reign of Caliph Marwan (127-132/744-749), and the Sufriyyah was a branch of the 'Ibadiyyah and derived its name from one Ziyad b. Asfar. For their doctrines, see al-Shahrastani, al-Milal wa-l-Nihal, ed. Cureton (Leipzig, 1923), pp. 100-02. These sects ap- peared in the Maghrib in the second/eighth century; between them there are minor differences in tenets but together they held that Abu Bakr and 'Umar were the only perfect examples after the Prophet while the others deviated from their footsteps. Cf. Motylinski, EI (Old edition), s.v. "Abadites".
pudiation of the Fatimid dynasty in 433/1041. Its residue of Mahdism and to some extent of "Sharifism", previously personified in the Idrisids (172-375/788- 985), was instrumental in promoting esoteric and popular religious institutions.
Popular piety reached its height more markedly in North Africa in the wake of the intense theistic expan- sion brought about by the Murabit (448-541/1056- 1147) and the Muwahhid (524-667/1130-1269) cam- paigns, the latter sweeping all the Maghrib and Spain, in an endeavour to reinstate the unitarian principle of tauhTd based purely on Qur'an and Sunnah. The former was pledged to a blind adherence to the Malikite inter- pretation of Law tending towards anthromorphism in theology. Scholars are inclined to hold that Sufism took root during the Murabit rule and flourished under that of the Muwahhids. Although it may have grown in strength as a reaction to the laxity of sections of the Fuqhaa' group and to the rigid enforcement of the unitarian doctrine, yet it was essentially a product of those latent tendencies brought to the surface by the two mass movements. Its original well-spring in North Africa was Shari'ah orthodoxy. Hence we often find that the faqzh and the Sufi in the Maghrib were synonymous figures21 while the 'ilm al-tasawwuf of the East was given more traditional epithets in the terms 'ilm al-tadhkir and kutub al-tadhkir22 for Sufi works. It was not without reason, therefore, that Goldziher23 described the Sufism of the Berbers as less nihilistic in its tendencies. It may be plausibly argued that the nature and development of this practice in the Muslim West suggests an inde- pendent field for those engaged in exploring its origins in Islam.
Spain
The foundations of mystic thought in this half of the Muslim world were first laid in Spain where, as re- marked earlier, intellectual activity had early attained a pre-eminence scarcely enjoyed by her co-religionists in the opposite land. Between them there was an essential difference in cultural pursuits. The Iberian mind, a result of the fusion of Arab, Berber and Spanish Muslims into a homogeneous group, displayed a specu- lative genius excelling in the realm of literature while
21 Ibn al-QadI, Jadhwat al-Iqtibas (Fez, 1891-92), p. 56, referring to the fuqaha' of Fez, invariably calls them "faqgh mutasawwif".
22 al-Ghubrini, 'Unwdn, p. 5, calls al-Ghazali's Ihya' a kitab al-tadhkzr.
23 Muhammad and Islam, trans, Mrs. Seelye (New Haven, 1917), p. 210, n. 15.
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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.3 (1971)
the North African society had a flair for law and religion. In consequence the Suifi theosophists of al- Andalus were from the sixth/twelfth century evolving their own doctrines. The earliest theorists known to
have introduced the subject to the land is Ibn Masarrah (d. 319/931) of Qurtubah (Cordova), who is considered to have established the first Suffi school in the province. According to Asin Palacios,24 he was responsible for bringing about collective organizations in which his doctrines were taught. His place in history is still a subject of controversy. To Asin25 he was a pseudo- Empedoclean and the originator of a system of thought of which the Almerian followers and Ibn 'Arabi were
representatives, a proposition totally rejected by Affifi26 who sees no historical connection between them.
It is appropriate to recall here the aversion shown by the early fuqaha' for philosophical thought as well as $ufi speculations and their persecution of their ex- ponents, not to mention the auto-da-f6 of the works of al-Ghazali which were committed to flames on the de-
cree of the Murabit prince, 'All b. Yfisuf b. Tashfin (d. 537/1143). Despite their opposition, however, the period between Ibn Masarrah and the end of the sixth/twelfth century saw a gradual swing in the pendulum and minds were attracted to translations of the works of Aristotle, Plato and the Neoplatonists, which had already found their way from the East to- gether with others like the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity. In the forefront of this philosophical movement stood figures like Ibn Bajjah (d. 533/1138), Ibn Tufail (d. 581/1185), Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198) and the Jewish scholar Ibn Maimuin (d. 601/1204) of Cordova. Among them Ibn Tufail alone introduced an element of Sufism
into his system of thought. The same period also produced a group of Sufi
masters who studied and defended the writings of Eastern theosophists like Al-Qushairi, al-Ghazali and others in the famous centers of Spain. In Almeria, then "le foyer principal du Soufisme esoterique d'al- Andalus",27 the chief spokesman was Abu l-'Abbas ibn al-'Arif (d. 538/1143), a Berber of the Sanhajah tribe originally from Tanjah (Tangier) who died in Marrakush (Marrakesh).28 Described as the first to
24 EI (Old edition), s.v. "Ibn Masarra". 6 Affifi, The Mystical Philosophy of Muhyid-Dln
Ibnul-ArabZ (Cambridge, 1939), p. 180. 26 Ibid., pp. 178-83. 27 Ibn al-'Arif, Mahasin al-Majalis, trans. and an-
notated by M. Asin Palacios (Paris, 1933), p. 3. 28 Bel, op. cit., I, p. 343; Ibn al Khatib, Kitab A'mal
al-A'ldm, ed. E. L6vi-Provengal, Histoire de l'Espagne musulmane (Beirut, 1956), p. 249.
interpret al-Ghazali in the West, he is acknowledged as the founder of a method of spiritual training (tariqah) which won a number of followers in different parts of the country. His teachings as set out in his Mahisin al-Majdlis-a classic combination of ethical Sufism with a milder tinge of mysticism-illustrates clearly the author's infinite care in avoiding the bolder expositions of the pantheists and his close adherence to the tradi- tions of al-Ghazali. He was followed by his disciple Ibn Qasi (d. 546/1151) who set up a kind of religious militia of followers in al-Gharb in south-west Portugal, and built a monastery in Silves on the Atlantic coast, proclaiming himself Imam and for ten years holding considerable sway over the region.29 He left a work, the Khal' al-Na'lain,30 on which Ibn 'Arabi wrote a com- mentary. The school in Ishbiliyah (Seville) was led by Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141), originally from North Africa and the most philosophical of them all, though he bore no resemblance to the giant pantheist Ibn 'Arabi. The spiritual leader in Cordova was Abui Bakr b. al-Iussin al-Mayurqi, a Zahiri jurist and traditionist of great repute given to a life of asceticism. These men were the forerunners of that moderate Suifi theosophy ever to remain the unique contribution of Muslim Spain.
Within the later half of the sixth/twelfth century, however, the country produced a phenomenal person- ality in Ibn 'Arabi (d. 638/1240), whose name, it is said,31 marks an epoch in the history of Sufism. He like the others received a traditional education and spent nearly thirty years of his life in Seville, studying and meeting most of his early masters in the mystic Path. After his travels in North Africa he left on the pil- grimage to the East, where his thought found mature expressions. Among his numerous works, the most out- standing are al-FutuaiMt al-Makkiyyah and the Fusus al-Fikam which expound the central theme of his metaphysics-the non-duality of Being (wa.dat al- wujfd)-an issue which plunged the Muslim intellect- uals the world over into perpetual controversy. He died in Damascus only about eighteen years before the Imam al-Shadhili (d. 656/1258).
29 Ibn al-'Arif, op. cit., p. 5. 80 See Affifi, Majallat Kulliyat al-Adab bi Jdmi'at al-
Iskandariyyah, XI (December, 1957), pp. 56-65, for a useful discussion on Ibn Qas , his work, and Ibn 'Arabi's commentary. The author says that Ibn Qasi was in- terested more in politics than in Sufism and accuses him of deliberate plagiarism, having borrowed his ideas from his illiterate master Khalaf Allah al-Andalusi.
31 Nicholson, R. A., A Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge, 1956), p. 404.
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MACKEEN: The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib
Although both originated from more or less a common geographical atmosphere, separated only by the in- tervening Mediterranean Sea, yet by contrast the two carved out different courses in the history of Sufism. Ibn 'Arabi addressed himself to the task of evolving a theory which gave him little hope of ever assuming leadership in a popular Muslim movement. He had to abandon plans of return to his homeland. al-Shadhili, himself a learned theologian, boldly but cautiously transformed the Sufi Way into a workable basis diverg- ing less from the existing norms of Shari'ah life. Thus he became the founder of a Siufi Order with countless
adherents in all parts of the Muslim world who to this day commemorate his name with much gratitude.
The Maghrib (North Africa)
How much of Spanish Suifi thought percolated into North Africa is difficult to say. It is, however, evident that the Maghrib derived a large measure of strength from the strides made in the North as is illustrated by the role played by Abu Madyan of Seville,32 the patron mystic of Barbary.
The earliest traces of a marked drift in this direction
appear, as indicated by our sources, in the Muwahhid period where it is represented by a class of saints who wielded great influence as leaders of popular religious practice. These preachers became objects of immense veneration to large numbers of Muslims. The standards of personal piety and religious consciousness set by them indeed replaced the written formulas of their sophisticated neighbours. The sulahd' (pietists), as they were generally called, considered repositories of kardmah and barakah, were the precursors of the Sufi movement which later featured prominently in the cultural history of the land.
It is important to remember that traces of asceticism and the cult of saints existed in Barbary long before Islam and formed part of the native heritage. The archaeological discoveries of Berthier33 in Numidia have shown that many of these aspects prevalent in local culture were survivals from earlier times, especially the use of talismans, sanctity of objects belonging to saints, caves and other solitary resorts which later housed the Muslim Suqfis. To him the idea of saint-worship was of indigenous origin dating as far back as Pre-Christian days.34
32 He was born in Qatniyanah (Cantillana) a village near Seville. Cf. Bel, El (Old edition), s.v. Abu Madyan.
3a Les vestiges du Christianisme antique dans la Nu- midie centrale (Alger, 1943).
34 Ibid., pp. 220-24.
The era of these holy men is reckoned by Colin35 to have commenced with the return of Abu Dawud (d. 578/1182) to Tamsaman on the Rlf where he introduced the teachings of the Andalusian Master Abi Madyan (ca. 594/1197), and to have ended as confirmed by Ibn Khaldun36 with the death of Abu Ya'qfb al-Badisi in the first half of the eighth/fourteenth century. But our evidence seems to suggest that the seat of its origins was in Marrakesh37 and that it began from an earlier date and gradually spread eastwards embracing im- portant centres in Algeria and Tunisia. The results of this pietist drive were later expressed in a form of literature, the Mandqib and the Tabaqdt, which set forth the virtues of its heroes. The source materials for this
section have been extracted from the latter category. We may survey the history of this period under three
regional headings: (1) Morocco or al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, (2) Algeria or al-Maghrib al-Awsat, (3) Tunisia or al-Maghrib al-Adna or Ifriqiyah.
Morocco
Fas (Fez) was certainly the earliest centre of learning in Morocco and the home of many eminent theologians well testified by Ibn al-Qadi's Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, a bio- graphical work on the early notables of the town. But it was in Marrakesh that the seeds of Sufism were laid.
The city founded by the Murabits had attracted the Shaikhs of the Way from diverse regions in the Maghrib and Spain. Two names remain as the chief espousers of the cause in the center, Abf 1- lasan Iarzihum38 (d. 559/1163) and Abf Ya'za39 (d. 572/1177). The former, born in Fez where he also died, was a reputed faqzh of his country and visited Marrakesh to avail the people of his learning. An ascetic, his teachings were of an ethical nature carefully incorporated into the orthodox Sunnah and were influenced by al-Muhasibi and al- Ghazali. His biographer refers to an instance when IJarzihum had decided to set fire to al-Ghazali's Ityd',
35 AM, XXVI (1926), p. 10. 36 Histoire des Berberes, trans. M. De Slane, (Alger,
1852-56), I, p. 230; Ibn Khaldun, Les prolegomenes, trans. De Slane, (Paris, 1934-38), II, p. 199.
37 Brunschvig, La Berberie orientale sous les Hafsides (Paris, 1947), II, p. 317.
38 al-Tadili, Tashawwuf, pp. 147-53; Ibn Qunfudh, Uns al-Faqrr, Fols. 135(b)-136(a). In colloquial use his name was pronounced Ijarazim, cf. L6vi-Provengal, Fragments historiques sur les Berb&res au Moyen age, extraits du Kitab Mafakhir al-Barbar (Rabat, 1934), p. 66.
39 al-Tadili, Tashawwuf, pp. 195-205; Ibn Qunffdh, op. cit., fol. 137(b); Badis, Lamahat, fol. 102(b).
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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.3 (1971)
only to be warned with eightly lashes on his body while asleep. Afterwards he found the work in agreement with the Qur'an and the Sunnah. He was also credited with kardmah (miracles) andfirdsah (power of discernment).
The part played by Abu Ya'za, ranked a qutb and wonder of his age, was even greater in popularising the movements in Marrakesh where he arrived in the year 541/1146 and lived in the monastery of a mosque for days. Profoundly pious, he could speak only the Berber language and had to employ an interpreter to converse with the Arabs.40 His spiritual attainments were rarely equalled by men of knowledge, and he became the spiritual father of the Sufis of the Maghrib. It is said that it was from him that the Sddiqan41 received their training.
Another well-known teacher was al-Sayyid al- Daqqaq42 who like Abi Ya'za was among the early Shaikhs of Abui Madyan. A figure of exceptional character in this period, to whom al-Tadili devotes a lengthy section, is Abu-l'Abbas al-Sibiti43, originally from Ceuta although he died in Marrakesh, 601/1204. His personality remains a mystery to his biographer, al-Tadili who writing in the seventh/thirteenth century says that "the people of Marrakush to this day differ in their views of him. Some see in him a saint (wali) and a follower of the Malamatiyyah school while others consider him an infidel (kdfir); a few ignore him while
40 Colin, AM, XXVI (1926), p. 8; al-Tadili, op. cit., p. 199.
41 This word denotes the truly sincere; al-Ghazali calls them the "just made perfect". Cf. Margaret Smith, al-Ghazali, the Mystic (London, 1944), p. 173. For Sidq and Siddiqun, see al-Hujwiri, Kashf al-Mahjab, trans. Nicholson, The Kashf al-Ma.hjub (London, 1959), p. 101; Abu Talib al-Makki, Qut al-Qulub, (Cairo, 1893), I, p. 148. To Ibn 'Arab i idq is synonymouswith himmah, both connoting the creative power and the true intuition of the mystic. Cf. Affifi, The Mystical Philosophy of Muhyid- Dzn Ibnul-'ArabZ, p. 133. According to al-Shadhili an ummah cannot exist without a $iddZq, and he considered al-Ghazali to have attained the highest rank of this office. See Ibn 'Ata' Allah, Latd'if al-Minan ft Manaqib al-Shaikh AbZ l-'Abbds wa Shaikhihi Abi l-IFasan (Tunis, 1304/1886), pp. 61, 69. Nicholson says the term Siddiq was borrowed from the Manichaeans: Mystics of Islam (London, 1914), p. 14.
42 Bel, "Sidi bou Medyan et son maitre Ed-Daqqaq a Fez", Melanges Rene Basset (Paris, 1925), I, pp. 40-68.
48 al-Tadili, Abu l-'Abbds al-Sibti, a separate treatise at the end of his Kitdb al-Tashawwuf ild Rijdl al-Ta6aw- wuf (Br. Museum Ms. Or. 7939) fols. 90(a)-97(a); al- Salawi, Kitdb al-Istiqfd' li-Akhbdr Duwal al-Maghrib al-Aqad, (Casablanca; 1954-55), II, DD. 234-35.
another group call him a sorcerer (sahir), and so on and so forth, but God alone knows the truth."44 Judging, however, from the account given in the Tashawwuf, he interprets religion and by implication Sufism, too, from the standpoint of the Islamic Sadaqah.45 "The basis of his school (madhhab) rests on sadaqah to which he re- lated every principle of religious practice."46 He ex- plained in detail that the rituals of Islam, like the Prayers, the Fast and the Pilgrimage, were devoid of any meaning if they failed to bring the importance of Sadaqah close to you.
The neighboring areas too had their local leaders. To Aghmat47 flocked Suifis from other lands; notable among them was Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Aziz al- Tunisi48 who, having left his homeland in Tunis, settled in Aghmat where he died in the year 486/1093. He was both a faqzh of great known in the country as well as an ascetic who commended the study of al-Muhasibi's Ri'ayah on Sufism to his pupils. Two others49 who commanded great respect from the inhabitants of Aghmat were 'Abd al-Jalil b. Waihalan al-Dakkali and 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Baghani, the former, described as "kabir al-sha'n min ahl al-'ilm wa-l-'amal"50, had largely identified himself with the people, scorning any special privileges accorded to him by the authorities, while the latter exemplified the pious asceticism typical of the Maghrib tradition in Sufism. Sijilmasah was represented by a leading Sufi, Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Asamm (d. 542/1147), referred to by al-Tadili as min akabir al- sufiyyah.5l The great saint Abi Mlsa al-Dakkali52 was the honored patron in Sala (Sale).
Further north, the Rif extending between Sibtah (Ceuta) and Tilimsan (Tlemcen), a region which fell beyond the scope of the Tashawwuf, was also a home of Sufism in the Maghrib. Ceuta in the northermost point had been a link between Europe and Africa from old
44 al-Tadili, Abu l-'Abbds al-Sibtz, fol. 90(a). 45 Lit. Charity. 46 al-Tadili, Abu l-'Abbds al-Sibtz, fol. 90(a). 47 It is situated in the vicinity of Marrakesh and
Yaqat calls it a place full of virtue. Cf. Mu'jam al- Bulddn, ed. Wiistenfeld, (Leipzig, 1886), I, p. 320. al- Tadili often refers to Aghmat Warikah which represents one of the two parts of the city. Cf. Leon l'Africain, Description de l'Afrique, ed. Ch. Schefer, (Paris, 1867), I, p. 209.
4S al-Tadili, Tashawwuf, pp. 68-70. '4Ibid., pp. 125-29, 186. There were others who came
from distant places like Sfax-ibid., pp. 140-41. 60 Ibid., p. 125. 61 Ibid., p. 134. 62 Ibid., pp. 186-89.
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MACKEEN: The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib
times and was therefore destined to play an important role in the intellectual and cultural development of the latter.53 The coastal towns54 like Badis and Ghassasah
colonised by the Andalusians were, more than any others, subject to Iberian influence. al-Badisi's Maqsad has preserved for us accounts of the lives of forty-eight early saints belonging to this belt, indeed a veritable guide to our understanding of the development of the Sufi movement in the region. The tribal localities55 of Battuyah appear to have been the main seats of the rise of the sulahd'-the pietist community. The materials furnished by al-Badisi, embracing a whole range of religious and social institutions which went into the making of Moroccon popular life, could alone fill the entire pages of a book.
The most prominent of those leaders was Abf Dawud al-Muzahim (578/1182) of the Banfu Wartarda.56 He was the pioneer qutb of the place, and a good number of those referred to in the Maqsad were his disciples. In the Andalus he spent twenty years acquiring knowl- edge. As a pupil of Abf Madyan he introduced the latter's teachings into the Rif on his return to Taghlal, his homeland, where he founded a hermitage (Zawiyah or Rabitah) from which emanated his mystic mission. His follower Ibrahim b. 'Isa57 (d. 650/1252/53) was summoned to play the part of an arbitrator when a group of Arabs implored his assistance in a dispute which arose between them and the Baniu Wartarda, when the latter openly defied a demand for tribute (the maghram).
Another contributor of high rank was Abi 1- Hasan
5" Colin, AM, XXVI (1926), p. 10. Ceuta, Sebta and Ceuta are said to be variants of the Roman Septem Fratres. It was a well-known Spanish fortress town. From the Goths it eventually came into Arab possession under Tariq in 92/710-11 and thenceforth was called Sibtah or Septa. Cf. Leo Africanus, History and Descrip- tion of Africa, trans. Pary, ed. with introduction and notes by Brown, (Leiden: 1896), II, pp. 509, 629 n. 131.
64 For notes on these towns, cf. L6on l'Africain, op. cit., II, pp. 272-75, 311-12; Abu' l-Fida characterises it as "a port celebrated among the ports of the country of Ghumarah"; cf. Leo Africanus, op. cit., II, pp. 517, 637.
65 These names denote two Berber tribal regions between Badis and Ghassasah in the Rif, ibid., II, p. 639, n. 159.
56 Said to be part of the Battfyah. Cf. al-Badisi, al- Maqsad, p. 22, p. 165, n. 5. Cf. also Beni Ourtedin and Beni Ourtendi in Ibn Khaldin, Histoire des Berberes, I, pp. 172, 227; II, p. 137.
57 al-Badisi, al-Maqsad, pp. 34-38.
'All b. Muhammad al-Marrakushi58 who returned to
Badis about the year 630/1233 and composed his Mandqib al-Auliyd' wa-Sifdt Suluk al-Asfiya'.59 This savant brought to Badis the edifying atmosphere of the East and was a pillar of strength to the Rifian Suifl Movement. His tomb in Badis is noted for its barakah
and drew large numbers of admirers. Ceuta too had produced her quota of sponsors.
It was not until the eight/fourteenth century that the territory was able to produce the most venerated member of the spiritual family, al-Sayyid Abu Ya'qub al-Badisi,60 in whose memory a mosque was dedicated in Badis. His fame was such that the Baqquyah were exempt from the payment of tax, since he himself hailed from a branch of their tribe, the Zahilah.61
Algeria
Although Western Maghrib stood in the vanguard of the movement, yet it is Bougie in Algeria that may be described as the birthplace of .Sufi thought in the land. In Abu Madyan Shu'aib al-Andalusi62 (d. 594/1197), of Sevillian origin and domiciled in Bougie, North Africa found her national leader who for the first time
defined the nature of local mysticism. He is acknowl- edged as the founder63 of the school. His interest took him to Fez where he came into contact with learned
circles of Fuqaha' like Abu 1- Hasan 'All b. Ghalib4 and frequented the lectures of 'All b. Iarazim, who together with Abu Ya'za and al-Daqqaq were his early masters of Sufism. Among his other associates stand the
68 Ibid., pp. 51-71. 69 Ibid., p. 53, p. 183, n. 150. No other information is
available about this work, which does not appear to have survived. Brockelmann has no notice of it.
60 Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal, (London, 1958), II, p. 195. Mouli6ras, Le Maroc Inconnu, I, p. 88; Colin, AM, XXVI, p. 218, n. 469. Leon l'Africain refers to his tomb in a well in the exterior of Badis.
61 Leon l'Africain, op. cit., II, p. 284; Marmol, I' Afrique de Marmol, (Paris: 1667), II, p. 270. The Zahilah appears to have occupied part of the territory of Baq- quyah in the neighbourhood of Badis, cf. Colin, AM, XXVI, p. 183, n. 155; Ibn Khaldun, Histoire des Berberes, I, pp. 227, 230.
62 Bel, El (Old edition), s.v. "Abut Madyan". 63 Depont and Coppolani, op. cit., p. 166: "It is in
Spain and Morocco that the Sufi school was reborn, purified. Abu Median ... is the founder and the leader of this school."
64 Badis, Lamahat, fol. 139(a). He studied the Sunan of al-Tirmidhi with him.
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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.3 (1971)
names65 of Abu Sali Abu 'A1 Ya'za,66 Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Sanhajl and Abu 'Abd Allah al-Tawudi (d. 580/1184). In Marrakesh, too, the lessons conducted by IJarazim left a deep impression on him. In the East he visited Mecca, where his meeting with the famous Sufi master 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (d. 561/1166) is recorded in the Lamahat thus: "Abui Salih Nasr said: 'I heard the Shaikh Abi 'Abd al-
Razzaq67 say: "when my father performed the Eiajj in the year in which I accompanied him, the Shaikhs Abiu 'Umar Uthman b. Marzuq and Abfu Madyan met him in 'Arafat and received the benedictory Sufi frock (khirqat al-barakah), listened to some of his narrations and sat in his presence."68 On his return to North Africa he made Bougie the centre of his activity until the year 594/1197, when the reigning Muwahhid sovereign Abu Yiisuf Ya'quib al-Mansur (reg. 580-595/ 1184-1199), disconcerted by the growing popularity of this preacher, ordered his transfer to Marrakesh for trial. Abi Madyan gladly complied with order, but could not see the end of his journey. On his way he died and was buried in the Ribat al-'Ubbad69 in the vicinity of Tlemcen, which forever remained a place of pil- grimage for the local Muslims.
It is clear from the chain of his spiritual ancestors- the silsilah-provided by Badis70 that he closely ad- hered to the school of orthodox Sufism represented in the East by Junaid, al-Makki and al-Ghazali, and was a follower of the Sufi Way of al-Jilani. An ascetic and gnostic of great renown, his mysticism was of the quietistic type (maqdm at-tawakkul71) and his name be- came the national symbol of the Maghrib's spiritual tradition.
Brunschvig has described his school of thought as of medium character, "half-way between cold devotion and excessive exaltation, between ignorant piety and dry dialectic".72 He is credited with popularising
65 Ibid., fols. 139(a)-140(a). 66 He is the son of Abu Ya'za.
67 He died in 603/1207 in Baghdad and was one of the sons of al-Jilani. Cf. Margoliouth, El (Old edition), s.v. 'Abd al-Kadir al-Jilanli.
68Badis, Lamahat, fol. 165(b). 69 al-Tadill, Tashawwuf, p. 317; Ibn Abi Zar', al-
Anis al-Mutrib bi-Raud al-Qirtas fZ Akhbar Muluk al- Maghrib wa-Madlnat Fas, (Lith., Fez, 1303 A.H.), p. 194; Ibn Qunfudh op. cit., fols. 135(b)-136(b); Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, II, p. 198.
70 Lamahat, fol. 102(b). 71 Lamahat, fol. 103(a); Ibn Qunfidh, op. cit., fol.
135(b); al-Tadili, Tashawwuf p. 317. 72 La BerbWrie Orientate sous les Hafsides, II, D. 319.
doctrinal Sufism of the Hispano-Oriental category, re- ducing it to a few clear ideas, while his main contribu- tion lay in the raising of its standard above the primitive Moroccon level by providing a theoretical background with elements of fiqh incorporated into it. He left behind many disciples who carried his teachings far and wide and assumed positions of leadership in different parts of the land.
After Abu Madyan the cause had worthy supporters in 'Abd al- Haqq b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Ishbili7 and Iasan b. 'Ali al-Masili,74 the latter having earned the title of "little Abiu Iamid"75 by producing a work comparable with al-Ghaall's Ihyd'. A representative of greater fame was Abui Zakariyya Yahya b. 1- Iasan al-Zawawl,76 a devout ascetic who came from the tribe of Zawawah. He enriched his knowledge in the East and returned to Bougie where he lived in a zdwiyah devoting hemself to the task of preaching the Way. He constantly inculcated in his pupils the concept of khauf (dread of punishment). His tomb in this town captured something of the sanctity and honour which surrounded the personality of Abfi Madyan, whose shrine the inhabitants of Bougie were not destined to possess.
Tlemcen and B6ne were other important centres of development. The former, thrown into fame by the re- mains of Abu Madyan at 'Ubbad, was also visited by the renowned Tunisian ascetic 'Abd al-Salam al-
Tuinisi,77 who spent his last days there and was buried in the Rabitat al-Tunis.78 The leader of B6ne was Abu
Marwan b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Yahsubi,79 the saint and traditionist whose grave was noted for its holiness. Tunisia
Further East, Tunisia, geographically a bridge be- tween the Maghrib and the Orient with her traces of ancient Ribats, caves and other places of worship, pro- vided a suitable platform for the movement. What originally appears to have begun in Morocco swept Tunisia by the end of the sixth/twelfth century, chiefly prevailing in centres like Qairawan, Tunis, and
73 Ibid., p. 320; al-Ghubrini, 'Unwan, p. 6. 74 Ibid., p. 6; Ahmad Baba, Nail (on the margin of Ibn
Farhuin's DZbaj), p. 100. 75 Brunschvig, op. cit., II, p. 320. 76 Died in 611/1214: al-Ghubrini, 'Unwan, pp. 75-79;
Brunschvig, op. cit., II, p. 320. 77 al-Tadili, Tashawwuf, p. 88. He was a disciple of his
uncle 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Tinis i in Aghmnt. 78 al-Tadili, ibid., p. 88. This Rabitah was in 'Ubbad. 79 al-Ghubrini, 'Unwan, p. 10; Brunschvig, op. cit.,
II, p. 320.
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MACKEEN: The Early History of Sufism in the Maghrib
Jarid. The disciples of Abu Madyan, no doubt, exerted considerable influence in the area.
The copious testimony furnished by Ibn Najl's kit&b al-Ma'dlim shows that Qairawan had from the start produced exponents of Sufism in the ascetics, the fuqaha' and other pious men, and had made much headway scarcely attained in other parts of the conti- nent at the time. Among a host of such men, Abu '1- lasan 'All80 (d. 342/953), the blindfaqih and ascetic, is said to have gained insight into the meaning of al-ism al-a'zam-the great Name of God-and he had many followers who benefited from his guidance. A theorist of great repute was 'Abd al-Rahman al- Saqallls8 (da. 386/996) who is described as imam al- .haqqah and shaikh al-tarTqah and credited with works82 on Sufism. His doctrines were a synthesis of .adith, fiqh, Sufism and asceticism, closely adhering to the Qur'an, the Sunnah and the traditions of the fore- fathers (al-salaf al-awwal).83
The first serious signs of interest in popular religion and the SuQfi Way (subul al-hiaqq) appeared according to Ibn Naji only after the year 555/1160, "when there arose in Ifriqiyah the 'ulama' and the sula.d'"84, who ushered in a period of spiritual revival in the country. Abi Zakariyya Yahya al-Qurashi85 (d. 579/1183), with a unique reputation for his devotion, ascetiscism and rare piety, hailed from this group. Two others whose names figure prominently in the field are Abi Sa'id Khalaf known as Ibn Shaikh al-Zahid86 (d. 614/1217) and Abu 'Abd Allah al-Dabbagh87 (d. 618/1221). The former was ranked among the leaders of the fuqard'- min akdbir al-fuqur'--and is considered to have ex- celled many of his contemporaries in his attainments. The latter counted among his masters Abu Madyan and Abi 'Abd Allah al-Hawari. At the age of twenty he is reported to have taken to the Sutif Way (tariq al- irddah).88 His fame lay in the fact that he vehemently
80 Ibn Naj i, Ma'dlim, III, p. 62. 81 Ibid., III, p. 182. 82 Ibn Naji attributes the following works to him:
.Sifdt al-Auliya' wa-Mardtib Ahwal al-A.Gfiyd' and Karamat al-Auliyd'. Cf. Ma'dlim, III, p. 62.
83 Other names of importance were al-Siba'i (d. 356/966-67; Ibn Naji, Ma'alim, Vol. III, pp. 77-92) and Ibn al-QabisI (d. 403/1012; ibid; III, pp. 168-80.
84 Ma'lim, III, p. 252. 86 Ibid., III, pp. 252-56. 86 Ibid., III, pp. 258-60. 87 Ibid., III, pp. 260-63. He is the father of the author
of the Ma'dlim.
88 In its technical i$fi definition, tariq al-irddah is contrasted with tariq al-tabarruk; the former assumes
championed the cause of the oppressed against the tyranny of the ruling class, the ahl al-zulm and the wuldt.
From the early part of the seventh/thirteenth century, the SQfi community of Qairawan was led by three leading Shaikhs each with a following of his own. They were:
(a) Abu Yusuf al-Dahmani89 (d. 621/1224), an Arab by origin and pupil of Abu Madyan who recognised him as qutb. In Qairawan, where he eventually died, he established the mi'ad90, a gathering for Sufi preaching, through which he converted numbers of bedouins to a regular religious life and worship. His school won many disciples, among whom9l Jamil b. Thaghr al- Iabibi, 'Abd al-Salam b. 'Abd al-Ghalib al-Misurati (d. 646/ 1248) and Abiu Yfsuf Ya'qub b. Khalifah (d. 669/1270- 71) became prominent.
(b) Abu Hilal al-Sadadi;92 two of his successors, Abu 'All Salim al-Qadidi (d. 699/1299) and Abu 'All 'Ammar al-Ma'rifi (fl. 668/1270) preserved the tradi- tions of the founder and commanded great respect from fuqard'. They were both93 noted for the daring part they played in restoring unity and moral support in the Muslim armies then confronted with the crusading threat of Louis IX, King of France, who died in Tunisia. To al-Qadidi is attributed a statement which recommends service to the mother since the secret of God (sirr Allah94) is in her.
(c) Abu Dawud 'Abd al-Salam al-Kindi9S (d. 644/ 1246), another fearless spokesman of the masses and a paragon of humility. Ibn Naji relates an instance when the arrogant conduct of an official in the Qairawan treasury was brought to the notice of this saint, who immediately raised his hands in prayer for protection against such despotism. Abd al-Salam al-Misuratl and
that a murzd requires the personal direction of a Shaikh whose example he endeavours to emulate; its guiding principle is that of iqtida' (lit. emulation) while the latter is symbolic of a nominal allegiance to a school of Sufism by acceptance of a khirqah (Sufil frock) for bene- dictory purposes. Ibn Mughaizil, al-Kawdkib al-Zdhirah (Istanbul Ms., Sulaimaniya Collections, Esad Eff., Tasawwuf, No. 1651), fol. 117(b).
89 Ibn Naj i, Ma'dlim, III, pp. 263-85. 90 Ibid., III, p. 264. 91 Ibid., IV, pp. 5-8; 13; 27-28; Brunschvig, op. cit.,
II, p. 331. 92 Ibn Naj i, Ma'alim, IV, pp. 50-89; 21-26. 93 Ibid., IV, p. 26; Brunschvig, op. cit., II, p. 332. 94 Ibn Naji, Ma'alim, IV, p. 52. 96 Ibid., IV, pp. 14-18.
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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.3 (1971)
Abu Dawud were well-known as "the Shaikhs of the
period",96 both leading groups of their own. Tunis, the political and intellectual center of the
lIafsids (625-941/1228-1534), was not isolated from the then current Siifi activity. Although our source material for this early period is limited, yet the pages of al-Zarkashi's Daulatain and Ibn al-Khatib's al-
Fdrisiyyah preserve traces of the lives of the early saints of the town. Al-Sayyid Jarrah and 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Abi Bakr al-Quraishi al-Mahdawi (d. 621/1224), both97 interred in the famous cemetery of the devout Shaikhs in Jabal al-Marsa, were the forerunners of the move- ment. The former's prestige caused Ibn 'Arabi to visit him during his first journey to the Maghrib in 590/ 1193.98 The ascetic of al-Mahdiyyah, 'Abd al-'Aziz al- Mahdawi, emigrated to Tunis where he spread the traditions of his master Abiu Madyan. He is more distinctly remembered in the history of North African Sufism as the contemporary of Ibn 'Arabi who addressed the Sacred Epistle (al-Risalah al-Qudsiyyah) to him from Mecca in the year 600/1203.99 His Zawiyah in Tunis was later housed in the dwelling of his follower 'Abd Allah b. 'All al- Uawari'00 (d. 659/1261).
A teacher widely celebrated during al-Shadhili's early sojourn in Tunis was Abf Sa'id Khalaf al-Baji,10' who died in 628/1231 and was buried in the Jabal al-Marsa which to this day bears his name-Sidi Bi Sa'id. A native of Beja, he carried out his mission in Tunis and
96 Ibid., IV, pp. 16-17. 97 al-Zarkashi, Tdrzkh al-Daulatain al-Muhammadiy-
yah wa-l-liafsiyyah, trans. Fagnan, Chronique Des Almohades et Des Hafsides (Constantine: 1894), pp. 74-75.
98 Brunschvig, op. cit., II, p. 323. 99 Ibn Naji, Ma'dlim, III, p. 282; al-Zarkashi, op.
cit., p. 74; Brunschvig, op. cit., II, p. 322. 100 Ibn Naj i, Ma'alim, IV, p. 15; Brunschvig, op. cit.,
II, p. 328. 101 al-Zarkashl, op. cit., pp. 34-35; Brunschvig, op.
cit., II, p. 322.
its suburbs for more than twenty years and appears to have kept himself outside political commitments. Al- Shadhili availed himself of the learning of this mature Shaikh, who was in fact his first spiritual guide in Tunis.102 Two of his faithful adherents were Ya'qiub al-Muhammadi and 'Iyad b. Makhluif al-Zayyat al- Tamimi (d. 650/1252).
Zaghwan on the outskirts of Tunis had been a favorite resort of the Suifi brethren whose presence there is noticed in the kitab al-Ma'dlim.103
Further south in the Jarid lived Abu 'Al1 (fl. 597/ 1200), founder of the Bi 'Aliyyah fraternity. His Zawiyah in Naftah became the rallying-point of the opponents of Kharijism of which the saint was a sworn foe. He eventually seems to have wiped out its traces from the oasis.
The foregoing survey sets out in brief the chief characteristics of the North African Sufi movement as
it evolved up to the time of al-Shadhili who died in 656/1258. Here was a society eager to practise Islam rather than to formulate it; its energies were, therefore, devoted to employing the most effective means of at- taining this objective which was embodied in the Muwahhid expansion, the only example of what ap- proaches a full-fledged Islamic theocracy. In such a context the numerous leaders of Sufism in the Maghrib assumed a significant role as educaters of the com- munity and champions of popular religion.
By the twelfth century A.D. the impact of the Sufi movement had been sufficiently absorbed by society to pave the way for the emergence in the succeeding centuries of the powerful Sufi Orders which left their imprint on the history of the land. One such Order of great consequence and fame was that of the Shadhiliyyah, named after its illustrious Shaikh Abi 1- Ijasan 'All al-Shadhili.
102 Ibn Sabbagh, Durrat al-Asrdr wa Tuhfat al-Abrar, (Leiden Ms., Or. 2629), fol. 8(a).
103 Ibn Naj I, Ma'alim, III, p. 257.
408
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- Contents
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- Issue Table of Contents
- Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 91, No. 3, Jul. - Sep., 1971
- Front Matter
- The "Closed Temple" Panel in the Synagogue of Dura-Europos [pp.367-378]
- A Recently Published Aramaic Papyrus [pp.379-382]
- 841 B. C.: The First Assyrian Invasion of Israel [pp.383-389]
- A Puzzling Question concerning the Relations between the Jewish Communities of Christian Europe and Those Represented in the Geniza Documents [pp.390-397]
- 周攠䕡牬礠䡩獴潲礠潦⁓畦楳洠楮⁴桥⁍慧桲楢⁐物潲⁴漠䅬ⵓ栁Ť桩氁⬠⡤⸠㘵㘯ㄲ㔸⤠孰瀮㌹㠭㐰㡝
- On Negation with Fei in Classical Chinese [pp.409-417]
- Sir William Jones's Indian Studies [pp.418-425]
- Brief Communications
- The Location of Alashiya [pp.426-429]
- 周攠䡥扲敷⁐敲晥捴⁆潲浳㨠焁Ğ浬āⰠ焁Ğ浬ū⁛灰⸴㈹ⴴ㌰�
- Huan T'an and Yang Hsiung on Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju: Some Desultory Remarks on History and Tradition [pp.431-438]
- 卩浩污爠周潵杨瑳渠瑨攠䵡栁Ţ栁Ų慴愬⁴桥⁌楴敲慴畲攠潦•䝲敡瑥爠䥮摩愢湤渠瑨攠䍨物獴楡渠䝯獰敬猠孰瀮㐳㠭㐴㉝
- The Present Tense Morph in Tamil [pp.442-445]
- Back Matter