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A N G E R I S A G I F T
Post-Cold War Rock and the Anti-Capitalist Movement
David Alexander Robinson
On 30 November 1999, a new social movement debuted on the world stage, with
more than 40,000 demonstrators disrupting the World Trade Organisation (WTO)
meeting in Seattle. “The numbers and militancy of the protestors, and the innovative
methods of organizing they used, took the authorities by surprise,”1 and the pub-
lic opposition helped ensure the meeting’s collapse. The transnational movement
launched an important pattern of political struggle, regularly challenging meetings
of neoliberal institutions through “boisterous and well-attended protest events,”2
particularly over the following two years. Known as the “Anti-Globalization
Figure 15.1 Tom Morello of Rage Against the Machine marching with Occupy Wall Street
demonstrators during May Day rally.
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Movement,” this outburst of activity was the early twenty-first century’s most
significant social campaign,3 and presaged the contemporary Occupy Wall St.
movement.
The “Anti-Globalization” moniker was always questioned by activists as unsuit-
able “for a movement that revels precisely in its international character.”4 As
David Graeber asserts, “Insofar as this is a movement against anything, it’s against
neoliberalism … a kind of market fundamentalism … wielded largely through
unelected treaty organizations like the IMF [International Monetary Fund], WTO
or NAFTA [North American Free Trade Agreement].”5 Thus, activists later adopted
such titles as the “Alter-Globalization Movement” and “Global Justice Movement.”
Though neoliberals echo Margaret Thatcher’s dictum that “There Is No Alterna-
tive,” this movement reinvigorated debate about creating more socially, economi-
cally, and ecologically just global processes.6
At one level, this movement was anti-capitalist in nature, not because all its mem-
bers embraced explicitly anti-capitalist politics, but because it opposed core elements
of the global capitalist system.7 However, significant sections of the movement were
also self-consciously anti-capitalist, drawing on Marxist and anarchist traditions—
Ronaldo Munck describing “an anarchism that takes on board much of the Marx-
ist analysis of the nature of global capitalism and the anti-corporate movement’s
emphasis on consumerism.”8 The movement’s explicitly anti-capitalist faction also
advanced the most incisive critique of neoliberalism, and a meaningful program for
social change.
T. V. Reed writes, “culture is always involved dialectically with the goings-on
at the level of economics and politics, contesting for the meanings that can be
made from … economic and political event-texts,”9 and, indeed, various musicians
prefigured or later interpreted the movement’s anti-capitalist politics. This is par-
ticularly true of rock music, always popular among youth counterculture because
of its “undeniably antagonistic impulse.”10 This chapter explores the anti-capitalist
movement’s politics through predominantly American and British post-Cold War
rock music—the definition of ‘rock’ liberally spanning from folk rock to hip hop
and electronica. Some thinkers periodize the post-Cold War era as ending with the
2008 Global Financial Crisis; thus, this study takes 1991–2008 as its scope.11 Rel-
evant artists from post-Cold War music are discussed to explore key elements of
anti-capitalist politics and demonstrate their expression. This examination begins
with the protest movement’s evolution, then surveys its perspectives on environ-
mentalism, marginalized social groups, exploitation of the developing world (the
Global South), war and domestic securitization, and, finally, anti-capitalist sys-
temic critique. The term “Anti-Globalization” is used when describing the diverse
protest movement, and “anti-capitalist” when discussing the anti-systemic faction
on which this study focuses.
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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The Music
Robin Ballinger argues music is important politically because, “through its com-
plex system of signification … [it shapes] awareness, individual subjectivity, and
social formations … [it] is a powerful site of struggle in the organization of mean-
ing and lived experience.”12 Music encourages individuals’ activity by helping them
feel part of a coherent group, and reinforcing “movement values, ideas, and tactics
… provid[ing] information in compact, often highly memorable and emotionally
charged ways, both to educate new recruits and to refocus veterans.”13 Political
songs also work as propaganda for “potential recruits, opponents, and undecided
bystanders.”14 This study examines anti-capitalist lyrics on the basis that, regard-
less of whether musicians identify completely with anti-capitalist politics, anti-capi-
talist activists are buoyed by political memes reflecting their core beliefs.
Cultural theorist Lawrence Grossberg differentiates between “oppositional rock
… [that] presents itself as a direct challenge or threat to the dominant culture …
[and alternative rock, which] mounts only an implicit attack.”15 This study surveys
oppositional rock explicitly expressing politics congruent with anti-capitalist beliefs.
While many songs voice a general social ennui, or vague rage against authority, coun-
tercultural revolt has been so highly commercialized that “rebellion” and “revolu-
tion” are “catchphrases of the new standard marketing strategy.”16 Indeed, neo-
liberalism itself is a rebellion by capital against government impositions. So, artists
transmitting unambiguous anti-capitalist memes are identified here, to demonstrate
core elements of that radical social critique. The extreme concentration of music
industry ownership with a handful of corporations forces musicians to accept “the
advertising, marketing, styling, and engineering techniques of increasingly uniform
and narrow profit-driven criteria.”17 However, this study addresses radical messages
that have entered popular circulation—corporations still cannot (completely) control
“the meanings, practices, and pleasures of listening, dancing, and partying at the site
of consumption.”18 As Vladimir Lenin remarked, “the capitalists will sell us the rope
with which we will hang them.”
The Movement
The Anti-Globalization Movement originated in the late 1980s as neoliberal advo-
cates pushed to create regional free trade blocs in North America and Europe, limit-
ing government regulation of national economies. Ronald Reagan and Margaret
Thatcher “successfully pioneered free-market policies … [and by] the end of the
decade the world scene had become highly favourable to the generalization of these
innovations.”19 The Canada–US Free Trade Agreement provoked Canadian oppo-
sition from 1988, and from the early 1990s European protest grew against the Maas-
tricht Treaty’s fiscal austerity and social cutbacks—the massive 1995 French general
strike being the most dramatic example of this. Radiohead’s lyrics later embodied
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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these popular doubts in the song “Electioneering.”20 Civil society campaigns con-
tinued to grow in Canada, the US, and Mexico, with NAFTA’s signing in 1992,
though they would not prevent the treaty’s ratification—Rage Against the Machine
(RATM) warning of its impact in “Wind Below” from 1996.21
Parallel to these campaigns, a guerrilla uprising in Chiapas, southern Mexico,
coincided with NAFTA’s implementation on 1 January 1994. Led by the enigmatic
Subcomandante Marcos, the “Zapatista Army of National Liberation” denounced
NAFTA’s neoliberal agenda on behalf of Chiapas’ poor indigenous people.22 Geoff
Eley writes that the rise of the Zapatistas was the “founding event of recharged anti-
capitalist political formation.”23 Various RATM songs later celebrated the Zap-
atistas.24 The WTO’s creation in 1995, and Multilateral Agreement on Investment
negotiations to reduce international investment barriers, spurred campaigns against
the WTO, World Bank and IMF. Activists, recognizing that neoliberal policies rein-
forced global corporate privilege and threatened established human rights, labor and
environmental standards, successfully coordinated through new internet and email
technology.25 (Bands such as Anti-Flag and System of a Down (SOAD) would go on
to rail against the IMF and globalization with particular fervor).26 Amidst this activ-
ity, the Zapatistas helped shape the anti-capitalist movement from 1996 by inviting
to Mexico “over 3,000 activists and intellectuals from 42 countries on 5 continents
… to enhance the global struggle against neoliberalism.”27 Networks originating
from those meetings, “which took place knee-deep in the jungle mud of rainy-season
Chiapas,”28 eventually organized the 1999 WTO protests. Successful protests at the
Birmingham G8 Meeting in May 1998 and the Global Carnival Against Capitalism
in June 1999, attracting tens of thousands of participants, established the context for
the Seattle events.29
The Seattle protest coalition was extremely diverse, including anti-corporate
groups; environmental organizations; farm, sustainable agriculture, and anti-GMO
groups; labor unions; development/world hunger groups; animal rights groups;
religious organizations; and government representatives from developing nations.30
They were united by growing awareness that the international financial institu-
tions threatened their causes, and they demanded the institutions balance “eco-
nomic growth with considerations of the social and environmental consequences of
trade and investment promotion.”31 Most activists were young, well-educated and
involved in informal networks, while those in important logistical roles were pre-
dominantly older representatives of NGOs or labor unions.32 Propagandhi reflected
those young people’s perspective that, despite their relatively comfortable, middle
class backgrounds, they had a moral obligation to speak up for the poor and pow-
erless.33 SOAD describes them as “peaceful loving youth against the brutality/Of
plastic existence.”34
Activists’ commitment to non-hierarchical, consensus-based, decision-making
produced the organizational model of “affinity groups” sending delegates to larger
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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“spokes councils” to discuss wider strategies. They had no over-arching leaders and
operated through participatory democracy, allowing coordination without decision-
enforcement mechanisms.35 The WTO protest involved political marches and
speeches, and the pre-coordinated blockading of roads and conference venues using
knowledge of the downtown layout and cell-phone communication.36 Meanwhile,
the anarchist “Black Bloc” donned black clothes and masks, smashing windows of
symbolic capitalist targets such as McDonald’s, Nike, and Gap.37
Overnight, the “Battle of Seattle” launched the Anti-Globalization Movement
as a well-known political force, and numerous bands later invoked the imagery
of that protest and others in calls for social resistance. Anti-Flag railed against the
suppression of free speech,38 while Ani DiFranco, Tom Morello, and SOAD sang
about protesters being shot by police.39 Asian Dub Foundation (ADF)’s song “Basta”
(“Enough,” in Spanish) praises later G8 protests40 and elsewhere they portentously
link free markets with slavery.41
Over the next two years, dozens of such protests targeted national and
international institutions representing neoliberal orthodoxy. Alongside global
May Day demonstrations, and protests against the US Republican and Democratic
National Conventions, prominent anti-globalization protests occurred in
Washington, D.C.; Chiang Mai, Thailand; Melbourne, Australia; Prague, Czech
Republic; Seoul, South Korea; Nice, France; Davos, Switzerland; Quebec City,
Canada; Gothenburg, Sweden; and in Genoa, Italy, for the 2001 G8 Summit which
drew 250,000 protestors.42 From January 2001, the Anti-Globalization Movement
also forged a more coherent counter-organization, with 12,000 activists attending
the first World Social Forum in Porto Allegre, Brazil—Naomi Klein writing,
“If Seattle was … the coming-out party of a resistance movement, then …
Porto Alegre [was] the coming-out party for … serious thinking about
alternatives.”43
The 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States dramatically undercut the
movement, dampening enthusiasm for large-scale protest and empowering
governments to respond more aggressively and criminalize dissent. However, in
subsequent years, less-frequent protests returned to encouraging sizes across Europe
and North America, and were joined by larger demonstrations against war in Iraq
and Afghanistan.44 Almost half a million participants protested “Against a Europe of
Capital and War” outside the Barcelona EU summit in March 2002.45 World and
Regional Social Forums have since attracted more than 50,000 delegates a year,46
building what the second World Social Forum announced would be an “alliance
from our struggles and resistance against a system based on sexism, racism and
violence, which privileges the interests of capital and patriarchy over the needs and
aspirations of people.”47 Despite the changing context, anti-capitalists maintained
that, as SOAD and Faithless sing, greed, war, and turning away from those in need
continue to determine individual and collective behavior.48
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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Environmentalism
Environmentalist beliefs are by no means the preserve of the anti-capitalist movement.
Many today are stirred by Tracy Chapman’s lament that we are witnessing a world
being raped by corporations.49 Nevertheless, environmentalism is a core anti-capi-
talist value, and one that motivated action against international institutions in the
1990s. Buttel and Gould argue that, from 1990, decisions by the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the WTO shocked environmentalists, beginning
with a ruling against a US Marine Mammal Protection Act clause prohibiting import
of tuna caught using methods resulting in numerous dolphin deaths.50 Early WTO
rulings prevented the US imposing higher environmental standards on imported
gasoline than domestic production, and later a US law “banning shrimp imports
from countries whose shrimp harvesters kill sea turtles” was struck down.51 Europeans
feared the WTO would force them to accept genetically-modified goods, which
later occurred in 2006. These rulings disturbed mainstream environmental groups
previously unopposed to free trade, demonstrating how liberalization could overturn
hard-fought-for environmental legislation. This drew them into the coalition against
the WTO meeting in Seattle.52
Anti-capitalists also recognized that free trade regimes endangered citizens of
developing countries by “eliminating already inadequate environmental laws …
turning the environment into a product to be bought and sold.”53 Morrissey and
Immortal Technique have warned of the consequences of unbridled, unregulated,
capitalism, with references to pollution and toxic dumping, while others, like
Propagandhi, interject vegetarianism and animal rights into their broader
ecological critique.54 Generally, the interconnectedness of environmental and
social struggles is recognized, whether in the corporate strategy of playing workers
against environmentalists to degrade both labor and environmental protections,55
or the wider understanding that the anti-capitalist movement thus views the
capitalist compulsion to profit as the key driver of environmental destruction and
commodification of the biological world.56 As Propagandhi say, “You can tell by
the smiles on the CEOs that the environmental restraints are about to go.”57
The Marginalized
Anti-capitalist activists are generally extremely aware of social marginalization
due to race, class, sexuality or gender, their intersectionality, and how these forms
of oppression are overdetermined by capitalism. Robert Ross writes that the
movement has “identity consciousness in which inherited characteristics—race,
ethnicity, gender … are taken to be political building blocks.”58 Margaret Thatcher
denied structural discrimination with her slogan “There is no such thing as society.
There are [only] individual men and women, and there are families.”59 Neoliberals
assert that a “level-playing field” exists within nations, and individuals bear full
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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responsibility for their social circumstances. In contrast, anti-capitalists recognise
that neoliberalism’s “systematic and calculated process of human impoverishment
is decidedly gendered with women and children comprising the vast majority of
the world’s poor … Neoliberalism has meant fewer state services … while the
burden of care has fallen to communities, households and, ultimately, women.”60
Both Tracy Chapman and Ani DiFranco capture this gendered disadvantage with
their songs “Woman’s Work,” and “Make Them Apologize.”61
Today, Western feminist struggles often take place around identity. “Girl Power”
is promoted as an empowered discourse, but is really a neoliberal phenomenon
emphasising “the idealized form of the self-determining individual … direct[ing]
attention from structural explanations for inequality toward … personal
circumstances and personality traits.”62 Some female bands attack this sanitized
feminist form by enacting ‘ugliness’ and violating feminine expectations. Bikini Kill
drummer Tobi Vail states that “For girls to pick up guitars and scream their heads
off in a totally oppressive, fucked-up male-dominated culture is to seize power … a
political act.”63 Patriarchal oppression is often embedded in interpersonal relations
and, in songs like “Face Up and Sing,” DiFranco bemoans both sexual harassment
and the silence that perpetuates violence against women.64 Propagandhi empha-
size that the gender-binary also constrains men and they must be part of the solu-
tion,65 while DiFranco welcomes men to the feminist cause.66 Indeed, in interview,
DiFranco asserts, “there is simply no such thing as peace within patriarchy,” and that
she “would like to see men and women embracing … [Feminism] as a road out of
here, this daily crisis that we live of perpetual war, of destruction of the environment,
of racism etc.”67
Racism has often gained more, and angrier, attention in rock music. In “The
Only Good Fascist Is a Very Dead Fascist,” Propagandhi characteristically confront
the subject with no-holds-barred slamming of white privilege.68 Michael Franti’s
songs also often reference discrimination against the poor and people of color,
linking those trends to American capitalism and overseas imperialism.69 Although
exaggerating statistics, Franti captures the essence of racial inequality with his
references to a quarter of all African-Americans being in prison and fifty percent
in poverty.70 RATM also highlight the intersection of race and class, emphasizing,
in “Down Rodeo,” that the only interaction the residents of Beverley Hills have
with people of color is if they employ (or enslave) them.71 RATM have also invoked
the imprisoned activist and former Black Panther member Mumia Abu Jamal as a
symbol of resistance to racist police oppression.72
Right-wing politicians often employ racism to mobilize public support; in the Brit-
ish context, directing this towards immigrant communities. Both Pop Will Eat Itself,
in “Ich bin Ein Auslander,” and the ethnically-Indian ADF, in “Free Satpal Ram,”
call out both hate speech and the persecution of ethnic minorities.73 (Ram is a British-
Bengali man who was jailed for life after killing a racially-motivated attacker; he was
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released from prison in 2002 following protests from individuals and groups like
ADF).74 ADF also calls for Europe-wide struggle against racism towards immigrants
and asylum-seekers in songs such as “Fortress Europe.”75
There is increasing concern over “the human rights abuses embodied in the
‘prison-industrial complex’, the vast growth of prisons … filled disproportionately
by men and women of color.”76 KRS-One likens modern law-enforcement to past
slave-masters,77 SOAD highlight the scale of incarcerations for drug offences in
the United States,78 and RATM references the interconnection of social decay and
crime,79 while DiFranco assigns ultimate responsibility to government policymakers
for the racial disparity in American prisons.80 Pointing to the correlation of rates of
imprisonment and poverty, Immortal Technique describes the grinding life of the
poor under capitalism.81 Poverty’s structural reality puts the lie to neoliberalism’s
assumed “level-playing field.”82 Anti-capitalists highlight increasing poverty under
neoliberalism, which has attacked organized labor’s power and created a “pattern
of jobless growth,” as semi-skilled positions give way to a combination of casualized
“McJobs” and a well-remunerated but intensively overworked technological
intelligentsia.”83 Free Trade agreements have “harmonized conditions downward”
in other countries such as Canada, “hollowing-out … the Keynesian welfare state
in each participating country.”84 Chapman, RATM, and DiFranco go further, and
insist that sexism, racism, and poverty are, at bottom, imbedded within capitalist
economics.85
Systemic Change
Anti-capitalists have targeted corporations, global financial institutions, and the gov-
ernments supporting them. The movement’s key values illustrated herein have been
environmentalism, advancing rights of the marginalized, ending the global disparity
in wealth and power, and opposing war and the securitization of society. However,
central to the anti-capitalist analysis is the interconnection of these issues and their
roots in the global social and economic system that is capitalism. The capitalist sys-
tem imposes “economic imperatives, introducing the compulsions of the market …
creating and maintaining a class of propertyless workers, who … are obliged to enter
the market to sell their labour power.”86 The meme of the “one percent” dominates
current political discourse, and bands like Propagandhi sing about the increasing
power of the rich.87 It seems, in fact, that today, more than ever, “public values,
dominant ideas, and [the] range of accessible politics are all … [tied] to an overrid-
ing logic of capital accumulation.”88 Thus, the solution is systemic change—as one
London May Day slogan read, “Get Rid of Capitalism and Replace it with Some-
thing Nicer.”89
Precisely what the solution is has been debated for hundreds of years in
Marxist and anarchist circles, but the consensus seems: first, as ADF expresses in
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“Hypocrite,”90 widespread redistribution of global wealth; second, this can only
occur through revolution (see RATM’s “Down Rodeo,”91 Propagandhi’s, “Rio De
San Atlanta, Manitoba,”92 Anti-Flag’s “Got the Numbers,”93 and Tracy Chapman’s
“Talkin’ ’bout a Revolution”94). There’s nothing easier in rock music than talking
about revolution, but anti-capitalists take heart from those calls. There is also the
tendency to casually emphasize violence, RATM frequently using the motif in songs
such as “Calm Like a Bomb,”95 “New Millennium Homes,”96 and “Down Rodeo.”97
However, beneath rhetoric is the call for the economic pillars of society—the “means
of production”—to be brought under popular control.98 Rather than Soviet-style
nationalization, the anti-capitalist movement generally has “consensus that participa-
tory democracy at the local level—whether through unions, neighbourhoods, farms,
villages, anarchist collectives or aboriginal self-government—is where to start build-
ing alternatives.”99 Graber argues it “is a movement about reinventing democracy …
creating and enacting horizontal networks instead of top-down structures like states,
parties or corporations; networks based on principles of decentralized, non-hierarchi-
cal consensus democracy.”100 Thus, the anti-capitalist movement of the early twenty-
first century, and its successor movements today, call for a radical yet participatory
change to the social and economic order.101
Notes
1 Alex Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto (Cambridge: Polity Press 2003), 4.
2 Jeffrey M. Ayres, “Framing Collective Action against Neoliberalism: The Case of the
‘Anti-Globalization’ Movement,” Journal of World-Systems Research, Vol. X, No. 1 (Winter
2004): 11.
3 Frederick H. Buttel and Kenneth A. Gould, “Global Social Movement(s) at the
Crossroads: Some Observations on the Trajectory of the Anti-Corporate Globalization
Movement,” Journal of World-Systems Research, Vol. X, No. 1 (Winter 2004): 38.
4 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 13.
5 David Graeber, “The New Anarchists,” in Tom Merte, ed., A Movement of Movements: Is
Another World Really Possible? (London: Verso, 2004), 203.
6 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 12–13.
7 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 15.
8 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation: The New Great Counter-Movement (London:
Routledge, 2007), 70–71.
9 T.V. Reed, The Art of Protest: Culture and Activism from the Civil Rights Movement to the Streets of
Seattle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005), 292.
10 Katrina Irving, “Rock Music and the State: Dissonance or Counterpoint?” Cultural Cri-
tique, No. 10 (Autumn, 1988): 151.
11 Alex Callinicos, Bonfi re of Illusions: The Twin Crises of the Liberal World (Cambridge: Polity
Press, 2010).
12 Robin Ballinger, “Sounds of Resistance,” in Louise Amoore, ed., The Global Resistance
Reader (London: Routledge, 2005), 430.
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13 Reed, The Art of Protest, 299.
14 Reed, The Art of Protest, 299.
15 Brian Longhurst, Popular Music & Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007), 108.
16 Karen Bettez Halnon, “Heavy Metal Carnival and Dis-alienation: The Politics of
Grotesque Realism,” Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Winter 2006): 45.
17 Martin Scherzinger, “Music, Corporate Power, and Unending War,” Cultural Critique,
No. 60 (Spring 2005): 24.
18 Martin Stokes, “Music and the Global Order,” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 33
(2004): 54–55.
19 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 2–3.
20 Radiohead, OK Computer, CD, track 8, “Electioneering,” © 1997 Capitol/EMI
Records.
21 Rage Against the Machine, Evil Empire, CD, track 9, “Wind Below,” © 1996 Epic
Associated Records.
22 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 15–16.
23 Geoff Eley, “Historicizing the Global, Politicizing Capital: Giving the Present a Name,”
History Workshop Journal, No. 63 (Spring 2007): 174–175.
24 Rage Against the Machine, The Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 12, “War Within a Breath,”
© 1999 Epic Associated Records.
25 Duncan Green and Matthew Griffi th, “Globalization and Its Discontents,” International
Affairs, Vol. 78, No. 1 (January 2002): 54.
26 Anti-Flag, For Blood and Empire, CD, track 11, “The W.T.O. Kills Farmers,” © 2006
RCA Records; and System of a Down, Mezmerize, CD, track 4, “Cigaro,” © 2005 Amer-
ican Recordings.
27 David E. Lowes, The Anti-Capitalist Dictionary: Movements, Histories and Motivations (London:
Zed Books, 2006), 295–296.
28 Graeber, “The New Anarchists,” 204.
29 Green and Griffi th, “Globalization and Its Discontents,” 50.
30 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movement,” 48.
31 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 22.
32 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movement,” 45.
33 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 9, “Resisting Tyrannical Government,” ©
1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
34 System of a Down, Toxicity, CD, track 3, “Deer Dance,” © 2001 American
Recordings.
35 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movement,” 39.
36 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 21.
37 Francis Dupuis-Déri, “The Black Blocs Ten Years after Seattle: Anarchism, Direct
Action, and Deliberative Practices,” Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. 4, No. 2 (2010):
46.
38 Anti-Flag, Mobilize, CD, track 3, “What’s the Difference?” © 2002 A-F Records.
39 Ani DiFranco, Evolve, CD track 11, “Serpentine,” © 2003 Righteous Babe Records;
System of a Down, “Deer Dance”; and The Nightwatchman, One Man Revolution, CD
track 10, “Union Song,” © 2007 Epic Records.
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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40 Asian Dub Foundation, Enemy of the Enemy, CD, track 10, “Basta,” © 2003 Ffrr
Records.
41 Asian Dub Foundation, Community Music, CD, track 7, “Crash,” © 2000 Ffrr Records.
42 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 5; Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 23; and
Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movement,” 43, 48–49.
43 Naomi Klein, “Farewell to the ‘End of History:’ Organization and Vision in Anti-
Corporate Movements,” in The Global Resistance Reader, 158.
44 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 25.
45 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 18.
46 Ayres, “Framing Collective Action,” 28.
47 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 15.
48 System of a Down, Steal This Album, CD, track 4, “Boom,” © 2002 American Record-
ings; and Faithless, No Roots, CD, track 2, “Mass Destruction,” © 2004 Cheeky
Records/BMG.
49 Tracy Chapman, New Beginning, CD, track 7, “The Rape of the World,” © 1995
Elektra.
50 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movements,” 46–47.
51 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movements,” 46–47.
52 Buttel and Gould, “Global Social Movements,” 46–47, and NOFX, War On Errorism,
CD, track 3, “Franco Un-American,” © 2003 Fat Wreck Chords.
53 Reed, The Art of Protest, 251.
54 Robert J. S. Ross, “From Antisweatshop to Global Justice to Antiwar: How the New New
Left is the Same and Different from the Old New Left,” Journal of World-Systems Research,
Vol. X, No. 1 (Winter 2004): 310–311. See Morrissey, You Are the Quarry (Deluxe Edition),
CD, disc 2, track 9, “Mexico,” © 2004 Sanctuary/Attack Records; Immortal Tech-
nique, The 3rd World, CD, track 7, “The 3rd World,” © 2008 Viper Records; and Pro-
pagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 2, “Nailing Descartes to the Wall,” © 1996
Fat Wreck Chords.
55 Reed, The Art of Protest, 253.
56 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 1, “Apparently, I’m a P.C. Fascist,” ©
1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
57 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 7, “And We Thought That Nation-States
Were a Bad Idea,” © 1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
58 Robert J. S. Ross, “From Antisweatshop to Global Justice,” 310–311.
59 William K. Carroll and William Little, “Neoliberal Transformation and Antiglobaliza-
tion Politics in Canada: Transition, Consolidation, Resistance,” International Journal of
Political Economy, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Fall 2001): 48.
60 Janine Brodie, “Globalization, Governance and Gender: Rethinking the Agenda for the
Twenty-First Century” in The Global Resistance Reader, 250–251.
61 Tracy Chapman, Matters of the Heart, CD, track 5, “Woman’s Work,” © 1992, Elektra;
and Ani DiFranco, Imperfectly, CD, track 10, “Make Them Apologize,” © 1992 Righ-
teous Babe Records.
62 Marnina Gonick, “Between ‘Girl Power’ and ‘Reviving Ophelia’: Constituting the
Neoliberal Girl Subject,” NWSA Journal, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Summer 2006): 2.
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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63 Karina Eileraas, “Witches, Bitches & Fluids: Girl Bands Performing Ugliness as Resis-
tance,” TDR/The Drama Journal, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Autumn 1997): 124–125.
64 Ani DiFranco, Out Of Range, CD, track 7, “Face Up and Sing,” © 1994 Righteous Babe
Records.
65 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 14, “Refusing To Be a Man,” © 1996 Fat
Wreck Chords.
66 Ani DiFranco, Educated Guess, CD, track 10, “Grand Canyon,” © 2004 Righteous Babe
Records.
67 Megan Haines and Ani DiFranco, “Interview with Ani DiFranco,” Off Our Backs, Vol.
37, No. 4 (2007): 23–24.
68 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 11, “The Only Good Fascist Is a Very
Dead Fascist,” © 1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
69 Derrick P. Alridge, “From Civil Rights to Hip Hop: Toward a Nexus of Ideas,” The
Journal of African American History, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Summer 2005): 226–227.
70 Michael Franti, Home, CD, track 10, “Crime To Be Broke in America,” © 1994 Capitol
Records.
71 Rage Against the Machine, Evil Empire, CD, track 7, “Down Rodeo,” © 1996 Epic
Associated Records, and Rage Against the Machine, Evil Empire, CD, track 8, “Without
a Face,” © 1996 Epic Associated Records.
72 Rage Against the Machine, Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 9, “Voice of the Voiceless,” ©
1999 Epic Associated Records.
73 Pop Will Eat Itself, Dos Dedos Mis Amigos, CD, track 1, “Ich bin ein Auslander,” © 1994
Infectious Records; and Asian Dub Foundation, Facts and Fictions, CD, track 2, “PKNB,”
© 1995 Virgin France.
74 Tariq Jazeel, “The World Is Sound? Geography, Musicology and British-Asian
Soundscapes,” Area, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Sept 2005): 235; and Asian Dub Foundation, RAFI’s
Revenge, CD, track 7, “Free Satpal Ram,” © 1998 London Records.
75 Asian Dub Foundation, Enemy of the Enemy, CD, track 1, “Fortress Europe,” © 2003 Ffrr
Records.
76 Reed, The Art of Protest, 252.
77 KRS-One, Return Of The Boom Bap, CD, track 7, “Sound of da Police,” © 1993 Jive
Records.
78 System of a Down, Toxicity, CD, track 1, “Prison Song,” © 2001 American
Recordings.
79 Rage Against the Machine, Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 11, “Ashes in the Fall,” ©
1999 Epic Associated Records; and Rage Against the Machine, Evil Empire, CD, track
11, “Year of tha Boomerang,” © 1996 Epic Associated Records.
80 Ani DiFranco, Up Up Up Up Up Up, CD, track 1, “‘Tis of Thee,” © 1999 Righteous
Babe Records.
81 Immortal Technique, Revolutionary, Vol. 2, CD, track 4, “Harlem Streets,” © 2003, Viper
Records.
82 Faithless, No Roots, CD, track 14, “In the End,” © 2004 Cheeky Records/BMG.
83 Carroll and Little, “Neoliberal Transformation,” 45.
84 Carroll and Little, “Neoliberal Transformation,” 38.
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85 Tracy Chapman, Matters of the Heart, CD, track 2, “So,” © 1992 Elektra; Tracy Chapman,
Where You Live, CD, track 7, “America,” © 2005 Elektra; Rage Against the Machine, Evil
Empire, CD, track 11, “Year of tha Boomerang,” © 1996 Epic Associated Records; and
Ani DiFranco, Not So Soft, CD, track 5, “On Every Corner,” © 1991 Righteous Babe
Records.
86 Ellen Meiksins Wood, Empire of Capital (London: Verso, 2003): 20–21.
87 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 7, “And We Thought That Nation-States
Were A Bad Idea,” © 1996 Fat Wreck Chords; and Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock,
CD, track 9, “Resisting Tyrannical Government,” © 1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
88 Geoff Eley, “Historicizing the Global,” 163.
89 Callinicos, An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, 106.
90 Asian Dub Foundation, RAFI’s Revenge, CD, track 5, “Hypocrite,” © 1998 London
Records.
91 Rage Against the Machine, “Down Rodeo.”
92 Propagandhi, Less Talk, More Rock, CD, track 5, “Rio De San Atlanta, Manitoba,” ©
1996 Fat Wreck Chords.
93 Anti-Flag, A New Kind Of Army, CD, track 6, “Got the Numbers,” © 1999 Go-Kart
Records.
94 Tracy Chapman, Tracy Chapman, CD, track 8, “Talkin’ ’bout a Revolution,” © 1988
Elektra.
95 Rage Against the Machine, The Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 3, “Calm Like a Bomb,”
© 1999 Epic Associated Records.
96 Rage Against the Machine, The Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 10, “New Millennium
Homes,” © 1999 Epic Associated Records.
97 Rage Against the Machine, “Down Rodeo.”
98 Rage Against the Machine, “Down Rodeo”; and Immortal Technique, The 3rd World,
CD, track 7, “The 3rd World,” © 2008 Viper Records.
99 Naomi Klein, “Farewell to the ‘End of History,’” 160.
100 David Graeber, “The New Anarchists,” 212.
101 Rise Against, Siren Song of the Counter Culture, CD, track 2, “The First Drop,” © 2004 Gef-
fen Records; Rage Against the Machine, The Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 12, “War
within a Breath,” © 1999 Epic Associated Records; Rage Against the Machine, The
Battle of Los Angeles, CD, track 2, “Guerrilla Radio,” © 1999 Epic Associated Records.
Friedman, J. C. (Ed.). (2013). The routledge history of social protest in popular music. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from michstate-ebooks on 2020-05-18 12:57:44.
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