Discussion 5

4

White Supremacy, Segregation and Apartheid

How did South Africa become a society in which racial discrimination was so deeply entrenched?

White racism was certainly not confined to South Africa. Its roots are complex, embedded in the lengthy process of European colonialism, the subjugation of other people in territorial conquest and black enslave- ment. It was given further impetus from the middle of the nineteenth century when the need to ‘civilize inferior natives’ became part of the jus- tification for the scramble for Africa. This was also the period when Darwinist notions of evolution and hierarchy were applied to human races. Whites readily came to believe that they were at the top of the evolutionary scale, as shown by their apparent technological superiority and the dyna- mism of their imperial expansion, while blacks at the bottom were thought to be primitive, less intelligent and sluggard. Such pseudoscientific ‘Social Darwinism’ clearly fitted the colonizers’ view of themselves and their world.

This kind of white supremacism took strong root in South Africa, as it did in other British colonies in Africa and Asia as well as in the United States. But in South Africa it developed into a systematic and legalized discrimination shaping the economic, social and political structure of the whole country in a more pervasive way than elsewhere. And while after 1945 white supremacism began to wane as many colonies began the move towards independence, in South Africa discrimination became even more entrenched. Under ‘apartheid’, South Africa from the late 1940s diverged from international trends and was marked out for isolation.

The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, Fifth Edition. Nigel Worden. © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2012 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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74 WHITE SUPrEmAcy, SEgrEgATIoN AND APArTHEID

This chapter will examine the ways in which racial discrimination in the pre-industrial period developed into structured segregation in the first few decades of the twentieth century, the context in which this evolved into the ideology of apartheid, and the varied attempts of a range of organizations to resist these developments.

White supremacism before the twentieth century

The roots of apartheid are much disputed by South African historians. Liberals writing in the early and mid-twentieth century placed emphasis on the irrational frontier prejudices of nineteenth-century Afrikaners: prejudices which came to override liberal non-racialism and were resur- rected by the National Party’s policy of 1948. Such a view has become widespread amongst English-speaking South Africans and outside the country. But it has obvious flaws. Notably it ignores the racial discrimina- tion of British settlers and officials. And segregation developed before the triumph of Afrikaner political power in 1948.

An alternative view developed in the 1970s is that segregation was the product of the mineral revolution, particularly in response to the needs of the mining industry, and that apartheid was built on these foundations. There is certainly much truth in this. However, to neglect the period before the end of the nineteenth century distorts understanding of the context in which segregation developed. Important precedents were created in the pre-industrial period.

Perceptions of white racial superiority were apparent from the earliest colonial encounters of the Dutch settlers with Khoekhoe pastoralists at the cape. They also acquired a structured form in the divisions of legal status in early cape society: Dutch East India company officials, free burghers (settlers), slaves, ‘Hottentots’ (Khoisan) and free blacks (manumitted slaves). The first two categories were made up of whites, the others of blacks. Slavery, which lasted from 1658 to 1834, deeply influenced the class divide of the colony (Worden 1985). All slaves and most laborers were black; landowners and employers were white. There were some exceptions to this rule, since some Voc employees served as overseers on farms and a propertied and slave-owning free black community developed in cape Town. The presence of white convicts exiled from other parts of the Voc empire who worked alongside slaves and also Asian political exiles, some of whom were treated with high respect, also complicated the absolute identity of race and class (Ward 2009). However, slave manumission levels

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were low (Elphick and Shell 1989). And although miscegenation existed there was no equivalent to the mixed-race mestizo classes of Latin American colonies, where they fulfilled important interstitial positions in the economy. Thus at the cape ‘by the late eighteenth century race and class had over- lapped for so long . . . that to many Europeans this social structure appeared to be natural or god-given’ (Elphick and giliomee 1989: 544).

Freund (1976) has argued that these prejudices and the close identifica- tion of status and race were not entrenched in the legal order of the early cape, and cannot be said to have been the precursor of the structured racism of the twentieth century. While the latter point is valid, there were nonetheless a number of racially discriminatory regulations by the end of the eighteenth century. Khoekhoe and slaves were discriminated against in the church and the courts. Free blacks also faced discriminatory controls, such as liability to arrest if found in the streets of cape Town without lanterns. None of these rules applied to whites. From the 1760s slaves and Khoekhoe were obliged to carry passes signed by their employers to prove that they were not runaways. In 1809 a proclamation by the British governor Lord caledon laid down that all ‘Hottentots’ (Khoikhoi) must have a ‘fixed place of abode’, normally on a settler farm as a worker. This was to be registered with the local authorities, from whom passes had to be obtained before they could move out of the area. In 1812 Khoekhoe children brought up on settler farms were indentured for ten years until the age of eighteen, thus effectively immobilizing Khoekhoe families on specific farms (Elphick and malherbe 1989: 40–1).

In contrast to the general identity of race and class in the settled south- western districts of the early cape colony, Legassick has argued that ‘white frontiersmen expected all their dependants (save their families) to be non- white: they did not expect all non-whites to be their servants’ and that ‘the frontier in fact provided opportunities for non-whites to which they had no access in the capital’ (1980: 56, 67). Links of trade and mutual depend- ence between settlers and indigenous people were more significant than had been previously acknowledged. This view contradicts the liberal tradi- tion that the remoter pastoral frontier was the cradle of racism. There is a danger of overstressing the cooperative aspects of frontier life; the crudest examples of coercive violence between settlers and Khoekhoe come from the northern and eastern cape, and the conflicts of the early nineteenth century with the Xhosa heightened racial hostility. But Legassick’s argu- ment does point to the need to probe behind the stereotype of frontier racism.

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76 WHITE SUPrEmAcy, SEgrEgATIoN AND APArTHEID

In the early nineteenth century, important changes took place at the cape. The commercialization and expansion of the colony required an increase in the supply and mobility of labor. So ordinance 50 of 1828 removed the controls of passes and indenture over the Khoekhoe, and slavery was ended in 1834 (although slaves remained apprenticed to their owners until 1838). These measures did not greatly affect the mate- rial conditions of proletarianized freed slaves and Khoekhoe, most of whom lacked access to land and capital, although they did permit their movement to new employers. In racial terms the removal of the distinction between slaves and Khoekhoe led to the identification of them more broadly as ‘colored’, in contrast to the ‘white’ and ‘Native’ inhabitants of the colony.

Legislation was also passed in 1828 to deal with the use of African laborers. ordinance 49 permitted Africans to enter the colony, but stated that they were subject to arrest if they were found without a pass issued on their arrival or if they failed to enter employment. As Hindson has pointed out, this contrasts with the use of passes in the 1809 caledon code, which was intended to immobilize existing workers and prevent them from moving in search of alternative work. ordinance 49 encouraged workers to enter the colony and to search for employers in a more mobile labor market, although it still enforced compulsory labor penalties for ‘vagrants’ or those who were unemployed. It thus ‘reflects the beginning of a transi- tion from senile to market allocated labor, albeit on a limited scale’ (Hindson 1987: 17).

However, other key laws in the mid-nineteenth-century cape made no reference to race. For instance, the masters and Servants ordinance of 1841, designed to regulate labor contracts, was color blind. Legislation with overtly racial controls, such as the proposed Vagrancy ordinance of 1834, was vetoed. most significantly, the franchise established for the cape Town municipality in 1839 and that for representative government in 1853 were not racially defined. These acts were far from socially disruptive: in practice most servants under the masters and Servants regulations were black and almost all masters were white. The 1853 franchise was based on earnings and property ownership, although these were set at quite low levels: earn- ings of £50 a year or property, which included land, worth £25. This admit- ted a number of colored and African voters, as well as a large proportion of the Afrikaner males in the colony (Lewsen 1971).

The non-racial franchise lay at the core of mid-nineteenth-century cape liberalism. Like liberal constitutions in Europe at the time, it abolished

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monopoly of power by right of birth and ancestry but it upheld the inter- ests of men of property and wealth. yet cape liberalism was more than just an import from mid-Victorian Britain. Trapido (1980) has argued that it must be seen in the context of the particular social formation of the cape. It went further in its low franchise qualifications than most other constitu- tions of its time by incorporating many ‘small men’, whose interests were nonetheless linked to the administrative and commercial ruling classes. These included black (‘colored’ and African) peasant farmers whose votes could be relied upon to support commercial development, but it excluded the proletarianized laborers.

This class-based analysis of cape liberalism is also used to explain its apparent decline in the late nineteenth century. By the 1880s, peasant pro- duction was less favored, and small-scale commercial interests were giving way to larger capital interests. moreover, the incorporation of the ciskei in 1865 and the Transkeian territories twenty or so years later threatened to alter the balance of power by enfranchising large numbers of African land- owners. As a result higher franchise qualifications and literacy tests were introduced. overtly discriminatory Acts were passed in the 1880s and 1890s, such as the anti-squatting legislation and the glen grey Act (see p. 54). The latter not only restricted individual land tenure but also set up district councils under appointed local chiefs and headmen to administer specified areas of African cultivation. The system spread from the eastern cape into some Transkeian districts and Pondoland in 1905 and 1911. rich (1981) has argued that it had an important influence on the segregationist notions of separate reserve administration in the 1920s.

By the turn of the twentieth century, some cape legislation was overtly racial. Liquor laws restricted the sale of alcohol to Africans in the Transkeian territories and elsewhere. In cape Town, where there was a greater degree of inter-racial social interaction among the lower classes than in other South African towns, social segregation markedly increased from the 1880s. This was largely the result of concern by the city’s dominant English elite at what they perceived as lower-class disorder and the need to protect the white ‘deserving poor’, at a time when growing numbers of immigrants were arriving from Europe (Bickford-Smith 1995). African migrant dock workers in cape Town had always worked and lived separately from others, but in 1902 a segregated location was established for all Africans in cape Town. In 1905 the School Board Act introduced compulsory educational segregation, which separated white and colored pupils in government schools. cape liberalism was certainly dented by 1910. The Act of Union

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preserved the cape franchise in that province, but there was no concerted attempt by the cape representatives to have it extended elsewhere. And even in the cape the black franchise remained limited by property quali- fications, while for whites under the Act of Union it included all adult males. Africans were also not permitted to stand as parliamentary candi- dates but were to be represented by whites. As Davenport has noted, ‘even liberals were more concerned in the final resort to preserve the dignity of the cape in its relations with the other colonies than the rights of blacks’ (1987: 33).

In fact, white supremacist notions were heightened in the mid- nineteenth-century period at the time of the origins of cape liberalism. Humanitarian attitudes that had been expressed by some cape missionar- ies and reformers in the era of emancipation and reform in the 1820s and 1830s were on the wane. Disillusionment at the prospect of racial harmony came with the conflicts in the Xhosa wars in the Eastern cape and the Kat river rebellion and by the 1850s ‘a new racial conservatism’ had emerged amongst cape intellectuals, officials and colonists (Bank 1999: 375). The realities of Xhosa resistance to the cultural impositions of missionaries and the political rule of soldiers and administrators produced a new discourse of racial stereotyping. The Xhosa became irredeemable savages, obstacles to the spread of imperial civilization (Price 2008). many settlers had in any case shown no compunction in using racist arguments in the 1830s to call for vagrancy legislation and tighter controls over slave apprentices. Although the underlying causes of the great Trek were eco- nomic (see p. 16), one of the stated objections of the emigrants had been the placing of slaves on an ‘equal footing . . . contrary to the . . . natural distinction of race and color’.

The principles of the cape liberal franchise were clearly rejected in the constitutions of the trekker republics. The very concept of citizenship was defined by membership of trekker families, since isolated farmers and set- tlers attempted to establish forms of government in regions where indig- enous people were still occupying much of the land. Thus there were no limitations of property or wealth as at the cape, but political representation was restricted racially to whites. The 1839 constitution of Natalia laid down annual elections for all adult white males. The successor trekker republics in the Free State and the Transvaal followed this pattern. The Transvaal grondwet (constitution) of 1858 stated explicitly that ‘the people desire to permit no equality between colored people and the white inhabitants of the country, either in church or state’.

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WHITE SUPrEmAcy, SEgrEgATIoN AND APArTHEID 79

This was also clear in other aspects of the trekker polities. The Dutch reformed church (Drc) resolved to segregate its churches in 1857, a move that led inexorably in 1881 to the complete separation of the established Drc for whites and the Sendingkerk (mission church) for everyone else (ritner 1967). And political power remained confined to whites. Indians were excluded from the Free State altogether, and in the Transvaal were denied the franchise in the 1880s. yet the issue here was not just one of black exclusion. one of the bones of contention in the Transvaal in the 1890s was the refusal of Kruger’s government to give representation to white outsiders (uitlanders).

other discriminatory Acts in the republics were passed, although often without the means of effective enforcement. Africans were forbidden to carry guns and they were subject to vagrancy and pass laws. In the Free State they were not permitted to register land ownership, although many controlled land held nominally by missionaries and other whites, and in the Transvaal some land was purchased by African chiefs in the years after the South African War. In the 1870s and 1880s, the lure of the mines led to stricter enforcement of pass laws by the state in an attempt to keep labor on the farms.

But these policies were not confined to the Boer republics, as is illus- trated by the position in Natal. Initially the charter granted to the colony in 1856 did set up a non-racial franchise on the lines of that of the cape, granting a vote to those with fixed property worth £50 or those paying £10 per annum in rent. However, once the Natal settlers gained control over government, this was whittled down. As more and more Africans acquired claims to land that brought them within these levels, laws stemming black registration were quickly passed in the 1860s. moves were also made to exclude Indians, many of whom were merchants and men of property, from the franchise, although this was not finally achieved until 1896.

overtly racial controls were also established by such means as the levy of a £3 poll tax on all Indian labor immigrants who remained in Natal without renewing their indentures. African migrants entering the colony from the 1860s were obliged to carry passes, in a measure very similar to the cape ordinance 49. And by the time of Union settler racist hysteria had reached a height in the aftermath of the Bambatha rebellion and Indian protest actions. Natal fitted happily into the Union’s racially restricted franchise.

Natal was also the site of what Welsh (1971) has described as South Africa’s first example of structured segregation: a form of indirect rule over

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Africans known as the ‘Shepstone system’. Shepstone was placed in charge of ‘Native Affairs’ in the colony in 1846. given the weakness of the settlers, he realized that the only way to protect the colonial state was to allocate land still unclaimed by white farmers as ‘locations’, which Africans would have the right to cultivate undisturbed, under the rule of local headmen and chiefs operating under ‘Native Law’, although this was ill defined. control over the chiefs was in the hands of white resident magistrates and Administrators of Native Law, themselves subject to Shepstone and the Natal Legislative council. crucial to this system were the hut taxes that were levied on each head of household. These paid for the administration not only of the locations, but also of much of settler Natal, a vital factor given the reluctance of the imperial government to provide much financial support to the colony (Etherington 1989).

The Shepstone system was opposed by poorer settler farmers who resented the tying up of land and labor in the locations. However, as labor became more readily available with external migration in the 1870s and 1880s, such complaints died down. Shepstone and his supporters claimed that the system of separation existed to ‘protect’ Africans from erosion of their society by European influences, particularly in matters of land tenure and homestead production. However, it is clear that his motivation was primarily protection of the colony against the instability of African com- petition and ‘disorder’. The priority of control was evident in the curfews and pass laws used to restrict Africans working in towns and villages outside the locations. And the contrast of the stability of Natal with the upheavals of neighboring Zululand served to bolster this view of the Shepstone system amongst the white settlers.

By the time of Union Natalians were therefore firmly behind the prin- ciple of segregation. Shepstonian notions of separate administrative and legal systems had much influence on the development of ‘Native’ policy in the Union in the 1920s, as we shall see. other foundations of segregation in the early twentieth century had precedents in the white supremacist laws and practices of the nineteenth century. However, it was not until the early twentieth century that a concerted ideology and overarching plan of seg- regation was developed.

Segregation

Segregation needs to be distinguished from white supremacy. Although it was predicated on perceptions of racial difference and was developed in

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the aftermath of colonial conquest, South African segregation was not just racial subordination writ large. Its underlying principle was the enforced separation, not just subordination, of blacks and whites in the spheres of work, residence and government. Nineteenth-century precedents for this had been seen in the demarcation of land and authority set up under the glen grey Act in the eastern cape and the Shepstone system in Natal. But it was only in the period between the end of the South African War in 1902 and the 1930s that a cogent ideology of segregation emerged and was implemented.

There has been some disagreement amongst historians as to precisely when and why segregation emerged. The liberal view that it was a direct heritage of the nineteenth-century Boer republics has now been repudi- ated. Indeed the Transvaal and orange Free State were less racially segre- gated in terms of land settlement and economic activity than were Natal and the eastern cape. As cell has pointed out, the Boer general Botha, who was to become the first Prime minister of the Union, stated in 1903 that cheap African labor was needed on the farms, not segregated tribal reserves which locked up labor and withheld land from white ownership. White supremacy was certainly central to his thinking, but ‘the language and the details of segregation would represent not a direct continuation of prevail- ing Afrikaner ideas about how economy and society should be regulated, but a distinct departure from them’ (cell 1982: 49).

Botha’s comments were made in testimony he gave to the South African Native Affairs commission (SANAc), appointed by milner, which sat between 1903 and 1905. Its function was to prepare the way for Union by establishing outline policies for Africans. As cell has shown, its major rec- ommendations provided the first clear articulation of segregationist ideals and it was the blueprint for much of the legislation that followed Union. Thus it proposed racial separation of land ownership, the establishment of ‘Native locations’ in towns, regulation of labor influx to the cities with pass laws, differential wage levels, mission-based schooling for Africans rather than state education, administration in separate Native councils, and no extension of the cape’s non-racial franchise to other parts of the Union. Some of these recommendations were based on existing practices in various parts of the country, such as pass laws, urban locations and racially deter- mined wage levels. But it was only during milner’s reconstruction admin- istration that they were combined into an overarching general policy. milner was strongly influenced by racial notions of white supremacy and solidarity across the Anglo-Saxon world, which included the United States

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and other parts of the British Empire such as Australia, but the strongest impetus for segregation came from within South Africa itself (Lake and reynolds 2008).

As we have seen in the previous chapter, many of the recommendations of the SANAc were put into practice by legislation of the subsequent decades. most notable were the mines and Works Act (1911), which imposed the color bar, the Natives Land Act (1913), which segregated land ownership, and the Natives (Urban Areas) Act (1923), which provided for residential segregation in towns. In addition to these restrictions, Africans had long been subject to a variety of pass controls, requiring them to obtain official documents in order to move freely between town and countryside. The Stallard doctrine of controlled urbanization (see pp. 49–50) required such mechanisms to be extended, although women were exempted after the effective resistance to passes for women mounted in the orange Free State in 1913. During the 1930s and 1940s attempts were made to tighten up pass laws, although it was not until the 1950s that they were centralized in a single administrative system.

Another key element in segregationist policy was the Native Affairs Act (1920), which set up separate tribal councils for the administration of the reserves and advisory councils for Africans in urban areas, all under the aegis of the Native Affairs Department and under the ultimate authority of the Prime minister. Administrative segregation was the logical develop- ment of the denial of African political representation in the central bodies of government in the Union. And finally, the Industrial conciliation Act (1924) legalized the collective bargaining power of trade unions, but excluded migrant workers from its definition of ‘employee’. This was a clear attempt by the Smuts government to woo white workers after the rand revolt, but when the government was ousted by the Labour–National Party ‘Pact’ in 1924 it was clear that this policy had not worked.

The basic tenets of segregation were thus laid down under the Smuts government. However, under Hertzog’s Pact administration segregationism continued with renewed vitality. The Labour Party’s demand for white worker protection, forged in the conflicts of the rand, was extended to other areas of employment. cresswell, the Labour Party leader and new minister of Labour, replaced Africans with white workers in major areas of government employment such as the railways, harbors and post offices. This was extended under the 1926 mines and Works Amendment Act, which gave the government powers of color bar enforcement in private industry. moreover, this ‘civilized labor policy’ established racial differences

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in wage rates between ‘persons whose standard of living conforms to the standard of living generally recognized as tolerable from the usual European standpoint’ and others ‘whose aim is restricted to the barer requirements of the necessities of life as understood among barbarous and underdevel- oped peoples’.

A further major segregationist measure of the Pact government related to the administration of the reserves. The Native Administration Act (1927) stressed the need for Africans to be retribalized under a distinct system of law and government. A more uniform system of administration was applied, with chiefs responsible for paying the taxes of the Africans under their control and subject to a more codified single system of ‘Native Law’. The Native Affairs Department was given a more regulatory role, which included disciplining chiefs and the possibility of relocating com- munities to fit the government’s notions of ethnic distribution within the reserves.

The 1927 Act marked a rejection of the notion of political assimilation of Africans into the Union. It clearly backed the Natal principles of bolster- ing ‘traditional’ authorities in the reserves under the ‘Supreme chief ’, the governor-general of South Africa, in ways which resembled the old Shepstonian system. Its conscious revival of tribalism, which was presented as ‘traditional’ although it bore no resemblance to any precolonial struc- ture, was to be crucially important to the development of diverse African ethnicities which were brought to full fruition in the homelands policy of the 1960s (Landau 2010a).

As another part of the move to entrench tribalism, an assault was made on the cape enfranchisement of detribalized African property owners. In 1926 Hertzog introduced a series of bills into Parliament proposing the removal of individual voters from the electoral roll, to be replaced by a limited number of white representatives chosen by chiefs and headmen. Partial compensation was to be provided by the establishment of a Natives representative council, although this was also dominated by chiefs and headmen and had only limited advisory powers. However, under the Union constitution such a change to the franchise required a two-thirds majority in Parliament. This was not obtained until Hertzog’s National Party fused with Smuts to form the United Party in the 1933 government. In 1936 the representation of Natives Act was finally passed, removing the cape fran- chise. It was partially driven through by the ‘compensation’ of extending the reserve areas in the Native Trust and Land Act (see p. 67). Segregation of African administration and political power was now complete.

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Each of these pieces of legislation had its own specific context. But what underlay the broad segregationist thrust that united them all?

The consensus amongst revisionist historians of the 1970s and 1980s was that segregation represented the entrenchment of the cheap labor poli- cies developed in the mines of Kimberley and the rand in the early stages of the mineral revolution. The SANAc met during a period of consider- able uncertainty after the upheavals of the South African War had led to decreased migrant labor supplies as a result of the ‘rolling back’ of the ter- ritorial conquest of Africans (see p. 35). Under these circumstances, milner’s reconstruction administration was primarily concerned with establishing a firm foundation for the mining industry. Seen in this light, the SANAc recommendations show the extent to which segregation was a product of the particular circumstances of South Africa’s mineral revolution. Thus the principle of migrant labor, with subsistence in rural areas, was to be entrenched and permanent urbanization leading to high wage demands would be checked by influx controls.

In the subsequent decades the pre-eminence of the mining industry gave way to other interest groups, whose votes influenced the policy of the unified state in the direction of segregation. Notable amongst these were white farmers needing both cheap labor and monopoly of land ownership to meet the opportunities of an industrializing society, and white workers demanding protectionist employment and wages. Hertzog’s legislation reflected these forces (Lacey 1981).

There is no doubt that segregation was the product of South Africa’s industrial revolution. But there is a danger of seeing it as a rigid and uniform policy enforced by the state in the interests of mine owners, white workers and farmers. more recently, some historians have examined the complexity of segregationist thinking and the circumstances in which it took root. Dubow has pointed out that before the 1920s, although key items of segregationist legislation were introduced, they ‘were seldom interpreted as integral elements of a united ideological package’ (1989: 39). The SANAc recommendations were not adopted wholesale, and implementation of segregation was still very patchy. The division of land was still incomplete after the 1913 Land Act, proposals made in 1917 for administrative segrega- tion were dropped and much uncertainty surrounded ‘Native Policy’ in the period of heightened conflict on the rand between 1918 and 1922. Permanently proletarianized black workers were growing in number, including on the mines, and the future of the migrant labor system was by no means secure by 1920.

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It was only in the 1920s that segregationist ideology became firmly entrenched, particularly in the emphasis on retribalization. In addition, legislation acquired a much more overtly racist character. For instance, in addition to the measures outlined above, the Hertzog administration passed Acts limiting mixed marriages and placed increasingly stringent controls over the mobility and property rights of Indians. This was not solely a response to the needs of white employers for cheap labor. It was also a reaction to the heightened conflicts of the 1920s, marked by worker militancy, rural resistance, millenarianism and the dramatic growth of the Industrial and commercial Workers’ Union (IcU) (see pp. 59–64). In an important case study demonstrating this argument, marks (1978) showed how Natal planters in the 1920s came to support the idea of bolstering the Zulu royal chief in a separate administrative structure, in sharp contrast to settler opposition to traditional rulers in the aftermath of the Bambatha rebellion. The reason was the desire to bolster a more conservative system as a means of social control against the alarming alternative focus of the radical IcU.

Dubow has extended this to stress that the recreation of communal land and legal control under chiefs and headmen was intended primarily to stem the threat of an increasingly radicalized African proletariat. Thus Heaton Nicholls, member of Parliament for Zululand and a key framer of the 1926 Native Bills, stated in their defense that ‘if we do not get back to commu- nalism we will most certainly arrive very soon at communism’ (Dubow 1989: 71). In his campaigns of the late 1920s Hertzog linked the threat of black ‘Bolshevism’ with African permanent urbanization and detribaliza- tion. In his election speeches of 1929, the ‘Black Peril’ theme was his key defense of segregation.

The ‘Black Peril’ slogan tapped a strong underlying current of white supremacism which had certainly not diminished since the late nineteenth century. For instance, opposition to miscegenation and fears of white ‘degeneration’ in unsegregated cities were widely held notions. Together with this came the belief that Africans were innately incapable of becoming fully incorporated members of ‘civilized’ society.

certainly this strong element of racism primarily explains the voter support that segregation received in the 1920s. However, by no means all segregationists were racist fanatics. Indeed, to many influential writers and spokesmen in the early twentieth century, segregation was not only a rejec- tion of the cape assimilationist tradition but also of overt forms of racial subordination. A new form of pro-segregationist liberalism was emerging

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which stressed the need to preserve and protect traditional African culture against the onslaught of industrial society. Thus, for instance, Howard Pim, a friend and adviser of milner, stressed the need to enable the African to live ‘under natural conditions which he understands and has created for himself ’, distant from the disintegrating effects of proletarianization in the towns (rich 1984: 5). And Ernest Stubbs, Native commissioner in the eastern Transvaal, believed that segregation would be a means of protecting Africans from white land encroachment (rich 1980).

Such views were not so much the outcome of concepts of biological racial inferiority as a positive assertion of the values of an existence which their proponents believed was traditionally African. They were strongly influenced by anthropological studies which developed in South Africa in the 1910s and 1920s and which presented the image of a cohesive, tribal and unchanging African rural culture (Dubow 1987; Landau 2010a: 223-7). Thus academics such as Edgar Brookes, later a vocal critic of apartheid, acted as advisor to Hertzog and strongly supported the 1926 Native Bills on the grounds that they protected Africans from detribalization. Such views were highly influential and were shared by many administrators in the Native Affairs Department. And in his 1929 lectures at oxford, Smuts, although in parliamentary opposition to Hertzog, gave firm support for protectionist segregation. He rejected both the view of ‘the African as essentially inferior’ and the assimilationist approach that destroyed ‘the basis of his African system which was his highest good’. The solution, he believed, was segregation. ‘The new policy . . . is to foster an indigenous native culture or system of cultures, and to cease to force the African into alien European moulds.’ Segregation was to replace both assimilation and repression (Dubow 1987: 84).

It was on these grounds that many local Native Affairs Department officials accepted the principles of separate administration, particularly those who had experienced the protectionist mould of the old ‘Transkeian’ system of indirect rule. However, there were major problems with this kind of justification for segregation. Firstly, African societies had never been unchanging and static. The notion of ‘traditional culture’ embodied in codes of ‘native law’ and chiefly authorities was as much a creation of early twentieth-century academics and administrators as anything else. Secondly, by the 1920s the reserves were clearly incapable of maintaining any separate political and social order. The process of colonial conquest, new taxes and long exposure to migrant labor, together with land deterioration and general impoverishment, made a mockery of the idealized perception

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that they could be a repository of a ‘traditional’ way of life for all Africans. The breakdown of the pre-colonial polities had gone too far to turn the clock back.

By the end of the 1920s many of the liberal segregationists were coming to realize this and were changing their minds. most prominently, Edgar Brookes made a public recantation in 1927, and others such as Pim fol- lowed suit. Hertzog’s insistence on overt racial discrimination, marked particularly by the job color bar, was one source of disillusionment. Some administrators objected to the way in which the 1927 Native Administration Act turned the Native Affairs Department into a repressive bureaucratic body which broke with the older paternalistic traditions (Dubow 1986). The repressive nature of forced segregation was becoming too evident to ignore.

By the mid-1930s and the 1940s the close interdependence of Africans and urban employers rendered protectionist segregation an invalid notion. Liberal attention diverted away from the hopes of preserving an idealized African lifestyle in the reserves to issues of social welfare in the slums of the cities. That segregation was racial exploitation became crystal clear. The foundation of the Liberal Party in opposition to apartheid in 1953 showed that many earlier supporters of segregation had made an about turn.

The ideology of segregation thus emerged in the context of an industri- alizing society, founded on specific practices which at the turn of the twentieth century had been primarily associated with the mining industry. Although legislative foundations such as the job color bar, the Land Act and urban segregation were responses to specific white class interests, by the 1920s segregation was primarily intended to prevent African proletari- anization, which both threatened ‘traditional culture’ and led to radicaliza- tion and overt conflict.

Segregation was thus a complex response to the circumstances of early twentieth-century South Africa. It was not inevitable, nor was it immutable. In the 1940s, it began to break down as the number of Africans moving permanently to the cities grew and as calls were increasingly made for their integration into South Africa outside the reserves. This was the direct result of the growth of manufacturing industry that had been under way since the end of the Depression in the early 1930s and which was given a particu- lar boost by the Second World War. The growth rate of black employees in manufacturing exceeded that of whites, drawing primarily on newly urban- ized workers (Nattrass 2005). Feinstein (2005) has pointed out that the needs of manufacturing employers were incompatible with the policies of

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migrant labor and black urban restrictions which had served the mining industry and farmers so well in earlier decades.

Indeed the 1940s has now been identified as something of a ‘liberal interregnum’ when a different kind of social order was a real possibility (Dubow 2005). Ideas were canvassed within the Smuts government about relaxing urban restrictions on Africans, recognizing black trade unions in bargaining procedures and providing broader social welfare for all. However Smuts refused to understand black demands for political rights, there was little sympathy among white voters for such ideas, and enthusiasm faded after the end of the war (Jeeves 2004). With the development of apartheid a policy was found to resurrect segregation, albeit in a rather different form and with no remnant of the liberal protectionist notion. But before exam- ining the roots of apartheid we need to see how segregation was viewed by those who were at its receiving end.

Black responses to segregation

In the previous chapter we examined many examples of local conflicts in town and countryside during the early decades of South Africa’s industri- alization. Here we shall look at the broader political and organizational responses of blacks to segregation between the late nineteenth century and the 1940s. This period has often been seen as that of the foundation and growth of a modern African nationalism, although such developments were closely intertwined with earlier forms of popular protest (Landau 2010a). There is also a danger of portraying an ever-strengthening and unified national movement. There was much diversity and fluctuation in the development of black political movements.

The roots of African political organization have often been traced to the foundation of the African National congress in 1912. However, as odendaal (1984) has shown, black protest politics had a long tradition before then. The earliest examples of black political organizations were found in the eastern cape in the late nineteenth century, where the franchise involved the propertied in politics, led by a mission-educated elite. competition for African votes became marked in the 1880s when rival political parties encouraged voter registration, and black political activity was marked by petitions, mass meetings and newspapers (Saunders 1970). organizations such as the Native Educational Association (1879) and Imbumba ya manyama (Union of Black People) (1882) were founded to air issues of particular concern to black voters. Their membership strongly overlapped

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with those involved in the electoral committees, agents’ meetings and reg- istration campaigns that surrounded the political parties.

Political divisions soon emerged. A key figure was John Tengo Jabavu, a mission-educated teacher whose support for independent political candi- dates gave backing for his newspaper Imvo Zabantsundu (Native opinion). Through it strong protests were registered at the increase in the franchise qualifications of 1887 and other grievances of the African middle class. However, by the 1890s Jabavu’s support for Afrikaner Bond candidates led to the founding of an alternative newspaper, Izwi Labantu (Voice of the Black People), and the formation of the South African Native congress, with leading members based in East London and led by the cleric Walter rubusana and magistrate Allan Soga. The congress grew in membership and organization with many local area branches and it became the main focus of cape African political expression in the period around and fol- lowing the South African War, with strongly pro-British sympathies.

Despite the lack of constitutional outlets for black political involvement in the other parts of South Africa, organizations did emerge in the height- ened political atmosphere of the South African War. The Natal Native congress, led by the teacher and minister John Dube, provided an outlet for the aspirations of the kholwa landowning class with its newspaper Ilanga lase Natal (Natal Sun). Similar though smaller groupings also arose in the Free State and the Transvaal, and other African newspapers appeared, such as Sol Plaatje’s Sesotho Tsala ea Batho (Friend of the People).

Despite regional and political differences, African political involvement before 1910 was characterized by a liberalism which reflected the position of the African elite within colonial society, and which had little contact with more populist rural protest movements such as Transkei protests against taxation or the Bambatha revolt. mission-educated and predominantly middle-class professionals, the members of such bodies called for equal access to education and an extension of the cape’s limited black franchise to other parts of the country, but they accepted the paternalism of white society. Thus the executive of the South African Native congress reassured the British colonial Secretary in 1903 that the formation of independent African churches should not be seen as a challenge to white ecclesiastical and government authority, since

the black races are too conscious of their dependence upon the white mis- sionaries and of their obligations towards the British race, and the benefits to be derived by their presence in the general control and guidance of the

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civil and religious affairs of the country to harbour foolish notions of politi- cal ascendancy. (Karis and carter 1973: vol. 1, 18)

This cooperative stance was clear in the approval given by the SANAc (1903–5) of the open conduct of African political activities, which pre- sented little threat to the status quo.

However, African disillusionment with the benefits of colonial rule began to set in shortly after this. The failure of the Union constitution to extend the cape’s non-racial franchise led to fruitless petitions and appeals to both the local and British administrations. The optimism of the 1890s was shattered. Segregationist legislation of the early Union government, notably the mines and Works Act and the Natives Land Bill, showed that African interests could not be served by influencing white politicians on an individual basis, and this acted as a catalyst for more permanent organized unity. Delegates from throughout South Africa met in 1912 in Bloemfontein to form the South African Native National congress (SANNc) (renamed the African National congress (ANc) in 1923).

The declared intention of the SANNc as set out in its first constitution was

to encourage mutual understanding and to bring together into common action as one political people all tribes and clans of various tribes or races and by means of combined effort and united political organization to defend their freedom, rights and privileges. (Karis and carter 1973: vol. 1, 77)

However, it was far from a mass movement. It included some of the main chiefs and rural leaders, but its members were still primarily middle-class men who feared ‘being thrust back into the ranks of the urban and rural poor’ by the legislation of the post-Union years (Lodge 1983: 2).

The tactics of the SANNc were accordingly moderate. It still hoped to exert influence by petitions, delegations and journalism. Thus opposition to the Land Act was epitomized by the writing of its Secretary, Sol Plaatje, and by a delegation of protest to London. There was little contact with popular protests such as the pass-burning campaigns in Bloemfontein or the labor disputes of the rand. Loyalty to the British Empire was still stressed, and shown by the suspension of all protest during the First World War.

The ineffectiveness of such approaches became clear by the end of the decade. In the years following the end of the war, a diversity of African elite political responses emerged. congress’s leader, Dube, cautiously accepted

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the principle of segregation, although objecting to the unfairness of the terms of the Land Act. This led to his ousting from the presidency, but he remained in control of the Natal branch of congress. In this influential position he stressed the need for black self-help education rather than chal- lenges to the state, in a tradition which owed much to his experience of Booker Washington’s ideas during a visit to the United States. The Natal congress was dominated by kholwa landowners, who came actively to support the re-establishment of the Zulu monarchy and the principle of Zulu ethnic nationalism, symbolized by the founding of Inkatha ka Zulu in 1922–3 as a conservative bulwark against the radicalism of the IcU (marks 1986a: 36–7). Dube and his supporters seemed to follow the pro- segregationist stance of the liberal protectionists, a position that was par- ticularly strongly held in Natal.

By contrast, in the Transvaal a section of the congress leaders did iden- tify with the more radical labor movement on the rand. There they faced common grievances of low wages, inadequate housing and tightening of the pass laws. As a result they gave support to the striking municipal workers in Johannesburg in 1918 and to the anti-pass campaigns of the following year, and showed sympathy to the mine workers’ strike of 1920 (Bonner 1982). However, this class alliance was always precarious, and congress leadership was never wholly in favor of strike action and always nervous of a mass uprising. With the suppression of the 1920 strike, ANc leaders distanced themselves from the ‘Bolshevism’ of labor protest. Vaguely conciliatory moves on the part of the government, such as an enquiry into the pass laws and labor issues, were sufficient to disengage them from the main body of protesters.

cooperation with employers is also apparent in Willan’s case study of Sol Plaatje’s relations with the monopoly de Beers mining company in Kimberley in 1918–19 (1978). De Beers gave active support to Plaatje’s self-improving and christian-based ‘Brotherhood movement’ in a clear bid to keep out ‘the black Bolsheviks of Johannesburg’. As this example shows, congress support for worker protest was limited to the rand.

congress alienation from popular protest continued into the 1920s. many middle-class African leaders followed Dube’s example and were involved in joint deliberations with the liberal segregationists, rejecting the radicalism of the IcU and the millenarianism of rural protests such as the Wellington movement. However, the Hertzog bills of 1926 to remove the cape African franchise gave them a shock, and revealed the barrenness of a segregationism which sought to recreate a tribalism from which they

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were far removed. This led to some reconciliation with other movements. Josiah gumede, elected as President of congress in 1927, was much influ- enced by garveyism as well as open to contact with the communist Party of South Africa (cPSA). The way to this had been opened by the cPSA’s temporary re-orientation from white worker mobilization to acceptance of cooperation with reformist middle-class organizations such as congress. The heightened tensions of the 1929 ‘Black Peril’ election gave further meaning to such an alliance.

However, by 1930 the communist Party had again withdrawn from such contacts, and a more conservative backlash in congress was shown when gumede was voted out of office and replaced by Pixley Seme. In the 1930s the ANc went into sharp decline. Its cautious and conservative orientation towards the reserve chiefs and the aspiring African commercial and middle classes provided little link with the majority of the population facing rural impoverishment and urban proletarianization. militants in the organiza- tion were expelled and it lapsed into almost total inactivity.

Broadly similar patterns of class representation and tactics can be identi- fied in the political organization of other South Africans who were threat- ened by segregationist measures. By the end of the nineteenth century a sense of ‘colored’ identity was growing, particularly in cape Town and amongst the professional classes who were facing ostracism from white racism but were concerned to distance themselves from Africans, who were subject to greater discrimination, and to claim rights to full participation and assimilation into ‘civilized’ society (goldin 1987). In 1902 members of the colored elite, concerned at the establishment of an African location in cape Town and the application of pass laws to Africans which they feared might come to be applied to them, founded the African Political (later People’s) organization (APo). Under the leadership of Abdullah Abdurahman, a member of the cape Town city council, the APo protested strongly against the provision of compulsory state education for whites only as well as the lack of enfranchisement of coloreds outside the cape.

However, as with the SANNc, there were limits to how far the APo was prepared to go. Its goal was colored assimilation into white society, not equality for all (Adhikari 2005). It showed little support for radical action, much faith in British liberal principles and overt support for the British cause in the First World War. In the early 1920s the APo organized peti- tions against increasing discrimination, but these were ignored by the gov- ernment and the organization was seen to be increasingly irrelevant to both the radical trade union movement representing colored workers and to the

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more conservative colored middle class. The APo did nothing to back the campaign to support farm-worker strikes in the western cape against low wages in the late 1920s. Hopes that coloreds would be given a ‘new deal’ were raised by one of Hertzog’s 1926 bills, which confirmed colored voting rights in the cape and proposed its extension to the whole Union, in con- trast to the disenfranchisement of Africans. APo opposition to segrega- tionism was consequently weakened. By 1936, when Hertzog no longer needed colored voting support, this bill was dropped. The APo could offer little effective protest (Lewis 1987).

Another focus for political organization amongst the disenfranchised lay amongst the Indian population of Natal and the Transvaal. Early organiza- tions established in both regions in the 1890s represented the commercial classes, opposed to franchise restrictions and trading limitations but making no contact with the grievances of Indian indentured laborers and their descendants. Between 1906 and 1914 greater radicalization did develop, and passive resistance campaigns, largely organized by mahatma gandhi, opposed registration taxes and other discriminatory legislation. In 1913, such campaigns briefly linked up with a general strike of rural workers. But then splits again emerged, partly because of gandhi’s depar- ture for India, but also because the commercial elite who dominated both the Natal and Transvaal Indian congress consciously distanced themselves from worker radicalism, particularly as represented in the late 1920s by support of Indian workers for the IcU (Swan 1987).

It was only in the mid-1930s with the implementation of the Hertzog bills that a revival of organizational opposition took place and a new bid for unified action was made. In 1935 over 400 delegates from a variety of organizations, including Jabavu, Seme, leaders of the communist Party, the APo and the South African Indian congress, met together and formed the All African convention (AAc). Again, the delegates were primarily professional and middle-class men, who were now alienated from the repressive segregationism of the Hertzog years. The AAc’s tactics of peti- tion and moderate reformism, however, differed little from earlier methods and it met with as little response from the government as did the SANNc in 1912.

The failings of the AAc and other organizations to meet the challenge of segregation led to the emergence of more radical breakaway groupings. In the western cape disillusionment with the inactivity and reformism of the APo led to the foundation of the National Liberation League (NLL), led by Abdurahman’s daughter, ‘cissie’ gool, a prominent member of the

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communist Party. Disgusted by the AAc’s refusal to boycott segregated administrative structures, the NLL called for a national organization to protest more radically against segregation which would unite all black South Africans. The Non-European United Front was the result, which during the Second World War renamed as the Non-European Unity movement and produced the ‘Ten Point Programme’ (1943) identifying the ‘present system in South Africa’ as ‘similar to the Nazi system of Herrenvolk’, and calling for a united stand of all opposed to segregation and the estab- lishment of democracy as the rule ‘of the people, by the people, for the people’ (Karis and carter 1973: vol. 2, 352–7). The background to this process of radicalization was not only disillusionment with the failings of existing organizations, but also the upsurge of popular protest that emerged in the 1940s (see pp. 70–1). At last this found resonance in black political organizations.

The ANc had undergone some revival with reorganization and an active membership recruitment campaign under Alfred Xuma, elected President in 1940. At the same time, younger members of the ANc, less imbued with respect for white authority and chiefly power than their elders and con- cerned with the failure of congress to respond to the urban and labor protests, challenged the orientation of the organization. The congress youth League, formed in 1943 under the leadership of Anton Lembede, stressed the importance of African leadership and self-determination, the need to ‘go down to the masses’ and the importance of such direct action as boycotts, strikes and trade union mobilization. This marked a sharp break with the deferential policies and practices of the ANc in the 1930s. Some of the youth League leaders, such as Lembede, Walter Sisulu, oliver Tambo and Nelson mandela, were elected to the executive alongside older- style liberals and communist Party members. In general, however, the youth Leaguers were suspicious of the intentions of the white-dominated communist Party. Lembede in particular stressed the need for African control over political ideology, thus anticipating the black consciousness developments of subsequent decades, although after his early death in 1947 some of the cohesion of his political philosophy was weakened. Nonetheless, the youth Leaguers had moved beyond the view of their congress predeces- sors that African nationalism meant black unity as one part of a wider South Africa. For them Africans were by right of their indigenous status and numerical preponderance the only people entitled to rule South Africa (gerhart 1978: 67).

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Events after the Second World War gave further impetus to more mili- tant strategies. Popular protest continued, marked by strikes on the rand and in Durban. Indian passive resistance campaigns were renewed in the Transvaal and Natal against the ghetto Act, which limited areas of Indian property ownership. In this way the leadership of the South African Indian congress was mobilized together with wider worker support and ANc, Unity movement and communist Party sympathies, although Freund has argued that many Durban Indian workers who took part in strike action in these years viewed African labor as competition, and were less enthusi- astic about cross-racial alliances (1995: 50–63). These events brought some international condemnation of the Smuts government, with the newly independent India breaking off economic and diplomatic ties in the first example of sanctions against South Africa, although the United Nations refused to condemn what it regarded as matters of internal policy.

The example of national determination provided by the independence of India in 1947 and set out in the 1941 Atlantic charter influenced the youth Leaguers of the ANc. moreover, they faced the threat of white demands for the rigid imposition of segregation, a threat brought to reality in the victory of the National Party in 1948 under its slogan of apartheid.

Against this background the youth League produced its Programme of Action (1949), which marked a decisive break with the conciliatory policies of the previous decades. It called for ‘national freedom’ and political inde- pendence from white domination, a sign of the influence of Lembede’s Africanism, together with rejection of all forms of segregation and the use of weapons of boycott, civil disobedience and strike. These tactics reflected the changing membership of congress and the final recognition that seg- regation had to be counteracted at the popular level and by more drastic means than those used previously. The problem was that opponents of discrimination now faced a newly determined segregationist government.

Afrikaner nationalism and apartheid

Apartheid emerged as the slogan of the gesuiwerde Nasionale Party (later renamed the Herenigde Nasionale Party (HNP)), which originated as a splinter group from Hertzog’s National Party in 1934 and captured leader- ship of political Afrikanerdom in the 1940s. In 1948 the HNP narrowly won power. Apartheid had been a means by which it drew voters together behind a revived Afrikaner nationalist political movement.

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Afrikaner nationalism is a topic surrounded by mythology. Like all nationalist movements, it has created its own symbolism and its own history stressing the unified experience of the Afrikaner volk: born on the old cape frontier, trekking away from the British in 1836, surviving attacks by hostile Africans in the interior, defending themselves against the British in the 1870s and again in the South African War, suffering maltreatment in British concentration camps, rebelling against South African support for the British cause in the First World War, partially triumphing in the 1920s under the Hertzog government which made Afrikaans an official language, reacting against the English-dominated Fusion government of Hertzog and Smuts in the 1930s and early 1940s, finally winning the election of 1948 and – the ultimate achievement – breaking from the commonwealth and establishing a republic in 1961.

certainly all of these events took place. But such a one-track view ignores the diversity of experience of Afrikaners of different regions and classes. The notion of Afrikaner nationalism had to be consciously forged rather than growing spontaneously. In this it did not differ from other nationalist movements in nineteenth-century Europe, or indeed from African nation- alism in South Africa. Apartheid was an important means by which politi- cal unity was forged out of Afrikaner diversity in the 1940s.

Like African political consciousness, Afrikaner nationalism was rooted in the experience and leadership of middle-class teachers and clerics in the late nineteenth-century cape, although in its western rather than eastern region. A group of them in Paarl founded the genootskap van regte Afrikaners (Society of True Afrikaners) in 1875 ‘to stand for our language, our nation and our land’, produced a newspaper, Die Afrikaanse Patriot, written in Afrikaans rather than the Dutch currently in standard use, and published their own history book stressing the distinctiveness of the Afrikaner experience and the god-given destiny they possessed as a chosen people. This was the first time that such a view had been articulated. It was absent in the mid-nineteenth-century period of the great Trek and the establishment of the Boer polities of the interior. Du Toit (1983) has argued that its emergence in the 1870s and 1880s was a conscious attempt by an elite class to stress social cohesion in the face of a process of industrializa- tion and modernization over which it had little control.

In 1880 this movement found political expression in the foundation of the Afrikaner Bond, which contested seats in the cape Legislative Assembly and established branches in other parts of South Africa. But in general the idea of Afrikaner unity attracted little support outside the western cape.

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The governments of the Free State and the Transvaal saw no unity of inter- ests with Afrikaners in the cape, and by the 1890s the Afrikaner Bond was in parliamentary alliance with their arch-enemy, cecil rhodes.

However, in the western cape the ‘Patriot’ movement did find other allies. giliomee (1987) has shown how the wealthy wine and grain farmers of the region faced economic difficulties in the depression of the late 1870s and came to identify their interests in opposition to the English merchant and commercial classes. They demanded protective tariffs for their produce, state support for agriculture and adequate controls over labor. Not only did they support the Afrikaner Bond, they also backed local financial institutions in opposition to the London-based Standard Bank, and began to build a local capital base. By 1915, a strong Afrikaner nationalist bourgeoisie had emerged in the western cape, consisting of farmers and professionals who were shareholders and directors of major financial institutions and intellectuals of the Dutch reformed church (Drc) and Stellenbosch University. Afrikaner capital was used in 1915 to found the Nasionale Pers publishing house and the newspaper De Burger, and to set up the large trust and insurance companies Santam and Sanlam in 1918.

In the Free State and South African (Transvaal) republics, Afrikaners controlled the state. Attack from outside, such as the British annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 and the rebellion of 1881 which ousted them, mobi- lized support for the republican cause by using Afrikaner symbols. But the commercialization of agriculture produced marked class divisions amongst Afrikaners in the north, and by the end of the nineteenth century poor bywoners had little in common with the wealthy farmers and commercial groups who controlled government (giliomee 1989). During the South African War support for Afrikaner nationalism grew, especially in the Boer commandos, but this was not universal (Pretorius 2002). In particular, some bywoners and poor white tenants had refused to join commandos led by the large landowners, and some even joined the British.

In the following decades Afrikaner class interests became even more divided, especially with the move of young men and women from the land into the towns. This gave some cause for alarm to Dutch reformed minis- ters, who saw the waning of church influence in the cities. In addition, a small group of Afrikaner intellectuals and teachers, alienated by the angli- cization of state education under reconstruction, had formed separate schools, funded from Holland and independent of the state, advocating a distinctively Afrikaner ‘christian National’ education.

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In a conscious attempt to develop an Afrikaner ethnic identity in the face of industrialization and class division, these northern clerics and teachers mobilized support for the Afrikaans language and published news- papers and popular magazines such as Die Huisgenoot (Home companion), stressing the common heritage of all Afrikaners, in an approach which mirrored the emphasis of anthropological studies on African ‘traditional culture’ of the time (Hofmeyr 1987). Furthermore, in 1918 a secret society, the Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood), was established, dominated by Transvaal intellectuals and clergy, to mobilize political support. In 1929 it was instrumental in the founding of the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings (Federation of Afrikaner cultural Associations) (FAK) to unify and disseminate a sense of separate Afrikaner identity.

Important studies since 2000 have shown the crucial role that women played in the growth of Afrikaner nationalism during this period. They were far from being passive consumers of ideas promoted by men, as earlier historians had implied. Boer women played an active role in the South African War (see p. 34), and in its aftermath in the period between 1902 and 1914, they promoted Afrikaner political and cultural ideals through women’s nationalist movements (Bradford 2000b). For example the Afrikaanse christelike Vroue Vereniging (Afrikaner christian Women’s Society), founded in 1904, was concerned with the upliftment of poor white Afrikaner women in the towns. In the process the volkmoeders of the AcVV also promoted the Afrikaans language and called for racial purity and the exclusion of colored Afrikaans speakers from the volk (du Toit 2003).

Such developments certainly played an important role in mobilizing popular perceptions. But political mobilization of Afrikaner nationalism was not easy. Divisions of wealth and class persisted: bywoners and those Afrikaners who worked as unskilled laborers in the towns had little in common with the teachers and intellectuals of the Afrikaner cultural move- ment. However, during the First World War some of these divisions were breached. In 1914 a number of ex-Boer commando leaders rebelled against the Union government and marched to the defense of the germans in South-West Africa. most of those who fought under them were ‘desperate men’, landless bywoners from the northern Free State and southwestern Transvaal who had lost out in the rapid changes that had taken place since the South African War (Swart 2000). The rebellion was put down and its leader executed, but this act was identified by some Afrikaner intellectuals as the creation of a martyr.

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Hertzog’s National Party openly identified with the rebellion, opposed South African participation in ‘England’s war’ and certainly benefited from heightened Afrikaner nationalist sentiment during the war years. But its main body of support were farmers who resented the dominance of mining and British capital interests in the state. Some poorer Afrikaners were also drawn in, but they still had little in common with landowners; and as they became increasingly urbanized, their class interests led them to support the Labour Party. When in power after 1924, Hertzog gave support to official recognition of Afrikaans and introduced a new national flag to replace the Union Jack, but he placed greater emphasis on white national unity (‘South Africa first’) in contrast to imperial control than to separatist Afrikaner ethnic mobilization.

Hertzog’s alliance with Smuts in the Fusion government of 1934 marked a clear rejection of Afrikaner separatism and an alliance with British capital interests. It led to the breakaway of the gesuiwerde Nasionale Party (‘Purified’ National Party) under malan. much of the ethnic symbolism built up by the Afrikaner Broederbond, the FAK and Nasionale Pers swung behind the new party. The western cape farmer–intelligentsia alliance fol- lowed, but in the Free State and the Transvaal support for malan was limited to some academics, teachers and clerics. Fusion threatened the status and position of these middle-class Afrikaners who had obtained greater access to government and administrative positions.

o’meara (1983) argues that Fusion was a turning point in the political mobilization of Afrikaner ethnicity. After 1934 a conscious effort was made by the National Party to capture power by mobilizing Afrikaners across divisions of region and class. This was marked in three main ways. First, Afrikaner culture was further defined and propagated through the Afrikaner Broederbond, the FAK and christian Nationalist education, stressing the need for volkseenheid (unity of the volk) in the face of political party divi- sions. The height of this development was the Eeufees celebration of the centenary of the great Trek in 1938, which mobilized widespread popular interest and support in the symbols of an Afrikaner past, represented by the processions of ox wagons through the country and the founding of the Voortrekker monument in Pretoria.

Secondly, there was recognition of the importance of Afrikaner workers and an attempt to win them away from trade unions dominated by English speakers with socialist ideas inimical to Afrikaner unity. There were clear signs of the potential. For example Afrikaner women in the garment Workers Union rejected the notion that urbanized female workers were

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fallen volk, ‘insisted that the factory workers deserved to be treated as a legitimate and respectable part of the Afrikaner nation’ (Vincent 2000: 68), and willingly participated in the Eeufees. They thus did not reject their ethnic identity as Afrikaners in favor of a broader class unity. Attempts to establish alternative Afrikaner labor organizations were made which met with success where Afrikaner workers felt alienated from older craft unions, such as in the mines, but were not entirely successful elsewhere (o’meara 1978). But although by no means all Afrikaner workers broke with the older unions, enough shifted loyalty from the Labour Party to the National Party to help it to win victory in 1948.

Thirdly, Afrikaner business and capital were actively encouraged and developed to meet the challenge of the overwhelming domination of these fields by English interests. Afrikaner capital had been largely based in the western cape, but closer links between Sanlam and the Afrikaner Broederbond were now forged. In 1939, in the aftermath of the Eeufees euphoria, Sanlam underwrote the reddingsdaadfons (Act of rescue Fund) to support fledgling Afrikaner business interests. Stressing the need to counteract foreign-dominated capital and monopolies, which were stated to have caused proletarianization and class division amongst the volk and driven them into competition with black labor, Afrikaner business claimed by contrast to serve the entire Afrikaner community rather than merely enriching one sector of it. This volkskapitalisme marked a significant break with previous Afrikaner nationalist promotion of an idealized rural and pre-capitalist society. Afrikaner nationalism was now dealing head on with the realities of an industrialized society, although the impor- tance of the earlier volkskultuur movement should not be underestimated (giliomee 1983).

It was only in the 1940s, however, that this process began to bear political fruit, largely aided by other events in South Africa and abroad. Smuts’s immediate support of Britain at the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 led to Hertzog’s split from the Fusion alliance and his swift political demise. With him went supporters of the old Nationalist Party and those who could not follow Smuts’s automatic acceptance of British interests. malan’s ‘purified’ National Party, which had benefited from its backing of the 1938 Eeufees, was now poised to fill the gap as the true political home of Afrikaner nationalism. Pro-german sympathy was also expressed by some Afrikaner intellectuals and by the militant ossewa Brandwag, which was founded as a cultural movement in 1938 but turned to active sabotage during the war. However, few Afrikaners actively supported such develop-

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ments. malan’s National Party broke with the ossewa Brandwag in 1941 and consciously moderated its support for fascist movements after 1943, although it continued an ‘uneasy courtship’ with right-wing ideas long after the end of the war (Furlong 1991: 208). The main thrust of support for malan came not from the far-right organizations, but from an alliance of voters who saw their own position threatened by the economic and social changes within South Africa of the war period and its aftermath.

In the 1943 elections, the National Party emerged as the official opposi- tion, with forty-three seats against the government United and Labour Party coalition of 103 seats. Between then and 1948, a number of United Party and Labour Party voters shifted allegiance to the National Party. Paramount in this was the breakdown of segregation, marked by African urban influx, the relaxation of pass laws and the apparent inability of the state to deal with the rising tide of black protest. These were the products of the boost to secondary industry and urbanization provided by the war, as we have seen (pp. 69–73).

Although malan had emphasized Afrikaner ethnic identity in the 1943 campaign, it was only after 1945 that the National Party began to stress racial issues and the need for a firm ‘native policy’. Arguments for the need to protect distinct ‘cultures’ tended to dominate National Party thinking, owing as much to the views of the earlier segregationists as to overt notions of scientifically proven white race supremacy (Dubow 1992). In opposition to the government’s Fagan commission, which recognized the inevitability of permanent African urbanization and the impracticability of enforcing the 1936 Land Act, the National Party’s Sauer report of 1946 thus recom- mended consolidation of the reserves, rigorous controls over African urban settlement, segregated facilities for coloreds and Indians, and the abolition of the white representatives of Africans in Parliament. coined as apartheid, this policy became the basis of malan’s campaign in the 1948 election.

Was apartheid simply segregation by another name? Some historians have argued that this essentially was so, although apartheid involved a more ruthless system of labor control. However, Wolpe (1972) has stressed the essential difference that by the 1940s the existing reserves were palpably incapable of maintaining a subsistence base for migrant workers, as earlier segregationist policy had envisaged. Apartheid thinkers thus planned to bolster the reserves with possibly more land, but also with manufacturing development closer to their boundaries.

But in the 1940s apartheid was not a single cohesive policy (Posel 1987). Although all of its supporters agreed on the need to maintain white

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supremacy by the total exclusion of Africans from political power, there were differences of opinion over other aspects of apartheid policy. Some intellectuals in the tradition of the Broederbond and the FAK advocated ‘total segregation’, with exclusion of Africans from ‘white’ towns and rural areas, their replacement by white immigrants and the consolidation of the reserves as self-contained economic units. Such a policy was clearly articu- lated by writers like W.m.m. Eiselen (1948), later to be the National Party government Secretary of Native Affairs, and it also appealed to white workers. But businessmen and farmers needing continued access to black labor favored a more ‘practical apartheid’, whereby labor mobility would be strictly controlled by the state, which would also permit supplies of African rural and urban workers to be obtained. The Sauer report was sufficiently vague to accommodate both of these viewpoints and thus to attract a wide range of differing class interests. The ambiguity of apartheid was its electoral strength, although its differing interpretations were to emerge fully after 1948.

Apartheid thus provided the means of cementing the cross-class Afrikaner alliance which had been consciously forged in the preceding decades. It appealed to traditional National Party supporters: teachers, clerics, intellectuals and the large-scale farmers of the western cape. But it also attracted significant new categories of voters. many white workers, threatened by black urbanization during the Second World War and influ- enced by the FAK assault on the trade unions, deserted the Labour Party for malan. Also Transvaal and Free State farmers were attracted to the prospect of cheap contract labor provision at a time when urbanization was making this difficult to obtain. They were also hostile to the Smuts government’s price control policy, which kept food cheaper for the towns. And small-scale Afrikaner traders and businessmen in Natal and the Transvaal welcomed the removal of Indian competition in more strictly segregated cities.

Smuts was somewhat complacent in the 1948 election campaign and vulnerable to malan’s accusations that he had placed British imperial inter- ests above those of his own people, and that under him segregation was collapsing. Nonetheless, the results were close and malan obtained only a slender majority. Apartheid had proved the basis of a rather fragile alliance behind this Afrikaner nationalist victory and was by no means pre-ordained. other options had existed in the 1940s, a decade of liberal hopes and of rising African nationalist expectations (Dubow 2005). Few of malan’s

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opponents believed that such a government with such a policy could last for long.

Suggestions for further reading

cell, J. 1982: The highest stage of white supremacy: the origins of segregation in South Africa and the American South. cambridge: cambridge University Press.

marks, S. and Trapido, S. 1987: The politics of race, class and nationalism in twentieth- century South Africa. London: Longman.

o’meara, D. 1983: Volkskapitalisme: class capital and ideology in the development of Afrikaner nationalism, 1934–1948. cambridge: cambridge University Press; Johannesburg: ravan.

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