PHL
different types of fees would be reported, but they would be added up into
a single salient number.
Woodward's research finds that the people who get the best deals-by a
lot! -are those who pay no fee up front. (This just means that the broker
pays all the fees out of his commission. There may be occasional free
lunches, but there is no such thing as a free mortgage.) The likely explana
tion for this result is that when the fee is zero, it is simpler for borrowers to
compare terms, because the interest rate is the only thing they have to look
at. The interest-rate disclosure would include the rate, of course, but also
a schedule of payments over a period of years, assuming that the underly
ing interest rates do not change. This would ensure that borrowers at least
know what their payments vv:ill be when the teaser rate ends. It would be a
good idea to add some kind of worst-case scenario information so that
borrowers can see how much their payments could go up in the future.
Lenders would also have to provide a machine-readable detailed RECAP
report, one that incorporates all the fees and interest rate provisions, in
cluding teaser rates, what the variable-rate changes are linked to, caps on the changes per year, and so forth. This information would allow indepen
dent third parties to offer much better advice. Our strong hunch is that if
the RECAP data were made available, third-party services would emerge to
compare lenders. Care would need to be taken that the system did not fos ter collusion, but we think this would be easy enough to monitor and pre
vent.
RECAP data would thus make it much easier to shop for mortgages on
line, which should make the mortgage market more competitive. Online shopping is especially likely to help women and minority groups. A study
of automobile shopping found that women and Mrican-Americans pay
about the same amount as white males when they buy a car online, but at
the dealership they pay more, even after you account for other factors, such as income.4
Student Loans
The cost of going to college has been rising almost as fast as the
cost of health care and rare baseball cards. At many private universities, in
cluding ours, it costs a student more than fifty thousand dollars a year in
tuition, room, and board. Scholarships and part-time jobs typically do not
cover the cost of college. So students and their families often turn to stu
dent loans to help out. In fact, loans are a common option. About two
thirds of four-year college students are in debt when they graduate.
There are two kinds of loans in the marketplace: purely private loans
given by financial institutions, and loans that are backed by the federal gov
ernment, so-called Stafford loans. These Stafford loans are need-based.
The government pays the interest on the loans while the student is in
school, guarantees payment to the lender if the student defaults, and sub
sidizes the loans. Lenders find making these loans highly profitable. Unfortunately, student borrowers and their families face the same kinds
of difficulties as subprime borrowers. Similarly misleading mail solicita
tions come from private lenders, aimed at a younger audience. Some of
these solicitations are hilarious in their absurdity, but apparently they're ef
fective too. For example, one of the dozens ofloan flyers that our student
intern received in the mail during her senior year of high school suggested
that getting a loan of forty thousand dollars could be as easy as ordering a
pizza, and pictured a pizza chef promising a "Decision delivered within I 5
minutes!" Shopping for a student loan is nearly as complicated as looking for a
mortgage. Students typically try for a federal loan because they are cheaper (a fact not mentioned by the pizza man in the ad), then look at private
loans if necessary. To apply for a federal loan a student must first fill out the
free application for federal student aid ( FAFSA). If the student has also ap
plied for financial aid at a private college, she must also complete the Col lege Board's financial aid profile. Each form contains more than a hundred
questions that vary according to the schools involved, and filling one out
takes many hours. (Some high school and college students joke that it
takes longer than the college application itself.) Like a typical mortgage form, the scale of these questionnaires is over
whelming. Students are asked to answer questions about their parents'
finances, even if they don't know much about them. After the forms have
been filled out, the Department of Education determines how much the student's family can pay for college (called the expected family contribu
tion). From there, the college decides on the size of the loan.
Alternatively, the student can go to the private sector for a loan. By
sending proof of college enrollment to the lender, a student can receive as
much money as she thinks is necessary. Unlike federal loans, this money
can be used for any expenses, so direct-to-consumer loans could poten
tially encourage students to borrow too much and to overspend.
As in the case of mortgages, where a borrower often naively asks advice
from his mortgage broker, students and their parents have traditionally
turned to their colleges' financial aid offices for advice. Of course, most
such offices are helpful and honest. Alas, some of them have been no more
scrupulous than the cricket player turned mortgage broker. The loan offi
cers offer advice, all right, but instead of a well-intentioned nudge, the ad vice has often been a self-serving shove. Some colleges' financial aid offices
have tag-teamed with lenders who had provided gifts, stock options, and
"donations" to the college in order to become "preferred lenders"-a
kind of "Good Housekeeping" stamp for student loans. 5 Occasionally, a
college's financial aid staff tells students that they may choose only lenders
on a "preferred" list, even if these lenders don't necessarily provide loans in
the best interest of the student. At one university, a lender was allowed to
provide staff for a call center under a college's name; when students called in to ask about loans, those "unbiased" employees pushed their own com
pany's loans. When students took out these loans, the lender kindly shared
profits with the college. One might wonder why lenders are so eager to get the student loan
business that they are willing to engage in practices that are at least sleazy
and possibly illegal. The answer is that the combination ofloan guarantee
and subsidy by the government makes these loans exceptionally profitable,
so lenders compete hard to get the business. Presumably, it was the hope
of such competition that led the government to design the program in this
partially privatized manner, in which the federal government hands out
subsidies but relies on the private sector to distribute the loans. However, the competition has not focused on price. Instead, the lenders have en gaged in what economists call rent-seeking activities. The idea is that if
there are high profits to be made, suppliers will be willing to spend a lot of
time and money to get that business. Because excess profits are available to the lenders who snag the student loan business, there are temptations to do whatever it takes to get to the head of the line.
As with mortgages, this example illustrates the problem with directing
people to seek "expert" advice when they face difficult, high-stakes prob
lems and are confused about what to do. If they don't just reply to the
pizza ad because it is easy, but instead try to get helpful advice, they may
end up with suggestions that are as self-serving as the pizza man's. The ad
viser they consult has a treasure-confused customers. The opportunity to
fleece confused customers is valuable. There is money on the table. It is difficult to design public policies that inhibit "advisers" from taking that
money. Better to inform the consumer by improving the choice architec
ture. Ifborrowers could compare loans more easily, then the price compe
tition that was hoped for might actually emerge.
One helpful nudge would be to simplify the financial aid application.
The complicated format of these forms can discourage students from ap
plying for financial aid and cause them to seek pricey direct-to-consumer
loans instead. Although the Department of Education has not released a specific formula for how it determines how much aid a family should re
ceive, an application of RECAP to student loans would start with cutting
down the number of questions on the FAFSA and making them uniform for all loans, federal and private.
The FAFSA application could also be combined with an annual tax re
turn. In one ongoing Ohio study, tax professionals at H&R Block offer a
FAFSA software package to families likely to qualify for federal or state
financial aid. This software uses the tax return to complete most of the
FAFSA for submission. 6 A RECAP policy would make it much easier for stu
dents to compare various loan options offered through their school. In
deed, learning to use a student loan RECAP spreadsheet might be an excel
lent assignment in a high school math class for seniors.
Another possibility would be to help families avoid loans altogether, or
at least reduce the need for such loans, by helping them start saving for
college earlier via college savings accounts ("529 plans"). In research in
progress by Eric Bettinger, Bridget Long, and Phil Oreopoulos, eighth graders and their parents must meet with school counselors and receive a
small nudge. At the meetings, families are offered the option of directly
depositing money from a checking account into a college savings account each month. As an incentive, they receive one hundred dollars in savings for signing up. Through this process, families could conveniently save
money for college. 7
Credit Cards
The credit card is a ubiquitous feature of modern life. It is nearly
impossible to function in society without one. Try checking into a hotel,
renting a car, or renting a set of golf clubs without a credit card. Good
luck. Credit cards serve two functions. First, they provide a mode of pay
ment in lieu of cash, and have largely replaced checks for that purpose in
face-to-face transactions-thankfully-although occasionally you still get
stuck behind someone in a grocery store checkout line who wants to write
a check for a $7 ·37 purchase. The second purpose of a credit card is to pro vide a ready source of liquidity if you want to spend more than you cur
rently have in cash. Debit cards, which look just like credit cards, serve
only the first function, because they are linked to a bank account and do
not allow for borrowing unless linked also to a line of credit. (Warning:
some debit cards offer lines of credit at high fees. If you use a debit card to
borrow, you should make sure that the fees you pay are lower than they
would be with a credit card.)
Credit cards are blessedly convenient. Paying with a credit card is often
faster than paying with cash, and lets you avoid struggling with change;
digging into your pocket to find the correct change and managing the
large jar of pennies at home are vexations from which you are liberated.
Not to mention the frequent flyer miles! But if you are not careful, credit
cards can be addicting. Consider these numbers:
• The Census Bureau reported that there were more than I.4 billion
credit cards in 2004- for 164- million cardholders-an average of 8.5 cards per cardholder.
• Currently, IIS million Americans carry a month-to-month credit card
debt.
• In 1989 the average American family owed its credit card companies $2,697; by 2007 that number had grown to about $8,ooo. And these
figures are probably too low because they are generally self-reported.
Using Federal Reserve data, some researchers suggest that American
households may have an average credit card debt of$u,ooo. At typi cal interest rates of 18 percent per year, that translates into more than
$2,ooo a year in interest payments alone.8
CREDIT MARKETS 143
Looking back at the problems of self-control discussed in Chapter 3, we
can see how credit cards create serious problems for some people. In the
pre-credit card era, households were pretty much forced to use a pay-as
you-go accounting system. That is why people used jars of money labeled
according to purpose or payee. Now if you don't have the cash to fill your car up with gas, there is always your credit card. Credit cards inhibit self
control in other ways. One study by Drazen Prelec and Duncan Simister
( 2001) found that people were willing to pay twice as much to bid on tick
ets to a Boston Celtics basketball game if they could pay with their credit card rather than cash. There is no telling how much money people pay
with the cards in order to get those precious frequent flyer miles. And
when the spending limit on one card is reached, there is always another
card to use, or a new account can be opened using one of the solicitations
that arrive almost daily in the mail announcing that you have been "pre
approved." Can libertarian paternalism help? As with mortgages, we think this is a
perfect area for RECAP. We suggest that credit card companies should be required to send an annual statement, both hard copy and electronic, that
lists and totals all the fees that have been incurred over the course of the
year. This report would serve two purposes. First, credit card users could
use the electronic version of the report to shop for better deals. By know ing their precise usage and fee payments, customers would get a better
sense of what they are paying for. Here is one example. One way credit card companies have slyly raised
prices is by reducing the number of days you have between the time you get your bill and the day your payment is due. If you miss that payment
you not only pay a penalty, but you also pay interest on all the purchases
you make next month, even if you normally pay off your bill in full. For a
heavy credit card user, such as a frequent business traveler, missing a five thousand -dollar payment by one day can result in an extra payment of
more than one hundred dollars.
Second, the report would~make more salient to users just how much
they are paying over the course of the year. Some credit cards now issue an annual summary of purchases, listed by category, which can help for tax
preparation, but the RECAP requirement would force the card issuers to in-
dude information on their own fees in this document. Often those fees are
hidden. For example, if you make a purchase in a foreign currency, the
credit card company tacks on a fee for converting the purchase into dollars
(something that costs banks virtually nothing). On your RECAP statement
you would be told how much you paid for the privilege of using your card
on your vacation to Mexico. Because interest on credit cards is not de
ductible, there is no particular reason for users to check how much they
paid in interest last year on all their credit cards, and fees are likely to be
buried and ignored altogether. Imagine the wakeup call for a credit card
user who is told that over the past year he paid $2,I53 in interest, $247 in
late fees, and $57 in currency transaction fees.
Some other nudges could help as well. For example, credit cards always
mention the minimum payment you can make when you receive your
monthly bill. This can serve as an anchor, and as a nudge that this mini
mum payment is an appropriate amount.* Of course, because the mini
mum payments are tiny relative to the total bill, paying this amount just
maximizes the interest payments over time. Credit card companies even
make it hard to commit yourself to paying the card off in full each month.
Try to set up an automatic payment feature with your credit card and your
bank. Chances are the only default option offered is to pay the minimum
payment, not the entire bill. We think that companies should be required
to allow automatic payment of the full bill.
We have covered a number of topics in this chapter, but the unifYing
message is simple. For mortgages, school loans, and credit cards, life is far
more complicated than it needs to be, and people can be exploited. Often
it's best to ask people to take care of themselves, but when people borrow,
standard human frailties can lead to serious hardship and even disaster.
Here as elsewhere, government should respect freedom of choice; but with a few improvements in choice architecture, people would be far less
likely to choose badly.
*Similarly, credit card limits, which are nominally in place to limit spending, may serve as high anchors that actually encourage spending.
9 PRIVATIZING SOCIAL SECURITY:
SMORGASBORD STYLE
In the 2ooo U.S. presidential campaign, George vV. Bush called
for a partial privatization of the Social Security system. According to his
plan, a portion of the payroll tax would be designated for individual sav
ings accounts. At the same time that this issue was being debated in the
United States, Sweden was launching a system similar to President Bush's proposal. Although Bush's plan did not get much attention in the early
years of his administration, it resurfaced prominently in 2005. Though it
failed in Congress, some version of this proposal is likely to be considered
again before long, either in the United States or in other countries. Im
portant lessons can be learned from the Swedish experience-lessons,
above all, about the limitations of any simple celebration of freedom of
choice. We shall see that Sweden's officials did quite well on some aspects of
their choice architecture but made at least one important error that led its
citizens to choose portfolios that are not nearly as good as they could have
been. A better set of nudges would have helped. By understanding why, we can learn a lot about Social Security reform, and about much else besides.
Design of the Swedish Privatization Plan
If we were to pick a single phrase to characterize the design of the
Swedish plan, it would be "pro-choice." In fact, the plan is a good exam
ple of the Just Maximize Choices strategy. Give people as many options as
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252
18 THE REAL THIRD WAY
In tl1is book we have made two major claims. The first is that seem
ingly small features of social situations can have massive effects on people's
behavior; nudges are everywhere, even if we do not see them. Choice archi
tecture, both good and bad, is pervasive and unavoidable, and it greatly af fects our decisions. The second claim is that libertarian paternalism is not an oxymoron. Choice architects can preserve freedom of choice while also
nudging people in directions that will improve their lives.
We have covered a great deal of territory, including savings, Social Secu
rity, credit markets, environmental policy, healtl1 care, marriage, and much
more. But the range of potential applications is much broader than the top
ics we have managed to include. One of our main hopes is that an under
standing of choice architecture, and the power of nudges, will lead others to
think of creative ways to improve human lives in other domains. Many of those domains involve purely private action. Workplaces, corporate boards,
universities, religious organizations, dubs, and even families might be able
to use, and to benefit from, small exercises in libertarian paternalism. With respect to government, we hope that the general approach might
serve as a viable middle ground in our unnecessarily polarized society. The
twentieth century was pervaded by a great deal of artificial talk about the
possibility of a "Third Way." We are hopeful that libertarian paternalism offers a real Third Way-one that can break through some of the least tractable debates in contemporary democracies.
Ever since Franldin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal, the Democratic
Party has shown a great deal of enthusiasm for rigid national requirements
and for command-and-control regulation. Having identified serious prob
lems in the private market, Democrats have often insisted on firm man
dates, typically eliminating or at least reducing freedom of choice. Repub licans have responded that such mandates are often uninformed or
counterproductive-and that in light of the sheer diversity of Americans,
one size cannot possibly fit all. Much of the time, they have argued on be
half oflaissez-faire and against government intervention. At least with re
spect to the economy, freedom of choice has been their defining principle.
To countless ordinary people, the resulting debates seem increasingly tired, abstract, and unhelpful-pointless sloganeering. Many sensible Dem
ocrats are fully aware that mandates can be ineffective and even counter
productive, and that one size may not fit all. American society is simply too
diverse, individuals are simply too creative, circumstances change too
rapidly, and government is simply too fallible. Many sensible Republicans
know that even with free markets, government intervention cannot be
avoided. Free markets depend on government, which must protect private
property and ensure that contracts are enforced. In domains ranging from
environmental protection to planning for retirement to assisting the
needy, markets should certainly be enlisted. In fact, some of the best
nudges use markets; good choice architecture includes close attention to incentives. But there is all the difference in the world between senseless op
position to all "government intervention" as such and the sensible claim
that when governments intervene, they should usually do so in a way that promotes freedom of choice.
For all their differences, liberals and conservatives are beginning to rec
ognize these fundamental points. No less than those in the private sector,
public officials can nudge people in directions that will make their lives
go better while also insisting that the ultimate choice is for individuals, not for the state. The sheer complexity of modern life, and the astounding
pace of technological and global change, undermine arguments for rigid
mandates or for dogmatic laissez-faire. Emerging developments should
strengthen, at once, the principled commitment to freedom of choice and the case for the gentle nudge.