chapter 10

When you think about the homicide of children, a few infamous cases probably come to mind. If you are a fan of true crime writings or serial killer websites, you probably think of John Wayne Gacy, the “clown killer” who raped and murdered more than 30 young boys during the 1970s and then buried many of his young victims under his home. The mysterious Jon Benét Ramsey case in which a 6-year-old pageant queen was found murdered in her family home may come to mind, especially with the 2006 attention shed on this 1997 case. You may also think of Andrea Yates, who drowned her five children in a bathtub in Texas. The memory of Susan Smith strapping her two young boys into their car seats and rolling the car into a lake in 1994 may quickly follow your thoughts of Andrea Yates. And then the more recent case of Lashuan Harris allegedly dropping her three young sons into the San Francisco Bay may occur to you. For those who have lived in the United Kingdom (or who have traveled there at a time when the press was focusing on this story as I have), the tragic and tortuous death of James Bulger at the hands of two 10-year-old boys may come to mind. Finally, even if you were not alive in 1966 when they disappeared, most anyone who has lived in Australia recalls the Beaumont children disappearance. The three Beaumont children ranging in age from 4 to 9 years old took a bus trip to the beach by themselves (a much more common and acceptable practice for children of that age in the 1960s) one January morning in 1966. The children never returned, but the case still remains in the public eye with the Australian police increasing the reward to $100,000 (in Australian dollars) for information leading to the offender as recently as June 2005 (Brown, 1999; New Zealand Herald, 2005).

These cases and just the idea that someone would murder a child continue to both horrify and capture the public’s imagination. With 24-hour news stations such as MSNBC, CNN, and Fox News repeatedly broadcasting stories of missing children throughout the United States, the public is more aware than ever of the abduction

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CHILD MURDER AND INFANTICIDE

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and killing of children across the country and throughout the world. Moreover, cases of missing children commonly appear as entertainment in fictionalized television shows such as Law & Order and Missing. The AMBER Alert System, which began in 1996, also makes us immediately aware of the abduction of helpless children soon after an abduction has occurred. It is no wonder that the fear of child predators hunt- ing down, kidnapping, and killing vulnerable children persists even if the reality of child homicide suggests that far more children are killed by their family members than by the strangers we fear.

Certainly, even one child abduction and murder is appalling, but the reality of approximately 2,000 children murdered in a single year in the United States in a variety of circumstances, including at the hands of their own parents, is dreadfully sobering. Although criminological studies about the homicide of children are rela- tively rare (Lord, Boudreaux, Jarvis, et al., 2002), in this chapter we review what is known about the homicide of children. As is the case throughout this book, I focus on the United States, but information from other countries, especially Australia and the United Kingdom, are also included. Beginning with a brief review of the history of child homicide, the chapter proceeds to the official crime data that tell us how common child homicide is and something about the victims. Then through a focus on the terminology used to describe different types of child homicide, victim/ offender relationships, circumstances, and possible motives related to child homi- cide are explored. The chapter ends with a section about how the courts treat those who kill children.

HISTORY

The homicide of children is not new. As Coramae Richey Mann (1993: 227) has reported, it is an “age-old practice.” Infanticide, the killing of infants, in particular, has existed throughout history. Infanticide is believed to have been practiced by primitive people and, to some degree, by nearly every culture and every class of peo- ple since primitive times. During the seventeenth and eighteenth century in France, fathers legally decided whether to let their children live or die. In 1741, in London, infanticide was so common that Thomas Coram established a foundling home to provide refuge for infants and young children cast away by their mothers because he found it disturbing to see babies dying in the gutters and rotting on trash heaps (deMause, 1988; Smith, 2006).

In the United States and other countries, now and in the past, unmarried women have killed their babies because of the stigma associated with having children out of wedlock. Infants have also been sacrificed for religious reasons, as a method of popu- lation control, or because their parents could not afford to raise them (Smith, 2006). At different times, it has also been acceptable to kill babies with birth defects or those who are female. In present-day China, for example, because females are culturally less valued than males, girl children are often killed.

Children of preschool age and older have also perished at the hands of their par- ents and caretakers as the result of abuse and negligence. But too, as portrayed in Euripides’ play Medea written in 431 B.C.E., parents have deliberately murdered their

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own children as a way to hurt their child’s other parent. Throughout time, across the world, and every day, children are killed at the hands of both their family members and strangers.

OFFICIAL DATA ON CHILD HOMICIDE

In most parts of the world, the murder of children is far less common than the mur- der of adults. For example, children make up 10% to 20% of all homicide victims in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States (Adler & Polk, 2001). Because of the relatively high homicide rates in the United States, however, the number of children killed each year is in no way insignificant. In fact, the estimates suggest as many as six children are murdered each day in the United States (Lord et al., 2002). In a study of 26 high-income countries during the early 1990s, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 1997) found that the homicide rate for children (younger than 15 years) in the United States was five times higher than that for children in the other 25 countries combined (2.57 per 100,000 compared with 0.51). Although the rate of child homicides in most other parts of the world is much lower than it is in the United States, the number of homicides of children in some South American countries is far worse than it is in the United States. For example, an estimated six child homicides occur each day in the Brazilian streets of Rio—ironically, this is the same as that given for the United States (Jubilee Action, 2005). However, a comparison of the population size of Rio and the United States leads to the stagger- ing reality that the child homicide rate in Rio is 47 times greater than the already high rate of child homicide in America.

Types of Child Killing Perhaps because the killing of children has been unfortunately common or maybe because people find it so perplexing, several terms are used to categorize the various types of child homicide. Unfortunately, however, the categories sometimes overlap, as in the case of infanticide and filicide, which you will discover as you read. The sec- tions to follow contain definitions and examples for the many different categories of child homicide.

Neonaticide is the murder of a newborn within the first 24 hours of his or her life. In October 2005, Holly Ashcroft, a 21-year-old architecture student at the University of Southern California was charged with one count of murder and one count of child abuse in the death of her newborn baby. A homeless man phoned the police after he found the body of a newborn baby boy in a dumpster he was rummag- ing through to find aluminum cans. Ashcroft, the young USC student from Billings, Montana, who allegedly abandoned her newborn in the dumpster, is similar in many ways to other women who have abandoned their newborn babies (Trounsen & Wride, 2005). Like most women who abandon their newborns, Ashcroft is young and single, and she appears to have concealed her pregnancy. Also like others who have committed neonaticide, Ashcroft appears to have given birth alone, she did not give birth in a hos- pital, and the father of the baby is absent from the picture (Meyer & Oberman, 2001).

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Like other neonaticide deaths, the death of Ashcroft’s baby boy appears to be relatively nonviolent. The baby died of exposure. Strangulation and suffocation are the most common methods of killing a baby within the first 24 hours of life with head trauma, drowning, exposure, and stabbing the next most common (Meyer & Oberman, 2001). Some other risk factors associated with neonaticide are less clear or unsupported by this case. Low birth weight of the child, late or no prenatal care, and social and eco- nomic stresses are thus far unclear in this case, but they are reported as risk factors for neonaticide in the criminological research (Meyer & Oberman, 2001). A final risk factor that appears to be absent in this case is that many mothers who commit neonaticide are lacking in formal education; Ashcroft was in her third year of college (Trounsen & Wride, 2005).

Neonaticide is far from uncommon. In fact, the Los Angeles police report that between 5 and 8 newborns are found in L.A. each year, and the Ashcroft baby was the fourth they had seen that year (Trounsen & Wride, 2005). In a study I did with Lori Scott, we found of the 44 women who had killed in a 10-year period in Augusta, Georgia, two had killed newborn babies by abandoning them. The women we stud- ied in Georgia who committed neonaticide were not as attractive to the media as the young, attractive, and often middle-class women we see in the national media cover- age of neonaticides. In the media, we see young women such as Melissa Drexler, the “prom mom” who pleaded guilty to killing her baby at her high school prom in 1997. Or we see Amy Grossberg, the former high school cheerleader who, with her boyfriend Brian Peterson, killed their newborn baby and deposited him in a trash can. And we learn about Holly Ashcroft, the young woman discussed earlier who is described as a “sweet young woman from Montana” (Trounsen & Wride, 2005).

Because neonaticide is seen as a common problem and perhaps because the cases we learn about are those with attractive middle-class teenagers, many states have adopted laws that allow young parents to leave their newborn child at a fire station, hospital, or police department without any penalties. In Michigan, the law is called the safe delivery of newborns law and it stipulates that a parent can anonymously leave a newborn with an emergency service provider, including police, firefighters, and hos- pital personnel (Sorbet & Schlinker, 2004). Between January 2001 and October 2004, 18 babies were turned over to emergency service providers in Michigan. In California, where they have a similar policy, 35 infants were left at hospitals and fire stations between January 2001 and October 2005 (Trounsen & Wride, 2005).

Infanticide is defined as the killing of an infant child who is generally less than 1 year old. In the United States, homicide ranks 15th on the list of leading causes of death for children in their first year of life. The risk for homicide is greater for a child in his or her first year of life than in any other year of life before the age of 17 years (Paulozzi & Wells, 2001). Moreover, the risk for infanticide is greatest during the first 4 months of life and is most likely on the first day of life. In their examination of U.S. homicide victimization during infancy for the years 1989 to 1998, Paulozzi and Wells (2001) determined that the homicide rate for the first day of life was ten times greater than the rate during any other time of life. For the period they studied, Paulozzi and Wells found that 7.3% of all infant homicides occurred on the day of birth and thus could be defined as neonaticides, as discussed in the preceding section.

In the United Kingdom and Australia, infanticide is defined within the law as a crime committed by the mother during the first 12 months of her infant’s life; a

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father cannot by definition commit infanticide in these countries. Of course, fathers in all countries can and do kill children younger than 1 year. In the United States, infanticide is not necessarily defined as a crime apart from homicide, and in com- mon usage the term infanticide refers to the killing of infants without regard to who the offender is or how the offender may be related to the victim. Data of infanticide in the United States indicate that both women and men kill infants. Infants, in fact, are most likely to be killed by their mother up until they are a week old and then they are more likely to be killed by a male—typically their father or stepfather (Overpeck, Brenner, Trumble, et al., 1998).

Emergency workers in Lawrence, Kansas, arrived at a residence early on Friday, October 14, 2005, to find 5-month-old Risha Lafferty nonresponsive. The child was not breathing and she had no pulse. After an autopsy on the infant indicated that she died of “traumatic injuries,” Risha’s father Jay Decker was arrested and charged with first-degree murder (Lawrence Journal-World, 2005). Decker’s account to the police did not coincide with the injuries suffered by his daughter, so he was arrested and charged with his daughter’s homicide. During Dent’s subsequent trial, the prosecu- tors presented evidence that Risha’s skull was fractured and she had been shaken. In addition to expert testimony, pieces of drywall from the family home showing a cir- cular dent was presented as evidence that Decker had bashed baby Risha. In November 2006, Decker was found guilty of first-degree murder in the death of his daughter, and in January 2007 he was sentenced to life in prison (Belt, 2007).

Prolicide is the killing of one’s offspring and includes both infanticide and the killing of a fetus in utero. A more common term for the killing of one’s own children is filicide, which refers to the killing of one’s own child (including a stepchild) and thus could include the killing of an adult child. More frequently, however, it refers to the killing of a minor child and thus could include both neonaticides and infanti- cides. Thus we could describe both the alleged neonaticide by Holly Ashcroft and the alleged infanticide by Jay Decker as filicides because they are believed to have killed their own children.

As seen in Figure 10.1, children in the United States, especially young children, are far more likely to be killed by their parents than all other categories of perpetra- tors added together. From 1976 to 2002, 61% of child homicide victims younger than 5 years were killed by their parents, 23% were killed by male acquaintances, 6% were killed by other relatives, and only 3% were killed by strangers (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). Data from the UK and Australia indicate the same pattern with the highest percentage of perpetrators among parents even if the overall number and rates of killing in the UK and Australia are much lower as compared to the United States (Browne & Lynch, 1995). Anecdotal evidence on the killing of street kids by police in some developing countries, however, suggests that parents may not be the most likely offenders in child homicide cases (Browne & Lynch, 1995).

There are several well-known cases of filicide in the United States, including the three drowning homicide incidents in which Andrea Yates, Susan Smith, and Lashuan Harris each killed more than one of their children by drowning them. Although these three well-known drowning cases involve mothers killing children, fathers also kill their own children. For example, 22-year-old Ronnie Paris Jr. was sentenced to 30 years in prison for killing his 3-year-old son, who was also named Ronnie. The 3-year-old died as a result of injuries to his head inflicted by his father, who roughly played with

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0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

19 76

19 82

19 88

19 94

20 00

Year

P er

ce n

ta g

e o

f C

h ild

H o

m ic

id e

Parent

Other family

Friend/ acquaintance

Stranger

Unknown

FIGURE 10.1 Relationships of Perpetrator to Victim in Child Homicides for Victims Younger Than 5 Years

Source: Compiled from FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1976–2002.

his young boy as a way to make the boy tough because he feared his namesake would be a “sissy” and grow up gay. The boy’s mother, Nysheerah Paris, who was 20 years old at the time of her son’s death, will also face charges for child neglect; she may receive a sentence of up to 15 years in prison (Montgomery, 2005).

Answering the question as to whether mothers or fathers are more likely to kill their own children is difficult. It depends on how we break down the data. If we con- sider children under 5 years of age only, as shown in Figure 10.1, fathers (including stepfathers) make up a slightly higher percentage (31% vs. 30%) of killers than do mothers (including stepmothers) (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). However, mothers commit neonaticide more frequently than fathers. Data from Chicago for the years 1965 to 1995 are illustrative. During this 30-year time period in Chicago, 32% of infants were killed by their fathers, 44% were killed by their mothers, and 1.3% were killed by both parents who acted together. For toddlers and preschoolers, the gap closes with 20% killed by their fathers, 21% by their mothers, and 1.3% by both parents (Vogt & Block, 2003).

Data from countries other than the United States do not show a clear pattern either. Data from Australia indicate that biological mothers have been more likely to kill their children than biological fathers. However, if we focus just on children under 1 years old who were killed by their biological parent in Australia, 55.8% were killed by their fathers (Mouzos, 2000). In Canada, however, children younger than 1 year are equally likely to be killed by their mother or their father (Correctional Services of Canada, 1995). Interestingly, in Fiji, the difference is much greater, with biological mothers the perpetrator in 75% of the 49 child homicide cases between 1982 and 1994 in which a biological parent was responsible for the crime (Adinkrah, 2001).

Most criminologists have not attempted to determine whether there is a differ- ence in filicide between parents and stepparents. However, using Canadian data, Wilson and Daly (1988) found that stepchildren are victims more often than

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expected. They are not saying that more stepchildren are killed. Instead, they argue that stepchildren are overrepresented among child victims. Essentially, they consider how many stepchildren there are who reside with a stepparent and determine that the ratio of stepchild homicides to stepchildren is much higher than the ratio of biologi- cal child homicides to biological children. It is rarer, however, to learn about step- mothers killing their stepchildren than stepfathers killing their stepchildren. This may be because fewer stepchildren live with stepmothers. However, if we compared biological mothers and fathers only, the data may show that biological mothers edge out biological fathers among filicide offenders.

Filicide-Suicide Some children are killed by their parents as part of a murder-suicide; otherwise known as filicide-suicide. Filicide-suicide cases tend to share some commonalities regardless of whether the perpetrator is a father or a mother. First, child victims of filicide suicide and the parent offenders tend to be older than children and parents, respectively, in other filicide cases. Second, it is also far more likely that the offender is a biological parent than a stepparent in filicide-suicide cases. Third, the perpetrators tend to kill all of their chil- dren rather than leaving any of them alive. Finally, parents who kill more than one of their children are more likely to commit suicide than those who kill only one of their children (Adler & Polk, 2001; Johnson, 2005; Oberman, 2002; Shackelford et al., 2005).

In November 2005, Edward McGuffey, a 37-year-old Indiana man, killed his 4-year-old son Jason. Newspaper reports about the incident indicated that McGuffey and his wife had separated approximately 2 weeks prior to the killing and he feared losing his son. McGuffey sent e-mail to about 80 individuals in which he explained why he had killed his son and was preparing to kill himself. One of the first people to receive McGuffey’s e-mail called the police, who arrived at the McGuffey house to find both the 4-year-old boy and his father dead of apparent gunshot wounds (WRTV Indianapolis, 2005). The following excerpts from McGuffey’s e-mail were printed on INDYSTAR.com (2005), an Indianapolis media site:

I was going to try to fight this legally, but I have almost no chance of winning. The mother automatically gets the benefit of the doubt as being the most important parent when the child is age 8 and under—the “tender years.” I would have to show that she is not fit to be a parent in order to gain custody.

So my other option is to move out East. To take my entire life—my job, house, church, all my friends and family, everything I know—and throw it in the trash can. To take a huge financial loss on the $70,000 room addition that I just spent countless hours working on.

Now, please don’t feel bad for Jason. He is young and innocent, so he will surely go to heaven to be with the Lord. There is no question that he is better off now. The big question is what he would have accomplished in his lifetime.

Filicide-suicides by mothers and fathers share some commonalities, but criminolo- gists have also reported differences in filicide-suicides committed by mothers and by fathers. The McGuffey tragedy, in which young Jason was killed by his father, is a fairly typical case of filicide-suicide committed by a man. Fathers who commit suicide-filicide often kill their children within the context of marital separation or a child custody

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BOX 10.1 Oyako-Shinju

Oyako-shinju is the Japanese term for parent-child suicide. As you may have detected from the name, it is less stigmatized in Japan than in the United States. In the United States, we usually refer to the killing of one’s child and oneself as a murder-suicide rather than as a parent-child suicide. Parent-child suicides in Japan are often viewed with sympathy because the parents are viewed as having no other option but to kill their child when they kill themselves. Because the parents’ dedication and responsibility to their children is so strong, a suicidal parent, especially a mother, would have difficulty leaving her child because it would be seen as wrong to leave a child alone in a world that the parent has left by suicide.

Boshi-shinju, mother-child suicide, is more common than fushi-shinju, father-child suicide, and the motives for the two are different. Boshi-shinju is usually believed to be the result of a psychiatric disorder or family con- flicts including marital infidelity by the husband/father, whereas financial problems and physical illness are often given as the motive for fushi-shinju. They also differ in that fathers more often kill older children; mothers more often kill preschool age children. In both boshi-shinju and fushi-shinju, however, the suicide is seen as a way to deal with stigma whether the stigma was caused by a cheating husband or a failing business.

In 1985, the meeting of Japanese and U.S. culture clashed when Fumiko Kimura attempted to commit oyako-shinju in Santa Monica, California. Upon discovering that her husband had a mistress, Japanese immigrant Fumiko Kimura attempted to drown herself and her two children. She was successful in killing her children, but bystanders rescued Kimura before she drowned. She was charged with first-degree murder in California. Attorneys for Kimura attempted to defend her by explaining she was fol- lowing her native culture and would not have been punished had she per- formed these same acts in Japan. In the end, however, she plea-bargained to voluntary manslaughter and was sentenced to five years of probation and one year of jail time, which she had served while awaiting her trial. Her light sentence likely reflects the judge’s understanding of the Japanese cultural practice of oyako-shinju (McLean, 2000; Takahashi & Berger, 1996).

disagreement with the child’s mother (Adler & Polk, 2001). In contrast, mothers who commit filicide-homicide tend to kill their children because they fear their children will not have anyone to care for them once the mother commits suicide. Not surprising, then, the suicidal filicide mothers that Adler and Polk (2001) studied in Victoria, Australia, were more likely to have tried to get psychiatric treatment than suicidal-filicide fathers.

Jennifer Ann MacNeil, who killed her 4-year-old twin girls in British Columbia in October 2004, appears to be fairly typical of mothers who kill their children and then commit suicide. MacNeil, a 30-year-old single mother, used a vacuum cleaner hose to direct carbon monoxide from the exhaust pipe of her car to the passenger compartment where she sat with her two girls as they all perished. There was no

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indication that the twin girls’ father had ever been a part of their lives. One of MacNeil’s friends was reported to have said that MacNeil had been depressed during the previous three years. Still, family and friends reported being shocked by the news that she killed herself and her two children (Lazaruk, 2004).

A final characteristic that most strongly distinguishes filicide-suicides by men and women is that fathers who kill their children and themselves are far more likely than suicidal homicidal mothers to also kill their spouses (Adler & Polk, 2001; Wallace, 1986). Although the reasons are not clear, David McGowan became one of these men who killed his wife, his children, and himself in the spring of 2005. A 911 dispatcher answered the phone in the early morning hours of May 10, at which time a gunshot was heard followed by the sound of what was believed to be McGowan and the phone falling to the floor. McGowan apparently called the police after shooting his 42-year-old wife, his 75-year-old mother, and his three children, age 8, 10, and 14. McGowan, a 44-year-old investigator for a district attorney’s office in California, used his service weapon, a 9-mm Smith and Wesson semiautomatic handgun, to shoot each of his victims and himself in the head. Although financial or marital problems are often associated with mass family killings like this one, authorities knew of no such problems (Downey, 2005).

Because McGowan killed his wife and his children, this suicide-homicide event may also be called a familicide, which sometimes refers to the killing of a whole fam- ily. However, familicide is more often used to define a multivictim homicide in which the offender kills his or her spouse or former spouse and at least one or more of either of their children (Wilson, Daly, & Daniele, 1995). Despite the fact that when women kill they are most likely to kill their partners or their children; they rarely kill both their children and their spouse in one incident (Adler & Polk, 2001; Oberman, 2002; Wilson et al., 1995). Daly and Wilson (1988), in fact, have noted that familicide is a very uncommon crime among men and almost unheard of among women offenders. Adler and Polk (2001) also found this to be true in their study (1985–1995) of child homicides in Victoria, Australia. They found no women in their study who had killed both their husband or former husband and their children. Similarly, in her study of mothers who killed in Chicago, Oberman (2002) did not have any cases of mothers who killed their partners and their children.

In addition to being committed more often by fathers, data from England, Wales, and Canada suggest that the percentage of children killed by gunshot is higher in familicides than the percentage of children killed by their parents or stepparents in nonfamilicide incidents (Wilson et al., 1995). This is likely because many children who are killed by their parents in these countries are beaten to death or otherwise die at the hands of their parents as opposed to the parents using a weapon, as discussed in the next section about weapons used to kill children.

WEAPON USE: HOW ARE CHILDREN MURDERED?

The weapons most commonly used to kill children in the United States changes from personal weapons such as hands, feet, and fists to firearms as the age of the children increases. Many young children who are killed die as the result of child abuse by their

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0

200

400

600

800

1,000

1,200

In fa

nt (u

nd er

1) 1

to 4

5 to

8 9

to 1

2 13

to 1

6 17

to 1

9

Ages of Homicide Victims

H o

m ic

id es

in 2

00 3

Personal weapons

Firearms

FIGURE 10.2 Personal Weapon and Gun Homicides of Child Victims in the United States, 2003

Source: Compiled from FBI, Crime in the United States, 2003 [N = 1,755].

caretakers. As seen in Figure 10.2, then, victims younger than 4 years were most often killed by personal weapons, such as the killer’s hands, feet, or fists. However, as chil- dren age, their risk for homicide by those other than their parents also increases, and we see that the most frequent weapon used to kill those ages 5 to 8 were firearms (29.3%); still, 17% in this age group were killed by personal weapons. Among those age 9 and older, the most common weapon of death was a firearm, and as age increases so does the percentage killed by firearms. Slightly under half (46.3%) of those ages 9 to 12 were killed with firearms. Strikingly, firearms were used in 74.8% of the homicides of those ages 13 to 16, and 80.8% of those in the 17- to 19-year-old category. Children in each age category were also killed with knives, blunt objects, fire, and by asphyxiation. However, in 2003, only three children were poisoned; two in the 1- to 4-year-old category and one in the 17- to 19-year-old category. Finally, although no children ages 9 to 12 were known by the FBI to have been strangled to death in 2003, one child or more in every other age group was strangled.

Overall, when a child is killed in the United States, it is most likely that he or she was killed with a gun (FBI, 2003). Firearm-related homicide for children younger than 15 years is far higher in the United States than in other countries. In a CDC study (1997) of the 26 wealthiest nations, the U.S. non-firearm-related homicide rate was found to be nearly four times the rate of all of the other 25 countries combined (1.63 vs. 0.45) in the early 1990s. However, the difference for firearm-related homi- cides was even greater, with the U.S. rate nearly 16 times higher than all the other 25 countries (0.94 vs. 0.06). Even so, firearms were the primary cause of child homicide in Australia, Finland, Germany, Israel, and Italy. However, in what seems amazing to any of us who live in the United States, ten countries (Denmark, Hong Kong, Ireland, Japan, Kuwait, Netherlands, New Zealand, Scotland, Singapore, and Taiwan) had no firearm-related homicides during the time period studied by the CDC. Importantly,

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KILLING TIMES AND SEASONS: WHEN ARE CHILDREN KILLED?

The peak time of the day for child homicide is different than the peak time for adults. Child homicides are higher during daytime hours compared to nighttime hours, and they tend to peak on weekdays as opposed to adult homicides that are higher on the weekends (Chew, McCleary, Lew, et al., 1999). It may be surprising until you think about it, but the season in which child homicide peaks does not exactly follow the adult pattern of higher rates in the summer. In fact, the homicide of children varies by age of the child victim. Winter is when we see increases in the homicide of chil- dren who are younger than 2 years. In contrast, the homicide of children ages 5 to 14 is higher in the summer (McCleary & Chew, 2002). Children of school age are likely to have increased risk for homicide in the summer because they are out of school and have more opportunity to be victimized by both strangers and family members. For infants, the winter months may be more stressful for parents (those most likely to kill infants), who are more likely to be feel trapped alone in the house with their small children and perhaps even with small children who are suffering from winter colds and thus less pleasant to be around than usual.

AGE, SEX, AND RACE: WHO IS KILLED?

Age When we attempt to determine at what age children are at most risk for child homi- cide, we find it is older teens. As you can see in Figure 10.3, those in the 17- to 19- year-old range far outnumber victims in other age categories. Very young children, age birth to 4 years, follow teens in the most likely risk for homicide. Elementary school age children (5 to 12 years) are least at risk. This is also the case in Australia, although the peak for those in the infant category is higher than that of the teenage category in Australia (Adler & Polk, 2001).

Sex The data in Figure 10.4 for 2003 are typical of other research that finds the rate of homicide does not differ significantly for boys and girls at younger ages. However, as you can also see in Figure 10.4, there is a difference by sex in the teenage years. Boys make up 79% of the youngsters killed in the 13- to 16-year age category and 87% of those killed in the 17- to 19-year age group. Thus when Lord et al. (2002) report that juvenile homicide has been considered a public health emergency due to the high rates of homicide among adolescents in urban areas, they are largely talking about the homicides of adolescent boys.

during this same study period, a total of 957 child homicides involving firearms occurred in the United States.

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0 500 1,000 1,500

Infant (under 1)

1 to 4

5 to 8

9 to 12

13 to 16

17 to 19

V ic

ti m

A g

e in

Y ea

rs

Number of Homicides

FIGURE 10.3 Ages of Child Homicide Victims in 2003

Source: Compiled from FBI, Crime in the United States, 2003 [N = 2,335].

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

In fa

nt (u

nd er

1 )

1 to

4

5 to

8

9 to

1 2

13 to

1 6

17 to

1 9

Age of Victim

P er

ce n

ta g

e

Male

Female

FIGURE 10.4 2003 Percentage of Male and Female Victims by Age Groupings When Sex Is Known

Source: Compiled from FBI, Crime in the United States, 2003 [N = 2,330].

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Young women, however, do not escape the clutches of homicide offenders during the teen years. Instead, unlike male adolescent victims who are likely to be killed by other young male adolescents, young girls face another terror. School-age girls are more likely than boys of the same age to be victims in sexually motivated abduction homicides (Boudreaux & Lord, forthcoming, as cited in Lord et al., 2003). The types of homicide victimization experienced by adolescent boys and girls are reflected in my own analyses of 2002 National Center for Injury Prevention data. In 2002, 669 boys ages 13 to 17 were the victims of homicide, making the crime the third most common cause of death among boys in this age group. Furthermore, of those boys murdered, 86.1% were killed with firearms and 6.4% were stabbed. During this same year, 192 girls between the ages of 13 and 17 were victims of homicide in the United States, making homicide the fourth leading cause of death for teenage girls. Like teenage boys, most teenage girls were killed with firearms (63%); however, indicative of sexual victimization, many female teenage homicide victims were stabbed (9.4%) or suffocated (12%).

Race When considering risk for child homicide in terms of race, the 2003 data reported in Table 10.1 reflect the 1997 rates reported by Lord et al. (2003): In 1997, the rate of homicide for African American children was 9.11 per 100,000, for Hispanic juveniles it was 5.0 per 100,000, and 1.8 per 100,000 was the rate for white children. The data for 2003 in Table 10.1 present the numbers of children killed in each age and race category. You can see that more white children are killed than children in other race groups in the three categories under the age of 12. However, remember that whites make up approxi- mately 75% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). The fact that whites are the numerical majority in the United States makes the data concerning the differences in race of child homicide victims even more astonishing for the last three age categories. Although approximately 15% of children in the United States are African American, African American child victims of homicide outnumber other race categories in the three oldest age group categories. In fact, in 2003, nearly half of 9- to 12-year-old victims and over half of the 13- to 19-year-old victims were African American.

A study of child homicide in Los Angeles during the 1980s suggests that similar to adult victims, child and infant victims were most often killed by offenders of the

TABLE 10.1 Homicide Victims by Age and Race Categories

Age White Black Other Unknown Total

Under 1 139 73 7 6 225 1–4 165 131 6 5 307 5–8 44 34 3 1 82 9–12 33 34 1 1 69

13–16 150 202 14 3 369 17–19 549 689 34 11 1,283 Total 1,080 1,163 65 27 2,335

Source: Compiled from FBI, Crime in the United States, 2003 [N = 2,335].

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same race. However, the victim/offender relationship varied for the different racial groups. Approximately two thirds (67.7%) of white child victims were believed to have been killed by family members, whereas family members were suspects in just under half (48.8%) of African American child homicides and just over a third (37.2%) of Hispanic child homicides (Sorenson & Richardson, 1993).

TRENDS: IS CHILD HOMICIDE INCREASING OR DECREASING?

As noted in Chapter 4, we cannot simply say that homicide is increasing or decreas- ing without being much more specific. What can be said about child homicide varies by the age of the children. Furthermore, when determining whether it is increasing or decreasing, the base rates must be clear. If infanticide is considered, the official data show that infanticide nearly doubled from 4.3 per 100,000 in 1970 to 9.2 per 100,000 in 2000 and then decreased to 7.8 per 100,000 in 2003 (Hoyert, Kung, & Smith, 2005). According to CDC data, there were 303 infanticides in 2002 and 318 in 2003. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the 1,610 juveniles (younger than 18 years) murdered in the United States in 2000 reflected the lowest number of juveniles murdered since 1985. The peak was 2,880 in 1993 (Harms & Snyder, 2004). However, the data also show differences by sex, with the murder rate for girl children remain- ing approximately the same from 1980 to 1998 before it dropped to the lowest it had been in 21 years in 2000. At this same time, the murder rate among boy children increased 117% between 1984 and 1993 before dropping to 8% above its lowest level in the previous 21 years in 2000. The differences by race for those younger than 5 years are illuminated in Figure 10.5 where you can see that despite decreasing rates

0

5

10

15

19 76

19 80

19 84

19 88

19 92

19 96

20 00

Year

R at

e p

er 1

00 ,0

00

Black Rate

White Rate

FIGURE 10.5 Rates of Homicide by Race for Victims Younger Than 5 Years

Note: Data from 9/11 terrorist attack not included.

Source: Compiled from FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1976–2002.

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among black children, the rates have remained higher for black children as compared to their white counterparts. The murder rates among juveniles ages 12 to 17 show a similar pattern with an increase of 163% for blacks and an increase of 49% for whites between 1980 and 1993. The years between 1993 and 2000 saw a decrease of 64% for blacks 12- to 17 years old and a decrease of 51% for whites in this same age group (Harms & Snyder, 2004).

WHO KILLS CHILDREN?

When a child is killed, police know to investigate parents, family members, and the mother’s paramour. These individuals who are known to the child are far more likely to be the perpetrators of child homicide than strangers (Lord et al., 2002). Furthermore, unlike other types of homicide, child homicide is frequently commit- ted by women (Adler & Polk, 2001). However, as with other characteristics of child homicide, this pattern varies by age of the victims. As discussed earlier in this chapter, women are more often the offenders in neonaticide and infanticide cases (Lord et al., 2002). Lord et al. (2002) note that two thirds of children who are killed in the first 6 days of life are killed by their own mothers.

Because children are often killed by their parents or stepparents, it is not surpris- ing that most child homicide victims are killed by adults. Of all child homicides with a known offender between 1980 and 2000, 75% were killed by adult offenders, 21% were killed by children (under 18 years of age), and 4% were killed by at least one child and at least one adult (Harms & Snyder, 2004). Child homicide victims who are killed by other children are most likely to be adolescents. In fact, 39% of all child murders with victims 12 to 17 years of age were committed by other children. Only 9% of those younger than 2 and 11% of those between ages 2 and 11 are killed by other children (Harms & Snyder, 2004).

Killed By Strangers Even though the abduction and murder of a child by a stranger is a rare occurrence, it is greatly feared by parents (Browne & Lynch, 1995). Unfortunately, despite the rarity of strangers or even nonfamily members murdering children, it does happen. As illus- trated in Figure 10.6, as the age of child victims of homicide increase, the likelihood that they were murdered by a stranger increases, especially for males (Harms & Snyder, 2004). However, remember that just because the homicide has been committed by a stranger or unknown perpetrator does not mean it was an abduction homicide. Especially as children age, the likelihood that they will be killed in the context of another crime increases. Unfortunately, juveniles may be the victims of gang violence or homi- cides, for instance, involving drug dealers or confrontational homicides (see Chapter 7).

Murder by Acquaintances As also discussed in Chapter 10 on children who kill, children are sometimes killed by other children. When a child kills another child, it is most likely a teenage boy killing another teenage boy (Adler & Polk, 2001). In the United States in the early

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FIGURE 10.6 Percentages of Stranger and Nonstranger Homicides in the United States by Age Category

Note: Victims of the 9/11 terrorist attacks are not included in this data.

Source: Compiled from FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1976–2002 [N = 85,359].

1990s there were great increases in adolescent homicide. Male teenagers were killing other male teenagers at alarming rates. However, note that four cities—Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, and New York—accounted for nearly a third of the arrests of juveniles for homicide in 1994 (Lotke, 1997). Many of these killings fit the category of gang violence. Thus many of these homicides may be classified as either acquaintance or stranger homicides. In many cases, the offenders may have known one another as opposing gang members, although some of the victims could have simply been other youths from “enemy territory.” Importantly, Adler and Polk (2001) report that the pattern of gang violence we saw among youth in the United States in the 1990s has not appeared in countries that are in many other ways similar to the United States, such as Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom.

BOX 10.2 AMBER Alert

In 1996, the AMBER Alert System began in Texas when Dallas-Fort Worth broadcasters and police worked together to develop an early warning system to help find abducted children. AMBER stands for America’s Missing: Broadcast Emergency Response, but the name also pays homage to 9-year-old Amber Hagerman, who was kidnapped in Texas while riding her bicycle and then brutally murdered. Other states and communities have initiated their own AMBER alert systems and plans to help provide quick response to child abductions (U.S. Department of Justice, http:// www.amberalert.gov/).

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Another form of child homicide that is also discussed in Chapter 11 in greater detail could also fall into the category of acquaintance homicide. Over the past decade, there have been several school shootings in which teenage boys have killed their class- mates. Most of these incidents have occurred within the United States, although school shootings have also occurred in Canada and Germany and a few other countries. In these incidents, both schoolgirls and schoolboys have been killed by their classmates.

MOTIVES

Explanations for the homicide of children vary by discipline and are often included in more general explanations for homicide as discussed in Chapters 5 and 6 (Mann, 1993). However, within each discipline are explanations that are particularly impor- tant for explaining the homicide of children. Sociologists tend to see links among societal factors, social roles, and child homicide. For example, aggregate-level analy- ses of child homicide suggest that different structural factors are associated with infant and child homicide (Gartner, 1991). Homicides of children are highest in countries where it appears that women may have more responsibility for raising chil- dren without the assistance of the children’s fathers. High rates of illegitimacy, higher numbers of births to teenage mothers, and high divorce rates are associated with child homicide but only in countries where the level of government spending on social programs is lower. Infant homicide is also more likely in countries lacking social welfare programs and where rates of births to teenage mothers are higher. Similarly, rates of child homicide are higher where there are larger percentages of racial minorities, greater poverty, and urbanization (Baron, 1993). We need to be careful, however, that we do not commit an ecological fallacy and assume that just because aggregate measures are related that they explain individual cases. For exam- ple, if divorce rates are associated with higher rates of child homicide, it is not neces- sarily the case that children whose parents are divorced are more likely to be victims of homicide.

However, in the case of child homicide, a study in Ohio demonstrates that some factors linked to child homicide at the aggregate level were also related to the killing of children—at the individual level at least in Ohio (Winpisinger, Hopkins, Indian, et al., 1991). Using information from death certificates of children under the age of 8 who were victims of homicide, some of the aggregate explanations for homicide of children were found to increase risks of homicide for children born in Ohio in the early 1980s. Children of younger, poorly educated mothers who were unmarried at the time of their birth and who lived in a metropolitan area were found to be at greater risk for homicide as were African American children and those children who were of low birthweight.

Psychologists and psychiatrists are likely to label those who kill children, espe- cially mothers who kill their own children, as mentally ill (Silverman & Kennedy, 1988). Münchhausen by proxy and postpartum depression are examples of psycho- logical explanations for the killing of children by mothers. Münchhausen syndrome by proxy, otherwise known as factitious disorder, is a controversial diagnosis. Caretakers suffering from Münchhausen syndrome by proxy report fictitious

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symptoms or, worse, cause symptoms in a person they are taking care of so they can gain attention (Ferak, 2005). Mothers are most often those diagnosed with Münchhausen syndrome by proxy, but I personally know of one case in which an aunt was found guilty of killing her niece in what some argued was a case of Münchhausen by proxy.

Münchhausen syndrome by proxy is rare, with an estimated 600 cases a year in the United States, and importantly, most individuals diagnosed with the syndrome do not kill their children. However, the syndrome has been linked to a few cases of homicide in which mothers have killed their own children. In November 2004, 17- month-old Andrea Yager died in Omaha, Nebraska, after numerous trips to a medical center where doctors could not determine what was wrong with the toddler. Noting that Jodi, her mother, was always the last one with Andrea before she began manifest- ing symptoms such as seizures and unresponsiveness, authorities now believe that

BOX 10.3 Postpartum Psychosis and Homicide

Much media attention focused on postpartum depression when Andrea Yates was first facing the death penalty for drowning her children in the family bathtub. Although there is no clear consensus among the experts, some type of postpartum depression is believed to affect as many as 80% of all women who give birth. Most of these women suffer from what is called the baby blues, which is relatively minor and last only a few weeks. Fewer women, around 15%, are believed to experience the more severe postpartum depression. Mothers suffering postpartum depression are often very anxious, depressed, exhausted, and they have feelings of hope- lessness and worthlessness. Still fewer women suffer from a much more severe disorder called postpartum psychosis, believed to affect less than 1% of all new mothers. A woman who experiences postpartum psychosis loses her ability to determine what is real. She may have violent thoughts about her child or she may truly believe the baby is part of her. Although only about 4% of the very small numbers of women who experience post- partum psychosis kill their babies, it is a cause for concern.

Experts believe the postpartum disorders may be triggered by a rapid decline in progesterone and estrogen that result in a “break” with reality. However, social conditions, such as insufficient child care before and after birth, the romantic notions of motherhood, and the common belief that the maternal instinct is natural, are also believed to contribute to postpar- tum disorders. Women of all races, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups are believed to suffer from postpartum psychosis. Some argue, however, that the media is more likely to publicize cases like that of Andrea Yates because the religious middle-class white mother does not fit the stereo- type of a woman who kills her child. In the United States, postpartum dis- orders remain controversial, especially in comparison to other countries as noted in this chapter.

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Andrea’s mother is responsible for her death. Importantly, though, Yager has not been found guilty of killing her daughter. However, she was committed indefinitely to a mental health facility until it is determined she is able to stand trial (Ferak, 2005).

Postpartum depression made the news in 2005 when actor Tom Cruise criticized fellow actor and author Brooke Shield for using antidepressants to treat her postpar- tum depression, a serious depression that occurs in approximately 10% of mothers following the birth of their child. In very severe cases, mothers suffering from post- partum depression have reported feeling they have wanted to kill their children. Andrea Yates, who drowned her five children early in 2001, is believed by some to have been suffering from postpartum depression.

Although not commonly accepted in the United States, postpartum depression is recognized as a legal defense in more than 25 countries, including Australia, Canada, Great Britain, and Italy. These countries have infanticide laws that state a woman who kills her infant child cannot be charged with any charge greater than manslaughter if she can prove the “balance of her mind is disturbed” by reasons relating to giving birth (Williams, 2002). In the United States, postpartum depres- sion is not a defense for homicide. However, an attorney may introduce evidence of postpartum depression as part of an insanity defense, and then if the defendant is found guilty, postpartum depression may be introduced as a mitigating factor in the death.

ABUSE AND CHILD HOMICIDE

As cases in this chapter demonstrate, parents and others who care for children some- times kill children in the process of abusing them. Without really considering it, most of us probably assume that abused children are at higher risk for homicide than chil- dren who are not abused. A 1994 California study examined whether abuse is a risk factor for homicide victimization among children. The researchers compared the backgrounds of children who were murdered and children who died of uninten- tional injuries (e.g., car wrecks) to determine whether murdered children were abused at higher rates than other children who died. Murdered children were 3.14 times more likely to have come to the attention of social service professionals because of abuse than those who died from unintentional injuries (Sorenson & Peterson, 1994). Still more than half of the murdered children (57.3%) in this study had no official history of abuse or maltreatment.

It is likely that many children who are abused never come to the attention of social service agencies, and thus their deaths may not be recorded as child abuse deaths. Additionally, some child fatalities caused by abuse may be incorrectly recorded as injuries or as sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) (Creighton, 1995). The sudden death of a child younger than 1 year is labeled SIDS if an extensive investigation of the death finds no viable explanation. SIDS remains a mystery, although national campaigns encouraging parents to place babies face up in their cribs have reduced the number of SIDS deaths. However, because an autopsy cannot reveal whether a death is caused by SIDS or asphyxiation with a pillow or other soft

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object, some SIDS death may actually be homicides (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2001).

In other cases, there is little doubt that a parent or other caretaker has murdered a child, as was the case of 5-month-old Risha Lafferty described earlier in this chap- ter. Experts believe, however, that battered children are not necessarily killed deliber- ately. Rather, the murder of an abused child is frequently an impulsive act on the part of a parent or babysitter who just wishes to make a child behave or stop crying (Smith, 2006). Often, but not always, mothers who are stressed by unfavorable life conditions such as poor housing, marital stress, and financial problems easily lose their tempers and strike out against their children, accidentally killing them (Stanton, Simpson, & Wouldes, 2002).

Children also die from neglect. Such was the case of 7-month-old Raiden Robinson and his 17-month-old brother Justice. The two boys starved to death in November 2004, despite the fact that police found plenty of food in their house when they entered at the request of the boys’ father, who could not get anyone to answer the phone or the apartment door. The police also found the boys’ mother, Marie Robinson, passed out on the floor of the filthy apartment filled with empty beer cans. Prosecutors charged Robinson with two counts of murder, but the charges were dis- missed in January 2007 when a judge determined that Robinson was not fit to stand trial. Robinson, who believes her sons were kidnapped by a secret police agency, was referred for civil commitment to a state mental hospital. If Robinson is later found mentally competent to stand trial, prosecutors can refile the murder charges against her (Johnson, 2007).

CRIMINAL JUSTICE PROCESSING: WHAT HAPPENS TO THOSE WHO KILL CHILDREN?

As you know from reading this chapter, there are a variety of types of child homicide. Likewise, the criminal justice system’s responses to such homicide are varied. Moreover, there are not really any studies that focus on what happens to those who murder children. Nevertheless, a study by Coramae Richey Mann (1993) and an arti- cle by a North Carolina reporter give us some clues about what happens to those who kill children.

In her 1993 study of maternal filicide, Mann noted the outcome of cases in which women killed their preschool-age children in six cities in the years 1979 to 1983. She found that 84% were charged with murder and 16% were charged with manslaughter initially. In the end, manslaughter was the most common ruling, with 42.8% of the cases ending in a disposition of murder. Ten women were sentenced to prison, nine were sentenced to probation, three cases were dismissed or never processed, one woman committed suicide, and two cases of juvenile neonaticide were sealed by the court.

In 2005, Mandy Locke, a staff writer for The News & Observer, summarized the results of 44 cases of children who died from violent shaking in North Carolina from 1999 and 2003. She found that only two people were sentenced to prison for life after being found guilty of shaking a baby to death. Twenty-one others were sentenced to

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CHAPTER QUESTIONS

1. Is the murder of children more or less common than the murder of adults? 2. What is neonaticide, and who is most likely to do it? 3. How is infanticide defined differently in the United States and other parts of the

world? 4. Define and give another word for the term filicide. 5. The perpetrators of child homicide in developed countries are most often par-

ents. Research suggests that this may not be the case in less developed countries. What might account for this difference?

6. Does the data reported in this chapter about Fiji support the statement made in question 2? Discuss what might explain the Fiji data.

7. In this chapter, I noted that if we compared biological mothers and fathers only, the data may show that biological mothers edge out biological fathers among fil- icide offenders. Do you believe this may be true, and if so, what about how social life is organized may account for this?

8. What is it called when a parent kills him or herself after killing their own child(ren)?

SUMMARY

This chapter reviewed what criminologists know about the homicide of children. Starting with a brief history and the current data on child homicide, the chapter moved on to define and provide examples for the many different types of child homi- cide, including neonaticide, infanticide, filicide, filicide-suicide, and familicide. The weapons used by perpetrators to kill children was discussed next, including the fact that very young children are most likely to be killed with personal weapons, and as age increases, guns are more likely to be used. The curvilinear relationship between age and homicide for those under age 18 with peaks in homicide for the first year of life and the later teenage years was also discussed. Data also indicated that boys are more likely than girls to be victims of homicide, and the rates of homicide are high- est for African American children, followed by Hispanic and then white children. Overall, it appears that child homicide is decreasing in the United States. Still, when children are killed, especially young children, it is most likely they were killed by an adult they know, and most often that adult is their own parent or stepparent. The chapter concluded by describing two studies that focused on what happens to those who kill children.

prison, but more than half of them received sentences of less than ten years. For the remaining 18 cases of shaken baby death, no prison sentences were ordered, and in ten cases, no one was charged in the death. As noted by Locke (2005), prosecutors note that these cases often lack much forensic evidence and rarely are there any wit- nesses, which make these cases difficult to prosecute (Locke, 2005).

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Adler, Christine, and Ken Polk. 2001. Child Victims of Homicide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

American Academy of Pediatrics. 2001. “Distinguishing Sudden Infant Death Syndrome from Child Abuse Fatalities.” Pediatrics, 107(2): 437–441.

Baron, Larry 1993 “Gender Inequality and Child Homicide: A State-Level Analysis.” Pp. 207–226 in Homicide: The Victim/Offender Connection. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson Publishing Co.

Belt, Mike. 2007.“Father Gets Life for Infant Murder.” Lawrence Journal World. Retrieved from http://www2.1jworld.com/news/2007/jan/04/father_gets_life_infant_murder/

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9. Does your state have a law like Michigan’s safe delivery of newborns law? If so, how many infants have been surrendered to authorities? Have there been fewer neonaticide cases since the law was introduced?

10. What weapon is used most to kill children? How does the weapon vary with the age of child victims?

11. Are there particular times of the day or year where child homicide is more common?

12. At what age are children most at risk for homicide? 13. Who is at greater risk of homicide in terms of sex and race? 14. If you were a homicide detective investigating the death of an infant, who might

you suspect first and why? 15. What is Münchhausen syndrome by proxy?

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Gartner, Rosemary. 1991. “Family Structure, Welfare Spending, and Child Homicide in Developed Democracies.” Journal of Marriage and Family, 53(1): 231–240.

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Hoyert, Donna L., Hsiang-Ching Kung, and Betty L. Smith. 2005. Deaths: Preliminary Data for 2003. National Vital Statistics Reports 53 (15), Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center for Health Statistics. Retrieved from http://origin.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr53/nvsr53 _15.pdf.

INDYSTAR.com. 2005. “Excerpts from Father’s E-mail.” Retrieved November 9, 2005, from http://www.indystar.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20051103/NEWS01/511030512

Johnson, Carolyn Harris. 2005. Come with Daddy: Child Murder-Suicide After Family Breakdown. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press.

Johnson, Tracy. 2007. “No Trial for Mom Whose Babies Starved to Death.” Seattle Post Intelligencer, February 1, 2007. Retrieved February 18, 2007, from http://seattlepi .nwsource.com/local/301986_mother01.html

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Lord, Wayne D., Monique C. Boudreaux, John P. Jarvis, Jerry Waldvogel, and Hal Weeks. 2002. “Comparative Patterns in Life Course Victimization: Competition, Social Rivalry, and Predatory Tactics in Child Homicide in the United States.” Homicide Studies, 6(4): 325–347.

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