chapter 4
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Test3chapter4.pdf
For many of us who live in the United States, the nightly newscast could serve as a
partial preview of the week’s local obituary page. The news reporters stand “at the
scene” in front of yellow tape reporting about another murder in the area. In some
cities, murders are more common, and the news reporters do not report from the
scene; instead your friendly local news reader tells you about the latest fatality from
behind a desk. Even sadder, in some larger cities, murder has become so ordinary that
individual incidents do not rate airtime. The cases may be noted in a back page of a
local newspaper, if at all. Unless, of course, the murder is seen as less ordinary
because it involves a child or a celebrity or something else that makes it catchy news.
In this chapter, you will read about current homicide patterns and trends.
Demographics including sex, race, and age will be revealed, and you will also learn about
the most common weapons used to murder. Because homicide varies over space as well
as over time, this chapter also includes information about urban/suburban/rural varia-
tion, regional variation within the United States, and variation across the world. Note,
however, that homicides are not monolithic. There are differences by circumstance type
and victim/offender relationship as well. Thus this chapter begins with an overview of
current homicide data by circumstance and victim/offender relationship. Then, other
trends are discussed; disaggregated homicide data (different types of homicide) are
included as relevant and available. However, because data on particular types of homi-
cide are also included in other chapters of this book, we will try not to be too bogged
down with details in this chapter. Nevertheless, it is important to be well informed about
the data overall so you can view the media portrayals and reports and everyday discus-
sions about homicide with a realistic and ideally critical perspective. Finally, a word of
caution as you read this chapter. The reasons for the homicide patterns related in this
chapter are not explored here. For the most part, this chapter provides the data and
patterns. In the other chapters, explanations for the patterns are presented and explored.
42
Chapter 4
PATTERNS AND TRENDS
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How Common Is Homicide? 43
BOX 4.1
Determining the Homicide Rate
The rate for homicide in the United States is usually determined per 100,000 people in a given population. Because population sizes vary, we determine a homicide rate that can be compared across jurisdictions. If we are compar- ing homicide in cities, for example, we would want to have a number that is comparable across cities of different sizes. So we construct a number that tells us how many people were killed out of every 100,000 individuals in the population. In essence, we are making the population equal for compar- isons of the number of homicides that occur. The homicide rate is deter- mined following this formula: Homicide rate � H/(P/100,000).
H � the number of homicides in a particular area
P � the population in the particular area
The number 100,000 is used to determine a rate per 100,000 persons. To determine a rate for another population size, you would use that number here.
HOW COMMON IS HOMICIDE?
It is likely you agree that even one incident of homicide is too much. When that one
victim is someone you love, or even someone you know, you realize just how tragic
that one homicide can be. Sadly, family members and friends of thousands of persons
each year in the United States have to deal with the unexpected loss of a loved one
through the horrific circumstance of murder. The FBI reported that in 2004, 16,137
individuals in the United States were murdered, leaving their loved ones to deal with
the terrible reality of their tragic deaths. There is some positive news overall, however;
the number of homicides in 2004 reflects a 2.4% decrease from the year before in 2003
when there were a reported 16,528 murders (FBI, 2006a). Unfortunately, however,
preliminary FBI reports for 2005 indicated a 4.8% increase in homicide from the year
2004 (FBI, 2006b).
The population is always changing. The population increases as people are
added through birth and immigration, and the population decreases when people
die and emigrate out of a nation. As a result, a decrease or an increase in the absolute
number of homicides does not necessarily result in a corresponding decrease or
increase in the homicide rate. Thus it is important to look not only at the absolute
numbers of homicide each year but to consider the rate of homicide as well. A com-
parison of the murder rates for 2003 and 2004 reflects the decrease we saw in overall
homicide numbers in these two years. The U.S. murder rate decreased from a rate of
5.7 homicide victims per 100,000 in 2003 to 5.5 per 100,000 in 2004. However, the
data also show a decrease of 0.8% from 2000 to 2004 while the number of homicides
increased 3.5% during this same time period (FBI, 2006a).
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44 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
19 50
19 53
19 56
19 59
19 62
19 65
19 68
19 71
19 74
19 77
19 80
19 83
19 86
19 89
19 92
19 95
19 98
20 01
FIGURE 4.1 Homicides Known to the Police, 1995–2002
Source: Compiled from Bureau of Justice Statistics data (Fox & Zawitz, 2006).
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
19 50
19 53
19 56
19 59
19 62
19 65
19 68
19 71
19 74
19 77
19 80
19 83
19 86
19 89
19 92
19 95
19 98
20 01
FIGURE 4.2 Homicide Victimization Rate per 100,000 Population
Source: Compiled from Bureau of Justice Statistics data (Fox & Zawitz, 2006).
HOMICIDE TRENDS
As you can see in Figure 4.1, the decrease in homicide numbers and the homi-
cide rate that we see from 2003 to 2004 is part of a trend that has been occurring
since 1991 when homicide reached a rate of 9.8 per 100,000 (24,703 victims).
As Figure 4.1 also shows, this decrease since 1991 is unprecedented in the last
50 years. The number of homicides in the United States decreased 65.3% between
1991 and 2004, whereas the homicide victimization rate decreased 55% during this
same time period (see Figure 4.2). The 24,703 homicides recorded in 1991 was a
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Circumstance Type 45
TABLE 4.1 Known Homicide Circumstances, 2004
Circumstances Number Circumstances Number
Rape 36 Romantic triangle 97 Robbery 988 Child killed by babysitter 17
Burglary 77 Brawl influenced by alcohol 139
Larceny theft 14 Brawl influenced by narcotics 98
Motor vehicle theft 38 Argument over property or money 218
Arson 28 Other arguments 3,758
Prostitution and
commercialized vice 9
Gangland killings 95
Other sex offenses 14 Juvenile gang killings 804
Narcotic drug laws 554 Institutional killings 17
Gambling 7 Sniper attack 1
Others—not specified 324 Other—not specified 1,728
Felony type total 2,089 Nonfelony type total 6,972
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
record high for recorded homicides in the United States, but it was not the highest
victimization rate. The victimization rate peaked in 1981 with a victimization rate of
10.2 per 100,000. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
also indicate that homicide dropped in the rank of causes of homicide recently.
Homicide was the 14th leading cause of death in 2002 but dropped to the 15th
leading cause of death for the year 2003.
CIRCUMSTANCE TYPE
As reported in Chapter 3, most large data sets on homicide include details about each
homicide. One of the details of homicide often recorded is the circumstance of the
murder. The supplemental homicide data collected by the FBI show that the circum-
stances were known for 65% of homicides that occurred in 2004. As you can see in
Table 4.1, homicides involving arguments were most common, making up 43.9% of the
homicides in which the circumstances were known. Nearly a quarter or 22.8% of the
known circumstances occurred along with another felony such as robbery or burglary.
It is likely, however, that the circumstance data presented in Table 4.1 underesti-
mate some homicide circumstances. This is most obvious when you look at the
number of homicides that appear to be linked to drugs or alcohol. Homicide data
collected by the CDC may more accurately reflect alcohol and drug use involvement
in homicide incidents. The National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS)
data indicated that drugs were involved in approximately 16% of homicides in 2004
with known circumstances (NVDRS, 2005). Still, the role of alcohol or drugs in
homicide may not always be clear, and the current homicide data for the United
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46 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
Intimate Partner
9%
Family 8%
Aquaintance 23%
Other Known 3%Stranger
13%
Unknown 44%
VICTIM/OFFENDER RELATIONSHIP
Figure 4.3 displays information about the relationship between the victim and offender
in 2004. More than half of the victim/offender relationships, or 55.9%, were known to
the police, and when they were known, acquaintances were the most likely offenders
with 23% of victims killed by acquaintances. Nine percent were killed by their intimate
partners, and 8% were killed by family members (not including spouses). Finally, 3%
were killed by someone else the victim knew, such as a neighbor, employer, or employee.
In 1958, when Wolfgang published some of the first details about relationships in
homicide cases, he noted that murder was most likely to occur between individuals who
had some type of relationship. Further he found that when the victim knew the
offender, it was most likely the offender was a member of his or her family (Wolfgang,
1958: 4). As you saw in Figure 4.3, this is no longer the case. The percentage of homicides
committed by family members (including spouses) in the United States has declined
steeply since 1966. The percentage of all homicide that are acquaintance killings has also
decreased since the 1960s. Although the percentage of stranger killing increased until
the 1970s, it decreased until the late 1970s to approximately 14%, where it has remained
fairly stable for years. Homicides in which the victim/offender relationship is unknown,
however, have increased greatly since the 1960s (Regoeczi & Miethe, 2003; Zahn &
McCall, 1999). (See Box 4.2 on the increase in unknown victim/offender relationships.)
FIGURE 4.3 Murder and Nonnegligent Manslaughter by Victim’s Relationship to Offender, 2004
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
States is limited in what it tells us about the connection among drugs, alcohol, and
homicide. (See Box 4.6 on the role of alcohol and drugs in homicides in England
and Wales.)
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Sex 47
BOX 4.2
Are Unknown Offenders Strangers?
The percentage of homicide cases in which the victim/offender relationship is unknown has increased remarkably since the 1960s. Some of those recorded as unknown may occur because the police had not made an arrest when the paperwork was submitted to the FBI for the Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHR). However, it is unlikely this would explain all unknown cases or the great increase in the unknown relationship cases. In a Homicide Studies arti- cle, Wendy Regoeczi and Terance Miethe (2003) studied whether and how homicide situations may have changed over time in ways that would explain the great increase in unknown relationship–type homicide. They also wanted to know if unknown relationship cases are just unsolved stranger cases. They found that unknown relationship cases changed over time. The unknown cases were more likely to involve white victims in the 1970s and African American victims in the 1990s. In the 1970s, unknown killings were likely to involve knifings, whereas in the 1990s; guns were most prominent among unknown offender cases. Regoeczi and Miethe also found that the most typ- ical victim profile for an unknown case in the 1970s involved a white male victim who had been knifed, but females who were killed with a weapon other than a knife or gun were not uncommon. By the 1990s, there had been a shift in unknown relationship cases. The victims were mostly African American or another racial/ethnic minority who had been shot to death, and they were younger than the victims from the 1970s. The researchers con- cluded that unknown offender cases were reflective of all types of victim/ offender relationship homicide cases, however; they were disproportion- ately more likely to be similar to stranger cases (Regoeczi & Miethe, 2003).
TABLE 4.2 Victim/Offender Relationship by Sex for Known Offenders
Male Offender Female Offender Offender Sex Unknown
Male victim 4,488 488 74 Female victim 1,717 182 21
Victim sex unknown 41 10 18
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
SEX
Homicide is predominately a male activity. More than three out of four victims, or
78%, of U.S. homicide offenders in 2004 were male. Similarly, when sex of the
offender was known, 90% of homicide offenders were male. Moreover, greater than
four out of five of the 11,932 known homicide offenders in 2004 were male. Logically
then, as reflected in Table 4.2 and the pie diagrams in Figures 4.4 and 4.5, male
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48 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
Female Victim
Male Offender
90%
Female Offender
9%
Offender Sex Unknown
1%
FIGURE 4.5 Sex and Victim/Offender Relationship (Female Victim)
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
Male Victim
Male Offender
89%
Female Offender
10%
Offender Sex Unknown
1%
FIGURE 4.4 Sex and Victim/Offender Relationship (Male Victim)
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
offenders predominate as killers of both males and females. Eighty-nine percent of
those who kill males and 90% of those who kill females are men (FBI, 2006a). The
tendency of men to kill both men and women is also the case in Australia, where 83%
of male victims were killed by men and 90% of female victims were killed by men
(Johnson, 2005).
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Age 49
0 500
1,000 1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000
und er 1
9 to 12
20 to 2
4
35 to 3
9
50 to 5
4
65 to 69
All Victims All Offenders
FIGURE 4.6 2004 Murder Victims and Offenders by Age
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
un de
r 1
5 to
8
13 to
1 6
20 to
2 4
30 to
3 4
40 to
4 4
50 to
5 4
60 to
6 4
70 to
7 4
A
A
M
F
M
F
FIGURE 4.7 2004 Murder Offenders and Victims by Age and Sex
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
AGE
Just as with crime in general, homicide offending tends to be an activity that is com-
mitted most often by the relatively young. As you can see in Figure 4.6, the peak age for
homicide offending in 2004 was 20 to 24 years. Moreover, those ages 17 to 29 accounted
for the majority (57.6%) of homicide offending in which the age of the offender was
known. Among offenders in 2004 whose age was known, less than 5% were older than
54 or younger than 17 years. Because males predominate as homicide offenders and
victims, their age distribution is mirrored in the overall age distribution. Figure 4.7
shows that female victims and offenders tend to be adults between the ages of 20 and
54, and there is no age spike for females as there is for males.
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50 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
0
10
20
30
40
50
19 76
19 80
19 84
19 88
19 92
19 96
20 00
20 04
Other
White
African American
FIGURE 4.8 Homicide Victimization Rate by Race, 1976–2004
Source: Compiled from Bureau of Justice Statistics data (Fox & Zawitz, 2006).
RACE
The 2004 homicide data show that among known offenders and victims, whites out-
number African Americans but only by a small margin. In 2004, 48.6% of homicide
offenders were white, 47.5% were African American, and less than 4% were categorized
as another or unknown race. The victim data are very similar. Whites predominate as
victims with 3,727 white victims (52.9%) in 2004. African American victims are a close
second with 3,067 of the victims categorized as African American (43.6%). There were
also 177 victims of other races and 68 victims for whom race was not known (FBI,
2006a).
We must be cautious about what conclusions we draw about race based on over-
all numbers, however. Although the data show that whites outnumber African
Americans, the rate of homicide is much higher for African Americans. The Bureau
of Justice Statistics reports that in 2004, the rate of homicide victimization was six
times higher for African American as compared to whites. Similarly, the rates of
homicide offending for African Americans were seven times higher than the rates of
offending in 2004 for whites (Fox & Zawitz, 2006).
Research by Martinez (1997) on homicide in Miami, a city with a large Latino pop-
ulation, is important for what it tells us about the two largest minorities groups in the
United States. In his study of homicide in the 1990s, Martinez also found that African
Americans were overrepresented among homicide victims and offenders. Although only
27% of Miami’s population, 56% of Miami homicide victims were African American.
Latinos made up 68% of the population but were underrepresented as homicide victims
(38%). The rate of homicide per 100,000 in Miami for Anglos was 19.83, it was 21.66 for
Latinos, and over three times as high at 73.49 for African Americans.
A look at who kills who in terms of race shows that white offenders tend to kill
white victims, and African American offenders tend to kill African American victims.
Of the 3,012 African American homicide victims who were known to be killed by an
African American or white killer, 84.2% were killed by African American offenders.
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Weapon Use 51
Again, based on the cases in which offender and victim race was known to be African
American or white, the percentage of whites killed by whites was similar, at 85.7%
(FBI, 2006a).
The good news is that official SHR data reveal declines in homicide victimization
rates since 1976 among all races. As you can see in Figure 4.8, the decline in the homi-
cide victimization rate has dropped precipitously for African Americans since the
mid-1990s. The decline has been less for whites and others but a decline nonetheless.
The gap in victimization rates between African Americans and other racial categories
remains. However, because of the greater decrease in homicide victimization rates for
African Americans as compared to other races, the gap has closed somewhat.
YEARS OF POTENTIAL LIFE LOST TO HOMICIDE
The National Center for Injury Prevention and Control provides a measure of
premature mortality called the “years of potential life lost,” or YPLL. In other words, if
a man is murdered when he is 35 years old and the average life expectancy is 75 years,
40 years of potential life have been lost. Moreover, the NCIPC reports the YPLL to dif-
ferent causes such as heart disease, cancer, HIV, unintentional injury, and, relevant to
this book, homicide.
Based on 2003 data, unintentional injury was the number-one cause of years of
life lost in the United States before age 65. Unintentional injury was followed by can-
cer, heart disease, perinatal period deaths (immediately before or after birth), suicide,
and then homicide at number six. Another way to consider this is that 18.5% of all
the years of life lost were due to unintentional injury and 5% was due to homicide.
After considering the data in this chapter about race and sex and homicide, it should
be no surprise that the years of potential life lost vary by sex and race. Only 2.2% of
the life years lost for white women were due to homicide. For white men, homicide
was a larger contributor, with homicide responsible for 3.6% of the lost years. The
figure grows to 4.3% for black females and 4.2% for Hispanic females. For Hispanic
males, the percentage is considerably more, with 10.8% of all years lost due to homi-
cide. Finally, the figure for black men is nearly five times higher than it is for white
men. The number-one cause of years lost for black men is homicide, which is respon-
sible for 15.4% of all the years lost for black men before age 65.
WEAPON USE
If you watched CSI Miami on November 14, 2005, you may remember that a woman
was killed with a nail gun, and in the same episode Detective Ryan Wolf takes a nail
to the eye. This may seem farfetched, but in 2001 a California man murdered his wife
with a nail gun (as discussed in Chapter 8). Hardened homicide detectives will tell
you there is no limit to what humans have used to murder. Guns, knives, and even
clothing and cords for strangulation are fairly common. But you can probably think of
other real cases in which the following have been used as weapons to murder
others: Gatorade mixed with antifreeze or windshield wiper fluid, ice picks, iPods,
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52 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
Firearms 66%
Knives 13%
Other 21%
FIGURE 4.9 Guns, Knives, and Other Weapons Used in 2004 Murders
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
TABLE 4.3 Weapons Used in 2004 U.S. Murders
Weapon Number Percentage
Total 14,121 100 Total firearms 9,326 66.0
Handguns 7,265 51.4
Rifles 393 2.8
Shotguns 507 3.6
Other guns 117 0.8
Firearm type unknown 1,044 7.4
Knives 1,866 13.2
Blunt objects 663 4.7
Personal weapons 933 6.6
Poison 11 0.1
Explosives 1 0.0
Fire 114 0.8
Narcotics 76 0.5
Drowning 15 0.1
Strangulation 155 1.1
Asphyxiation 105 0.7
Other or not stated 856 6.1
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 2006a).
cars, phone wires, and, of course, the hijacked airplanes used by terrorists on
September 11, 2001.
The SHR categorize weapons into 16 different types (including 5 categories of
firearms). It is clear in Table 4.3 and Figure 4.9 that guns predominate as murder
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Weapon Use 53
BOX 4.3
Killer iPod
In March 2004, 23-year-old Arleen Mathers was arrested in Memphis, Tennessee, for first-degree murder. She allegedly bludgeoned her boyfriend with her iPod. After calling the police, Mathers showed the police the body of her 27-year-old boyfriend Brad Pulaski. He evidently died of internal bleeding after Mathers hit him repeatedly with the iPod after he apparently erased all of her music (Headlined News.com, 2004).
TABLE 4.4 Weapons Used in 2003 U.S. Murders
Weapon Number Percentage
Total 17,732 100
Cut/Pierce 2,742 15.5
Drown 59 0.3
Fall 15 0.1
Fire 167 0.9
Firearm 11,920 67.2
Poison 81 0.5
Struck 222 1.3
Suffocation 670 3.8
Motor vehicle 51 0.3
Unspecified/Other 1,805 10.2
Source: Compiled from National Center for Injury Prevention and Control data (2003).
weapons in the United States. Firearms were used as the murder weapon in 66% of all
homicides in 2004, with handguns the most popular gun choice for homicide offenders.
Knives (including other sharp instruments), personal weapons, and blunt objects were
also common. When an offender uses his or her hands or feet to beat someone to death,
it is categorized as a homicide by personal weapon. Hammers, bats, and pieces of wood
are common blunt objects.
As discussed in Chapter 3, several data sources may be used by those who are
researching homicide. Most of this chapter relies on data collected by the FBI. The
CDC’s National Center for Injury Prevention (NCIPC) data, however, may also be
used to learn about weapon use in the United States. NCIPC data are categorized
slightly different than FBI data. Nevertheless, the weapons used in 2003 homicides
according to NCIPC data appear to be very similar to the weapons indicated in the
2004 FBI data. The NCIPC shows that firearms were used in 68% of homicides, cut-
ting instruments were used in 15%, and other weapons were used in the remaining
17%. Table 4.4 includes the number of homicides and percentages for different
weapons as categorized by the NCIPC.
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54 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
19 76
19 79
19 82
19 85
19 88
19 91
19 94
19 97
20 00
20 03
Large city
Small city
Suburban
Rural
FIGURE 4.10 Homicide by City Size, 1976–2004
Source: Compiled from Bureau of Justice Statistics data (Fox & Zawitz, 2006).
REGIONAL
Not only is homicide more common in cities, but it is also more common in the
South. The Uniform Crime Report Program divides the United States into four
regions to allow for crime comparisons across regions. Figure 4.11 shows the per-
centage of the U.S. population, the percentage of murders and nonnegligent
manslaughters, and the murder rate for each region in 2004. As you can see, the
COMMUNITY TYPES
The UCR also provides information about crime for different community types
that range from the most densely populated Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs)
to less densely populated cities outside of MSAs, and the least densely populated
areas known as nonmetropolitan counties outside of MSAs. Not surprisingly, most
homicides and the highest rate of homicide occurred in the most densely popu-
lated areas. With 82.9% of the population in the United States, MSAs had 88.8% of
the homicides with a rate of 5.9 per 100,000 residents. Ten percent of U.S. residents
live in nonmetropolitan counties, and 10% of all 2004 U.S. homicides occurred in
these counties for a rate of 3.6 homicides per 100,000 individuals. Finally, 6.8% of
the U.S. population lives in cities outside of MSAs where 4.4% of U.S. homicides
were committed in 2004. The rate of homicide at 3.5 per 100,000 residents in cities
outside of MSAs was just under the rate for counties outside MSAs (Fox & Zawitz,
2004). The Bureau of Justice Statistics presents the data by city size (see Figure
4.10). The number of homicides in large cities drives the rate for the United States
as a whole.
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Regional 55
BOX 4.4
Most Murderous U.S. Cities*
What are your chances of being a murder victim or even a murder offender? Statistically, many variables affect the chances of any one individual being a homicide victim or offender. If we consider only the city in which you live, we might predict that your chances are greatest where the homicide rate is highest. In 2004, the 67 largest cities were ranked by homicide rate, and the top ten are as follows:
1. New Orleans 2. Baltimore 3. Detroit 4. Washington, D.C. 5. Saint Louis 6. Newark 7. Atlanta 8. Philadelphia 9. Oakland
10. Dallas
Criminologists Alfred Blumstein, Robert Friedman, and Richard Rosenfeld have created a formula that adjusts the city homicide rankings to account for the levels of poverty, racial disadvantage, economic instability, divorce, and other city-level measures believed to affect homicide rates. The idea behind the adjustment is to make the comparison across cities more equi- table. Instead of comparing apples to oranges, the adjustment allows apples to be compared to apples. In this way, we may learn more about what policies and programs might be effective for decreasing homicide.
When the adjustments are made to the 2004 data, New Orleans, Baltimore, Washington D.C., Oakland, California, and Dallas remain in the top ten. However, cities such as Kansas City, Denver, Phoenix, Minneapolis, and San Francisco move up to the top ten. San Francisco makes the most dramatic climb from 30 in the unadjusted 2004 ranking to number 1 in the adjusted ranking. Atlanta has the most impressive descent, moving from number 15 to number 64 among the 67 large cities that are ranked. This means that San Francisco has a much larger rate than should be expected and Cleveland has a much lower rate than would be expected given the levels of poverty and other factors linked to homicide rates in those cities (Improving Crime Data Website, 2005).
*Cities ranked had populations of 250,000 or more.
Northeast is the least populous region of the United States, and it contributes least to
the U.S. murder rate, and likewise the South is the most populous and contributes
the most to the homicide totals. However, the rates for each region indicate that the
South has more than its fair share of homicide. The murder rate for the Northeast
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56 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
BOX 4.5
Percentage Distribution of Homicide by Month in 2004
Homicide tends to follow seasonal patterns with a greater percentage occurring in warm months. You can see the percentages of homicide by month for 2004 in the table here. What do you think explains the greater percentages in summer months?
Month Percentage January 7.9 February 6.7 March 8.4 April 8.0 May 8.8 June 8.3 July 9.5 August 9.4 September 8.6 October 8.3 November 7.9 December 8.1
Source: Compiled from Federal Bureau of Investigation Statistics Data (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2006a).
0.00%
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
W es
t
M idw
es t
Sou th
Nor th
ea st
% of Murders
% of U.S. Population
FIGURE 4.11 Population and Homicide Percentage by Region, 2004
and Midwest were both under 5 per 100,000, and the rate in the West was 5.7 per
100,000 persons in 2004. The South, however, had a rare 6.6 per 100,000 in 2004.
Possible explanations for the greater rates in the South are discussed in Chapter 7 in
the discussion on confrontational homicide.
M04_DAVI4013_01_SE_C04.QXD 8/30/07 5:38 AM Page 56
REVISED
Cross-National Comparisons 57
TABLE 4.5 International Homicide Data for Select Countries
Country
Average Homicide
Rate* Country
Average Homicide
Rate*
Norway 0.95 Australia 1.87
Denmark 1.02 Poland 2.05
Japan 1.05 Scotland 2.16
Spain 1.12 Hungary 2.34
Switzerland 1.12 Romania 2.41
Germany 1.15 New Zealand 2.50
Portugal 1.17 Czech Republic 2.52
Slovenia 1.18 Slovakia 2.55
Austria 1.26 Northern Ireland 2.65
Greece 1.38 Turkey 2.67
Cypress 1.39 Finland 2.86
Ireland 1.42 U.S.A. 5.56
Netherlands 1.51 Estonia 10.60
England & Wales 1.61 Lithuania 10.62
Malta 1.63 Russia 22.05
France 1.73 South Africa 55.86
Canada 1.77
*Average homicide rate is measured per 100,000 population for the years 1999–2001. The
homicide rates in different cities across the world also demonstrate the relatively high rates in
the United States. At the low end, Ottawa, Canada had an average rate of 0.94, and Tokyo,
Japan’s rate was 1.21 for the years 1999–2001. In grave contrast, Moscow had a rate of 18.38
and Washington, D.C. had a rate of 42.87.
Source: Barclay and Tavares (2003).
CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISONS
In general, the numbers of homicides in a particular country are mostly static over
time, although they vary by country (Johnson, 2005). Moreover, the homicide rate in
the United States remains consistently higher than the homicide rate in many other
countries. In Table 4.5, you can see the rates for several different countries. Australia’s
homicide rates, for example, varied between 1.7 and 2.0 per 100,000 between 1989
and 1999. Since 1989, the total number of homicide victims per year in Australia var-
ied from a low of 297 in 1997–1998 to a high of 381 in 2001–2002, but because the
Australian population is growing the rate never exceeded 2.0 per 100,000 with the
2001–2002 rate being 1.9 per 100,000 (Mouzos, 2000; Mouzos & Rushforth, 2003).
Data from a 2001 report on international criminal justice statistics indicate that the
average European Union homicide rate for the years 1999 to 2001 was 1.59 per
100,000. The rate in England and Wales was 1.61, the rate in Scotland was 2.16, and
in Northern Ireland it was 2.65 per 100,000. Countries with notably low rates include
Norway, Japan, Spain, Switzerland, and Denmark, with homicide rates between 0.95
and 1.12 per 100,000 (Barclay & Tavares, 2003).
M04_DAVI4013_01_SE_C04.QXD 8/30/07 5:38 AM Page 57
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58 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
BOX 4.6
Alcohol, Drugs, Mental Illness, and Homicide in England and Wales
An in-depth study of homicide data in England and Wales for the years 1996 to 1999 found that more than two out of every five offenders (42%) had a history of alcohol problems, and 40% had a history of drug problems. These histories were reflected in the study’s finding that drug or alcohol misuse played a “contributory role” in 40% of all homicides. Drugs played a major role in only 6, or 1%, of the 1,594 homicides and a minor role in 14%; alcohol played a minor role in 6% and a major role in 14% of all homicides during the period studied. Fewer than 1 of 5 homicides (17%) was committed by individuals with severe mental illness and substance use problems. The authors of the study concluded that a public health approach to homicide should focus on alcohol and drug use over issues of mental illness (Shaw, Hunt, Flynn, et al., 2006).
SUMMARY
This chapter reviewed current homicide patterns and trends. Overall rates and trends
that reveal that homicide is decreasing in the United States are covered before the
chapter moves on to different categorizations of homicide. Because not all homicides
are solved (see Chapter 14), the circumstances and victim/offender relationship are
not always known. However, for homicides in which we know the circumstance,
homicide involving argument are the most common. When the offender is known, it
is most likely that the victim and offender know one another as acquaintances, inti-
mate partners, or family members. In terms of sex, homicide is overwhelmingly a
male activity with men making up the majority of both victims and offenders. Young
people ages 17 to 29 years account for the majority of victims and offenders. Whites
outnumber other races and ethnic groups as homicide offenders and victims. African
Americans are close behind, and if homicide is measured as a rate, African Americans
predominate as both victims and offenders. After the demographics are reviewed, the
chapter included a section on years of potential life lost to homicide that reflects what
the demographic data predict: the years of life lost because of homicide is highest
among African American men. The chapter also includes a section on weapon use,
Although the United States does not have the highest homicide rate in the world,
it is in the top five for countries with viable data listed in Table 4.5. As you can see, the
United States has a rate of 5.56 per 100,000. Estonia and Lithuania each have rates
nearly twice that of the United States, and Russia’s rate is nearly four times that of the
United States with a rate of 22.05 per 100,000. Although the rate in these countries is
very high, the rate in South Africa in 2001 was astronomical, at 55.86 per 100,000
(Barclay & Tavares, 2003).
M04_DAVI4013_01_SE_C04.QXD 8/30/07 5:38 AM Page 58
REVISED
References 59
CHAPTER QUESTIONS
1. Has homicide increased or decreased in the United States in the twenty first
century?
2. Why is it preferable to compare homicide rates instead of the number of
homicides?
3. What does the trend in homicide look like since 1990?
4. What is the most common known homicide circumstance?
5. What is the most common known victim/offender relationship type for homicide?
6. Wolfgang noted that homicide offenders were most likely to be family members
in his 1958 homicide study. Has this changed, and if so, how?
7. Are women or men more likely to be homicide offenders?
8. Are women or men more likely to be homicide victims?
9. What is the peak age for homicide offending?
10. Among known offenders, what racial group predominates as victims and
offenders?
11. What do rates tell us about race and homicide?
12. What is meant by “years of potential life lost”?
13. As a percentage of all years of life lost, what group loses the most years to
homicide?
14. What is the most common weapon used to commit homicide in the United
States?
15. Where are homicide rates most likely in terms of community type, U.S. regions,
and nations in the world?
REFERENCES
Barclay, Gordon, and Cynthia Tavares. 2003. International Comparisons of Criminal Justice
Statistics 2001. London: United Kingdom Home Office, Research Development and
Statistics Directorate (October 2004).
Blumstein, Alfred, and Richard Rosenfeld. 1998. “Explaining Recent Trends in U.S. Homicide
Rates.” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 88(4): 1175–1216.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). 2006a. Crime in the United States 2004. Web version
updated February 17, 2006. Retrieved March 24, 2006, from http://www.fbi.gov/ucr /
cius_04/offenses_reported/violent_crime/murder.html
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). 2006b. Preliminary Annual Uniform Crime Report, 2005.
June 12, 2006. Retrieved September 30, 2006, from http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/2005preliminary/
index.htm
Fox, James Alan, and Marianne W. Zawitz. 2006. Homicide Trends in the U.S. Washington, D.C.:
Bureau of Justice Statistics. http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/homicide/tables/vracetab.htm
and it is clear regardless of which data set is used that firearms are the most popular
deliberate killing instrument in the United States. The chapter ends with information
on the variance of homicide across community types, regions, and nations.
M04_DAVI4013_01_SE_C04.QXD 8/30/07 5:38 AM Page 59
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60 The Murder Book: Examining Homicide
Headlined News.Com. 2004. “iPod Used in Domestic Homicide.” Headlined News.com. Posted
March 5, 2004, at http://www.liquidgeneration.com/rumormill/ipod_killing.html
Improving Crime Data Website. 2005. “City Homicide Rankings Adjusted for Differences in
Crime-Producing Factors.” Georgia State University Statistical Analysis Bureau. Accessed
online at http://www.cjgsu.net/initiatives/ICD.htm
Johnson, Carolyn Harris. 2005. Come with Daddy: Child Murder-Suicide After Family
Breakdown. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press.
Martinez, Ramiro. 1997. “Homicide Among Miami’s Ethnic Groups.” Homicide Studies, 1(1):
17–34.
Mouzos, Jenny. 2000. Homicidal Encounters: A Study of Homicide in Australia, 1989–1999.
Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology.
Mouzos, Jenny, and Catherine Rushforth. 2003. Family Homicide in Australia. Canberra:
Australian Institute of Criminology.
National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS). 2005. Homicides and Suicides—National
Violent Death Reporting System, United States, 2003–2004. Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention. Accessed online at http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5526a1.
htm
Regoeczi, Wendy C., and Terance D. Miethe. 2003. “Taking on the Unknown: A Qualitative
Comparative Analysis of Unknown Relationship Homicides.” Homicide Studies, 7(3):
211–234.
Shaw, Jenny, Isabelle M. Hunt, Sandra Flynn, et al. 2006. “The Role of Alcohol and Drugs in
Homicides in England and Wales.” Addiction, 101(8): 1117–1124.
Wolfgang, Marvin. 1958. Patterns of Criminal Homicide. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia
Press.
Zahn, Margaret A., and Patricia L. McCall. 1999. “Trends and Patterns of Homicide in the
20th-Century United States.” In M. Dwayne Smith and Margaret A. Zahn, eds., Homicide:
A Sourcebook of Social Research (pp. 9–23). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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Created PDF documents can be opened with Acrobat and Adobe Reader 5.0 and later.) >> /Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common) (1.0) ] /OtherNamespaces [ << /AsReaderSpreads false /CropImagesToFrames true /ErrorControl /WarnAndContinue /FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false /IncludeGuidesGrids false /IncludeNonPrinting false /IncludeSlug false /Namespace [ (Adobe) (InDesign) (4.0) ] /OmitPlacedBitmaps false /OmitPlacedEPS false /OmitPlacedPDF false /SimulateOverprint /Legacy >> << /AddBleedMarks false /AddColorBars false /AddCropMarks false /AddPageInfo false /AddRegMarks false /ConvertColors /ConvertToCMYK /DestinationProfileName () /DestinationProfileSelector /DocumentCMYK /Downsample16BitImages true /FlattenerPreset << /PresetSelector /MediumResolution >> /FormElements false /GenerateStructure false /IncludeBookmarks false /IncludeHyperlinks false /IncludeInteractive false /IncludeLayers false /IncludeProfiles false /MultimediaHandling /UseObjectSettings /Namespace [ (Adobe) (CreativeSuite) (2.0) ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector /DocumentCMYK /PreserveEditing true /UntaggedCMYKHandling /LeaveUntagged /UntaggedRGBHandling /UseDocumentProfile /UseDocumentBleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [2400 2400] /PageSize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice
