safia-IMPORTANT PROJECT
meonline
swrk8621readingmaterialssyllabus3assignments.zipSocial Justice-First in-class assignment.png
1.A.Textbook-Social_Work_and_Social_Justice_Concepts,_Challenge.(_Part_I_Historical,_Conceptual,_and_Theoretical_Foundations)(pages 1-128).pdf
PA R T I
Historical, Conceptual, and Theoretical Foundations of Social Justice
Part I provides the historical, conceptual, and theoretical foundation for the application of social justice principles to social work practice presented in Part II. The chapters in Part I emphasize the relationship of theories and con- cepts to the development of social welfare and social work and to the institutions and practices that emanate from a society’s efforts to achieve and sustain social justice goals, however they are defined. The integration of diverse and sometimes conflicting approaches to social justice throughout these chapters is designed to promote critical thinking and underscore the value of incorporating such perspec- tives into practice. Case examples or historical illustrations are used to illuminate how social justice concepts have been or could be applied to the real world.
Chapter 1 contains an overview of our goals and underlying assumptions, including the overriding importance of social justice in social work practice and the role of critical theories in providing a foundation for that practice. One of our basic assumptions is that social justice concepts need to be incorporated into both practice goals and processes. Another is the value of creating spaces in which we can practice social justice skills effectively and ethically. We briefly outline the multiple ways in which inequalities and injustices are sustained and re- created, and we suggest some ways in which practitioners can recognize these patterns. We also discuss the importance of understanding our identities and group memberships from an intersectional perspective that acknowledges the complex and interactive roles that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, religion, ability status, gender expression, and age play in shaping people’s lives and experiences. In addition, we examine how these concepts possess both an intrinsic meaning and one derived from their social construction. Finally, we acknowledge the dynamic and dialectical nature of the issues involved in social
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
justice- oriented work, the various and sometimes competing visions of justice that exist, the multiple dimensions that are important to consider when concep- tualizing justice, and the ways in which conceptions of change and power shape social justice goals and processes.
Chapter 2 examines the historical evolution of social justice concepts and theories, with a particular focus on alternative (non- Western) perspectives. One of the shortcomings of most books on social justice and social work published in the United States is the absence of such alternative perspectives. This produces a serious problem as US society becomes increasingly multicultural because it forces marginalized and excluded populations to adopt dominant conceptions of social justice that are often at odds with their own. A major theme in this chapter is the distinction between group- specific and universal concepts and the- ories of social justice. We emphasize the common and differential conceptions of social justice that have emerged in different cultures and eras and how these different conceptions shaped the institutions through which social justice could be achieved.
Chapter 3 analyzes the influence of social justice on the development of the social work profession in the United States. The profession of social work has long struggled with the translation of concepts of social justice into social pol- icies, programs, and practice frameworks. In this chapter, we trace the major features of this struggle and the contributions of key individuals and groups to its development. Among the factors discussed is the impact of religious and sec- ular ideologies, the evolution of the profession’s “vocabulary” of social justice, the emergence of practice theories and principles that reflect social justice con- cerns, and the impact of professionalism on the social justice mission of social work. The chapter concludes with a critique of the profession’s current approach to social justice, including the distinction between human rights and social jus- tice perspectives on practice, an analysis of some persistent dilemmas in putting social justice rhetoric into practice, and some suggestions as to how social work’s ethics and practice could be adapted to 21st- century realities.
Chapter 4 provides an overview of the major theories and concepts that underlie socially just practice across all methods and in all settings. An integra- tive theme in this chapter is that the institutional structure and cultural processes in all societies have the potential to create (or re- create) inequalities and injustice. This requires practitioners to engage in ongoing reflection, critical thinking, and active struggle to attain and sustain socially just goals.
Another important issue discussed in this chapter is the need to address diversity and differences among peoples and cultures, as they are reflected in their values, goals, patterns of interaction, planning and action styles, definition of need, help- seeking behavior, and change agendas. These differences, which
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Part I: Historical, Conceptual, and Theoretical Foundations 3
often create miscommunication and misunderstanding, can arise from groups’ historical experiences, locations in social hierarchies, cultural norms and values, and other factors. This chapter includes a concise analysis of the multiple ways that historical and cultural forces shape how these differences are constructed and maintained.
In addition, this chapter discusses the importance of theorizing as a tool for effecting change; reviews theories about power; and discusses how differ- ent forms of power interact with each other to create a maldistribution of resources, status, and privilege. In addition, the chapter describes the pro- cesses by which people and systems change and grow and how the various sources of resistance that frequently block change and growth emerge. A goal of this chapter is to enable readers to appreciate and anticipate multiple forms and types of resistance and to overcome that resistance in a variety of ways to create desired change.
Other important concepts that are introduced in Chapter 4 are intersectional humility and critical structural thinking. These involve new “habits of mind,” which we believe are critical elements of practice in a complex multicultural society and multipolar world. Finally, we introduce the concept of praxis, which employs iterative and interactive cycles of theorizing, acting, and reflecting in order to deepen critical consciousness, increase insights about social justice, and identify and reduce barriers to justice. The application of praxis to various prac- tice methods is further discussed in Part II.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1
Introduction Backgrou n d, T h e m es, a n d Goa l s
Goals of the Chapter
Given the complexity of the underlying concepts we attempt to apply to practice in this book, it is essential that we define some of the important terms we will use in subsequent chapters. The most important concept is social justice, and we devote much of this chapter to discussing the complex dimensions of this con- cept. We then discuss some of the assumptions that underlie the application of social justice to social work practice.
In this chapter and throughout the book, we also emphasize the importance of critical consciousness. We define this term and discuss its relationship to iden- tity issues and group memberships such as race, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, class, nationality, religion, ability statuses, gender expressions, and age. We discuss how these terms are social constructions and the implications of this phenome- non. Because identity issues are increasingly complex, we apply an intersectional perspective and discuss its implications for practice.
In addition, we discuss the concepts of change and power, their connection to social justice, and their impact on individual and group identity and relation- ships. One way in which this interaction occurs is through intergroup dialogue and the application of praxis. We discuss the implications of these terms for social work theory and practice, particularly in Chapter 4. In addition, we discuss how social injustices are maintained and how barriers to social justice must be recog- nized and addressed by social workers in all forms of practice. At the conclusion of this chapter, we introduce the other chapters in the book in which these issues are explicated in more detail.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Defining Social Justice
Defining social justice is a complex task because this concept often reflects many conflicting dimensions and ideological perspectives (Reisch, 2002). John Rawls (1971/ 1999), one of the most cited writers on this subject, emphasizes the follow- ing two principles:
Each person is to have an equal right to basic liberties compatible with similar liberties for others. . . . Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) reasonably expected to be to every- one’s advantage and (b) attached to positions and offices open to all. (pp. 151– 152)
An underlying assumption of Rawls’s (2001) theory of justice is that “all social values . . . are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any, or all, of these values is to everyone’s advantage” (p. 62).1 According to Reisch (2002),
From these principles of justice, Rawls articulated a “principle of redress” which established the philosophical basis for social justice policies directed toward a more just distribution of social goods. . . . As stated by Rawls, the principle seems particularly well- suited to the social work profession’s goal of eliminating racial, gender, and economic inequalities. (p. 346)
This principle has significant implications for policy and practice. Rawls (1971/ 1999), as quoted in Reisch (2002), states,
Undeserved inequalities call for redress; and since inequalities of birth and natural endowment are undeserved, these inequalities are somehow compensated for. Thus, the principle holds that in order to treat all per- sons equally, to provide genuine equality of opportunity, society must give more attention to those with fewer native assets and to those born into the less favorable social positions. The idea is to redress the bias of contingencies in the direction of equality. (p. 100)
These principles also apply more broadly to the basic structure of society. They are intended to govern the assignment of rights and duties and to regulate
1. See Reisch’s (2002, pp. 346– 347) summary of Rawls’s definitions and the problems with these definitions.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 7
the distribution of social and economic advantages. As their formulation sug- gests, they presuppose the division of the social structure into two more or less distinct parts, the political and the socioeconomic, with the first principle apply- ing to the former and the second to the latter.
The first principle represents those aspects of the social system that specify the equal or unequal liberties of citizenship; the second principle refers to those aspects of the social system that produce either social and economic equalities or inequalities. According to this formulation, the basic liberties of citizens are, generally speaking, political liberty (e.g., the right to vote and be eligible for pub- lic office) and civil liberties such as freedom of speech and assembly, liberty of conscience and freedom of thought; freedom of the person and the right to pos- sess (personal) property; and freedom from arbitrary arrest and seizure as defined by the concept of the rule of law. According to Rawls’s first principle, these lib- erties, which are largely embodied in the Bill of Rights of the US Constitution, must be applied equally to all citizens in a just society in order to ensure that they have the same basic rights.
Rawls’s second principle applies, in the first approximation, to the distribu- tion of income and wealth and to the design of organizations and institutions that make use of differences in authority and responsibility, or chains of com- mand. Although the distribution of wealth and income need not be equal, any inequalities that exist must be to everyone’s advantage, and positions of authority and offices of command must be accessible to all.
According to Rawls (1971/ 1999),
the two principles . . . are a special case of a more general conception of justice that can be expressed as follows: All social values— liberty and opportunity, income and wealth and the bases of self- respect— are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any, or all, of these values is to everyone’s advantage. (pp. 61– 62)
Applying Social Justice to Social Work Practice
This discussion of the definition of social justice requires some elaboration as we embark on our effort to link social justice to the theories and practices of social work. Here, we discuss some of the complexities we will encounter.
First is that socially just social work practice relates to both processes and outcomes. Processes include all of the activities in which social workers engage and the responses of other individuals and larger entities to these activities. They also include planned activities and reactions as well as unintended and unfore- seen ones. In addition, processes may be initiated by a single word, an emotional
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
expression, or a succession or combination of these actions; responses may be reflected by the same range of actions. Although a practitioner can hardly con- template each of these possibilities before acting, it behooves the critically con- scious social worker to reflect seriously on them. The social justice implications of such processes include the following:
• What does each component of the process reveal about the power differentials between the individuals or systems involved? A question can be viewed as a simple request for information, as an intrusion on the privacy of a less powerful person by a more powerful person, or as an implicit demand that the less powerful person comply with something (Have you done the dishes today?) or a request for further direction by the less powerful person (Do you want me to rinse them first?).
• Do the actions of the workers and others with whom they are involved (e.g., recipients of services, colleagues, other agency personnel, and political officeholders) reflect attention to oppressive social conditions, empowerment of service recipients, and respect for the rights of all concerned?
• Has the worker sought to inform his or her actions by a critical reflection on the sources of the injustices he or she intends to address and their likely impact on others?
• What roles is the worker enacting in these exchanges (e.g., mediator, expert, enabler, and leader), and do these roles reflect the rights and needs of others, respect for them, and non- abuse of the worker’s power?
The Impact of Culture and Context
The worker’s understanding and application of the concepts of social justice occur within the contexts of people’s cultures, the social structures of which they are part, their personal philosophies and beliefs, as well as the dominant philos- ophies and beliefs of their culture and the historical evolution of these cultures, structures, and philosophies. In Chapter 2, we discuss in detail and through a multinational lens some of these issues of cultural and structural variations in how social justice is defined and applied.
Although Rawls’s extensive treatment of social justice discusses the implica- tions of the concept for both individuals and groups, some cultures primarily focus on the application of social justice to individuals (e.g., the United States), whereas others emphasize social justice in terms of its collective or communal impact. This distinction represents a complex issue for social workers because of the potential conflict between an individual’s goal and those sought by the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 9
community or society. A contemporary example is the conflict over Affirmative Action: Some Americans believe that a society should provide all individuals with equal opportunities to attain their educational or occupational goals with- out reference to their demographic characteristics or history. Others argue that true equality of opportunity for some social groups (e.g., African Americans, people with disabilities, and women) can only occur if society makes targeted efforts to overcome previous conditions of oppression (Babkina, 2004; Kellough, 2006; Kennedy, 2013; Sterba, 2009). Another contemporary example is the con- flict over whether parents should be required to immunize their children against communicable diseases.
Marxism and Social Justice
In our discussion and application of social justice, we take note of the Marxist idea that “the roots of injustice lie … in the political– economic structure that was based on subjugation, discrimination, exploitation, and privilege” (Berlin, 1996, as quoted in Reisch, 2002). Marx and colleagues posited that the primary driving force in all history is class struggle and that over many centuries such struggles led to the transformation of society from primitive communism (or collectivist societies) to hierarchical societies characterized by slavery and feu- dalism and then to the class divisions of contemporary postindustrial countries. According to Marx, each set of social conditions reflected the class conflicts of the period. Through a dialectical process, these conflicts produced new social conditions that contained a different configuration of these conflicts (e.g., aristocrat and serf in feudal society and capitalist and worker in industrial society). Marx believed that the ultimate resolution of this dialectical process would be the creation of a communist society in which class conflicts would no longer exist.
Although many historians and political social theorists at all points of the ideological spectrum take issues with various aspects of Marx’s analysis and pre- dictions, his assessment of how structural conditions produce and sustain injus- tices is still valid today. As Reisch states,
Marx rejected the idea that injustice was the by- product of natural human competition, selfishness, and aggression. He asserted that the roots of injustice lie, instead, in the political– economic structure that was based on subjugation, discrimination, exploitation, and privilege (Berlin, 1996). Justice would prevail, therefore, when individuals received what they needed on the basis of their humanity and not merely what they deserve
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
on the basis of their social class origin or productivity. (Marx, 1964, as quoted in Reisch, 2002, p. 345)
Social Justice and the Distribution of Social Goods
Most definitions of social justice incorporate various means of achieving an equi- table distribution of societal goods— tangible and intangible. Despite ongoing philosophical and political disputes over the meaning of social justice, there is broad agreement on this principle (Reisch, 2002). Miller (1976) states that social justice incorporates
the distribution of benefits and burdens throughout a society, as it results from the major social institutions such as property systems and public organizations. It deals with such matters as the regulation of wages and . . . profits, the protection of persons’ rights throughout the legal system, the allocation of housing, medicine, welfare benefits, etc. (p. 222)
In recent decades, feminist philosophers such as Nussbaum (1999) and Held (1995) added a gender dimension to contemporary views of social justice. This per- spective is particularly relevant to social work practice due to the long- standing oppression of women, the different ways that women view the conditions of exis- tence, the continuing presence of social structures that support male hegemony, and the cultural norms that influence male– female interaction.
Social Work’s Evolving Conception of Social Justice
For more than a century, “the pursuit of social justice has been a core value of the social work profession in the United States, providing an alternative to the concept of social welfare as charity” (Reisch, 2002, p. 347). Reisch notes, “The creation of greater social solidarity (fraternity or humanity) implied in the goals of multiculturalism and social justice, requires the reassertion of the ideas of collective responsibility, a community of need, and public virtue” (p. 347). This includes citizenship requirements that recognize our communitarian and collec- tive security needs without neglecting equal attention to the value of liberty and justice for all. As discussed in Chapter 3, this perspective first emerged during the Progressive Era (~1890– 1917) through the combined influences of religious and secular ideas. As Garvin (1997) notes,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 11
A more rigorous reform thrust, however, was provided by the introduc- tion of the settlement house into the United States, inspired by similar institutions developed in England. Stanton Coit, after a visit to Toynbee Hall in London, established the Neighborhood Guild on the lower east side of New York in 1886. The settlement idea spread rapidly and in 1891 there were six settlements in the United States; by 1900 there were more than 1400. (p. 25)
The idea underlying the settlement house movement was that people interested in addressing the problems of the poor could understand them better by partic- ipating in their community life. In contrast to many other social services that emphasized adjustment to the social order, settlement houses combined efforts to change social conditions with a variety of programs to ameliorate the specific problems of their communities (Garvin, 1997).
As Berman- Rossi and Miller (1994) note, however, the settlement house movement was also a product of its times. Settlements had “uneasy, ambivalent relations with and virtual neglect of service to African Americans during their early years” (Berman- Rossi & Miller, 1994, p. 78). Unfortunately,
the historic “truth” appears to be that the “preferred” groups served by the settlements were the European immigrants, not African American migrants. Europeans were apparently thought to be better able to identify with and be influenced by the social and cultural ideals of the settlements, their leadership, and their “settlers.” The goal of assimilation was appar- ently intended for European Americans only. This indeed is an unsettling irony to contemplate and rationalize. In the main, African Americans were not sought or encouraged to use settlement services, particularly set- tlements where whites were ubiquitously present. (p. 78)
This analysis underscores a basic point about efforts to achieve social justice. Despite our best hopes, struggles for social justice will not create a permanently socially just society. Rather, each successful struggle reveals new injustices or may even create new unjust social conditions and sources of social injustice. This reflects the dialectical nature of social change that continues to the present.
The experience of one of the authors, who began his social work career as a settlement worker in the post- World War II period (1948– 1955), illustrates how the settlement movement reflected local social conditions. He worked in a set- tlement house in an African American community in Chicago. The majority of the staff was African American, and the settlement engaged in such social change activities as the formation of block clubs, the presentation of testimony before
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
12 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
the city council on the need for social changes, the promotion of peace activities such as opposition to US involvement in the war in Korea, and efforts to empower youth through leadership training. Much still remained to be done. This author had occasion to visit a settlement in Augusta, Georgia, in 1953. Whereas the mem- bers and the program director were African American, the director was White and the program director somewhat sadly noted that the director never asked to accompany her to city- wide meetings.
Thus far, in our discussion of the concept of social justice, we have utilized a series of assumptions that we now describe in more detail.
Underlying Assumptions
We developed our practice framework based on the following assumptions about social justice:
1. Social justice values and precepts must be incorporated into all practice goals and processes.
2. The conditions that produce social justice or injustice are often complex, evolving, conflict- laden, and ever changing.
3. Different persons view these multifaceted conditions through different inter- pretive lenses. These conditions often involve multiple systems that are con- stantly evolving. The following case is an example of this complexity. This case illustrates how one person’s experiences may lead to an increased conscious- ness of existing conditions and, potentially, to forming relationships with others who have similar concerns in order to take action to rectify injustice.
Case Example: Sarah Smith
Sarah Smith is an African American woman who had recently been denied the right to vote in a statewide election because she lacked the required identification— in this case, her birth certificate. This barrier to her ability to exercise her civil right resulted from a recent action of the state legislature that made such identification a requirement. Sarah was aware that her next door neighbor who was White had not had such difficulty. Although the proponents of the legislation argued that it was designed to prevent voter fraud, there had been no recent incidents of documented voter fraud in the state. To many observ- ers, the new law apparently resulted from pressure from the local Tea Party orga- nization and the support of the governor and key legislators, who feared that a large African American turnout would jeopardize their election chances. Sarah did not have a birth certificate because she was born at home and the attending
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 13
persons failed to submit the necessary paperwork. Sarah had been urged to vote by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) chapter in her city, of which she was the treasurer.
The NAACP chapter had been represented at a national meeting by Sarah when the issue of increasing the African American vote was a major item on the agenda. She had many ideas about how to increase the number of voters but was stymied by the new legislation. There were also disagreements among the attendees as to how best to tackle the new law. Some thought it was a lost cause and they should work to influence the current legislators and governor to support measures to simplify the registration of voters. Several said they would not vote if given the chance because they disapproved of all the competitors for legislative positions. Others thought they should go back to the civil rights struggles of the 1960s for ideas because of the support they got from radical White youth.
When Sarah got home, her partner thought they should just give up on the United States and move to some other country, such as Canada. One of her chil- dren said he could not care less about the issue because he had more important things to think about!
4. Power is always relevant, and power analyses must be recurrent. In all sit- uations in which social justice issues are being considered, power issues are involved. These issues are ever changing; therefore, an analysis of these power issues and their impact on the development of change strategies must be an ongoing process. These power issues include the type and amount of power possessed by service recipients, practitioners, and other key actors. The source of this power may be a formal position (e.g., an agency executive, legislator, or officer in a change organization), the possession of money or other val- ued resources, the ability to inflict pain (a fine, termination of employment, punishment ordered by a court, or possession of greater physical strength), personal social status or charisma, or the possession of valuable knowledge and expertise (French & Raven, 1959). This power may not be drawn upon in a given instance, but when it is used to affect an outcome, it is referred to as “influence.” In addition, the way service users and practitioners apply their power may produce different effects and reflect different degrees of read- iness to engage in action and tolerate conflict. It may also involve different costs, benefits, and risks in taking action. Garvin et al. (1985) proposed the following ordering of strategies that they hypothesized would create different degrees of conflict in such situations: • Avoidance: The participants use their ability (or power) to remove
themselves from the situation.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
14 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
• Alternative reactions: The individual changes his or her behavior without making any demand of the other person. This change is presumed to lead to a change in the other. An example of this is a teacher who resolves to respond to her student’s aggressive behavior assertively although she had been aggressive before. She anticipates that the student will respond to this behavior and use it as a model for his own.
• Manipulation of the social or physical situation: An example is a student who had a hostile teacher. His parent asked that he be moved to another classroom in which the teacher was known to be a very kindly person.
• Interpretation: This involves explaining to another the causes or consequences of either his or her own behavior or the behavior of the other. An example is the decision of a group to explain to an agency that their room assignment to the nursery is leading to others ridiculing the group.
• Education: The individual who seeks a change in the behavior of others may have determined that his or her behavior was due to a lack of information. An example is a group of ex- offenders who determined that their difficulty gaining employment was due to ignorance in the community about their abilities and trustworthiness. They obtained the support of a newspaper reporter who agreed to write a series of articles educating the public about this issue and that will include interviews with members of the group.
• Evaluation: This involves gathering information that may influence the behavior of others. An example is a group that gathered interviews with a representative sample of people whose unemployment benefits were discontinued. These data revealed all of their efforts to find new employment. They hoped this would counter the statements of legislators that they were lazy and content to live on the “dole.”
• Use of influentials: This strategy entails the individuals or groups concerned seeking the support of others for their cause, such as legislators, executives, or newspaper editors.
• Bargaining: The approach here is to engage in a process with selected others in which the individuals/ groups concerned do something in exchange for the actions desired from the other party. For example, union members in collective bargaining may agree to forgo a shortened workweek in exchange for an increase in wages.
• Confrontation: This involves actively presenting to other persons or systems the actions they have taken or the results of their actions often accompanied with a request/ demand for change. This strategy can lead to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 15
more conflict than the previous ones because it tends to force people to confront how their behaviors or attitudes are problematic to others and should be changed. In one example, a group of parents recognized that a teacher was discriminating against Latino students. They drew up a list of such occasions and arranged to meet with the teacher as a group. They told him that if this behavior continued, they would present a petition to the principal asking for his removal.
• Use of mass media: People, in seeking social justice, can contact newspapers or TV stations (or a website on the Internet or a large number of people whose e- mail addresses they have obtained). They may also create their own website to report an injustice and/ or a demand for a change in the actions of other individuals/ systems.
• Passive resistance: This is a strategy to disrupt the system at which it is directed through non- cooperation with key authorities. People who utilize this approach will refuse to perform tasks or will obstruct other activities such as with “sit- ins.” A famous example of this occurred during the modern civil rights era when African Americans sat at lunch counters that were “Whites only” and requested service. They were often dragged away forcefully by law enforcement personnel and arrested. Other examples of this approach are patients in residential centers who refuse to do “make up” work chores. Members of the public may sympathize with these activists when they see that lesser confrontational approaches have been futile.
• Active resistance: This involves taking an action likely to be unpleasant or disruptive to a system. Extreme forms include destroying property or committing acts of violence. An example is when war protesters poured blood on draft board records. “The more extreme forms are not considered by most social workers to be professionally acceptable.2 Nevertheless, social workers should be cognizant of the extremely cruel conditions that have led some clients (sic) to engage in prison riots, university disruptions, or industrial actions.” Social justice principles would direct us to look at the systems that are inhumane and that led to such desperate actions.
5. Injustice exists in all societies but takes different forms in different contexts. We know of no society that is completely devoid of any manifestation of injustice. There are, of course, societies in which the injustices inflicted upon citizens are greater than those in other societies. This is likely to be correlated
2. For an extended discussion of the ethical issues involved, see Specht (1969).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
16 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
with such matters as the degree of democracy and income inequality, whether forms of oppression with historical origins still exist, and the extent to which all persons are accorded respect and dignity regardless of their social status or group membership. In some societies, various forms of justice are mani- fested more than others, such as respect for women, the aged, those with dis- abilities, those who practice different religions, and children. Each society’s culture is likely to promote different definitions of justice and injustice— a topic we discuss in greater detail in Chapter 2. Nevertheless, all societies express ideas about social justice both explicitly and implicitly through the values embodied in their literature, philosophy, theological tracts, laws, and speeches by religious and secular leaders and intellectuals. Other expressions can be found in such cultural artifacts as art, music, and cinema.
6. Social justice is never achieved for all time. Any social change that pro- duces a more socially just situation is not for “all time.” New conditions are likely to arise that require further changes to maintain or expand social justice. An example is the passage of Social Security legislation in the 1930s. Because the original law excluded approximately 40% of the workforce from coverage— an exclusion that had a disproportionate impact on work- ers of color and women— further legislative modifications were needed to make the 1935 Social Security Act more socially just. Similarly, the provi- sion of the Social Security Act that created Aid to Dependent Children did not cover dependency due to their parents’ unemployment, necessitat- ing further amendments. A more recent example of policy efforts to pro- mote greater equity is the push for mental health parity— that is, to cover the costs of mental health treatment similarly to the coverage for physical illness.
7. Our social locations and histories limit our ability to recognize mechanisms of injustice or envision a truly just society. At times, social workers are lim- ited in their awareness of social injustices due to their prior experiences or present locations. Social workers who come from the White middle class may be insensitive to cultural and other expressions that insult people of color. Social workers from warm climates may be insensitive to the impact of cold climates, especially as children go to school without warm clothing in winter. Christian social workers may not recognize the impact on people who are Jews or Muslims when their children are taught Christmas songs in school or view Christmas- themed exhibits in their communities, workplaces, or schools. In summary, the forces that contribute to injustice operate some- times in separate domains and sometimes in conjunction with each other. Conversely, the forces that can be mobilized to work for social justice can be located in different sources and at different societal levels.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 17
Assumptions About Practice
We believe that social justice influences all aspects of practice, including its under- lying values, purposes, methods, assumptions, and the theories that inform it. It is important to stress that in our view of practice, from work with individuals to efforts to create and implement policy change, practitioners interact with individ- uals, families, groups, organizations, communities, and even larger entities. Pincus and Minahan (1973) refer to these entities as “action systems” whose relevance to practice depends on the purpose and goals of a service. For example, practitioners may interact with individuals for many different reasons, such as to help them with personal problems or with their roles in an organization or community or to enhance their influence by virtue of their position of authority (e.g., mayor or legis- lator or as a so- called collateral such as a parent or teacher). Similarly, a practitioner might interact with a group whose members have joined to help solve individual problems, with a community group to change some aspect of their community, or with a group that comprises a legislative committee. Finally, a practitioner might approach an organization to obtain a change in policy affecting an individual client or as an employee of that organization to create a more just organizational culture and climate.
Finn and Jacobson (2008) begin their discussion of what they call “ just prac- tice” with a consideration of theories of practice that are informed by “critical social and cultural theory”:
The term “practice” in contemporary social theory does not have the same meaning as practice in the traditional social work sense of a series of planned interventions. Rather practice refers more broadly to social action carried out in the context of unequal power relations. Also a post- modern and critical social work practice is primarily concerned with prac- ticing in ways which further a society without domination, exploitation, and oppression. It should focus on how structures dominate and also how people construct and are constructed by changing social structures and relations, recognizing that there may be multiple and diverse construc- tions of ostensibly similar situations. Such an understanding of social relations and structures can be used to disrupt dominant understandings and structures, and as a basis for changing these so that they are more inclusive of different interest groups. (p. 8)
Thus, it should be clear that we do not view social justice as an “add on” to practice but as the underlying ethical, moral, and philosophical basis for everything we do as social workers. We believe that practice that concerns
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
18 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
itself with the struggles of people to deal with the issues in their lives, in whatever setting, must seriously incorporate attention to people’s history and social contexts. This is true whether the issues relate to the interpersonal rela- tionships in their families, the ways they seek to use groups to effect changes in their communities and organizations, or the manner in which their com- munities and organizations strive to create and implement policy changes. Thus, we assert that work at any level of the social order (individual, dyadic, family, organization, community, and society) must be informed by what is transpiring at other levels— especially as these developments relate to issues of justice and injustice. In summary, socially just practice is not merely “good practice”; it is practice informed by critical analysis of the role of power, social conditions, and people’s multiple social identities and relationships.
Even Actions Taken with Good Intentions Can Have Unjust Consequences
Practitioners should consider that even actions with the best intentions may pro- duce unjust consequences. The following are examples of this unintended, but not uncommon, phenomenon:
• A practitioner sought to help a man reduce his employment- related stress by engaging in an exercise program after work. This overlooked the fact that the man’s wife then had no help preparing supper or getting the children ready for bed. When the practitioner and the man realized this, the man decided to use his lunch hour to exercise instead.
• A member of a group was experiencing a crisis and spent the entire group meeting seeking help to resolve it. Several other members also needed time to help them work on serious problems. This was discussed at the end of the meeting, and the group members resolved to hold a longer session the next time and to consider whether, in the future, they will devote an entire session to one member.
• A consultant to an agency met with the director to consider how to resolve a budgetary crisis in the organization. She thought she would reduce the hours of staff and cut the staff ’s wages. The consultant suggested that she appoint a committee, chosen by the staff, to consider ways of solving the budget issues in order to democratize the decision- making process and increase the likelihood of staff “buy- in” to the outcome.
• A legislative committee was planning to recommend to the full legislature that a greater portion of the budget be devoted to programs for the elderly. Several social workers testifying before the committee were concerned that
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 19
this would so consume finite fiscal resources that recommended programs for children would not be enacted. The committee decided to recommend that the tax structure be amended so that both categories of programs would be enacted.
Everything Needed to Maintain a Society Has the Potential to Create Injustice
The creation of a more just society often entails institutional change. These institutions may be located in the educational system; the criminal justice sys- tem; the legislative, judicial, and executive systems; and in financial regulatory bodies. They also establish rules for conducting democratic elections, provide public means to support the arts, and protect religious institutions from inter- ference. Each of the institutions created for these purposes may create injustices that must be rectified. The following are examples of this phenomenon:
• In efforts to democratize education, the educational system may create tracking systems that are unfair to certain groups or individuals who, by virtue of social conditions, are streamed into curricula that do not correspond to their aspirations or prior preparation.
• The criminal justice system may punish people based on discriminatory assumptions about which drug offenders should be incarcerated, that certain categories of people are more likely to use illicit substances, or that using certain substances is more dangerous.
• Traditions and cultural norms often maintain executive systems that may unfairly give priorities to White men to the exclusion of women and people of color.
Social Justice and Human Rights
A commitment to the pursuit and attainment of human rights is often con- trasted to or considered complementary to the commitment to social jus- tice; however, there are important distinctions.3 One is that the emphasis on human rights can fail to address structural issues that maintain injus- tice or impede the pursuit of social justice. As we discuss throughout this book, these issues ref lect how societal institutions maintain injustices through the mechanisms employed to distribute resources, power, status,
3. For a comprehensive discussion of the origins, definitions, and controversies regarding the concept of human rights, see Reisch, Ife, and Weil (2012).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
20 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
and opportunities. Recently, changes in the global market system and the political institutions that maintain it have exacerbated long- standing struc- tural inequalities (Reisch, Ife, & Weil, 2012). The interpretation and fulfill- ment of human rights principles also differ among cultures. (This topic is discussed more extensively in Chapter 3.)
Reisch et al. (2012) describe three traditions that affect how human rights can be defined:
Natural rights are located in our essential humanity, legal rights are located in jurisdictions [the various geographical entities and their laws and constitutions], and constructed rights are located in cultures and com- munities. There are elements of all three included in contemporary dis- cussions of human rights. . . . However, a legal rights perspective often dominates the discourse of many practitioners. (p. 80)
Rights also are conceived of under several interconnected social categories— so- called “first- generation rights,” or civil and political rights (e.g., the right to vote and to have one’s voice heard in the body politic); “second- generation rights,” or economic rights and social protections (e.g., to have an adequate income, a job for which one is qualified, and financial and other supports when in age- related retirement); and, more recently, “third- generation rights,” or social and cultural rights (e.g., to be given respect, to have one’s beliefs respected and protected, as well as one’s rights of association with others). Another set of categories relate to whether rights are viewed as individual or collective or both. An individual right, for example, is the right of each per- son to receive an education commensurate with his or her abilities and inter- ests. In certain circumstances, this may be also construed as a collective right, such as the right of people of color to receive an equal quality public education (Warren in Brown v. Board of Education, 1954). These three sets of rights are interconnected (Reisch et al., 2012):
In the globalized market system of the 21st century, for example, the exercise of economic rights depends on the exercise of other rights— legal, political, and social— if they are to have any validity. The right to gainful employment, for example, has little meaning unless individuals have access to a just legal system which is capable of enforcing this right when it is denied. . . . Another problem with the broadly defined sec- ond generation of rights is that “social rights” include both rights which are truly social (i.e., based on the implementation of fairly constructed community norms), such as the right to choose a marriage partner and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 21
the right to receive an education and basic requirements for physical existence— food, water, clothing, shelter, health care— which are more properly called survival rights. Two other categories of rights, which have recently been recognized, do not readily fit within the traditional “three generation” format. These are environmental rights— the right of people to the features of a sustainable and healthy environment . . . and spiritual rights. (p. 82)4
How Inequalities and Injustices Are Sustained and Re- created
Our primary view of this issue is that the forces that maintain society and its institutions have the potential to create and re- create both justice and injustices.5 Of particular importance is what is referred to as the structural features of soci- ety. We define these features in three ways. The first is related to the physical environment— its features and organization. Second, we include how power and influence are organized and regulated. Third, structures include the composition of the population of a group, community, organization, or society.
Another way of understanding how structures may maintain injustice is by examining the operations of various systems, such as the economic system. Most Western societies are based on private ownership of the means by which com- modities (goods and services) are produced and distributed. In its present form, this system has significant social and political consequences: It creates enormous wealth and extensive prerogatives to a small proportion of society and consid- erable deprivation and lack of power and influence for large numbers of people. Many laws maintain this status quo, as do other more subtle features of societal culture, such as the prioritization of competition over cooperation and the value placed on material success. In the past, but to a considerably lesser extent today, the effects of these institutional forces have been countered and somewhat ame- liorated by the activities of labor unions and other activist groups. They promoted legislation that protects workers, prevents the spread of monopolies, and creates a social safety net through such social welfare programs as Social Security, unem- ployment insurance, and health insurance such as the 2010 Affordable Care Act.
4. For an extensive discussion of targeting the environment in social work practice, see the chapter by Garvin and Tropman on practice directed at the environment in their text Social Work in Contemporary Society (1998).
5. This topic was originally developed by the authors in work on an unfinished book with Mieko Yoshihama and Beth Glover Reed.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
22 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
A second critical system is the legal system— the system of laws (legislation, judicial rulings, and administrative regulations) that govern most economic, social, cultural, and political activities in a society. At the national level, this also includes a nation’s constitution. At the global level, this includes aspects of inter- national law such as the law of the seas and laws governing the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
The third system is the governance structure, namely who has the right to create and implement new laws/ rules and to oversee this implementation. At the national level, this includes all who have authority to promulgate and administer these laws/ rules, such as the legislature, judiciary, and the executive. At the group level, this would include the “leader” of the group, although a group governed by democratic principles will have this lodged in the group members as a collectivity.
The last system is composed of the structures and procedures that maintain and govern relationships between various social entities. At the national level, for example, this will include the principle of “due process,” in which one entity cannot deprive another of his or her rights without following certain legal proce- dures. At the family level, this would include any processes that are established, usually by the parents but sometimes by an even older generation, as to how par- ents and children (and their siblings) are to treat one another. At a group level, this will include rules regarding how members are to interact (e.g., do not inter- rupt when another is speaking and do not monopolize the conversation). In some therapy groups, there may be a rule that members should not intentionally seek one another out when the session is over and that professional facilitators should not develop intimate relationships with members and should be aware of any feelings they have toward members.
All of these systems and the creations they produce may create injustices or be used to strive for greater justice. For example, at both the national level and the international level, the economic system has produced widening gaps in income and wealth, particularly during the past several decades. This inequality also provides a small segment of society with enormous power to influence elections and the actions of elected officials. A related factor that maintains injustice is the nature of the current global political and economic order. One phenomenon that advantages one nation and disadvantages others is the transfer of industry to poorer nations with low- cost labor. Although workers in developing nations suffer (as do those workers in more affluent nations who are unemployed by this transfer), the owners of industry benefit by the lower costs of production, as Piketty (2014) describes in a comprehensive analysis of the origins of economic inequality and the forces that maintain it.
At a group or organizational level, wealthy members may use their wealth to reward other members for their compliance with their desires, even if it is to the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 23
disadvantage of the rest of the group or organization. In the family, if the parents possess all the “wealth” and use it to bribe the children to do things against their best interests, this can create unjust consequences.
As just illustrated, these structures exist at each level of society— in macro systems (nations, states, and cities), mezzo systems (communities, organizations, and sometimes groups), and micro systems (families and individuals). These con- ditions are maintained by many cultural norms and beliefs— for example, about the relationship between effort and success and the relative merits of people of different races, ethnicities, genders, class, or sexual orientations. Often, individ- uals and groups internalize these norms and beliefs, and they inadvertently col- lude in the maintenance of unjust structures, processes, and symbols.
Contesting and resisting these unjust systems are integral aspects of socially just practice. This resistance can be a powerful force for change because it can destabilize the status quo and challenge our meanings and day- to- day interac- tions. However, when misused, resistance can also become a powerful form of oppression if it leads to violence and attempts to replace one form of dominance with another.
An Intersectional Perspective
This perspective acknowledges the complex and interactive roles that race, gen- der, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, religion, ability status, gender expression, and age play in shaping people’s lives and experiences. Thus, this perspective informs many of the discussions in this book. As the Council on Social Work Education’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (2008, 2015) states in Educational Policy 2.1.4 “Engage Diversity and Difference in Practice,”
Social workers understand how diversity characterizes and shapes the human experience and is critical to the formation of identity. The dimen- sions of diversity are understood as the intersectionality of multiple fac- tors including age, class, color, culture, disability, ethnicity, gender, gender identity and expression, immigration status, political ideology, race, reli- gion, sex, and sexual orientation. Social workers appreciate that as a con- sequence of difference, a person’s life experience may include oppression, poverty, marginalization, and alienation as well as privilege, power, and acclaim. [In addition], social workers recognize the extent to which a cul- ture’s structure and values may oppress, marginalize, alienate, or create or enhance privilege and power; gain sufficient self- awareness to eliminate the influence of personal biases and values in working with diverse groups; recognize and communicate their understanding of the importance of
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
24 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
difference in shaping life experiences; and view themselves as learners and engage those with whom they work as informants (pp. 4– 5).
There have been criticisms, however, of the use of the concept of intersectionality. Alexander- Floyd (2012), for example, expressed concern about how the concept is used with reference to women of color. A number of other authors support her position, including Berger and Guidroz (2009), Hull, Bell- Scott, and Smith (1982), Crenshaw (1990– 1991), and Hancock (2007).
Their criticism centers on how the concept has been used in some research and produced a view of people as fragmented and, therefore, as subject to inter- nal conflicts and other “pathologies” rather than as “whole” individuals who are subject to a variety of social and cultural forces. According to Alexander- Floyd (2012), “A postmodernist approach problematizes identity by suggesting that we all . . . have ruptured identities and fragmented bodies” (p. 2). She also expresses concern about the “flattening of intersectionality”— that is, a failure to recognize the structural sources of inequality (p. 70)— and concludes that “intersectional- ity is a broad project, focused on social justice theorizing and action and has a long and complex history” (p. 5).
It is significant that Crenshaw (1990– 1991) begins her analysis of demarginal- izing the intersection of race and sex by discussing the Black feminist text All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave (Combahee River Collective, 1982). This title “captures the perennial failure of mainstream feminist and antiracist politics to reflect the experience of racism and sexism that befalls black women” (Crenshaw, 1990– 1991, p. 6). Crenshaw defines three forms of intersectionality: structural, political, and representational. The first refers to the various social structures that in complex ways contribute to injustice. Political intersectionality is reflected in the ways social movements adopt a sin- gle focus, whereas representational intersectionality relates to the ways cultural expressions can be oppressive. Crenshaw states, “The objectification and hyper- sexualization of black women in music, television, and other cultural outlets are commonplace” (p. 8).
In this book, we have occasion to utilize the concept of intersectionality, while attempting to be responsive to these criticisms. If we or others use it in a way that negates the lived experience of people experiencing oppression, we urge the reader to join us in the effort to challenge this and to call us to account when we fail to heed the writings of the scholars and activists whom we have cited previously.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. Introduction: Background, Themes, and Goals 25
Praxis
Throughout this book, we emphasize the importance of praxis— the dialectical relationship between reflection and action. We encourage readers to examine and validate all of the material in the book through their experience with the “real” world and modify it in an essentially endless cycle.
The rest of the book’s chapters expand on and further develop much of this introductory material. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss the historical evolution of theo- ries and concepts of social justice in various societies and cultures; the major ideo- logical, political– economic, and cultural influences on their development; and contemporary critical perspectives on the concept. Particular emphasis is placed on the relationship of these perspectives to the development of social welfare and social work and to the institutions and practices that emanate from a society’s efforts to achieve and sustain social justice goals, however they are defined.
The following six chapters examine the many dimensions of socially just practice. The final chapter in Part I, Chapter 4, discusses the theories and con- cepts that underlie socially just practice in greater detail. The chapters in Part II focus on social justice practice with individuals and families, groups, orga- nizations, communities, and in the areas of policy development and advocacy. We emphasize in these chapters that they are efforts to portray practice when the practitioner is involved with each of these system levels. We attempt to inte- grate a contextual perspective that views social workers as always cognizant of the impact of each level and the need, at times, to act on any level of practice depending on the goals, purposes, and needs of the practice situation.
The final chapter, while also in a sense a practice chapter, focuses on engage- ment in socially just research and evaluation. We believe in an empirical base for practice, but we discuss in depth in this chapter how the concept of “empirical” does not imply a narrow positivist perspective but, rather, incorporates through diverse research methods, qualitative and quantitative, the lived experience of people and their narratives.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2
Alternative Concepts of Justice
Introduction
One of the shortcomings of most books on social justice and social work pub- lished in the United States is the absence of alternative definitions of social justice that are derived from other cultures. As US society becomes increasingly multi- cultural, however, inattention to these perspectives compels many oppressed and marginalized populations to adopt mainstream concepts of social justice that are often at odds with their own. It also limits the ability of social workers from the dominant culture to understand the needs and aspirations of their diverse clients and constituents.
This chapter presents some alternative views of social justice, historical and contemporary, and compares and contrasts them with each other and with Western ideas. A theme of this chapter is that different concepts of social jus- tice emerged within different cultures and within different eras for specific purposes. These concepts shaped the strategies developed to achieve social jus- tice and the institutions and policies that emerged from various social justice struggles.
The chapter begins with a discussion of the evolution of religious and sec- ular ideas about social justice in the West. It then provides a selective overview of the evolution of this concept in nations and cultures throughout the world. This global focus is important to include because most contemporary discussions of justice, particularly in the literature of US social work, rest on the following erroneous assumptions: (1) that justice is primarily a Western concept; (2) that the concept emerged only in modern times; (3) that the definition of justice is static; (4) that contemporary views of justice all share the same origins, goals, val- ues, and ideological perspectives; and (5) that whatever societal differences exist regarding the meaning of justice can easily be reconciled in practice through the use of a common framework. Understanding the problems generated by these assumptions is a critical step in developing socially just practices.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 27
Today, in an increasingly interdependent world, the concept of justice requires a more complex and nuanced understanding than is implied— with con- siderable ambiguity— in the National Association of Social Workers’ (NASW) Code of Ethics (2015) and the Educational Policy and Accreditation Statement of the Council on Social Work Education (2008, 2015). These complexities produce new, previously unacknowledged challenges and require a re- examination of our commitment to justice and how we translate that commitment into practice. The inclusion of multiple perspectives on social justice in this book, therefore, is intended to de- center this important discussion away from Western perspectives and to emphasize the importance of context, culture, and history in the develop- ment and implementation of ideas about justice.
Ironically, ideas about justice have been used both to promote greater equal- ity and to sustain or rationalize existing inequalities (Gil, 1998). This suggests that a more nuanced understanding of the multiple meanings and applications of justice is required to grasp the complexities of the 21st- century world. For exam- ple, one recent issue is whether social justice and universal human rights are com- patible goals. This topic is discussed in Chapter 3.
Twenty- first century concepts of social justice are characterized by significant regional and ideological differences, within and among nations, that have made it difficult to translate the ideals of social justice into policies, programs, and practices within either public or private institutions. This chapter summarizes various contemporary critiques of Western ideas of social justice and discusses attempts to resolve ongoing and newly emerging issues.
To introduce the historical portion of the chapter, we present a 10- part frame- work of justice derived from a variety of secular and religious sources. The diverse historical examples that follow focus on the relationship between the emergence of concepts of justice and their environmental contexts. The key lesson for prac- titioners is the importance of contextualizing the meaning and application of social justice in order to move beyond rhetorical appeals to normative concepts to the creation and implementation of justice- oriented practice principles.
The presentation of these historical and contemporary illustrations is intended neither to demonstrate the inevitability of “progress” in the devel- opment of concepts about justice nor to argue that certain concepts of justice are superior to others. Rather, it is intended to encourage the reader to apply a critical lens to the examination of current ideas about social justice and their applications to practice. These various theoretical approaches include conscien- tization, empowerment- oriented and strengths- based practice, structural and critical social work, anti- oppressive practice, and the emerging global movement for sustainable development (Dominelli, 2010, 2012; Freire, 1970; Lavalette, 2011; Mullaly, 2010; Saleeby, 2002; Solomon, 1976). Doing justice today requires a syn- thesis of such alternative theories and practice methods.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
28 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
A Social Justice Framework
Constructing a typology of social justice that synthesizes a multitude of different perspectives presents a major challenge because of the enormous amount of rel- evant material and the difficulty in deciphering the meaning of the material due to linguistic and cultural barriers. Nevertheless, we believe that the construction of such a typology is useful for several reasons. First, it provides some basis for making cross- cultural and cross- national comparisons. Second, it enables us to determine how societies evolved historically and how this evolution shaped their ideas about social justice. Finally, it helps us develop a framework for justice- oriented theory and practice in today’s multicultural and multipolar world.
One assumption underlying this chapter is that all societies articulate a con- ception of justice in some form. That is, their cultures explain or rationalize pre- vailing patterns of resource and power distribution, existing institutional and status arrangements, interpersonal relationships, and desired social goals. Often, the concept of social justice is implied through the dominant (or hegemonic) culture both directly and indirectly. Direct expressions of a society’s concept of social justice are found in its formal theological or ideological tracts, written laws or policies, and official pronouncements by religious or secular leaders. Indirect expressions can be found in a wide range of cultural artifacts (e.g., music, lit- erature, and art), language or vocabulary, customs, rituals, and social mores. Sometimes a society’s ideas about social justice can be inferred from the priori- ties it establishes and from the range of issues that are given lesser attention or are ignored entirely (Finn & Jacobson, 2008; Pelton, 2005).
Although concepts of social justice are both historically and contextually specific, there are several broad generalizations that can be made about how they emerge. Explicit calls for social justice tend to appear under one or more of the following circumstances: (1) When an influential segment of the popu- lation becomes increasingly dissatisfied about how prevailing concepts of social justice— under whatever label— are being applied in practice or when a gap appears to exist between a society’s rhetoric about social justice and its social reality; (2) when changes in the environment, sometimes due to external forces or threats, lead to challenges about the validity or efficacy of long- standing ideas about social justice; (3) when the interplay of social and cultural forces produced by a society’s ideas about social justice leads to the formulation of a new defini- tion of social justice reflected in the appearance of an alternative ideology; and (4) when societal conditions become so oppressive that in order to survive, peo- ple seek fundamental changes in existing structural arrangements.
Although concepts of social justice have both universal and culturally spe- cific components, they can be classified along a continuum. On one end of the continuum are views of social justice that focus primarily on the individual and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 29
individual liberation. As we will see, these views emphasize personal freedom and the establishment or preservation of civil liberties, such as freedom of speech and religion (Lorenz, 2014; Stoesz, 2014). At the other end of the continuum are concepts that emphasize social justice for all humankind and, in some cases, for all living creatures (Nussbaum, 2006). In between these poles are group- specific conceptions of social justice that focus on the goal of equal justice but apply the principle exclusively to members of a particular community (e.g., Athenian cit- izens in Aristotle’s Politics, Israelites in the Old Testament, and contemporary followers of fundamentalist Christianity or Islam). A common element in each conception of social justice, however, is a connection between ideas about social justice, cultural beliefs regarding the nature and desirability of change, and a society’s views about the relevance of its past for understanding and influencing current realities.
We selected the components of social justice shown in Box 2.1 because they can be applied at both macro and micro levels in social work practice today. The components are framed as questions in a manner that reduces but does not elim- inate the potential for cultural bias in the formulation of the “question” itself. As much as possible, we tried to organize these components without assuming the superiority of any underlying concepts or precepts.
A final note on terminology is in order here. Although NASW’s Code of Ethics (2015) creates an imperative to work for social justice, in this book we use the more generic term justice and the term social justice interchangeably for sev- eral reasons. First, the literature on the topic, particularly the historical litera- ture, often does not distinguish between these terms. Second, various cultures incorporate other aspects of justice (e.g., retributive or restorative justice) into their concepts of social justice. Finally, a 21st- century view of social justice needs to integrate components of justice, such as socially just processes, that are not tra- ditionally found in narrower definitions of social justice, which often focus solely on its redistributive goals.
The Evolution of Social Justice
This section presents concise descriptions of a broad range of social justice move- ments and ideas. Although the focus is on the diversity of concepts and their applications, the following generalizations can be made. Think about their impli- cations for practice today:
• Views of social justice often reflect a synthesis of religious and secular ideas and are often a hybrid of indigenous concepts and those imposed by conquerors or colonists.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
30 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
BOX 2.1
A Social Justice Framework
A. Origins of Social Justice Concepts 1. What are the ideological and political sources of the society’s social
justice concepts? 2. What are the purposes for articulating a concept of social justice? 3. How do social justice concepts evolve differently in different societies?
B. Comparative Components of Social Justice 4. How do different societies define social justice, injustice, and a
socially just society? How do a society’s language, symbols, and cul- tural artifacts reflect its conception of social justice?
5. How does a society view the relationship between social justice and rights? Are these rights defined as civil/ political, sociocultural, or economic? In what ways are these rights interrelated?
C. Strategies for Creating Change Toward Social Justice Goals 6. What approaches to creating change are used and preferred (e.g.,
incremental or revolutionary, violent/ nonviolent, and legal/ extralegal)?
7. What are the ideological or practical rationales for such choices? 8. How do historical circumstances affect the development of change
strategies? D. The Application of Justice
9. How are a society’s social justice concepts expressed and implemented through laws, values, customs, institutions, morés, traditions, and social processes? Who has responsibility for their creation, enforce- ment, and monitoring?
10. Who are the intended “beneficiaries” of social justice in a society? Is social justice defined in individual or group terms? What prerequi- sites and obligations are required to be treated justly? How do societ- ies resolve or rationalize conflicts of social justice?
• Social justice concepts are used both to transform existing societal structures, social relationships, and institutions and to rationalize the status quo.
• The historical context, particularly the political– economic and social structures of a society, plays a significant role in the evolution of concepts of justice.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 31
• Social justice concepts reflect both “top- down” and “bottom- up” ideas. • Social justice concepts range in their focus from individual well- being to
universal human rights and from anthropocentric perspectives to those applied to all creatures.
• Concepts of social justice are closely linked to a society’s ideas about equality, freedom, authority, and power, which are defined and emphasized differently by different cultures.
• Ideas about social justice are expressed explicitly in laws and reflected symbolically in the various cultural artifacts of every society, sometimes in ways that individuals from other cultures cannot see or fully understand. Recognition of these differences is an important component in the development of socially just practices today.
Religious Ideas of Social Justice
Ideas about social justice have emerged from both religious and secular sources. Each of these interpretations of justice has attempted to explain, justify, or cri- tique prevailing social conditions or to provide an ethical basis for people to behave and organize their lives. Because religious perspectives on social justice appeared earlier and continue to have a powerful influence on contemporary societies, we first discuss some of the major religious ideas about justice.
For millennia, religious values, institutions, and practices have been employed to promote the goal of social justice and to maintain or rationalize injustice and oppression. Although there is some merit to the Marxist assertion that organized religion has redirected people’s attention away from earthly concerns by defer- ring socially just outcomes to the afterlife, there is also evidence that many indi- viduals and groups involved in social justice work have been motivated by their religious or spiritual beliefs (Daloz, 2004; Reisch, 2002). Most religions provide guidelines to lead an ethical life that emphasize just conduct toward others; their texts focus on the interconnectedness of people and encourage empathy and compassion for others.
Modern activists such as Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, Cesar Chaves, and Bishop Desmond Tutu were not the first individ- uals to link religion to social action. Religious leaders as diverse as Moses, Jesus, Muhammed, and Confucius stressed the importance of action in effecting social change (Huddleston, 1989). Therefore, religion has long been connected to the attainment of justice through social and political struggle.
Religions have also frequently emphasized the goals of universal freedom and the creation of a world in which all creatures live in peace, harmony, and mutual respect. Given contemporary religious conflicts, it is particularly ironic
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
32 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
that Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism share similar perspectives in this regard, as illustrated by the following quotations:
They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into prun- ing hooks: Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. (Isaiah, 2:4)
The worshippers of the All- Merciful are they who tread gently upon the Earth, and when the ignorant address them, they reply, “Peace!” (Qur’an 25:63)
Many religions also predict the advent of a “golden age” in which justice, peace, and prosperity will prevail. These visions reflect remarkably similar ideals of individual and social justice, and they frequently link the achievement of justice with peace (see Paul’s “Letter to Corinthians” in the New Testament). Such ideas guided Gandhi’s activism and influenced such famous orations as Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address and Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech. Major religions— Christianity, Islam, and Confucianism— emerged, in part, in response to widespread violence and anarchy in their envi- ronments (Huddleston, 1989).
No religion, however, is inherently committed to social justice. Like secu- lar ideologies and institutions, religious beliefs and the institutions created to promote, sustain, and defend them emerged from specific historical and cultural contexts. Therefore, organized religions have always been highly politicized. That is, they have been and continue to be used both by elites to maintain the status quo, reflecting “a cursory interest in social justice” (Thakur, 1996, p. 45) and a static view of the social order, and by activists to promote radical social change.
One reason for this contradiction is that many modern notions of justice emphasize both social rights and individual autonomy. Based largely on secular and humanist frameworks, they assume that people can correct “wrongs” through their own actions. By contrast, many religions, particularly fundamentalist reli- gions, believe that the world can be changed only through some form of divine intervention in which human agency is reduced to doing God’s work (Thakur, 1996). Consequently, adherents of such faiths are far more likely to resist partic- ipation in human- inspired justice movements, unless they are designed to restore a divinely inspired order. The 1979 Iranian revolution is an example of the latter.
Because there are a vast number of religions in the world, it is impossible to cover their views of justice adequately in a single chapter. Instead, this chap- ter focuses on some of the major religions of the modern world— Buddhism, Christianity, Confucianism, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism— and includes some content on indigenous religious traditions as well. Despite
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 33
their differences, common themes of nearly all religions include the centrality of righteousness or fairness (often expressed through different forms of retributive justice); the role of mutuality or interdependence; the importance of adherence to laws, rules, or customs; and loyalty to the tribe, group, or community. The ancient concept of mutuality has influenced thinkers and activists as diverse as Russian anarchists Peter Kropotkin (1902) and Mikhail Bakunin and 20th- century pro- ponents of communitarian ideas. It also underlies the self- help efforts of diverse US communities to create social services that address their particular needs.
To achieve these ends, religions prescribe optimal ways of living and empha- size the importance of right or just actions. For example, Hinduism writes of karma, Buddhism stresses the principle of doing no harm, Judeo- Christian texts focus on the difference between good and evil, and the Qur’an prescribes rules to live a proper and moral life. Two major teachings of Hinduism are to seek the truth and lead a harmless life (Thakur, 1996), whereas the Buddhist principle of right livelihood emphasizes the importance of doing no harm— a concept that is reflected in the first axiom of modern Western medicine’s Hippocratic Oath.
A focus on prescriptive ways of doing justice, however, was not always present in religious thought. Ancient religions, such as those practiced among the Greeks and the indigenous peoples of the Americas, were less prescriptive. Through the use of oft- repeated myths, they relied more on symbolic narratives that primar- ily sought to explain phenomena rather than offer guidance on proper living (Connelly, 2014). Although many of their underlying beliefs about the nature of justice remain constant, the narratives used to explain natural phenomena, such as creation myths, express views of morality and, by implication, justice that are often considerably different from those of today (Campbell, 1991).
Among ancient Greeks, for example, it was customary to invite visitors into one’s home without asking questions, in case a stranger was a god in disguise. A similar practice toward strangers prevails among Arab peoples. The gods, how- ever, rarely served as teachers of morality or righteousness. In fact, many ancient mythologies depict the gods as being capable of human emotions such as greed, envy, fear, anger, and lust. Thus, while the gods possessed great power, they were also capable of mistakes and immoral actions.
Biblical Conceptions of Justice
Maguire (2014) asserts that expressions of prophetic justice in the Bible sym- bolized recognition of the importance of establishing social justice principles in societies that were increasingly stratified on the basis of status, power, class, and wealth. Biblical ideas of justice, therefore, focused more on social and distribu- tive justice than on commutative justice— principles that were also embodied in
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
34 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Islam. Maguire asserts that all religions prioritize social justice in some form; it embodies the strongest moral challenge to human selfishness.
For example, among contemporary religions, what is considered “right” or “ just” is expressed in different ways. The Hebrew Torah employs many terms to connote justice— most frequently, tzedek or tzaddakah (righteousness; or what is true, right, fitting), mishpat (judgment), and ken (firmness). What binds these nuanced terms is the concept of fairness, which is frequently used in the Old Testament and among rabbinic commentators as the central theme of tales of judgment, punishment, or retribution. In some cases, justice can condone vio- lence, whether by God or man, as recounted in the story of the Hebrews’ exodus from Egypt. Of greater significance for this book, it also provides the foundation for Jewish notions of charity and social welfare. As the medieval philosopher Maimonides (1949) wrote, giving charity simply meant meeting the requirement to be righteous or “do justice.”
Perhaps the most striking discussion of early Jewish concepts of justice occurs in the book of Genesis when in a most unusual conversation God discusses with Abraham His decision to destroy the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah because of their wickedness.1 Abraham goes so far as to challenge the divine idea of justice itself:
Will You sweep away the righteous along with the wicked? What if there should be fifty innocent within the city; Will You wipe out the place and not forgive for the sake of the innocent fifty who are in it? Far be it from You to do such a thing, to bring death upon the innocent as well as the guilty, so that the innocent and guilty fare alike.
Then, in the most provocative statement of all, Abraham asks, “Shall not the Judge of all Earth deal justly?” (Genesis 18:23– 25). Amazingly, God relents and promises that if Abraham can find even 10 innocents in the city, He will spare it.
This exchange between God and Abraham is one of the earliest reflections in religious thought of the idea of justice. First, it begins to define what is fair or just. In this instance, it expresses the view that persons be judged solely by their conduct and not by their associations. This implies both individuation and per- sonal responsibility. Second, it asserts that God and, by implication, the creatures (i.e., humans), institutions, or laws created in His name or based on His teach- ings are or should strive to be just. These themes reverberate to the present in reli- gious and secular expressions of justice as both an end and a means to that end.
1. This is unusual not only for the ideas about justice it conveys but also because in his defense of the people of these cities, Abraham argues with God nearly as an equal. The implications of his questioning attitude reverberate throughout the history of the Jewish faith and permeate all aspects of Jewish culture to this day.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 35
To ensure the attainment of justice, both Judaism and Christianity imply a contract between God and humankind. In Judaism, the contract is explicit— the covenant between God and Abraham (Genesis 15:18) or between God and Noah (Genesis 9:8- 17). The bases of this covenant are amplified in the Ten Commandments and the other laws inscribed in the Torah. These command- ments articulate clearly the precepts of a moral daily life, including proper rever- ence to God and proper behavior toward others.2
The emphasis on the latter is particularly striking, even in the language of the Ten Commandments. Whereas the first four commandments stress the impor- tance of honoring God (Exodus 20:2– 11), the last six establish basic behavioral standards for a community (Exodus 20:12– 17). The authors of the Talmud, the rabbinical commentary on the Torah, asserted that “ justice must override all other considerations, even those of mercy” (Telushkin, 1994, p. 398).
The New Testament expanded upon these principles, particularly in the Gospel of Matthew and in Paul’s letters, in which justice is often equated with righteousness (Matthew 3:25; Phil. 4:8; 2 Cor 5:14). They are also nearly identi- cal to the ethical guidelines outlined centuries later in the Qur’an. In a similar but less explicit manner, Buddhism expresses an eightfold path to achieve nir- vana: right view, right thought, right effort, right mindfulness, right concentra- tion, right speech, right action, and right livelihood (Conze, 1964).
It is important to note that although these rules were implemented within theocratic societies, a distinction was made from the outset between obligations to God and obligations to the state or community. Jesus’s teaching to “render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s and unto God the things that are God’s” (Matthew 20:21) was later codified into Christian doctrine through Augustine’s work, City of God (2005). Such distinctions, which appear through- out the Old and New Testaments, and later in the Qur’an, reflect both explicit and implicit conflicts between religious and secular ideas about justice. Prophets and teachers, from Samuel and Jeremiah to Jesus and Muhammed, presented unprecedented challenges to the prevailing political and social order and claimed that their revised moral codes were distinct from, superior to, and took priority over those of kings or the state (Huddleston, 1989).
The later Old Testament prophets and Jesus and the apostles were, in many ways, the ancestors of contemporary activists. Their criticism of kings, religious authorities, and courts addressed the failure of elites to adhere to a higher moral
2. The idea of a contract— whether between God and humankind, among humans, or between persons and the state or community— has been a central feature of Western religious and secular thought for more than three millennia. In the Old Testament, Hebrews sacrificed some personal freedoms (e.g., acts that are denounced by God, such as idol worship) in order to gain God’s love and protection. A similar emphasis on contract occurs in modern society.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
36 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
code and their abandonment of their obligations to the people and, by implica- tion, to God (Isaiah 32:1; Jeremiah 23:5). Ordinary persons were required to treat their neighbors as covenant partners, neither oppressing nor being oppressed (Amos 5:6– 7, 21– 24). In effect, these prophets and preachers argued that there were two components of justice: those established by earthly laws and those established at a higher spiritual level (Thakur, 1996). It was insufficient, there- fore, for people (or kings) to obey earthly laws; justice required transcending such laws and acquiring a more nuanced understanding of right and wrong. Two millennia later, these ideas were expressed in secular terms, such as Rousseau’s notion of the “general will” and the language of the Declaration of Independence (Smith, 1997). Ironically, during the past three centuries, these Western ideas about justice have rationalized both egalitarian movements and totalitarian regimes (Talmon, 1970).
Justice and Forgiveness
Woven throughout these religious texts, particularly in the latter books of the Old Testament and the New Testament, is another aspect of justice: the rela- tionship of justice to forgiveness (Matthew 5:43– 46; Romans 12:9– 13, 14; 1 Corinthians 6:7). This is most clearly illustrated in the contrast between the dic- tum “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth” (principles expressed both in the Old Testament and in the Babylonian Code of Hammurabi) and the following state- ment by Jesus in the New Testament: “If anyone strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other also” (Matthew 5:39).3 In the Sermon on the Mount, as related in the Gospel according to Matthew, Jesus proposes substituting the idea of loving one’s neighbor and hating one’s enemy with the proposition “love your enemies and pray for your persecutors, so that you may show yourselves true sons of your Father in heaven” (Matthew 5:43– 45).
Seven centuries later, the Qur’an similarly beseeches Muslims to be kind and forgiving to others: “The recompense for an injury is an injury equal thereto (in degree): But if a person forgives and makes reconciliation, his reward is due from Allah for Allah loves not those who do wrong” (Qur’an 42:40). Confucianism also states that we must look to one another with love and understanding: “Virtue is to love men: Wisdom is to understand them” (as quoted in Huddleston, 1989, p. 29). It is important to note, however, that these views were expressed in societies that still defined justice largely in patriarchal and hierarchical terms (Boer & Okland, 2008).
3. These oft- quoted statements, however, have a more subtle and sophisticated interpretation. The former implies a limit to punishment rather than merely sanctioning vengeance. The latter reflects a strategic decision in a society torn with social conflict and in which the distri- bution of power is vastly unequal.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 37
During this period, Greek ideas of justice evolved in a similar direction. One example of this development can be found in Aeschylus’s (1956) remarkable Oresteian trilogy. Over the course of its three plays, the concept of justice evolves from the requirement of vengeance to the necessity of forgiveness. In the final play, The Eumenides, the chorus is persuaded by the goddess Athene to forswear vengeance for a more merciful approach to the resolution of differences:
Let civil war, insatiate of ill, Never in Athens rage; Let burning wrath, that murder must assuage, Never take arms to spill, In this my heritage, The blood of man till dust has drunk its fill. Let all together find Joy in each other; And each both love and hate with the same mind As his blood- brother; For this heals many hurts of humankind. (pp. 179– 180)
These new approaches to justice represented a radical change in social and cultural norms. They reflected a near universal transformation of the relation- ship between humans and divinely inspired ideas and an increasingly complex set of social and political relationships in the secular world. Consequently, the institutions that emerged from this new concept of justice went beyond the proscription or prescription of certain behaviors and the institutionalization of punishment for those who violated these rules. They also reflected an attempt to understand why people act as they do and to discover how to encourage their best instincts.
Justice and Equality
Perhaps the most revolutionary of all aspects of justice in both Old and New Testaments was the concept that all individuals were created equal. This idea evolved over the course of several millennia leading to the 20th- century Universal Declaration of Human Rights. When it first appeared, the idea of social justice was applied solely to a single people with the goal of addressing the consequences of entrenched inequalities, particularly inequalities of birth. Social justice, how- ever, was not to be applied to outsiders; it focused primarily on issues of economic redistribution among individuals within the same community. For example, in the Pentateuch (the first five books of the Old Testament), justice clearly does
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
38 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
not imply universal equality. Women play an important, if often underappreci- ated, role in events, but Judaic laws and customs were highly patriarchal, as were the traditions of almost all cultures in the region. Slavery was also condoned, if regulated. The emergence of a priestly class and a monarchy reflected an increas- ingly stratified society dominated by clerical and aristocratic elites. Above all, the concept of a special covenant between God and the Israelites implied that justice meant justice for a particular community and not for all humankind (Deuteronomy 7: 6– 9).
By the latter books of the Old Testament, these ideas begin to be challenged. When the prophet Elijah, for example, suggests that the God of the Israelites (Yahweh) was the God for all people, he implied that all people— not just all Israelites— were equal in the eyes of the Lord (1 Kings 19:1– 18). Other proph- ets, such as Ezekiel, Amos, and Jeremiah, criticized the excesses of kings and clergy and warned of catastrophe if the people did not correct their ways. These radical teachers were the antecedents of Jesus and the apostles, whose teachings stressed a universal message of equality and community to be achieved by a rad- ical restructuring of the prevailing social order (Ezekiel 18:5, 9; 1 John 2:1, 29; 1 Peter 3:18).
Unity and equality are also prominent themes in the Qur’an, which— like the redistributive principles expressed in both Old and New Testaments— stresses the importance of reducing economic inequality as an aspect of justice. The Qur’an declares that “wealth should not be allowed to circulate among the rich only” (Qur’an 11:7). It also implies a prohibition against racial and ethnic prejudice: “And among His signs are the creation of the Heavens and of the Earth, and your variety of tongues and color. Herein truly are signs for all men” (Qur’an 30:21). In fact, in his earliest work, Muhammed strived to include Jews and Christians in his community. Not only did he acknowledge Moses and Jesus as great teachers and prophets but he also gave each group the freedom to practice its own religion and incorporated some of their traditions into his own teaching (Huddleston, 1989). In most Islamic societies, this principle of religious tolerance has persisted, despite periodic repression by fundamentalist groups.
Although Greek philosophers similarly emphasized the importance of justice— Plato, for example, in The Republic (1974) equated justice with human well- being and individual and societal harmony between reason, spirit, and appetite— neither Plato nor Aristotle (1980) believed that justice implied uni- versal equality. Because they believed people were fundamentally unequal, their conception of justice required only that societal goods be distributed to each per- son based on his or her prescribed societal position in the existing hierarchical social order. Their view of social justice, therefore, was designed to preserve the Athenian status quo. It rationalized the coexistence of slavery with a democratic
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 39
community for the few (Campbell, 1989), an idea that had unfortunate echoes in the antebellum United States (Foner, 1998, 2015).
In ancient civilizations, despite the prevalence of goddess worship in many societies, one aspect of justice about which there was near universal agree- ment was the issue of gender inequality (Ruether, 2005). Some religions, how- ever, took steps toward greater gender equality. Ancient Hindu texts note the “exalted position of women” and, like ancient Greek and Roman religions, include both gods and goddesses in their theology. Zoroastrianism implied full equality between men and women by stating that the Lord made no distinc- tions between the souls of men and those of women (Huddleston, 1989, p. 18). Anticipating the arguments of American secular proponents of social welfare policies 12 centuries later, the Qur’an states that women may need more pro- tection through societal laws and customs than men. Although this statement reflects gender inequality and, perhaps, a patronizing attitude toward women, it arguably views that inequality as a step toward gender justice. This position was similar to that expressed by early 20th- century feminist social workers, who promoted a “maternalist” approach to social policy (Sklar, 1995). (See Chapter 3 for further discussion of this issue.)
This perspective on gender equality is also reflected in certain statements of Muhammed regarding equality for women in key areas such as property rights and the right to divorce (Badawi, 1995). Islamic principles require parents not only to support but also to show kindness and justice to their daughters. The Qur’an specifically states that justice is genderless in the application of punish- ment, financial matters, and the validity of testimony.
Despite the expression of justice principles in the Bhagavad Gita, Hinduism created an elaborate and rigidly defined caste system that still exists in India in some ways, particularly the persistent discrimination against the Dalits or so- called “untouchables.” Buddhism, however, rejected this system of social stratification and substituted principles of unity, common humanity, and non- discrimination (Chew, 2004). Buddha argued that all people could achieve nir- vana, regardless of wealth, rank, or privilege (Huddleston, 1989). He wrote that a good ruler “gives food to the poor” and ensures an equitable distribution of wealth in his kingdom. He advises that work conditions must be safe and just and that employers must respect their workers’ rights to leisure and rest (Sigalaka Sutta, quoted in Walshe, 1995, as cited in Chew, 2004). For example, under King Asoka the Great (274– 237 bc), who converted to Buddhism early in his reign, this emphasis on equality directly affected public policy. He created laws that reflected “the dignity of man, religious toleration and nonviolence” (Huddleston, 1989, p. 26). This legislation of religious toleration antedated similar Western efforts by nearly two millennia.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
40 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
4. In the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, this idea became the basis for many of the legal argu- ments, both secular and religious, on behalf of religious toleration— ideas that sought to end the religious wars that raged throughout Europe for decades.
Justice and Freedom
Freedom has long been another important dimension of justice in both religious and secular writings. Often, it has been linked to the ideas of equality and tol- erance of other faiths and cultures, or emancipation from slavery or oppression, particularly in the writings of prophets such as Isaiah, who implored the people to “let the oppressed go free and to break every yoke” (Isaiah 58:6). It was also linked in both Old and New Testaments with the goal of creating peace and promoting nonviolence (Isaiah 48:18, 60:17; Ephesians 2:14– 17; 1 Corinthians).
Although biblical passages were used to rationalize the existence of slavery in the 18th- and 19th- century United States, the narrative of the persecution and liberation of the Hebrews in the Book of Exodus served as a powerful met- aphor for enslaved African Americans during their decades- long freedom strug- gles. Activists incorporated the story into songs and folk tales, and it became an integral part of the African American freedom movement. It is also important to note that the concept of slavery in the Old Testament and throughout the ancient world was significantly different from the chattel slavery that existed in North America. Slaves possessed certain rights on which their masters could not infringe, and in Jubilee years, all slaves were required to be freed, debts and obli- gations to be forgiven, and land returned to its original owners. Slavery, there- fore, while oppressive and reflective of social stratification, was not intended as a permanent condition. It implied an inferiority of present status rather than per- manent inferiority of the person. For the first several centuries of its existence, Christianity, which preached a message of universal equality, was considered the religion of both common people and slaves.
Although the Qur’an did not abolish slavery, Muhammed’s personal conduct indicates his opposition to slavery. He freed his own slaves and made public state- ments about the virtue of emancipation. He taught that slaves were equal to free men in Allah’s eyes (Huddleston, 1989).
Because emancipation from oppression was a critical theme in many ancient religions, it is not surprising that justice was frequently equated with religious and cultural tolerance.4 Particularly within powerful empires, the freedom to practice one’s own faith was valued. The Persian Empire (~550– 330 bc), for example, was noted for its tolerance of minority cultures within its borders, most famously its release of the Jewish people from their Babylonian captivity in the sixth- century bc and the subsequent assistance it provided in rebuilding the Jewish temple in Jerusalem (Huddleston, 1989).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 41
During this period, Zoroastrianism was the most popular religion in the region. It emphasized the importance of kindness and good deeds, concern for others, and personal generosity (Huddleston, 1989). Six centuries later, early Christians prescribed tolerance by emphasizing the need to love all peo- ple because they are all children of God. This echoed the ideas of earlier Jewish prophets and was an important step toward the establishment of universal prin- ciples of justice (Leviticus 19:18; Galatians 5:13– 14; 1 Corinthians 13:13– 14).
Religious Justice and the Idea of Community
Nevertheless, many ancient and modern religions stress the special ties that exist among a community of believers and prescribe exclusive loyalty to community members. One of the oldest expressions of this concept was the idea of the chil- dren of Israel being “the chosen people.” Most religions, however, have evolved to highlight the interdependence of all humankind and, in some form, convey respect for all peoples. The justifications for this interconnectedness vary, how- ever. Buddhism, for example, is non- theistic and explains human interconnect- edness by virtue of sharing a common natural or cosmic order (Chew, 2004). Similarly, Hindu concepts of justice— whether expressed as individual righteous- ness or duty to others— revolve around dharma or the preservation of cosmic and social order (Thakur, 1996). Religious beliefs also had significantly different effects on societies’ views of justice. In part, this depended on whether they arose entirely from indigenous cultures, were imposed by conquerors, or emerged as a hybrid philosophy from the synthesis of indigenous beliefs and those spread by missionaries or the sword.
For example, Confucianism stressed the importance of caring for other indi- viduals. This philosophy, known as “the Way of Jan” (humility/ love), placed a strong emphasis on human interdependence. It stated “the truly virtuous man, desiring to be established himself, seeks to establish others; desiring success for himself, he strives to help others succeed” (as quoted in Huddleston, 1989, p. 29). Today, this idea is reflected in Chinese ideas about charity and the role that mutual aid associations in Chinese American communities— both Buddhist and Christian— have played since the 19th century (Lai, 2004; Lee, 2003).
On the other hand, contemporary Judaic, Christian, and Islamic writings tend to emphasize that we are all God’s children. In modern secular discourse, these ideas evolved into the revolutionary notion of fraternity and laid the foun- dation for 20th- century beliefs in universal human rights (McWilliams, 1973; Wronka, 2008). Thus, although religious texts often prescribe punishments for individual sins and group culpability for wrongs, there is also a common prin- ciple that emphasizes “unconditional reverence for human life” (Pelton, 2005).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
42 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
It is likely that this sense of connection to others and reverence for life produces the empathy, compassion, and sense of injustice that motivate many people who engage in social justice work today. Many activists often identify a religious jus- tification for their work— one that focuses on common human origins, a shared environment, and, as US social worker Charlotte Towle (1945) termed them, “common human needs” (Daloz, 2004; Wallis, 2008).
As recent global events demonstrate, compassion alone is an insufficient incentive to motivate people to take action directed at social justice. In order to move beyond benevolent sentiment, people must also acknowledge a deeper con- nection to others based on mutual interdependence. This sentiment is captured in the following anecdote from Buddhism (cited in Epstein, 2007):
A disciple once asked the Buddha, “Would it be true to say that a part of our training is for the development of love and compassion?” The Buddha replied, “No, it would not be true to say this. It would be true to say that the whole of our training is for the development of love and compassion.” (p. 19)
In summary, universal concepts of justice first appeared between 1500 and 2500 years ago in the teachings of most of the world’s great religions and in Western literature, such as the Greek tragedies of Sophocles and Aeschylus. During this period, monotheistic religions emerged, characterized by an all- powerful deity who enforced divine principles of justice to all humankind, either on Earth or in heaven. As these religions evolved, however, they acquired hier- archical institutional characteristics that were remarkably similar to the systems they replaced. At the same time, the development of state- sponsored official religions eroded the ideal of universal justice. It is not surprising that the re- emergence of social justice in the West only occurred after the ideals of religious tolerance, secular humanism, and rationalism took root during the 17th and 18th centuries (Gay, 1966; Israel, 2001).
Secular Views of Social Justice
Lorenz (2014) argues that the social upheavals produced by the industrial revolu- tion and the political revolutions of the late 18th and 19th centuries inspired the development of modern Western concepts of social justice. This resulted from a synthesis of two different principles (Reisch, 2014a):
The creation of laws and policies that affect the multiple dimensions of people’s lives in a society and the construction and nurturance of the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 43
social relationships required to properly care for the people that live within that society in a nondiscriminatory manner. (p. 10)
This synthesis, however, did not emerge overnight. The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1996), for example, argued that justice could only be assured by an all- powerful monarch, hardly a democratic conception of social justice. Unlike later revolutionaries, he regarded government not as the expression of the collective will of an instinctively just people but, rather, as a political necessity to control humans’ antisocial, self- interested instincts— an idea that still resonates in the early 21st century.
By contrast, during the “age of revolution,” political philosophers and activ- ists such as Rousseau (1994) and their 19th- century successors constructed a series of meta- narratives that explained and attacked persistent injustices and proposed a revolutionary idea of justice. By explicitly and implicitly linking social justice to the interrelated principles of individual liberty (or freedom), political equality, and universal humanity (fraternity) in such documents as the American Declaration of Independence and the French Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, revolutionaries in North America and Europe revised and expanded Aristotle’s notion of social justice by stating its goal was the “pursuit” or “the perfection of happiness” (Saint- Just, 1968). These ideas about social justice provided the intellectual basis for most modern Western institu- tions to the present, at least in theory (Roemer, 1996).
At the same time, conservative interpretations of social justice expressed alter- native definitions of social justice itself as well as different perspectives on how it could (or should) be attained. According to Stoesz (2014), conservative ideas about social justice focused more on political and social stability than on social solidarity (Burke, 1790/ 2001). They also promoted individual liberty (freedom from coercion) and advocated for fewer government restrictions on the market economy. This concept of social justice was the basis of 19th- and early 20th- cen- tury European liberalism, which emphasized the primacy of individual liberty and free markets, a perspective quite different from mid- to late 20th- century US liberalism or contemporary neoliberalism (Berlin, 2002).
Western concepts of social justice, therefore, evolved both to inspire social and revolutionary transformation and to rationalize the preservation of existing societal arrangements, political institutions, and economic systems. During the past two centuries, ideas about social justice have ranged in their focus from an emphasis on individual freedom and the preservation of private property rights to the promulgation of universal human rights. They also varied considerably in defining to whom social justice applied. For the past 200 years, the conflict between these perspectives on social justice has inspired both reform movements and revolutions. These conflicts persist throughout the world today.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
44 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Probably the most prominent and influential secular critic of social injustice during the past two centuries was Karl Marx. He asserted that injustice was the inevitable consequence of economic and political systems based on subju- gation, discrimination, exploitation, and privilege (Berlin, 1996). A truly just society would emerge, he argued, when its goods were distributed, in Marx’s famous phrase, “from each according to his abilities to each according to his need” rather than by inherited social status (Marx, 1964). Marx’s ideas continue to be influential today, particularly in developing nations (The impact of Marx’s ideas in developing nations will be discussed later in this chapter.)
Although the idea of a social contract underlies both liberal and radical inter- pretations of social justice, they have differed sharply over whether that contract prioritized individual liberty, particularly property rights, or social equality (Berlin, 1978; Nozick, 1974; Tomasi, 2001). At its core, the argument centers on how to determine what rights and goods people “deserve.” This issue frames contemporary debates about how scarce resources should be distributed through public policy and even within human service organizations (George & Wilding, 1994; Held, 1984; Roemer, 1996; White, 2000).
In the United States, there have been six different ways of defining distribu- tive justice (Reisch, 2002):
1. Equal political rights and equal opportunity to obtain social goods, such as property
2. Equal distribution to those of equal merit 3. Equal distribution to those of equal productivity 4. Unequal distribution based on an individual’s needs or requirements 5. Unequal distribution based on an individual’s status or position 6. Unequal distribution based on different “contractual” agreements
As stated in Chapter 1, during the late 20th century, the distinguished philoso- pher John Rawls challenged the prevailing view of social justice in the West on the basis that it had been used to rationalize the unequal distribution of resources and power. Justice, Rawls (1971/ 1999) argued, must be based “on how fundamental rights and duties are assigned and on the economic opportunities and social con- ditions in the various sectors of society” (p. 7; see also Rawls, 2001). In his classic work, A Theory of Justice (1971/ 1999), Rawls proposed two fundamental principles:
1. Each person has an equal right to the most extensive system of personal lib- erty compatible with a system of total liberty for all.
2. Social and economic inequality are to be arranged so that they are both (a) to the greatest benefit to the least advantaged in society and (b) attached to posi- tions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 45
Although these principles have been critiqued and expanded upon during the past two decades (Nussbaum, 2010; Sen, 2009) they remain largely consistent with social work’s stated mission, values, and goals and with those of similarly minded religious groups such as the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (1986).
As subsequent chapters discuss, three persistent problems create obstacles to the attainment of these ideas of social justice. One involves the challenge of implementing socially just principles within an institutional environment based, explicitly and implicitly, on the preservation of injustice (Smith, 2008). The sec- ond problem is the challenge of translating an idea of justice based largely on the expansion of individual rights and individual shares into the policies, pro- grams, and practice interventions that recognize the injustices resulting from group membership (Caputo, 2000; Katz, 2001; Prigoff, 2000). The third prob- lem concerns the intrinsic limits of most contemporary concepts of distributive justice. Sen (2009) and Nussbaum (2003), for example, point out that Rawls and his supporters fail to include nonmaterial resources in their allocation of societal goods and pay insufficient attention to the needs of particularly vulnerable pop- ulations, such as disabled persons. They expand on Rawls’s ideas to incorporate into justice concepts the importance of human capabilities. In the decades ahead, social workers will have to resolve these problems if we are to achieve our stated social justice goals.
Social Movements and Social Justice
In the modern era, social and political justice movements in different societies throughout the world have expanded on these ideas and attempted to implement them in practice. A common theme in these struggles for justice is the desire of oppressed groups to rid themselves of the shackles of oppression imposed by slavery, racism, sexism, colonialism, imperialism, or neo- colonialism. Although many of these struggles were influenced by previous movements and, in turn, influenced those that followed, the idea of justice took different forms in differ- ent contexts and cultures.
The examples discussed next are presented roughly in chronological order; they are grouped in a manner designed to facilitate both connections among them and comparisons between them. The illustrations begin with the Haitian Revolution, which was, arguably, the first modern non- Western revolution whose leaders evoked justice concepts to rationalize their cause. It is followed by a brief discussion of the 19th- century antislavery movement in the United States and its Brazilian counterpart. The narrative then shifts to the 20th century, ini- tially with a section on the anti- imperialist movement in India. This example was selected because it was a dominant social justice movement for much of the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
46 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
first half of the century and because of its lasting influence on justice movements throughout the developing world and, through the work of Martin Luther King, Jr., on the United States. Examples from modern Africa and Latin America con- clude this section.
The Haitian Revolution: The First Modern Antislavery and Social Justice Movement
In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the enslaved people of the French col- ony of Saint- Domingue, now the modern nation of Haiti, revolted against their colonial masters. This led to the temporary abolition of slavery in 1793 (when the first French Republic was established) and permanent emancipation and inde- pendence from France in 1804 (when Napoleon proclaimed himself Emperor). The ideas about social justice expressed by Haitian revolutionaries, particularly Toussaint L’Ouverture and Papaloi (High Priest) Boukman, combined themes of racial pride and native spirituality with Western ideas of freedom. This syn- thesis of indigenous and imposed cultural values recurs in other societies during the next two centuries.
In a 1791 ceremony that allegedly started the revolt, Boukman declared (as quoted in Karenga, 2007),
The god who created the sun which gives us light, who rouses the waves and rules the storm . . . sees all that the White man does. . . . Our God who is good to us commands us to revenge our wrongs. He will direct our arms and aid us. Throw away the symbol of the god of the Whites . . . and listen to the voice of freedom which speaks in the hearts of us all. (p. A- 9)
Although Toussaint similarly invoked traditional spiritual and religious val- ues in support of his vision of liberty, equality, and justice, he also integrated European ideas into his writings and speeches, particularly statements from French revolutionary documents such as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen ( James, 1963). Justice, in his view, required universal legal and polit- ical equality, in both theory and application: “When Blacks, men of color and Whites are under the same laws they must be equally protected and they must be equally repressed when they deviate from them” (as quoted in Tyson, 1973, p. 43; see also James, 1963). In a letter written in late 1789, he challenged the leaders of the French Revolution to live up to their universal ideals of liberty and justice and to demonstrate “that all men are born and remain free and equal in rights” (as quoted in Dubois & Garrigus, 2006, p. 69). Although he later tempered his
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 47
revolutionary appeals, Toussaint continued to insist that despite the brutality of their past treatment, “the men of St. Domingue . . . do not merit being classed apart from the rest of mankind, being confused with animals” (as quoted in Tyson, 1973, p. 37).
The US Antislavery Movement
The movement to abolish slavery in the United States reflected justice themes similar to the antislavery revolts in Haiti and (later) in Brazil, such as liberty, equality, and morality. A handbill for an abolitionist meeting illustrated these sentiments (Filler, 1960, Figure 24):
Let the North awake! T. B. M’Cormick will discuss the immorality, illegality and unconstitutionality of American Slavery and the duty and power of the general government to abolish it.
Music and song, particularly hymns and spirituals, were important vehicles to express justice for slaves and abolitionists alike. Two antislavery songs, writ- ten by the Hutchinson family of New Hampshire, reflect the movement’s spirit among Whites well (as quoted in Filler, 1960):
We’re the friends of emancipation And we’ ll sing the proclamation Till it echoes through the nation From the Old Granite State That the tribe of Jesse Are the friends of equal rights. (p. 185)
Similar messages were conveyed in popular African American spirituals (Foner, 2015) and in essays written on the subjects of equality and justice by African American activists such as Maria W. Stewart. She declared (as quoted in Gates & McKay, 1997), “The Whites have so long and so loudly proclaimed the theme of equal rights and privileges, that our souls have caught the flame also, ragged as we are. . . . We feel a common desire to rise above the condition of servants and drudges” (p. 205).5 Slave narratives were also a critical medium to denounce slavery and raise awareness about the conditions under which many slaves lived. Works such as Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl by Harriet
5. For a modern comparison, see Alice Walker’s (2002), “The Right to Life: What Can the White Man Say to the Black Woman?”
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
48 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Jacobs (1861/ 2010), Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave (Brown, 1847), and Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845/ 2014) enabled slaves to share their experiences from enslavement to freedom with a broad audience (Foner, 2015).
To bolster their arguments on behalf of racial equality and justice, both slave narratives and abolitionist pamphlets frequently pointed out the discrepancy between Christian values and the existence of slavery in a “Christian nation.” They also underscored the contradictions between the nation’s cherished rev- olutionary ideas and the institution of chattel slavery. These dual themes— the immorality of slavery and the inconsistency between American ideals and the reality of slavery— were dominant themes before the Civil War (Foner, 1998; Zinn, 1980).
In his articles and speeches, William Lloyd Garrison, the editor of The Liberator, often referred to statements about equality and liberty in the nation’s founding documents to demonstrate the hypocrisy of the US govern- ment’s acquiescence to the continued existence of slavery and to the judiciary’s sanctioning slavery through misguided interpretations of the Constitution. The following excerpt from “A Call to the New England Anti- Slavery Convention” illustrates the language, tone, and themes of abolitionist propa- ganda (Garrison, 1836):
The spirit of usurpation and impiety— the spirit of slavery— is struggling for the ascendancy over us. The abettors of our republican despotism are setting themselves up above all righteousness, above the Constitution of our country, above the authority of God. Slavery and Liberty cannot lon- ger dwell, at peace, within the same borders. One or the other must depart from us. (p. 83)
David Walker and Henry Highland Garnet were two of the more outspoken African American abolitionists— the former in his use of language, and the lat- ter in the solutions he proposed. Walker’s Appeal (1829/ 2000) blended religious and constitutional imagery effectively in its call for justice (as quoted in Gates & McKay, 1997):
I appeal to Heaven for my motive in writing— who knows that my object is, if possible, to awaken in the breasts of my afflicted, degraded and slum- bering brethren, a spirit of inquiry and investigation respecting our mis- eries and wretchedness in this Republican Land of Liberty!!!!! (p. 180)
He compared the plight of African Americans to other subjugated peoples throughout history; they were (as quoted in Gates & McKay, 1997)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 49
the most wretched, degraded and abject set of beings that ever lived since the world began. . . . White Americans have reduced us to the wretched state of slavery, treated us in that condition more cruel . . . than any hea- then nation did any people whom it had reduced to our condition. (p. 183)
Fifteen years later, Garnet echoed similar themes in a speech at the Negro National Convention. He criticized slaveholders for their failure to uphold God’s word and invoked biblical references to locate American slavery in a long history of oppression. He also accused the US government of hypocrisy. Writing about the nation’s hallowed war of independence, he sarcastically proclaimed (as quoted in Gates & McKay, 1997),
When the power of government returned to [the colonists’] hands, did they emancipate the slaves? No; they rather added new links to our chains. Were they ignorant of the principles of Liberty? Certainly they were not. The sentiments of the revolutionary orators fell in burning eloquence upon their hearts, and with one voice they cried, “Liberty or Death”! Oh, what a sentence was that. It ran from soul to soul like electric fire, and nerved the arms of thousands to fight in the holy cause of Freedom. Among the diversity of opinions that are entertained in regard to physical resistance, there are but a few found to gainsay the stern declaration. We are among those who do not. (p. 281)
Perhaps the most eloquent champion of justice in the antislavery movement was Frederick Douglass, himself a freed slave. In his famous July 1852 speech, “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?” Douglass pointedly addressed the hypocrisy of the majority of the American people. In his view, the nation’s most sacred holiday was (as quoted in Gates & McKay, 1997)
a day that reveals . . . more than all other days in the year, the gross injus- tice and cruelty to which he [the slave] is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted imprudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy— a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practice, more shock- ing or bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this very hour [emphasis added]. (p. 388)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
50 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
The Brazilian Antislavery Movement
Unlike the Haitian Revolution and the antislavery movement in the United States, justice movements in Brazil had much broader goals than the eradication of slavery. Throughout the 19th century, Brazilian reformers considered abolition merely a prelude to efforts that would address the nation’s widespread social, eco- nomic, and political problems. Although Brazilian abolitionists regarded slavery as immoral— the Gazeta de Tarde, one of the leading abolitionist newspapers, described it as a “moribund and nefarious institution” and a “criminal injustice and a horrible violation of rights” (as quoted in Toplin, 1972, pp. 115– 116)— their view of justice also focused on other issues, including equality of religion, more equitable political representation, improved labor conditions, and fair access to education. One of their leaders, Tavares Bastos, declared (as quoted in Conrad, 1972), “To emancipate and to instruct are two intimately linked tasks” (p. 158).6 Another prominent leader, Joaquim Nabuco, asserted that abolition was not only about emancipation but also about ending the “demoralization, inertia, servility, and irresponsibility” of slavery (Nabuco, 1883, as quoted in Conrad, 1972, p. 157).
The Brazilian abolitionist movement employed three arguments in its strug- gle against slavery, which both previous and subsequent justice movements have also used. One approach emphasized its illegal nature. A second focused on its immorality, and a third argued that slavery was counterproductive to the nation’s economic and moral progress (Toplin, 1972).
In asserting the illegality of slavery, reformers attempted to use the judicial system both to emancipate slaves and to demand punishment for slaveholders. Advocates such as Luiz Gama argued that, unlike the antebellum United States, Brazil’s laws did not condone the practice of slavery (Graden, 2006). In language similar to that of Haitian revolutionaries and some American antislavery advocates, he implied that fundamental ideas about justice were embedded in the Brazilian constitution, legislative statutes, and judicial interpretations of these documents.
In their antislavery propaganda, reformers also condemned the immorality not only of slaveholders but also of all Brazilians for condoning the practice and for continuing to rely on slave labor. They sought to create a “new moral conscience for the Brazilian nation” (Toplin, 1972, p. 116), although unlike comparable movements in the United States, Great Britain, and the Caribbean, the Brazilian abolitionist movement was primarily secular. In fact, some churches owned slaves, and most failed to adopt a strong position on the issue (Baronov, 2000).
6. This dual emphasis on emancipation and education is also reflected in the writings of the influential Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, particularly his classic Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 51
In addition, abolitionists such as Nabuco focused on the “developmental” problems that resulted from the widespread practice of slavery. For example, it pre- vented the expansion of the agricultural market and experimentation with new crops. The primary supporters of abolition— the White and mulatto urban middle classes, poor freed Blacks, and mulattos— also feared that the continued existence of slavery would slow the process of urbanization and produce a permanently strat- ified social structure consisting of a wealthy upper class, a huge lower class, and virtually no middle class (Bethell, 1991). Consequently, one of their most import- ant justice- oriented demands was for greater property rights for small landholders, reflected in the slogan “the democratization of the soil” (Conrad, 1972, p. 162).
Finally, the goals of abolition in Brazil were intimately tied to the nation’s reputation in the international community that had become increasingly important both economically and politically. Declaring slavery “an obstacle to national self- respect” that led to “censure from the civilized world,” reformers in the Brazilian Anti- Slavery Society sought to make their nation more competitive in the emerging global market system and “elevate Brazil to the category of use- ful member in the human community” (Toplin, 1972, pp. 121, 127). Part of their argument linked the issue of slavery to patriotism. One example of these senti- ments is found in the following poem by Castro Alves, the “poet of the slaves” (as quoted in Graden, 2006):
Wake up, mother country. Don’t bow your head. The tropic sun will dry up all your tears. Look on the edge of the wide horizon: The dawn moon of better years. It won’t take much. Shake off the chain that you call wealth. It mars what could be good. Don’t stain the page of the nation’s story with foul displays of slave’s blood. If you’ ll be poor, so what? Be free, As noble as the condor of the high lands. Remove the weight off Atlas’s shoulders. Lift the cross from God’s hands. (p. 87)
Twentieth- Century Anti- Imperialist Movements
Gandhi and Indian Independence
The leaders of 20th- century anti- imperialist movements each developed a dis- tinct view of justice to provide the intellectual foundation for their struggle. Sometimes, different views of justice competed within the same movement. One
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
52 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
of the most important examples of this phenomenon occurred in the Indian struggle for independence during the first half of the 20th century.
Although some Indian leaders, such as Subhash Chandra Bose (commonly known as Netaji), President of the Indian National Congress in 1938– 1939 and later the head of the Indian National Army, emphasized the need for a socialist path to justice that would focus on the elimination of racial discrimination and economic inequality, the most famous and influential Indian leader, Mohandas Gandhi, argued that India’s problems stemmed from Western modernization and urbanization, particularly British influence on Indian culture and its insti- tutions (Ahluwalia & Ahluwalia, 1982). As early as 1917, Gandhi declared,
It is not the British people who are ruling India, but it is modern civiliza- tion, through its railways, telegraph, telephone, and almost every inven- tion which has been claimed to be a triumph of civilization. . . . India’s salvation consists in unlearning what she has learnt during the past fifty years [emphasis added]. (pp. 84– 86)
Gandhi believed that imperialism and Westernization themselves were antithet- ical to justice and, therefore, that independence from Britain was a requisite first step, but not the sole step, to achieve it (Chakrabarty, 2006).
Seeking to produce both a political and a spiritual revolution, Gandhi rejected the material world of possession and consumption, violence and oppression in favor of a life that brings balance and joy, healing and justice. He regarded the pursuit of justice as inseparable from the pursuit of both the emo- tional and the physical well- being of individuals and communities. Gandhi believed that the most critical manifestation of justice occurred in the fusion of ethics and economics and that this integration was impossible in a market- driven culture that sanctioned immoral practices and the accumulation of wealth at the expense of the needy. His ideas about social justice continue to influence activists and revolutionaries on every continent.
Gandhi rejected Western concepts of social justice because of their material- ist foundation. Yet, unlike many of his socialist colleagues in the Congress Party, Gandhi’s view of justice was inherently spiritual, not material. He regarded the pur- suit of justice as inseparable from the pursuit of both the emotional and the physical well- being of individuals and communities. Although he was also anticapitalist, he opposed it on non- Marxist grounds. Gandhi asserted that Western market econo- mies created materialism, consumerism, competition, and assertive urbanization, all of which were fundamentally incompatible with economic equity or justice.
He often used the United States as an example of what India should not become, asserting that “[America] is the most industrialized country in the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 53
world, and yet, it has not banished poverty and degradation. This is because it . . . concentrates power in the hands of the few who amass fortunes at the expense of the many” (as quoted in Kaushik, 2001, p. 83). Gandhi believed that the most crit- ical manifestation of justice occurred in the fusion of ethics and economics and that this integration was impossible in a market- driven culture that sanctioned immoral practices and the accumulation of wealth at the expense of the needy. In his view, “True economics stands for social justice” (as quoted in Kaushik, 2001, p. 82; see also Prasant, 2014).
In developing a rationale for Indian independence, Gandhi and his support- ers transformed some Western ideas about colonialism and national sovereignty into uniquely Indian concepts, such as swaraj. Chakrabarty (2006) explains that Gandhi never precisely defined this concept but indicated that it had four facets: national independence and political, economic, and spiritual freedom. Throughout the long struggle for independence, Gandhi made several references to swaraj as a symbol of collective and individual justice, involving both demo- cratic rule and a sense of spiritual control over one’s personal destiny— somewhat analogous to the modern concepts of community and individual empowerment. Swaraj required “educating the masses to a sense of their capacity to regulate and control authority . . . [and raising] the consciousness in the average villager that he is . . . his own legislator (as quoted in Jack, 1961, pp. 134– 135).
Gandhi’s view of justice also included the establishment of certain concrete Western- style rights, such as freedom of speech and the press, the right to decent and safe employment, the right to an education, and racial equality. In this regard, his principles of justice resembled those of his communist and socialist allies. He dedicated most of his energy, however, to the elimination of economic and caste inequalities.
Gandhi believed that poverty and economic inequalities were inherently unjust and that wealth should exist only to meet basic human needs. This required more than an abstract commitment to justice. He asserted (as quoted in Jack, 1961),
The golden rule . . . is . . . to refuse to have what the millions can- not. . . . The first thing is to cultivate the mental attitude that we will not have possessions or facilities denied to millions, and the next immediate thing is to rearrange our lives as fast as possible in accordance with that mentality. (p. 53)
This represented a challenge not only to prevailing institutional structures but also to people’s basic ways of living.
Thus, unlike many of his allies, Gandhi argued that the eradication of injus- tice in India required more than independence; it required the elimination of the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
54 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
caste system that produced unfair distinctions and substantial socioeconomic disparities. He wrote (as quoted in Kaushik, 2001),
Varna [the original social division of Vedic people into four groups] reveals the law of one’s being and thus the duty one has to perform it confers no right. [Indeed] the idea of superiority or inferiority is wholly repugnant to it. All varnas are equal, for the community depends no less on one than on another. . . . Gradations of high and low . . . [are] hideous travesties of the original [because] varnashram is not a vertical division. It is a horizontal one. Hence, there can be no question of untouchability. (p. 153; see also Chakrabarty, 2006, p. 156)
African Liberation Movements
Inspired by the example of the Indian independence movement and influenced by 20th- century socialism, during the half century after World War II the col- onized peoples of Africa also broke the bonds of imperialism and established independent nations. Like the struggles in India, Haiti, and Brazil, their social justice movements reflected a broad range of ideologies and political strategies. Some borrowed heavily— with considerable adaptation— from Western philos- ophies such as Marxism or blended European and African concepts. Others emphasized the history and culture of indigenous populations. In the immediate post- World War II era, the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya was, perhaps, the best known, although the writings of Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana were arguably the most influential on movements social justice in other African nations.
K en ya n Ideas of Justice Although they differed substantially in their views on the use of violence, the Mau Maus’s ideas of justice bore some similarity to those expressed by advocates of nonviolence such as Gandhi. These included recovery of the land confiscated by the British; self- government; the destruction of the influence of Christianity; the restoration of ancient customs and traditions, wherever possible; the expul- sion or subjugation of foreigners; and the growth of secular education (Arnold, 1974). These goals differed substantially, however, from those promoted by Jomo Kenyatta, the leader of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) who became the nation’s first president.
In his writings and speeches, Kenyatta articulated both negative and positive forms of justice. He attacked the harsh and discriminatory treatment of native Africans by British imperialists and argued that the nature of British colonial rule made a just society impossible to achieve because it sustained the three major
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 55
“enemies” of the Kenyan people: poverty, ignorance, and disease (Cullen, 1976). Kenyatta also fought for economic freedoms for all Africans, including equal pay for equal work, the right to grow and sell products of their choosing, and the right to own property. In addition, he spoke out against discrimination in access to education, health care, and other public services (Kenyatta, 1968).
Like Gandhi, Kenyatta believed that justice required both independence and the establishment of democratic political rights. Prophetically, he asserted, “Until . . . representation of Africans by Africans is justly settled, there can be no peace or prosperity in Africa” (Kenyatta, 1968, p. 36).
Also like Gandhi, he blended Western and African ideas in his concept of justice. For example, in his emphasis on “freedom, equality, and brotherhood,” Kenyatta echoed the ideals of the French Revolution. He also promoted a socialist (or positive) conception of liberty: “Liberty [he argued] is not the mere absence of restraint. [It] also means the ability to fulfil [sic] the meaningful will of the peo- ple and to enjoy a certain area of personal freedom” (as quoted in Cullen, 1976, p. 22). Toward the end of his career, Kenyatta explicitly declared, “Only in a free and liberal society [emphasis added] can each individual develop fully to serve his fellow- citizens” (Kenyatta, 1968, p. 200).
A cofounder with Kwame Nkrumah of the Pan- African Federation in 1946, Kenyatta believed that these ideas about justice must transcend national boundaries. He stressed, however, that Kenyan national unity, particularly the eradication of racial and tribal discrimination, and the restoration of uniquely African traditions and intellect were necessary preconditions before the broader justice goals of African nationalism could be achieved. The paramount goal of national unity was expressed symbolically in the pre- and post- independence slo- gans of KANU— the shift from “Uhuru” (“freedom”) to “Harambee” (“let us pull together”). These concepts reflected the link between Kenya’s struggle for justice and the themes of African nationalism, working- class values, and unity across racial and tribal lines (Cullen, 1976). Kenyatta based his view of justice, therefore, on the ability of all Africans to “gain their rightful place” in the world. Like Senghor’s conceptualization of negritude in the Senegalese fight for inde- pendence, justice and freedom in the Kenyan struggle were inseparable from the broader Pan- African unity movement.
K wa me Nk rum a h a n d the Pa n- A fr ica n Mov emen t In response to the widespread oppression Africans faced under colonial and impe- rialist rule, leaders of newly emerging African nations began to meet in the 1950s to discuss the possibility of creating a united front. In 1958, Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, organized a meeting of African leaders with the dual goals of improving the conditions of all African peoples and gaining respect in
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
56 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
the international community. In their discourse, Nkrumah and other African leaders framed justice as the ability to pursue African unity and express their unique “African personality.” This would liberate Africans “to act in [their] indi- vidual and collective interests at any particular time” (Nkrumah, 1961, p. 128).
In developing his concept of justice, Nkrumah drew upon ideas developed in the 20th- century Pan- African movement, from such diverse sources as W. E. B. Dubois, Henry Sylvester Williams, Edward Blyden, and Marcus Garvey.7 He also relied heavily on the strategies of nonviolence and non- cooperation pro- moted by Gandhi. In fact, Nkrumah visited India frequently during his efforts to advance African independence (Nkrumah, 1963).
The Declaration of Principles developed by Nkrumah, W. V. S. Tubman of Liberia, and Sekou Touré of Guinea for the African National Union in 1959 embodied these principles of justice. It stressed “freedom, independence, unity, the African personality [and] African dignity” (Nkrumah, 1961, p. 177). These ideas would be spread through public education systems that emphasized knowl- edge of African history and culture. In the late 1960s, African American activists such as the Black Panthers adopted many of the same goals in the creation of free- dom schools. Similar ideas undergird the more recent emphasis on Afrocentrism among some activists, intellectuals, and social workers in the United States (Austin, 2006; Schiele, 2000).
At the 1959 All- African People’s Conference in Accra, Ghana, Nkrumah explained that “the African personality and the African community must have a free and fertile soil in which to flourish and blossom (Nkrumah, 1961, p. 187). His reference to the land in these remarks was not just a figure of speech. Part of the Ghanaian and Pan- African quest for independence and freedom involved both a physical and a metaphorical struggle to take back the land as a critical aspect of justice (Nkrumah, 1963). These themes reflect many of the ideas previously expressed by Kenyatta and Pan- Africanists since the early 20th century, includ- ing the existence of an inherent relationship between the African people and the land, the concepts of unity and partnership, and the notion that the struggles of the African people must return them to their natural place. Nkrumah (1961) declared, “Only the African can speak for the African and only the African can be the spokesman of this great continent” (p. 48). Leaders of other African libera- tion struggles in Senegal, Mozambique, and South Africa echoed similar themes.
7. The Pan- African movement began in the early 20th century among leading African and African American intellectuals and activists. In the words of one its founders, W. E. B. DuBois (1903/ 1999), it recognized the common bonds of African peoples throughout the world and accurately predicted that “the problem of the 20th century will be the problem of the color line.” The movement sought to promote the liberation of all African peoples by coordinated efforts in the cultural and political arenas.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 57
The Senega lese A n ticolon i a l Struggle a n d the Concept of Negr itu de In the 1940s and 1950s, as anti- imperialist independence movements flourished in many former British colonies, the Senegalese anti- imperialist movement against France gained strength, drawing heavily on ideas that had been expressed there for two decades. During this period, the concept of justice, expressed through formal and informal means of resistance to French oppression, centered pri- marily on the notion of negritude, a term initially created by a group of African scholars, including Leopold Senghor (a well- known author and poet who became Senegal’s first president) and Aime Cesaire.
According to some scholars (Skurnick, 1965), the concept of negritude reflected a rejection of market- driven capitalism and the Western tendency to separate cultural values and ethics from economics similar to the philosophy Gandhi espoused in India. Negritude was an attempt to replace the “invisible hand during the industrial revolution in Europe” with a “visible arm of gov- ernment as an agent of social justice” (Skurnick, 1965, p. 354). Although they rejected Marxist determinism, leaders of the negritude movement thought that Marxism had some utility for Africans because of its humanistic focus (Le Baron, 1966, p. 273).
Senghor also asserted that French imperialism suffocated the people’s ability to nurture their traditions, history, and cultural identity. Like Black nationalists in the United States, such as Malcolm X, Senghor argued that Senegal’s cultural and psychological survival required independence (Senghor, 1965):
There can be no unfolding of the personality of a people without freedom of development. . . . There can be no freedom in the alienation of self from self which constitutes the colonial condition. There can be no freedom in the stifling of one’s being. There can be no independence in dependency. It is all this that justifies the struggle against colonialism. (p. 72)
Algerian psychiatrist Frantz Fanon discussed similar ideas in such influential works as Black Skin, White Masks (2008), The Wretched of the Earth (2004), and Toward the African Revolution (1967). Black power advocates in the United States, such as Stokely Carmichael (Aka Kwame Touré) and Charles Hamilton (1967), applied these ideas to American society.
Through poetry and other artistic forms, Senghor expressed his belief that negritude must be built on affirmation rather than negation to overcome the sys- tematic degradation of African qualities by Europeans and White Americans (Irele, 1965; Senghor, 1965, p. 97). Senghor (1965) wrote that “negritude . . . is part of Africanity. It is made of human warmth. It is democracy quickened by the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
58 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
sense of communion and brotherhood between men” (p. 97). Thus, like other advocates for social justice in developing nations, Senghor distinguished between the culture of the oppressed and that of their oppressor in their conceptualiza- tion of property, their attitude toward the environment, and their understanding of religion and ethics. Cultural respect, therefore, was an integral component of justice (Spleth, 1985, pp. 24– 25).
Thus, in African liberation movements, negritude was not merely a cultural or political theory but also a revolutionary tool. It constituted “no mere request for social equality . . . but, somewhat ironically, [a demand] to be valued precisely because they are unique and so are in a position to make a unique contribution to mankind” (Le Baron, 1966, p. 268). That is why the leaders of anticolonialist uprisings in Africa believed that their struggle was somewhat similar to those of the European working class (Senghor, 1965). They identified one critical distinc- tion, however, that still resonates powerfully in the 21st century, particularly in the West: Although both populations were oppressed as inferiors, the European working class was forced to depend on elites due to the political– economic struc- ture of their societies. By contrast, the colonization of Africans (and the oppres- sion of African Americans) was rationalized on the basis of racial superiority. By recognizing this difference, African people were able to create a uniquely indig- enous form of resistance to imperialism, which drew heavily on diverse African and US cultural sources, including Langston Hughes, Claude MacKay, Jean- Price Mars, and René Maran (Spleth, 1985). While the ideology and strategies of African and African American justice movements borrowed from Western ideas such as Marxism, they also integrated cultural concepts that resonated uniquely among Africans and that served as a powerful tool to undermine decades of rac- ist denigration by colonial and imperialist powers.
FR ELI MO a n d Moza mbique’s Struggle for I n depen dence Like other anticolonial struggles in the 20th century, the expressions of justice in Mozambique’s national liberation movement focused on more than indepen- dence from Portuguese domination. Political leaders such as Eduardo Mondlane (the founder of FRELIMO, the Mozambique Liberation Front, and the nation’s president from 1962 to 1969) and Samora Machel (FRELIMO’S military com- mander and president from 1975 to 1986) addressed both the inhumane treatment of Africans by Portuguese imperialists and their visions for national well- being after independence. Like Senghor, they pointed out the complex and multidi- mensional nature of colonial subjugation, including its political, economic, cul- tural, and psychological components.
Mondlane repeatedly complained, “Everywhere references . . . are full of scorn or at least pity. . . . The implication is that the Portuguese are naturally
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 59
superior to the people they have conquered, and that these can only claim any sort of equality by actually becoming ‘Portuguese’ ” (Mondlane, 1969, p. 37). The colonial educational system and the imposition of Christianity assumed that Mozambicans would assimilate into Portuguese culture. Similar to the obsta- cles to political participation and socioeconomic integration African Americans confronted during much of the 20th and 21st centuries, Mozambicans had to demonstrate sufficient mastery of the Portuguese language, the ability to support one’s family, and the necessary educational credentials to obtain legal rights— criteria that Whites were not required to meet (p. 48).
FRELIMO spokespersons developed their concept of justice directly from the experience of systematic racism in virtually every institution. They concep- tualized justice as the acquisition of the social, economic, and political rights they had been denied as a consequence of “the experience of discrimination, exploitation, forced labor, and other such aspects of colonial rule” (Mondlane, 1969, p. 101). The following 1932 editorial (as quoted in Mondlane, 1969) reflects their initial resistance to oppression:
We’ve had a mouthful of it. . . . We can no longer put up with the perni- cious effects of your political and administrative decisions. From now on we refuse to make ever greater and ever more useless sacrifices. . . . We insist that you carry out your fundamental duties not with laws and decrees but with acts. . . . We want to be treated in the same way that you are. We do not aspire to the comforts you surround yourselves with, thanks to our strength. We do not aspire to your refined education. . . . Even less do we aspire to a life dominated by the ideas of robbing your brother. . . . We aspire to our “savage state” which, however, fills your mouths and your pockets. And we demand something . . . we demand bread and light. . . . We repeat that we do not want hunger or thirst or poverty or a law of discrimination based on colour. (pp. 106– 107)
Like many contemporaneous African liberation struggles, FRELIMO’s ideas about justice combined socialist practice and nationalist ideals (Afro American Information Service (AIS); Mondlane, 1969). FRELIMO’s definition of justice included equal treatment and the opportunity to pursue well- being; the existence of racial and regional unity; regulations that sufficiently protect the health and safety of workers; widespread education based on indigenous notions of formal and informal schooling (particularly regarding literacy campaigns); and accessi- ble health care for all people. Unlike many African liberation struggles, however, FRELIMO paid particular attention to women’s issues, both during and after the revolution, including the need for more comprehensive education and care
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
60 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
for those women (and their children) whose husbands were at war. Justice also required that all workers be treated equally.
Like Senghor and Gandhi, Machel also conceived of justice in terms of eco- nomic self- sufficiency and self- determination, specifically the ability to produce food for oneself and one’s country and to determine which crops to plant. In a just society, he wrote (as quoted in AIS, 1975),
Labor is a liberating activity because the product of labor benefits the workers, serves the interests of the workers, i.e., it serves to liberate man from hunger and poverty. . . . We have abolished the exploitation of man by man, because what is produced is the property of the people. (p. 35)
The Chope people of southern Mozambique expressed similar sentiments about their historical suffering (as quoted in Mondlane, 1969):
We are still angry; it’s always the same story. The oldest daughters must pay the tax. Natanele tells the white man to leave him alone. Natenele tells that white man to leave me be. (p. 103)
The South A fr ica n A n ti- A pa rtheid Struggle The South African liberation movement similarly blended a combination of political ideologies and cultural tools to articulate its vision of justice. During their long struggle against imperialism and apartheid, Black South Africans also developed their own definition of justice. An examination of the letters and speeches of their most prominent leader, Nelson Mandela, the head of the African National Congress (ANC) and the first president after apart- heid was dismantled, reveals a concept of justice centered on political rights and representation, the importance of Pan- African unity, the elimination of poverty, and the importance of universal human dignity. The anti- apartheid movement also borrowed ideas of justice from other regional independence movements and from Pan- African philosophy. Mandela drew upon the expe- riences of such diverse nations as Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Kenya, Uganda, and Zanzibar and often referenced Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. (International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (IDAF), 1986, pp. 344– 346).
Although Mandela often employed class- conscious language, he was careful (perhaps for political reasons) to distinguish between Marxism and the ideas of the ANC. He stated (IDAF, 1986),
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 61
Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from my admiration of the structure and organization of early African societies in this coun- try. The land, then the main means of production, belonged to the tribe. There were no rich or poor and there was no exploitation. . . . Many leaders of the new independent states accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of the world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean we are Marxists. (pp. 175– 176)
Because the existence of apartheid created a unique political and institutional situation in South Africa, Mandela repeatedly asserted that the most important rights for Black South Africans to obtain were the right to vote and the right to participate in the nation’s electoral process. These rights, he argued, would foster equal political representation and give Blacks the ability to influence laws and policies. Without these rights, he argued, no other rights could be gained, no other forms of oppression could be eliminated, and the people’s “disabilities will be permanent” (IDAF, 1986, p. 4). Thus, from the beginning of Mandela’s polit- ical activism in the 1950s through his presidency in the 1990s, he defined justice primarily as the achievement of democratic rule based on the will of the people. In the Freedom Charter adopted by the National Action Council in 1955, politi- cal rights are listed first, and one of the major slogans of the anti- apartheid move- ment was “full democratic rights in South Africa now” (Asmal, Chidester, & James, 2003, p. 14). In April 1994, the dramatic images of Black South Africans waiting for hours to vote for the first time exemplified their widespread accep- tance of this priority.
The anti- apartheid movement, however, did not focus solely on political rights. It also emphasized narrowing the gap between rich and poor and elimi- nating suffering due to poverty. Like Gandhi, Mandela repeatedly asserted that fair economic practices were essential to the attainment of a just society. These included the reallocation of land, the eradication of race- based land discrimina- tion, state assistance to the poor, improved and regulated labor conditions, the right of workers to form unions, and the elimination of racial and gender- based bias in wages and employment. Linking political and economic rights, Mandela declared, “The complaint of Africans . . . is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation” (IDAF, 1986, p. 178).
Like other African independence leaders, Mandela also consistently focused on the relationship between justice and human dignity. He asserted, “The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
62 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority” (IDAF, 1986, p. 179). At his historical presidential inauguration, using the clear biblical symbolism of a covenant, he stated (as quoted in Asmal et al., 2003),
We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity— a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world. (p. 69)
The importance of human dignity also shaped Mandela’s ideas about the need to eradicate physical and emotional violence, eliminate obstacles to education, bar segregated living spaces, restore local traditions and customs, and outlaw wide- spread curfews and travel restrictions.
Finally, as early as his 1962 trial, Mandela declared that the restoration of human dignity required Pan- African unity despite the diversity of tribes, classes, and religions on the continent. In his moving statement to the court, Mandela (as quoted in Asmar et al., 2003) asserted,
All people, irrespective of the color of their skins, all people whose home is South Africa and who believe in the principles of democracy and of equality of men, should be treated as Africans; that all South Africans are entitled to live a free life on the basis of fullest equality of the rights and opportunities in every field, of full democratic rights, with a direct say in the affairs of the government. (p. 21)
Although African nations have not fully realized these social justice goals, their underlying ideas continue to inspire activists, including social workers, through- out the continent.
Justice in Modern Latin America
Prior to the Spanish conquest, the major civilizations of pre- colonial Central and South America— such as the Olmecs, Toltecs, Aztecs, and Mayas in what is now Mexico and Guatemala— were all stratified societies with an elite ruling class, which consisted primarily of religious male elders and noble families. The over- whelming majority of the people were peasants who farmed the land, built sacred temples, and fought in wars. Although there are no specific studies of Central (or Meso) American ideas about social justice, inferences about indigenous justice concepts can be made. Given the social and political structure of the region, it is
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 63
probable that for centuries elites defined social justice in a manner that rational- ized oligarchical management and control of the population, the land, and its resources— in a manner similar to most Western societies (Acuña, 2007; Davies, 1980, 1987; Hammond, 1993).
In another similarity to Western culture, religion played a major part in justifying the Meso- American civic order, although, as in the West, it did so in diverse ways. The theology and religious rites of the Aztecs used violence as a means of social control (Davies, 1987). By contrast, the theology of the Toltecs, whose civilization preceded the Aztecs and the Mayans, stressed personal responsibility and active pursuit of wisdom through self- awareness. With strik- ing similarities to Buddhism, the Toltecs believed that the keys to enlightenment were detachment from the lure of personal possessions; the abandonment of fears stemming from loss, greed, and narcissism; and the attainment of harmony with all living things. In the Toltec worldview, social injustice could only be eradi- cated by becoming aware of these injustices, through individual and collective envisioning of an alternative conception of society, and through actions taken toward that alternative. Because Toltecs believed that individual and collective “reality” is determined by conscious perception and interpretation (a belief that anticipated postmodernism by two millennia), their views of social justice were context dependent and would vary across peoples, cultures, regions, and nations (Nelson, 1997).
The Spanish Conquest and the Role of the Church in Social Justice Movements
The Spanish conquistadores, who arrived in Central America in the early 16th century, had a concept of “social justice” similar to that of indigenous elites— that the existence of a social hierarchy was a God- given right (Acuña, 2007). Although these elites often used religious beliefs to rationalize their highly hier- archical cultures (Davies, 1980, 1987), Spaniards and their Portuguese counter- parts indoctrinated indigenous peoples into Christianity as part of a strategy to oppress and control them (Segal, 1995; Thomas, 1997). For example, the power- ful emphasis in Christian (largely Catholic) thought and practice on an afterlife that promised salvation and redemption rationalized the existence of extensive material suffering and the unequal distribution of resources, power, and status on Earth. It also justified and even encouraged the passive acceptance of suffering and the unequal status quo (Acuña, 2007; Jones, 1984).
Paradoxically, the Church frequently presented itself as an ally of the poor, particularly at the parish level. This contrasted sharply with the close align- ment of the Church hierarchy with ruling elites, who both profited handsomely from this relationship. These conflicting tendencies continue to be reflected in
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
64 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
contemporary indigenous narratives and expressions of faith in mainstream Catholic and newly emerging evangelical Christian churches (Freston, 2004).
Consequently, most contemporary indigenous narratives in Latin America incorporate ideas gleaned from multiple belief systems. Christian values such as hope, forgiveness, and reciprocity continue to have a high priority among Catholics in Central America, and God’s grace is a central theme in the struggles of the oppressed (Bravo, 1994). These communities and their clergy emphasize the love God has for the poor, His forgiveness and compassion for those who do harm, and His vision of solidarity for all humankind. Indigenous narratives, however, are more critical of the impact of colonialism on traditional cultures and people’s economic well- being than that of the mainstream Church. As a result, activists motivated by such narratives are more likely to focus on such reforms as equal and complete protection under the law and access to natural, scientific, and financial resources as a means to achieve social justice (Bravo, 1994).
Latin American Christianity, therefore, has influenced regional ideas about social justice in four ways ( Jones, 1984). First, the Catholic hierarchy has often been more concerned with maintaining traditional religious dogma and the sal- vation of individuals than with societal transformation. This is reflected in the celebratory rituals or mandas that the faithful complete before requesting a mir- acle from God. In such religious practices, there is no reference to social inequal- ities or any challenge to the status quo.
Second, since the establishment of Christianity in the region by the Spanish conquest, the Church made clear distinctions between the body and the soul (i.e., between physical or material and spiritual needs), politics and history, and heaven and Earth. These distinctions required followers to remove themselves from any earthly concerns and place their faith in God ’s grace and promise of a better afterlife. In this view, injustices will be rectified in heaven, not on Earth.
In the early 1960s, however, Vatican II transformed the Church into a more progressive institution and led to a third way in which it influenced Latin American ideas about justice through its cultural practices. Priests began to con- duct the mass in native languages and to include music and rituals that incor- porated elements of the congregation’s indigenous culture. As a result, during the 1970s and 1980s, Church leaders became involved in political advocacy, par- ticularly against oppressive regimes in El Salvador and Chile. During the for- mer nation’s bloody civil war, Archbishop Romero so antagonized ruling elites with his support of the revolutionary movement that he was assassinated. More recently, the Catholic Church in Mexico has criticized corrupt government practices that destabilize the democratic voting process (Bernard, 1995). Most Church leaders, however, have hesitated to analyze the structural forces that
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 65
perpetuate oppression. Consequently, more radical Christian doctrines have acquired increasing popularity, especially in impoverished areas.
Beginning in the early 1950s, a fourth pattern of influence from Church doc- trine began to appear. The “new church” has actively mobilized the community in nonviolent struggles against long- standing power structures and mechanisms of oppression, initially by focusing on issues such as poverty and class stratifica- tion ( Jones, 1984). After a decade of organizing the poor around these themes, the emergence of liberation theology in the 1960s provided the ideological basis for a fusion of traditional Catholic doctrine and indigenous beliefs within a social justice and social action- oriented framework (Aguilar, 2007; Petrella, 2005).
Proponents of liberation theology argued that traditional Christianity over- looked the original social justice messages in Jesus’s teachings. They sought to infuse these ideas again into Church doctrine by emphasizing the “economic and political liberation of the poor, the oppressed, and the weak in society” (Thakur, 1996), what the US Conference of Catholic Bishops (1986) referred to as the “preferential option for the poor.” Unlike many evangelicals, they stressed that faith alone is insufficient; people must also engage in right action to address their material and spiritual needs.
Furthermore, in contrast to Protestant doctrine, proponents of liberation theology believe that sin is not a private or individual matter. Instead, it is a “domination of evil which prohibits the freedom of God’s children” (Ellacuria, 1976, pp. 73– 74). Therefore, sin is a social phenomenon that can only be cor- rected by social action. As Gutierrez (1973) explains,
In [“the”] liberation approach . . . sin is regarded as a social, historical fact, the absence of brotherhood and love in the relationships of men, the breach of friendship with God and with other men, and therefore, an interior personal fracture. . . . Sin is evident in oppressive structures, in the exploitation of man by man, in the domination and slavery of peoples, races, and social classes. Sin appears, therefore, as the fundamental alienation, the root of a situation of injustice and exploitation. . . . Sin demands a radical liberation which in turn necessarily implies a political liberation [emphasis added]. (pp. 175– 176)
During the past half century, liberation theology has inspired popular movements and community organizing efforts throughout Latin America, in which social workers have been frequently involved. In contrast to past divi- sions between secular and religious political forces, its proponents found com- mon cause with secular activists. For example, by incorporating the pedagogical theories of Paulo Freire (1970), disenfranchised communities were empowered
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
66 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
to interpret scripture in a manner that facilitated both a direct connection with God and the ability to take collective action against oppressive institutions (Burdick & Hewitt, 2000).
A particularly compelling feature of liberation theology was its encourage- ment of civic engagement by all persons in society, especially those elements of the population, such as women and campesinos (landless peasants), who had been denied access to critical political and economic decisions (Arceo, 1985; Bravo, 1994; Burdick & Hewitt, 2000). Like Gandhi, proponents of liberation theol- ogy asserted that the elimination of social injustice involved both a spiritual and a political experience. This was consistent with their call for more democratic and egalitarian political and social systems in nations with strong authoritarian traditions. A recent feature of liberation theology is its explicit recognition of the exploitative and racist tendencies embedded in market economics and neo- colonial practices, including those emerging out of economic globalization such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This issue has helped forge close alliances with secular reformers and revolutionary movements.
Although the Church continues to be a powerful force in organized change efforts in such countries as El Salvador, Mexico, and Guatemala, its influence has been curtailed by outright oppression (e.g., political assassination and ter- rorism), the denunciation of liberation theology by Popes John Paul II and Pope Benedict, and the growing influence of evangelical Protestantism in the region, perhaps inspired by the linkage between evangelical worldviews and the values underlying neoliberal economic globalization (Gill, 2004). There is also evidence in nations such as Ecuador that the practices of liberation theology have alien- ated some community members who did not identify with liberationist views (Burdick & Hewitt, 2000). It remains to be seen how Pope Francis will apply his statements about poverty to future social change efforts.
A recent justice- oriented addition to Catholic theology underscores the sig- nificance of the feminine influence in the Bible, religious rites, and public life. Linked closely to organized secular efforts to promote gender equality, this reinterpretation of traditional doctrine portrays Christ as someone who loved, respected, and gave equal treatment to his female followers. Building upon the long- standing Latin American adoration of the Virgin Mary as the bearer of truth or life, this perspective maintains that social transformation must incor- porate the concerns of women and cannot be achieved without their equal par- ticipation (Arceo, 1985).
Since the 1990s, some justice- oriented priests and nuns have also played a crit- ical role in the struggles of the Mexican people in regions as diverse as Chiapas and Chihuahua. Often, these clergy frame social justice as inseparable from the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 67
Christian notion of the “common good,” which must be attained through the development and implementation of a collective vision of justice (Gago Guerrero, n.d.). In Chihuahua, Catholic leaders have frequently condemned the corruption and destabilization of the democratic process by political elites and articulated a conception of social justice that focuses on the full and meaningful participa- tion of all citizens (Bernard, 1995). In Chiapas, using language similar to that employed by Freire (1970) and Boal (2008) in Brazil, both the indigenous cul- ture of the people and the teachings of the Church (as conveyed by sympathetic clergy) place God as a central actor in the struggle of the oppressed. Church teachings emphasize God’s love for the poor, His forgiveness and compassion for those who do harm (including in a revolutionary cause), and His vision of solidarity for all humankind.
The indigenous narrative, however, goes somewhat further in its depiction of justice. It presents a more powerful critique of colonialism and the impact it continues to have on the theology, culture, and material well- being of indige- nous peoples. This narrative is even critical of some of the Zapatistas in Chiapas for engaging in excessive destruction of property and violence. It includes a core element of forgiveness in combination with the assertion of certain rights and demands regarded as essential for the establishment of peace and social justice, such as the development of schools that reflect and respect the cultures of indig- enous communities and their need for equal access to natural, scientific, and financial resources (Bravo, 1994). In many ways, these ideas about social justice are similar to those long articulated by Latin American Marxists and by leaders of African and Asian liberation struggles.
Marxism and Social Justice in Latin America
Marxist ideas about social justice were first introduced into Latin America between 1890 and 1920 during the height of their influence in Germany, France, and Russia. In the two decades after World War I, communist parties emerged in Argentina, Chile, and Cuba, and communist- inspired movements grew in Mexico and Brazil (Aguilar, 1978). At the height of the Cold War, sim- ilar movements throughout Latin America and the Caribbean were repressed by military governments, often with the backing of the United States. The suc- cess of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and the persistence of widespread socio- economic inequality and political repression, however, produced a resurgence of interest in Marxism throughout the region, which guided both revolution- ary groups (such as in Bolivia and Peru) and reformist political parties (such as in Chile under Salvador Allende) and recent governments in Bolivia and Uruguay.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
68 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
In each nation, the intersection of colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism created a context for the emergence of Marxist ideas and strategies that was quite different from those that appeared in industrialized societies with large working- class movements and parties or those in African or Asian nations. Where colonialism still existed, the struggle for social justice was equally inspired by nationalist ideas. In contrast to their European counterparts, Latin American Marxists viewed the fundamental contradictions in their societies in terms of class conflict and the dichotomies that existed between rural and urban populations and indigenous and foreign social systems, prac- tices, and worldviews. Although US political leaders often spoke of a unified Latin American communist conspiracy, the anti- imperialist and anticapital- ist struggles of the region each reflected a specific history and social context (Cabral, 1966).
One central theme, expressed in the writings of Cuban revolutionary leader Ernesto (Ché) Guevara, was that justice is not solely a method of redistribution. Instead, it represented a social system founded on moral reasoning in which the search for balance between economic and social well- being required ongoing struggle. On a practical level— particularly in the context of well- funded efforts to subvert justice movements— this required constant sacrifice (which, ironically, often produced a redistribution of poverty rather than affluence) and efforts to maintain optimism about the ultimate triumph of social justice in the face of persistent hardship (Lizarraga, 2006).
The survival of the Cuban Revolution, despite the US blockade and the political excesses of the Castro regime, and the recent electoral successes of left- wing candidates in Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela underscore the endur- ing appeal of such ideas throughout Latin America. Western criticisms of these social justice- oriented regimes often focus on their failure to adhere to interna- tional standards of human rights, particularly in the political arena. The response of contemporary Latin American governments— for example, in Bolivia, Brazil, and Venezuela— to these criticisms underscores ongoing divisions about the rela- tionship between human rights and social justice in practice and the meaning of these concepts in the 21st century (Douzinas, 2000).
In summary, ideas about social justice in Latin America have reflected a unique blend of indigenous theolog y, Christianity, particularly liberation the- olog y, and European Marxism that emerged as a response to centuries of col- onization and exploitation by Western powers (Esteves, 2014). This synthesis builds on traditions that date back over a millennium while substantially revis- ing long- standing ideas about justice. For example, the most recent interpreta- tion of social justice in Latin America takes the form of efforts to promote a “solidarity economy,” which eliminates the Western dichotomy of “public” and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 69
“private” spheres of life. It “reflects an approach to community that includes all living and inanimate beings and recognizes the emancipatory potential of the norms, social dynamics, and forms of organization of [marginalized] groups” (Esteves, 2014, p. 74). Although the idea of a solidarity economy reflects Western ideas of social justice that date back to the Enlightenment, it adds the dimension of solidarity whose purpose is to strengthen and broaden the concept of democracy.
The writings of a number of influential contemporary South American authors contain a strong criticism of the exploitation of poor citizens, espe- cially indigenous peoples, and a denial of their rights on that continent. They have emphasize the role of the United States and multinational corporations in supporting repressive regimes. Among the most influential of these writers are Carlos Fuentes (1968, 1992) and Eduardo Galeano (1997, 2010).
Summary
As this chapter demonstrates, a society’s definition of social justice is strongly influenced by the historical conditions in which it develops, the diverse cultural traditions that shape its belief systems, the relative importance of religious or secular ideas, and the existence of institutions to implement or thwart the attain- ment of social justice goals. In some circumstances, such as in the South African liberation struggle, the establishment of civil or political rights was regarded as a prerequisite for the attainment of social and economic justice. In other places, such as India, West Africa, and areas of Latin America, primacy was given to overcoming hegemonic cultural norms and values that had been imposed by colonial or imperial powers.
Context also plays a critical role in shaping how different societies articulate their conceptions of justice. For example, Latin American narratives, which are expressed most vividly through poetry and the visual arts, reflect a synthesis of indigenous myths and a hybrid form of Catholicism. In Africa, justice concepts have utilized a new vocabulary (negritude) and are frequently depicted through traditional language, songs, and stories. Asian conceptions of social justice bor- row heavily from Hindu, Buddhist, and Confucian philosophy and are often expressed through the use of educational aphorisms.
In each region, movements for justice emerged for all of the reasons suggested previously: the growth of political discontent due to the intransigence of elite- dominated institutions; the influence of external events and foreign ideas; the interplay of various evolutionary change processes, such as industrialization and urbanization; and the response to long- standing conditions of oppression.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
70 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Similarly, the justice concepts on which these movements were based also reflected diverse ideological and political sources— religious and secular, indigenous and foreign— in often unexpected syntheses. These concepts emerged to give voice to people’s struggles against oppression, to articulate specific grievances, to present a vision of an alternative society, to inspire people to take action, and to justify the use of certain tactics to achieve revolutionary goals. Some have rationalized the use of violence against repressive regimes, such as in South Africa; others have promoted nonviolent forms of resistance, such as in India and the US civil rights movement.
Cultural and contextual influences also shaped how societies expressed and implemented their justice concepts through the establishment of policy prior- ities, laws, and institutions and through the modification of long- established customs and traditions. One common theme, whether expressed through the Latin American conscientization movement or the African negritude move- ment, is the importance of education and re- education— of providing people not only with basic skills but also with new ways of thinking about themselves and their role in the world. Another is the need for people to regain control of the land, to determine the ways in which it will be used, and to develop eco- nomic self- sufficiency. A related theme is the goal of ending poverty and over- coming its consequences, particularly in the areas of health care, child welfare, housing, the environment, and labor rights. These themes continue to be of crit- ical significance today as a consequence of economic globalization.
Most of the political and social struggles described in this chapter defined the beneficiaries of justice in group rather than individual terms, reflecting the collectivist orientation of the cultures in which they emerged. This contrasts sharply with the Western emphasis on individual rights. Ironically, although many non- Western justice movements have used the language of universal rights to promote their causes, they often reject the application of a universal human rights framework to their societies because it fails to acknowledge their unique cultural values and traditions and is regarded, therefore, as another means of imposing Western dominance. These differences have been most clearly expressed around such issues as the separation of church and state; the role of women; the structure of the economic system, especially regarding the concept of private property; and the means by which societies will resolve their differences or conflicting justice goals. Here, too, the imposition of Western notions of political democracy has been frequently resisted.
Chapter 3 discusses the evolution of social justice concepts in the social work profession, with a particular emphasis on the United States. The chapters in Part II apply these ideas to contemporary social work practice.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2. Alternative Concepts of Justice 71
Discussion Questions
1. What are some common and different themes reflected in the alternate con- ceptions of social justice described in this chapter?
2. What conflicts may arise in contemporary US society and in international social work as a result of these differences?
3. What are the implications of these differences for social work practice in an increasingly diverse society?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3
Social Justice and the Social Work Profession
Introduction
Since the early 20th century, the pursuit of social justice has been a core value of the social work profession in the United States, providing an alternative to the concept of social welfare as charity (Hunter, 1904; Woods, 1905). For more than a century, the conflict between justice and charitable perspectives has influenced the evolution of social policy and social work practice through the creation of an awkward synthesis of individualistic and collectivist orientations to society and its problems (George & Wilding, 1994). This focus on social justice, which has been closely linked in social work practice through the concepts of self- deter- mination and empowerment to the ideal of personal freedom, has provided the intellectual and ideological foundation for the major contributions that social workers have made in the United States and other nations in such areas as income support, civil rights, women’s rights, public health and housing, labor and occu- pational safety, child welfare and juvenile justice, and international peace (Stern & Axinn, 2013).
As a “value- based profession,” social work strives to promote individual and social change consistent with “principles of human rights and social justice” (Hare, 2004). The revised National Association of Social Workers’ (NASW) Code of Ethics (2015) asserts that the pursuit of social justice and the eradication of injustice constitute one of the six “ethical imperatives” of the profession. The Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards of the Council on Social Work Education (2008, 2015) require programs to teach content on the mechanisms of oppression and how to advocate on behalf of economic and social justice.
However, the profession of social work has long struggled with translating its social justice concepts into policies, programs, and practice frameworks. The profession’s pursuit of social justice has sometimes been compromised by its
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 73
1. For more detailed histories, the reader should consult the following: Wenocur and Reisch (1989), Specht and Courtenay (1994), and Reisch and Andrews (2002).
pursuit of professional status and contradicted by its complicity, intentional and unintentional, in mechanisms of social control. Since the 1990s, despite the rhe- torical certainty of mainstream professional organizations that social justice is a fundamental social work value, the meaning of social justice has become increas- ingly ambiguous and contentious, both in the United States and internationally (Reisch, 2002).
Proponents of social justice within social work, like their counterparts in other fields, have often been vilified and marginalized, sometimes even by the profession itself (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). Modest victories for social justice have rarely been permanent; each generation must refight old battles, reframe old issues, and redefine the meaning of social justice to match the changing context. The need to re- examine how the idea of social justice can be applied to our increasingly complex and diverse society is more urgent and challenging than ever.
This chapter provides a brief history of the relationship between social jus- tice and social work practice in the United States since its origins at the turn of the 20th century, with particular emphases on its contemporary implications.1 The chapter traces the influence of religious and secular ideologies, the evolution of the profession’s “vocabulary” of social justice, the emergence of diverse ways of expressing social justice concerns, and the impact of professionalism on the social justice mission of social work. The chapter contains a summary of recent critiques of the profession’s current approach to social justice and some sugges- tions as to how its practice could reflect social justice principles in the context of 21st- century realities.
Social Justice and the Origins of US Social Work
Since the late 19th century, social workers in the United States have regarded the construction of a socially just system of social welfare through the provi- sion of assistance to vulnerable individuals and families as a primary means to achieve the collective public good and to correct what the British scholar Richard Titmuss (1968) later referred to as the “diswelfares” of industrial society, such as unemployment. Because of the deeply entrenched value of self- reliance in American society, they sought to accomplish these goals through the provision of material assistance and nonmaterial support to vulnerable individuals and fam- ilies. This produced a patchwork system of social welfare consisting of state and federal policies and private initiatives. Policies often used the provision of aid to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
74 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
reinforce cultural values about work through the stigmatization of dependency, and services were structured in a manner designed to maintain gender and racial hierarchies ( Jansson, 2005; Katz, 2001; Patterson, 2001; Stern & Axinn, 2013). Social policies and social work practice have also been based on certain assump- tions about the relationship of government to the economy; the causes of indi- vidual behavior; the goals of social welfare; and by persistent views about race, gender, sexual orientation, and ability status (Abramovitz, 1999; Baynton, 2001; Brown, 1999; Lieberman, 1998).
The emergence of social justice as an alternative to centuries- old ideas about charity first appeared in the social welfare field at the turn of the 20th century. The first formal reference to “social justice” as a goal of social work appeared during the Progressive Era (Wise, 1909). The concept of social justice replaced hierarchical principles of private benevolence with universal public standards of decency that would (eventually) be enforced through government policies and professional standards and rationalized by social scientific research (Abbott, 1924; Addams, 1902, 1912; Tucker, 1913; Wise, 1909). Initially promoted largely by secular and religious elites out of enlightened self- interest, this definition of social justice synthesized long- standing liberal ideas about individual rights, the emerging ideology of social democracy, and moral values derived from such diverse sources as the Social Gospel movement among White American Protestants; Quakerism; Catholic ideas about benevolence and good works; Jewish principles of justice; concepts of mutual aid rooted in African American, Latino, and Asian American communities; and the work of such diverse sec- ular philosophers as Karl Marx, John Dewey, and William James (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). Social work leaders such as Jane Addams, Florence Kelley, Ellen Gates Starr, and Lillian Wald regarded the pursuit of social justice as a neces- sary response to growing economic inequality and the breakdown of community (Carson, 1990; Daniels, 1989; Elshtain, 2002; Sklar, 1995; Tucker, 1903). They allied with feminists, trade unionists, civil rights activists, and radicals outside of social work to promote more socially just child welfare, housing, public health, and juvenile justice policies (Davis, 1967; Fisher, 1994; Holder, 1922; Karger, 1988; Reisch & Andrews, 2002).
From the outset, however, because social work emerged during the most “thoroughly racialized . . . point in American history” (Foner, 1999, pp. 12– 13), the pursuit of social justice among social workers was hampered by the exclusion or marginalization of a significant portion of the US population, based on their gender, race, ethnicity, and religion. This led to the denial of inclusive rights of citizenship to millions and the erection of structural barriers to equal oppor- tunity. Even many settlement houses, including those that explicitly professed social justice goals, denied access to people of color and reflected traditional
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 75
stereotypes about gender, class, and ethnicity in their programs and staffing pat- terns (Carson, 1990; Lasch- Quinn, 1993). The failure of White social workers to embrace inclusive ideas significantly hindered their ability to apply social justice concepts to their practice. To a considerable extent, the history of US social work reflects the struggle to overcome these barriers and apply social justice principles on a more universal basis (Katz, 2001; Reisch, 1998, 2008a).
Barred access to White- dominated institutions, people of color and reli- gious minorities developed their own concepts of social justice that through the organizations they created combined elements of cultural pride (e.g., racial or ethnic uplift, sisterhood, or religious solidarity) and social assimilation. These group- specific ideas of social justice contrasted sharply with those professed by most social workers of the period, which stressed a mythical “general welfare” or the “common good” (Beito, 2001; Chan, 1991; Gerstle, 2001; Hernandez, 1983; Iglehart & Becerra, 2011; Morris & Freund, 1966; O’Grady, 1931; Rivera, 1987). Members of marginalized communities also used dramatic issues, such as lynch- ing in the South or the exploitation of women and girls in Northern factories, to increase public awareness of persistent injustice (Gordon, 1991; Hammond, 1920; Hine, 1990; Salem, 1990).
By emphasizing self- help, mutual aid, and socioeconomic (not just politi- cal) equality, racial, ethnic, and religious minorities redefined the meaning of social justice in ways that would eventually have wider implications for other marginalized social groups, such as individuals with disabilities and the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer (LGBTQ ) population (Carlton- Laney, 2001; Carson, 1993; Hamilton & Hamilton, 1997; Reisch & Andrews, 2002). Ironically, although the development of these alternative views of social justice enabled disenfranchised groups to retain their cultural heritages and provided the philosophical foundation for efforts to improve the lives of their commu- nities, they also made it more difficult for American social workers to develop a unified vision of what a socially just society would be (Reisch, 2007, 2008a).
Efforts by disenfranchised groups to forge alternative concepts of social jus- tice and apply them to their needs as they understood them also underscored an often unacknowledged problem of mainstream social work— that, for the most part, it continued to ignore the structural and ideological sources of racism and sexism. Even sympathetic social workers failed to recognize that prevailing “uni- versalist” ideas of social justice primarily emphasized political democracy and equality before the law rather than equality of resources, power, or status through the law. It overlooked the structural inequalities that were woven into the fabric of laws and policies, no matter how well- intentioned. Even social work leaders who were sensitive to issues of cultural diversity did not seriously consider the concept of cultural or social equality until the mid- 1970s (Elshtain, 2002).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
76 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Jane Addams, often heralded as the leading example of social work values, had a strong identification with mainstream Protestant ideals of altruism, despite conservative attempts to label her as a a dangerous radical (Knight, 2005; Reisch & Andrews, 2002). However, a few radical social workers, such as Ellen Gates Starr (the cofounder of Hull House in Chicago) and Florence Kelley (the direc- tor of the influential National Consumers League for three decades), were influ- enced by socialist ideas— ideas that social workers in the Charities Organization Societies (COS) and public sector largely disdained. In fact, the practices of the COS and many public sector agencies— two primary sources for the develop- ment of the social work profession and social work education— often reflected repressive tendencies that mirrored dominant cultural perspectives on race, eth- nicity, class, and gender (Day, 2013).
Although most efforts at social reform during this period focused primarily on the needs of White native- born men and, to a lesser extent, recent immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe (Stern & Axinn, 2013), a few prominent social workers began to address the problems of African Americans and women (Addams, 1902; Elshtain, 2002; Lundblad, 1995; Sklar, 1998; Van Kleeck, 1915). Their work was also influenced by African American activists and scholars such as W. E. B. DuBois (1903/ 1999), George Edmund Haynes (1912), and Ida Wells- Barnett (1970).
Social Justice and the Creation of the Welfare State
The so- called Progressive Era, which began in approximately 1890, came to an abrupt end during World War I (1914– 1918). Both during and after the war, social workers who promoted social justice endured political repression and social approbation for their support of pacifist causes, opposition to American militarism, and their alliances with radical groups. They were attacked by major newspapers, elected officials, and powerful conservative organizations and accused of subversive activities by state legislators and the courts (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). After the war, the repressive political climate of the 1920s discouraged social workers’ pursuit of social justice. In response, the profession shifted its focus from policy advocacy and social change to the development of enhanced social services and psychiatric social work (Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). For more than a decade, social workers did not address rising inequality and unemployment and the intolerable working conditions in factories, mines, and mills during the “Roaring 20s” (Andrews, 1997; Reisch, 2009, 2015c; Van Kleeck, 1932, 1934).
The cause of social justice within social work, however, was not completely silenced during this period. Some social workers continued to promote civil
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 77
rights and the establishment of “social security” for the elderly and unemployed (Chambers, 1963; Lubove, 1968). During the Great Depression of the 1930s, their efforts finally began to bear fruit. The policies of the Franklin Roosevelt administration, in which social workers such as Harry Hopkins and Frances Perkins played major roles, produced significant social reforms in such areas as labor rights, public assistance to the elderly and the jobless, and child welfare (Downey, 2010; McJimsey, 1987). By the mid- 1930s, many social workers regarded the creation of the welfare state as the key to achieving social justice and reducing long- standing structural inequalities in American society (Katz, 2001). It would establish the ideas of social citizenship and social democracy as a right and substi- tute collective responsibility for individualistic values (Marshall, 1950).
Social workers’ justice- oriented activism was not confined to the policy arena during these years. Social workers also made serious efforts to integrate social jus- tice values into practice— for example, in the democratic principles underlying the emerging field of social group work (Wenocur & Reisch, 1989) and the ser- vices developed to assist immigrant families, the working poor, and members of newly formed unions, including those created by social workers (Reisch, 2009). The radical Rank and File Movement, which had more members in the mid- 1930s than the American Association of Social Workers, not only advocated for racial and gender equality decades before these views were embraced by mainstream social work organizations but also developed “five simple principles” as the foun- dation for justice- centered practice (Fisher, 1980). Bertha Capen Reynolds (1963), a leader among the rank and filers, summarized these principles in her autobiog- raphy (as cited in Withorn, 1986, pp. 1– 2):
1. The purpose of social work is to serve people in need. If social workers serve other classes who have other purposes, they become too dishonest to be capa- ble of either theoretical or practical development.
2. Social work exists to help people help themselves and, therefore, social work- ers should not be alarmed when people do so by organized means.
3. Social work practice operates by communication, listening, and sharing experiences.
4. Social workers have to find their place among other movements for human betterment by forming and joining coalitions with clients, community groups, and like- minded colleagues from all disciplines.
5. Social workers cannot consider themselves superior to their clients, as if they do not have the same problems.
The rank and file movement disappeared during World War II, a consequence of internal factionalism, external attacks, and the promotion of wartime unity
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
78 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
(Fisher, 1980). Nevertheless, its ideas have been integrated into several contem- porary models of social work practice, largely without acknowledgment of their origins (Spano, 1982).
During the 1930s, the number of social workers in the United States tripled and the profession’s influence grew in both public and private sectors. Activist social workers exercised considerable influence in the following decade on US public opinion. They organized educational programs in factories and unions to “critically evaluate economic and social values from a national and interna- tional point of view” (Cohn, 1943, p. 6) and openly discussed the problems of women and African Americans. They supported Franklin Roosevelt’s Second Bill of Rights, issued in 1944, which concisely articulated social justice goals in the areas of employment, wages, education, health care, housing, civil rights, and civil liberties (Sunstein, 2004). Through professional conference papers and their unions, social workers proposed antidiscrimination measures, promoted racial and gender equality, and supported efforts to improve interracial relations at the community level. Organizations such as the Y WCA, which had been at the forefront of social justice advocacy within the social work profession since 1910, proposed antipoverty measures, the expansion of labor rights, and legislation that acknowledged the unique problems of women and people of color (Reisch & Andrews, 2002).
Although the expansion of US social welfare policies between the mid- 1930s and the mid- 1970s potentially provided the structure through which social workers could fulfill their social justice goals, for the most part these policies continued to reflect institutional racism and sexism (Hamilton & Hamilton, 1997; Patterson, 2001; Rose, 1994). There are several possible reasons why the creation of the American welfare state fell considerably short of the expectations of social workers who aspired to establish a more socially just society.
One reason is that post- World War II prosperity masked persistent social divisions, particularly those based on race. As the demographic composition of Northern, Midwestern, and Western cities changed, the media continued to por- tray minority groups in unfavorable, stereotypical ways (Gerstle, 2001; Massey & Denton, 1993; Sugrue, 1995). Second, the existence or perception of external enemies, such as Nazism or communism, produced a façade of national unity and thwarted efforts to spotlight domestic social injustices.
This emphasis on national unity rationalized attacks on social critics, par- ticularly those who promoted social justice goals. Advocates for civil rights, labor protections, disarmament, and fair housing, for example, were viewed as unpatriotic or subversive, as they had been during and after World War I (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). During the height of the “Red Scare” (~1940s to the early 1960s), many social workers lost their jobs in government and academia, were
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 79
blacklisted by major agencies and universities, and could not publish in well- established journals (Schrecker, 1998). This political repression led social workers to pursue greater professional status and refrain from advocacy for social justice causes (Specht & Courtenay, 1994).
New Views of Social Justice
The diverse social movements of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s stimulated renewed interest in social justice among US social workers, particularly around issues of civil rights, welfare rights, and the condition of women. In response to pressure from activists inside and outside the profession, NASW took a forceful posi- tion against “institutional racism” in the late 1960s (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). During the 1970s– 1990s, however, frequent conflicts erupted between radicals and reformers over the meaning of social justice and its application to practice. These debates “inspired new forms of scholarship, new models of social services, and new theoretical frameworks that considerably expanded and revised the meaning of social justice” (Reisch, 2007, p. 77). They also underscored the gap between the profession’s social justice rhetoric and its growing emphasis on ther- apeutic interventions with individuals.
The Working Statement on the Purpose of Social Work (NASW, 1981) reflected these tensions and philosophical ambiguities. It emphasized consensus rather than conflict- oriented approaches to social change, focused more on expand- ing equality of opportunity than producing more equitable outcomes, and demonstrated a preference for programs that stressed individual adaptation and enhancement rather than systemic or structural change. NASW continued to articulate this view of social justice through the 1990s. In 1997, it stated that social work’s goals were “individual well- being in a social context and the well- being of society” (NASW, 1998) while simultaneously revising the Code of Ethics (1998) to establish the pursuit of social justice as an ethical imperative. These statements implied that social justice can be achieved through a complementary (“win– win”) relationship between persons and their environment rather than through political and social struggle as social workers had advocated during the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the War on Poverty of the 1960s (Reisch & Jani, 2012). Recently, however, NASW has developed several broadly worded policy statements that address increasing socioeconomic inequality and the mul- tiple consequences of globalization, deindustrialization, and racial inequities (Kelly & Clark, 2009; Polack, 2004).
The persistent gap between the profession’s rhetoric about social justice and the realities of social injustice had several contradictory effects. It rationalized the development of new, identity- based social movements, inspired more inclusive
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
80 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
social services, and created a receptive climate for innovative ideas derived from critical theory and postmodernism. These ideas transformed the meaning of social justice and have influenced the direction of social work theory and practice to the present (Gray, Agglias, & Davies, 2014; Hill Collins, 2000; Johnson, 2001; Kim & Sherraden, 2014; Leonard, 1997; Nussbaum, 1999; Young, 1990, 2008, 2011; Swenson, 1998; Wakefield, 1988a, 1988b).
For example, advocates of postmodernism critiqued long- standing concep- tions of social justice in several fundamental ways. They challenged the presence of “meta- narratives,” whatever their ideological basis, because these excluded the voices of marginalized groups (Leonard, 1995). They proposed an expansion of modern visions of social justice to include groups traditionally omitted from justice- oriented debates, an examination of justice/ injustice in the sociocultural as well as the political– economic spheres of society, and a focus on societal pro- cesses as well as societal goals and outcomes (Witkin & Irving, 2014). Like fem- inists in the 1960s and 1970s, they defined social justice as both a process and an outcome and emphasized how dominant cultural institutions— including social service organizations— contributed to oppression and social exclusion and the unequal distribution of societal resources (Dominelli, 2010; Gibelman, 2000; Leonard, 1995; Mullaly, 2010). (See Part II.) By rejecting universal liberal ideals of social justice, however, postmodern critics increased the credibility of conserva- tive attacks on social welfare and its underlying social justice goals (Mead, 1992; Murray, 1984).
Recently, some postmodernists have taken these arguments further, ques- tioning whether social justice “exists” or even if it is possible or necessary to attain (Witkin & Irving, 2014). Rather than promoting, defending, or criticiz- ing a particular interpretation of social justice, they explore why certain views of social justice gain ascendance and how the concept of social justice functions in different societies. Witkin and Irving, for example, assert that modern ideas about justice reflect a particular framing of the world that has acquired the qual- ity of a universal truth. Similar to the arguments presented previously, they are particularly concerned with the widespread assumption of the linkage between social justice and human rights (discussed later). Instead, they attempt to shift the discourse to such questions as the following: What is a right? What does it mean to have a right? Who counts as human?
In addition, postmodernists posit that social justice goals will never be achieved until the current intellectual foundation of its liberal proponents, par- ticularly its attachment to universal principles, is subverted (Bauman, 2000, 2001, 2004; Lyotard, 1984, 1985, 1988, 1992; Rorty, 1989, 1991, 1998). In their view, all forms of justice are context- specific. Although he supported the need to estab- lish a “human rights culture,” Richard Rorty (1998), a leading postmodernist
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 81
philosopher, “reject[ed] the essentialist justifications for human rights and . . . the ahistorical conception of rationality on which contemporary ideas of social justice are based” (as quoted in Reisch, 2014b, p. 128). Ironically, his preference for linking social justice to group loyalty would produce a return to the group- exclusive principles that existed several millennia ago. (See Chapter 2.) In sum- mary, postmodern critics believe that today’s discourse on social justice and human rights could be improved if it was “freed from the straightjacket of mod- ernist rationality . . . [and if justice was] considered . . . as a plural, [as] ‘ justices’ ” (Rorty as quoted in Reisch, 2014b, p. 128).
Other contemporary critics of traditional ideas about social justice similarly argue that the concept has not been sufficiently inclusive in its design or bold in its application. Fook (2014), for example, discusses the relationship between the articulation of social justice concepts and the means by which they are imple- mented in theory and practice. Within the social work field, these create what she regards as a “central problem for social work: the struggle to balance its dual focus on social action and individual change” (as quoted in Reisch, 2014b, p. 127). Fook argues that “this struggle has recently been complicated by a shift from the politics of redistribution to the politics of recognition” (p. 127). This conflict is difficult to resolve for three reasons: (1) persistent ambiguities and conflicts over the meaning of social justice; (2) the ever- changing contexts in which prac- titioners attempt to apply the concept consistently and coherently; and (3) “the absence of an analytical practice framework that addresses both individual and social well- being” (p. 127).
Unlike earlier feminist writers, some contemporary feminist authors focus on “social justice feminism” that promotes structural changes in society to address such women’s issues as paid work, unpaid caregiving in the home, culture and identity, sexuality, domestic violence, and the provision of state welfare (Gray et al., 2014). One influential feminist theorist, Nancy Fraser (1989, 1997, 2000, 2008, 2009), emphasizes the importance of creating a political agenda of social justice to challenge what she terms “neoliberal reprivatization discourse.” Its advocates are committed to public policies that improve the lives of women through a bottom- up, action- oriented approach that focuses on unmasking and dismantling the sociopolitical structures and ideologies that perpetuate all forms of oppression and distributive injustice. It also reflects an empowerment perspective that goes beyond the removal of injustices by enhancing personal and public awareness of privilege and inequity and how they are multiplied by the presence of multiple forms of oppression. Through action research and critical analysis, social justice feminists in social work strive to create more democratic relationships with service users to empower ordinary citizens and “to interpret their needs democratically, via political deliberation and contestation” (Fraser, 2009, p. 102).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
82 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
The Politics of Social Justice
During the past several decades, dramatic shifts in the global economy and an unprecedented demographic and cultural transformation in the United States have challenged the assumption that economic, social, and cultural issues arise from distinct sources and can therefore, be addressed separately. As a result, the social justice goals underlying social work practice have come under increasing attack from all points on the political/ ideological spectrum, and the implemen- tation of these goals into practice has become more difficult.
Conservatives and neoliberals have challenged the principles of centralized state planning and regulation and the emphasis on collective or community- oriented goals. Both have attacked the existence of a so- called “dependency cul- ture” produced by a combination of liberal social welfare policies and social work benevolence. Conservatives, in particular, have criticized government- funded assistance on the grounds that it undermines freedom, personal choice, indi- vidual responsibility, and motivation (Mead, 1992; Murray, 1984). They prefer a minimalist state that interferes infrequently with the operations of the market. Although they are often critical of public programs, neoliberals acknowledge that government has a role to play in the nation’s social welfare system. They define this role, however, as “enabling” individuals to compete in the global mar- ket economy of the future (Gilbert, 1989; Reisch, 2013b).
At the same time, critics on the left have attacked contemporary social poli- cies on the grounds that they compel cultural assimilation, normalization, and social control— goals that primarily serve corporate interests and that preserve the dominance of elites (Blau, 2014; Margolin, 1997; Piven & Cloward, 1995). Proponents of multiculturalism have criticized social welfare provisions and the social workers who implement them for defining personal well- being primarily in universal terms as the “common good,” thereby ignoring the specific needs of gender, racial, ethnic, cultural, religious, and sexual minorities (Ewalt, Freeman, Kirk, & Poole, 1996; Hill Collins, 2000; Reisch, 2008a; Young, 1990, 2011).
Recent demographic and cultural changes have intensified these critiques. For example, the development of policies that expanded the rights of women and sexual minorities has sometimes conflicted with the cultural norms and values of new immigrant groups, African American religious congregations, and White evangelicals (Fellin, 2000). Since the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, the government’s response to the threat of terrorism has further complicated debates over the meaning of social justice (Greenwald, 2014).
From another angle, Caputo (2000) questions whether social justice can be achieved in a political– economic environment in which market forces are ascen- dant. He asserts that an emphasis on the caring function of social work can serve as the basis for more socially just social and political goals. However, this would
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 83
require a return to universal approaches to social welfare, within which the unique needs of persons and groups could then be accommodated.
One of the most influential contemporary critiques of liberal ideas about social justice is the “capabilities approach,” developed by the Nobel Prize econ- omist Amartya Sen (2009) and the political philosopher Martha Nussbaum (2011). Expanding on the principles developed by John Rawls in A Theory of Justice (1971/ 1999), they focus on the omissions and oversights in his arguments. Many social workers have embraced this perspective because of its compati- bility with the mission and goals of the profession (Kim & Sherraden, 2014; Morris, 2002).
Like postmodernists, Sen’s critique of Rawls’s distributional notion of “ jus- tice as fairness” focuses more on means rather than ends. He defines means as functionings that constitute “the various things that [a person] . . . manages to do or be in leading a life” and, in turn, that capability refers to “the alternative com- bination of functionings the person can achieve, and from which he or she can choose one collection” (Sen, 1992, p. 31). Thus, in Sen’s framework, social work practice should emphasize a person’s potential (capabilities) to make life choices rather than focusing solely on his or her current situation (Sen, 1999). In addi- tion, whereas the liberal approach to social justice emphasizes a negative idea of freedom, Sen’s capability approach emphasizes a “positive” concept of freedom— the freedom to do “what a person can choose to do or achieve [capabilities]” (Sen & Muellbauer, 1988, p. 272). This view of freedom and human agency is strikingly similar to the ideas expressed in Marx’s early work (1844/ 1964), although it lacks Marx’s critique of capitalism as a socioeconomic system.
Although she basically concurs with Sen and Rawls, Nussbaum (2003, 2011) argues that they both overlook the issue of unequal power relations. She asserts that vulnerable populations cannot achieve their capabilities without expanding their power at the cost of those who currently hold power and that unless a society guarantees these capabilities to all citizens, it cannot be con- sidered just. She includes the following in her list of essential capabilities: life; bodily health; bodily integrity; the ability to use one’s senses, intellect, and imagination; the ability to create and sustain emotional attachments; the abil- ity to form a conception of good and to engage in critical reflection about the planning of one’s life; the ability to live with others, to recognize and show concern for other human beings, to engage in various forms of social inter- action, and to be treated as a dignified being whose worth is equal to that of others; the ability to live with concern for and in relation to animals, plants, and the world of nature; the ability to laugh, play, and enjoy recreational activities; and the ability to control one’s political and economic environ- ment (Nussbaum, 2003, pp. 41– 42). Her ideas provide a framework that can help social workers identify whose rights and which capabilities should be
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
84 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
prioritized and how social policies and programs can be used to promote these goals. Morris (2002) argues that the capabilities approach combines social work ’s historic emphasis on human dignity and self- determination with the redistributive principles articulated by Rawls. She asserts that this approach to practice would produce interventions that would enable all people to achieve their full human potential.
As these diverse perspectives reflect, today’s complex environment obscures both the meaning and goals of social justice. New and persistent questions frame both philosophical and political debates. These include the following: Are the goals of social justice and multiculturalism compatible (Reisch, 2008a)? Through what means is justice to be achieved? How can we reconcile traditional ideas of social justice with the emerging interest in human rights? Are such rights indi- vidual or social? Can they all be legislated? Should they be (Reisch, 2013b)?
Social work scholars and practitioners continue to struggle with these diffi- cult questions. They have tried to apply the profession’s philosophical commit- ment to a variety of diverse issues, including peace and nuclear nonproliferation; opposition to US military intervention; support for marriage equality; defense of affirmative action; environmental justice; and concerns about structural racial inequalities, particularly in the areas of health, mental health, education, hous- ing, and employment (Brawley & Martinez- Brawley, 1999; Dominelli, 2012; Gibelman, 2000; Van Soest, 1994; Verschelden, 1993; Witkin, 1999). These diverse and frequently ambiguous interpretations of social justice, however, have created considerable confusion within all branches of the profession (Reisch, Ife, & Weil, 2012; Wakefield, 2014).
Some social workers equate the profession’s commitment to human rights with its commitment to social justice and question “whether social justice goals can be met without redistribution” (Beck & Eichler, 2000, p. 100). Others define social justice as the pursuit of social change that would specifically aid disadvan- taged and vulnerable groups, particularly people living in poverty (Witkin, 1998, 1999, 2000), or as a form of compensation for past injustices (Gal, 2001). NASW has recently embraced the concept of “racial equity” as a means of applying a structural analysis to the challenges posed by institutional racism (NASW, 2013).
Van Soest (1994) argues that all three different justice theories— libertarianism, utilitarianism, and egalitarianism— could be used as the basis for reordering national priorities. Others focus on the roots of injustice in institu- tional discrimination (Gibelman, 2000), growing social inequality, and whether social work’s dual goals of self- determination and social justice are mutually exclusive (Figueira- McDonough, 1993). Social workers who have adopted a com- munitarian perspective have proposed four possible definitions of social justice ranging from individual to community hegemony:
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 85
1. Social justice involves individual sacrifice to the common good. 2. Social justice requires an attempt to link individual rights with community
rights. 3. Social justice is defined as policies that will benefit all individuals that the
market cannot deliver. 4. “Social justice is sacrificing oneself to the common good” (McNutt,
1997, p. 50).
In summary, these diverse views— from pragmatic liberalism to neo- Marxism, postmodernism, and communitarianism— have further obscured the meaning of social justice and made its application to social work practice more challenging than ever. Currently, each of these approaches also lacks specificity and clarity, which limits their utility as guides for policy change. Although some social workers suggest that a human rights framework is a potential bridging concept (Reichert, 2011; Wronka, 2008), this approach has been criticized both in the United States and abroad because of its cultural biases and implications (Reisch, 2015c).
Human Rights and Social Justice
Although there had been periodic attempts for centuries to develop a “universal concept” of social justice in the West (e.g., medieval Christian doctrine; the work of 18th- century Enlightenment philosophers and political theorists in France, Great Britain, and the United States; the writings of German philosophers such as Kant and Hegel; and the numerous documents of revolutionary socialism and anarchism in the 19th and 20th centuries), until the mid- 20th century there was no systematic attempt to codify social justice in a global way. This first occurred in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948).
Since its adoption, many civil society organizations and social movements have used the United Nations’ Declaration as a framework to promote their social justice agendas, particularly in the West. For social workers, a human rights framework is appealing because it provides a “moral grounding for social work’s more complex interpretations of social justice, equality, and empower- ment” (Dewees & Roche, 2001, p. 137). Held (1984) and Gil (1998) maintain that the pursuit of social justice complements the pursuit of human rights because they are both products of social cooperation, trust, and mutuality. Consequently, during the past two decades, a number of social work scholars have proposed integrating a human rights framework into all areas of social work practice (Dominelli, 2007; George, 1999; Ife, 2001, 2007; Patterson, 2004; Reichert 2004, 2007, 2011; Wronka, 2008).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
86 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
2. In the introduction to her book on social work and human rights, Reichert cites the NASW 2003 policy statement on the subject: “Social work . . . is the only profession imbued with social justice as its fundamental value and concern. But social justice is a fairness doctrine that provides civil and political leeway in deciding what is just and unjust. Human rights, on the other hand, encompass social justice, but transcend civil and political customs, in consid- eration of the basic life- sustaining needs of all human beings, without distinction” (Reichert, 2007, p. 4).
However, the use of a human rights framework as the foundation for social justice efforts is not without problems. The concept of universal human rights has a complex and contested history.2 Much of the controversy regarding human rights is a product of its origins.
The 1948 Declaration was drafted in response to the horrors of World War II. It now contains three sets of rights. The first “generation of rights,” sometimes referred to as “negative rights” (Ife, 2007), includes civic and political freedoms similar to those in the US Constitution that guarantee the right to due process; freedom of speech and religion; freedom of movement and assembly; and the right to be free from slavery, discrimination, and torture. The second generation of rights, also called “positive rights,” emphasizes protections that ensure an ade- quate standard of living and the basic material amenities required to sustain one- self and one’s family. These include education, food, clothing, medical care, and social services. The third and newest generation of rights refers to the collective rights among nations that promote intergovernmental cooperation in the pur- suit of peace, economic and human development, and environmental protection. Two important underlying assumptions of a human rights frameworks are that the rights are universal (i.e., applicable to all people regardless of group member- ship) and indivisible or interdependent (i.e., all rights are equally important and certain rights are preconditions for the realization and enjoyment of others).
During the past half century, a serious schism— sometimes subtle, sometimes explicit— has emerged among both philosophers and activists, inside and outside social work, about the contradictions between social justice and human rights. Some proponents of social justice emphasize universal human rights, whereas others focus on the need for a redistribution of resources, power, privilege, status, and opportunities (Kallen, 2004; Kurasawa, 2007). The most common criticisms of the human rights framework relate to its Eurocentric bias (Ignatieff, 2001).
For example, the concept of social justice in many Islamic nations today reflects their colonial history, the cultural influence of Islam, and the long- term relationship of these societies to their European counterparts (Thompson, 2014). In many Asian societies, family and community are emphasized over individual rights, freedom, and democracy. Many Asians, therefore, regard human rights claims as an “alien, Western import not suited to local normative systems”
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 87
(Merry 2006, p. 38; see also Bauer & Bell, 1999). Akimoto (2014) questions whether Western concepts of social justice can be applied to a vastly different society such as Japan, even in an era of globalization. He argues that the Japanese people seldom refer to the concept of “ justice” directly. Instead, they base norms of distribution on principles of social obligation and solidarity in evaluating the practices of other societies and in promoting human well- being.
A second source of criticism comes from within the West. These arguments are rooted in a number of traditions, including Marxist critiques of the rights of man [sic], anthropological critiques of imperialism, and postmodern arguments related to the “universalizing pretentions of Enlightenment thought” (Ignatieff, 2001, p. 105). These critics assert that the promotion of human rights furthers the goals of Western imperialism and that its underlying liberal values have meaning only in a small number of Western nations. From this perspective, the promotion of universal human rights principles is merely another mechanism to maintain Western cultural domination.
In her analysis of the meaning of social justice for the indigenous peoples of North America, Weaver (2014) makes similar arguments. Although she asserts that the oppression and injustices experienced by indigenous peoples are beyond dispute, she notes that the means of applying indigenous concepts of social jus- tice to the goal of their liberation is somewhat ambiguous. She maintains that even well- intentioned “Band- Aid” efforts that merely seek to remediate contem- porary and historical injustices will never fully be sufficient to heal the damages caused by centuries of cultural domination, exploitation, and genocide.
A related problem with equating a human rights perspective to social justice is that it primarily emphasizes individual rights. Merry and Levitt (2008) argue that rather than promoting collective responsibility, dominant perspectives on human rights subtly promote a “neoliberal capitalist” worldview that places the onus on individuals, often members of subordinated groups, to pursue reme- dies rather than communities, society, or government. A final challenge to the linkage between human rights and social justice stems from the conceptual and practical problems related to their enforcement, which has generally relied on voluntary compliance by governments. Many social justice advocates have noted that this assumption is naive; governments, including the US government, often violate human rights with impunity.
Although disputes persist between proponents of social justice and human rights, Wronka (2014) maintains that these concepts are complementary and that they both could serve as the foundation of efforts to create a more socially just world. He asserts that the establishment of human rights based on five principles— human dignity; nondiscrimination; civil and political rights; eco- nomic, social, and economic rights; and solidarity rights— would help clarify some of the ambiguities within contemporary definitions of justice and adds an
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
88 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
ethical imperative to practical efforts to achieve social justice goals. He acknowl- edges, however, that these rights cannot be attained without ongoing struggle and serious discussions as to how they can be applied at the micro, mezzo, and macro levels of practice.
These critiques underscore how an uncritical adoption of a human rights framework may not advance the social justice mission of social work. Although the goals of human rights are consistent with social work’s aim to improve the conditions of society’s most vulnerable members, in contemporary practice it is difficult, if not impossible, to operationalize these principles in ways that do not reinforce and reproduce the dominant order. To respond effectively to 21st- cen- tury realities, a social justice orientation to social work practice would have to recognize how people’s needs for economic assistance and non- economic sup- ports (e.g., social services and information) are complementary. As postmod- ernists might argue, it would also challenge prevailing assumptions about the universal nature of human needs that frequently underlie current strategies to achieve more just societies. It might even question the fundamental assumption that a universal idea of social justice exists. It would pay closer attention to the effects of differential power and privilege. In summary, a social justice orienta- tion to social work would require the development of an alternative vision of society— a vision that takes into account the implications of global interdepen- dence and demographic and cultural diversity.
To forge this alternative vision, Ife (2007) proposes a model based on “human rights from below” that would preserve the profession’s long- standing commit- ment to end exploitation and inequality while avoiding the unquestioned impo- sition of hegemonic Western standards and goals. He suggests using existing human rights doctrine as a starting point that can then be deconstructed and critiqued because “universalism need not mean uniformity” (p. 94). This vision of justice would reflect specific contexts, local sources of knowledge, and tradi- tional cultural norms. Although the application of this vision to practice pres- ents numerous complex challenges, it may be more suitable as a guide to “doing justice” in the rapidly changing and complex economic and demographic envi- ronment of the future (Table 3.1).
The Past Is in the Present
Two major social justice traditions have influenced the evolution of social wel- fare and the profession of social work. The liberal tradition, based on the con- cept of a social contract, has emphasized the preservation of individual liberty, particularly private property rights, whereas the social democratic tradition has focused on the goal of social equality (Tomasi, 2001). For much of the 20th
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Table 3.1 Matrix of Human Rights
Social Rights Economic Rights
Civil/ Political Rights
Cultural Rights
Environmental Rights
Spiritual Rights
Survival Rights
Examples of rights in each category (not exhaustive)
Family life, privacy, leisure, education, choice of partner, housing, lifestyle, sexuality
Basic living standard, earn a living, work, social security, savings, choice of spending
Free speech, free assembly, vote, fair trial, stand for office, join unions, strike
Cultural expression, cultural practices, clothing, religious expression, intellectual property, land rights
Pollution free, poison free, wilderness, beauty, sustainability, access to land
Choice of religious expression, rituals, experience nature, personal fulfillment, sacred land/ objects
Life, food, water, shelter, clothing, health, safety
Source: Ife, J. (2010). Human rights from below. Reproduced with permission of Cambridge University Press.
R e isch
, M ., &
G a rvin
, C . D
. (2 0 1 6 ). S
o cia
l w o rk a
n d so
cia l ju
stice : C
o n ce
p ts, ch
a lle
n g e s, a
n d stra
te g ie
s. P ro
Q u e st E
b o o k C
e n tra
l <
a o
n click=
w in
d o w
.o p e n ('h
ttp ://e
b o o kce
n tra
l.p ro
q u e st.co
m ','_
b la
n k') h
re f=
'h ttp
://e b o o kce
n tra
l.p ro
q u e st.co
m ' ta
rg e t=
'_ b la
n k' style
= 'cu
rso r: p
o in
te r;'>
h ttp
://e b o o kce
n tra
l.p ro
q u e st.co
m <
/a >
C re
a te
d fro
m w
in d so
r o n
2 0 2 1 -0
8 -2
1 0
0 :5
9 :5
6 .
Copyright © 2016. Oxford University Press, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
90 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
century, a synthesis of these ideas produced a widely held consensus that a more equitable distribution of resources, political and social rights, and life’s oppor- tunities was a prerequisite of a socially just society. Based on the American value of self- reliance, this consensus also stressed the importance of an individual’s past, present, or potential contributions to society in assessing what that person “deserved” (Held, 1995; Miller, 2001; Nussbaum, 1999).
This reflects the close association of the concepts of social justice and indi- vidual freedom in the United States and much of the West (Reisch, 2014c). This perspective has shaped our national identity and individual self- concepts (Foner, 2002). It is important to note that in the United States, the concept of freedom has primarily focused on freedom from interference, particularly by the govern- ment, and the sanctity of private property. Nevertheless, the American interpre- tation of freedom has evolved considerably since the Declaration of Independence proclaimed that “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” were “inalienable rights” (Smith, 1997).
Prior to the Civil War, the concept of “freedom” in the United States coex- isted with the reality of chattel slavery. Well into the 20th century, it was compat- ible with legal racial segregation; ethnocentric immigration policies; restrictive housing covenants that discriminated against Jews; antisodomy laws directed against the LGBTQ population; and laws that reinforced second- class citizen- ship, stratified employment, lower wages, and lesser social status for women. The consequences of this restrictive view of freedom persist in the 21st century (Alexander, 2010).
Beginning in the early 20th century, many Americans expanded their ideas about freedom and came to regard economic security for ordinary people as one of its essential components. A variety of social movements dramatized the importance of broadening the American concept of freedom to include greater political equality and social equity for oppressed, marginalized, and excluded populations. Influenced by European and Latin American ideas, this new view of freedom reframed ideas about social justice and changed the focus of the social work profession.
Relatively recently, conservatives (Mead, 1986, 1997; Nozick, 1974) have attempted in four important ways to revise the ideological consensus about jus- tice that existed in the United States for most of the 20th century. First, they would assign rights solely to individuals and not to groups or classes of persons. This has significant implications for policies such as affirmative action (Sabbagh, 2011; Sterba, 2009). Second, they would limit these rights to the political sphere and exclude the redistribution of resources and social status. Third, they regard the protection of property rights as of equal or greater importance to the enhancement of socioeconomic rights (Hayek, 1976; Sunstein, 1997). Finally,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 91
they assert that social justice requires a balancing of rights with responsibilities or obligations (Gilbert, 1995; Mead, 1992; Schmidtz & Goodin 1998). The provi- sions of welfare reform legislation and the Affordable Care Act reflect these per- spectives (Gorin & Moniz, 2014; Piven, 2002; Schram, Soss, & Fording, 2014).
Consequently, during the past three decades, with some notable exceptions (LGBTQ rights and the rights of persons with disabilities), the United States has retreated from this enhanced view of freedom with substantial policy implica- tions. The dominant meaning of freedom once again centers on the elimination of restrictions on market activities, lower taxes, limited government, and a defini- tion of democracy and individual rights that has produced greater elite influence in the electoral and policymaking arenas. At the same time, for complex reasons, social workers have lost considerable influence in policymaking circles (Reisch & Jani, 2012).
This cultural and political transformation has produced significant negative consequences for the populations with whom social workers are engaged: more widespread, chronic, and intensive poverty; a widening gap between rich and poor (Piketty, 2014; Stiglitz, 2013); a shrinking middle class (Reich, 2012); and persistent racial and ethnic inequities in the areas of health, housing, employ- ment, education, child welfare, and criminal justice (Alexander, 2010; Braveman et al., 2011; Katiuzhinsky & Okech, 2014; Mays, Cochrane, & Barnes, 2007; Twill & Fisher, 2010). Our society not only has failed to respond adequately to these growing problems it has often failed to acknowledge the emergence of new issues, such as climate change, that have profound implications for “environ- mental justice” and the practice of social work (Dominelli, 2012; Klein, 2014; Shaw, 2013).
Thus, throughout US social work history there has been considerable tension between views of social justice that emphasize social inequalities and those that focus on individual rights. Several long- standing assumptions, whose validity has been challenged by recent events, have further complicated this debate, includ- ing the assumptions that Americans even share a common definition of social justice (Reisch, 2002, 2007, 2008a) and that religious and secular conceptions of social justice are complementary in principle and compatible in practice. Yet, as in ancient times, views of social justice continue to range from the universal to the group- specific (see Chapter 2). In our increasingly diverse and polarized society, Americans also do not agree on how to achieve social justice, however it is defined.
Several lessons can be derived from this dynamic history. First, concepts such as freedom and social justice are historically specific; they consciously serve specific social, economic, political, and cultural purposes. Second, people, par- ticularly through collective action, can reinterpret these concepts and promote
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
92 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
different ways of applying them to meet their ever- changing ideas about human needs and the ways in which these needs should be addressed. Third, many dif- ferent groups have contributed to the transformation of the meaning of social justice in the United States, influenced by their struggles to address their par- ticular needs and aspirations within a specific historical context. Fourth, these struggles influenced the social work profession to move beyond its initial eth- nocentric emphasis on assimilation and cultural homogenization to its current emphasis on the values of diversity, cultural competence, and cultural humility. (See Part II.) Social work organizations are now strong supporters of affirmative action, comparable worth legislation, reasonable accommodations for individu- als with disabilities, reproductive rights, marriage equality, and elimination of institutional racial inequities (Kelly & Clark, 2009).
Four distinct conflicts have influenced the evolving views of social justice within social work. One is the conflict between cultural and social homogeneity (celebrating our common needs) and heterogeneity (acknowledging and celebrat- ing our differences). The competing metaphors of America as a “melting pot,” a “mosaic,” or a “cultural salad” symbolize these differences. In the 21st century, the question persists whether the United States is one nation or, in Walt Whitman’s (1855) words, “a nation of nations.” A related conflict is between coerced assimila- tion (even if benign in intention and subtle in its motives)— for example, the use of policies, programs, and services to compel diverse groups to adopt dominant cultural norms, values, and behaviors— and the realities of what Massey and Denton (1993) refer to as “American apartheid”— the maintenance of structural barriers to economic opportunity and political participation (Alexander, 2010; Marable, Steinberg, & Middlemass, 2007).
A third conflict involves finding the preferred balance between individual and group identity and group rights. Through the mid- 1960s, social justice in the United States was largely equated with the application of “color- blind” merito- cratic principles— in the words of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech delivered in 1963, that individuals be judged “not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” During the past several decades, how- ever, the emergence of the concept of multiculturalism and the “identity poli- tics” that spawned it have been, in part, a reaction against both the persistent realities of social injustice and oppression and the ideal of a color- blind society itself. According to this perspective, the affirmation of individual worth and identity requires the recognition of the existence of systematic discrimination on the basis of group identity and not on an individual- by- individual basis (Hill Collins, 2000; Johnson, 2001; Young, 1990, 2011). In recent years, the resolu- tion of this issue has produced intense conflict along hardened partisan political, ideological, and racial lines.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 93
A fourth theme, with particular implications for the field of social work, focuses on the connection between “Americanization” and the equal application of justice (Foner, 2002). As recent controversies over immigration demonstrate, answering the question, “Who is an American?” is closely tied to the questions, “Who deserves help?” and “Who must provide it?” (Gordon, 2002). This requires clarifying the meaning of citizenship, particularly eligibility for the legal rights and social protections it provides, and determining the desirable balance between the attainment of universal ideals of life and liberty and the preservation of cul- tural distinctions as to the meaning of the “pursuit of happiness” (Katz, 2001).
Through their use of different strategies to define and achieve social justice, subordinate groups in US society have redefined the nation’s social justice goals. For example, they have applied a critical perspective to the concept of assimi- lation. More than a century ago, W. E. B. DuBois accurately forecast that “the problem of the 20th century [would be] the problem of the color line” (1901). Soon after, African American social work leaders, such as E. Franklin Frazier, George Edmund Haynes (1912), and Forrester Washington, drew attention to the deficiencies in mainstream social work’s idea of social justice. At the 1920 National Conference on Social Work, Roosevelt Wright (1920) declared, “The Negro wants a democracy, not a whiteocracy” (p. 286). He asserted that a socially just “melting pot” was impossible in the absence of mutual respect, the aboli- tion of oppressive laws and institutions, and the establishment of equal rights and responsibilities. The declarations of civil rights activists and social workers during the 1960s and 1970s echoed these sentiments (Young, 1965); recently, they have appeared in the writings of critical theorists inside and outside the social work profession (Fook, 2014).
However, for most of the 20th century, most social workers in the United States could not accept a view of social justice that embraced full social equality. Initially, part of this failure was due to their inability to distinguish between the problems of White European immigrants and those experienced by African Americans, indigenous persons, and immigrants of color from Latin America or Asia (Stern & Axinn, 2013). Certainly, racism and religious and class prejudice had a significant influence on the thinking of many social workers. However, in hindsight, the presence of these invidious distinctions provides only a partial explanation. A fundamental issue, still unresolved today, is whether the universal goals of social justice are compatible with a multicultural society that embraces diversity in all its forms (Reisch, 2013b).
Given this dilemma, what vision of social justice can social workers rely on to guide their work in the decades ahead? How can the profession forge a unified conception of social justice when different communities have fundamentally dif- ferent ideas of social justice— ideas that often contradict each other? We argue
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
94 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
that social workers must first overcome several outdated assumptions about the nature of social justice in a multicultural society.
First, we must recognize that the social divisions in US society no lon- ger occur strictly along a “majority– minority” axis. They are serious tensions between different “minority” groups as well. Second, we must acknowledge that increased social welfare provision alone, whether through government programs, market mechanisms, the private sector, the nonprofit sector, or some combina- tion thereof, will not be sufficient to eradicate long- standing inequities in the structure of US society (Bates & Swan, 2010; Stiglitz, 2013). As a consequence of globalization, national governments (to say nothing of state or local govern- ments) lack the scope, speed of action, and institutional capacity to respond to economic, demographic, and social problems emanating from forces outside their span of control. This new reality undermines the foundational belief of the 20th- century welfare state that national governments could regulate the effects of national economies. Finally, we must reluctantly accept that there is little evi- dence that increased demographic and cultural diversity alone will eliminate social conflicts over such contentious issues as abortion, faith- based social ser- vices, gay marriage, stem cell research, child welfare laws, school vouchers, health care, welfare reform, and immigration (Reisch & Jani, 2012).
Summary: Social Work, Social Justice, and the Future
How, then, do we move beyond rhetorical calls for social justice and develop principles we can apply to our practice? The following are ideas that we elaborate on in Part II.
Our policies, programs, and services should prioritize the needs of the most vulnerable populations in the allocation of material and nonmaterial resources, particularly in periods of economic contraction or fiscal scarcity. These popula- tions did not create the recent economic crisis, for example, but they have suf- fered disproportionally from its effects (Reich, 2012). Second, in our practice, we should emphasize the values of collective and mutual responsibility. This implies an embrace of our common humanity and common but not necessarily iden- tical needs, even if these needs vary somewhat due to cultural norms and life circumstances.
Third, our programs should prioritize prevention over remediation, not merely for its long- term consequences and cost efficiencies but also for the struc- tural, nonstigmatizing analysis of human needs it implies. Fourth, in order to receive help, people should not be required to adjust their problem definitions or preferences for assistance to models of intervention determined by others who
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 95
do not share their values, history, or current circumstances. Finally, we should promote genuine civic participation of all stakeholders within democratic insti- tutions and organizations. Unless people’s agency is recognized and they have a meaningful decision- making role, efforts to promote nominal participation will only heighten widespread cynicism, apathy, and withdrawal (Marable et al., 2007; Young, 2011).
These suggestions imply that the pursuit of social justice in the 21st century is a political process in whatever field of practice and around whatever issues social workers engage (Reisch & Jani, 2012). A social justice perspective would also challenge prevailing assumptions about power, privilege, and various forms of oppression in the theories that underlie our practice (see Chapter 4). Finally, as many social workers have long argued, it would integrate an alterna- tive model of social relationships into all social work interventions. These are discussed in Part II.
In addition, social work practice will not fully reflect social justice princi- ples until our society prioritizes the protection of human rights over property rights. This is the implicit imperative within our Code of Ethics. As Reynolds (1951) remarked prophetically more than 60 years ago, “The philosophy of social work cannot be separated from the prevailing philosophy of a nation, as to how it values people and what importance it sets upon their welfare” (p. 174).
During the formative years of the profession, social workers heeded the call for social justice based on a combination of religious and secular values and, to a certain extent, the recognition of elite responsibility to address the needs and aspirations of those below them in the social hierarchy. In this era, social workers largely saw the means to achieve social justice as assimilation and the re- creation of a harmonious “organic community” (Bender, 1975). The “second generation” of social workers— from the late 1920s through the early 1950s— changed this perspective considerably (Andrews, 1993). They regarded the expansion of gov- ernment provision and the social rights of citizenship as critical components of social justice and forged strategic alliances with unions, left- wing political parties, and, later, civil rights organizations to support universal social policies and government- sponsored labor protections. McCarthyism and the resultant emphasis on professional status enhancement instead of social change shifted social work’s focus away from policy advocacy to individual adjustment (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). The gap between social work’s rhetoric and practice this cre- ated has still not been bridged despite periodic revivals of social justice activism, such as the recent “Occupy” Black Lives Matter movements (Reisch, 2015b) and the social work response to racial inequalities in criminal justice.
Thus, the relationship between social work and social justice throughout its his- tory appears to be influenced by several themes. One is the tension between activ- ism and professionalism. The more social workers have sought occupational status,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
96 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
the more they have distanced themselves from their clients and constituents and widened the gap between the profession’s rhetoric and practice realities. Another theme reflects the focus of the profession’s policy advocacy. The articulation of social justice goals appears to be more consistent with practice realities when it focuses on universal rather than selective social policies. Finally, the “social justice gap” has narrowed when social workers expanded their concept of social justice to include excluded and marginalized populations, including immigrants (Reisch, 2009). The resolution of these conflicts may present the fundamental challenge fac- ing social workers in the decades ahead.
Despite its persistent ambiguities, the social work profession’s emphasis on social justice has inspired the development of innovative solutions to the nation’s problems, important insights on the sources of these problems, and new ways of defining fundamental practice concepts. It has produced a broad social defi- nition of health and recognition of the impact of the physical and social envi- ronment on the well- being of individuals, families, and communities (Gorin & Moniz, 2014; Reisch, 2012b). Inspired by social justice ideals, social workers have demonstrated how research can be used to illuminate the structural sources of people’s problems and have disseminated information about these problems widely to policymakers and the general public. Social workers have also contrib- uted to the expansion of the boundaries of citizenship in US society— from civil and political rights to social rights— and made it far more inclusive.
In the 21st century, social workers might include the following additional components in their social justice framework: a return to the structural analysis of US society and the root causes of its problems, with particular attention to the causes and consequences of inequality, oppression, marginalization, and exclu- sion; increased recognition of the significance of history, culture, and context in the development of people’s problems and ways to resolve them; an understand- ing of the interconnectedness between individual problems and their structural sources and between domestic and international issues; integration of a critical perspective on the impact of race, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and abil- ity status on people’s lives; an enhanced focus on the impact of the distribution of power, resources, rights, status, privilege, and opportunities in US society and their ideological justifications; a view of society and social change that empha- sizes the basic humanity and equality of all people; and a goal of not simply ame- liorating people’s problems but of transforming society through the creation of alternative values, institutions, laws, and processes (Reisch, 2013b).
At its best, social work stands for the creation of a society in which people, individually and in community, can live decent lives and realize their full human potential. This requires us to advocate for the elimination of those policies that diminish people’s sense of control over their lives and drain finite resources from
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
3. Social Justice and the Social Work Profession 97
basic human needs. Simultaneously, we need to work for the expansion of those programs that enable people to exercise personal freedom by removing the fear of economic and physical calamity from their lives and making them feel like integral and valued parts of society. These goals reflect a potential synthesis of the historic divisions between individual and collective well- being at the heart of debates over social justice and may provide the basis for its attainment in an increasingly diverse and conflict- ridden society.
The remainder of the book focuses on how contemporary social workers can apply social justice concepts to all forms of practice in an increasingly diverse society.
Discussion Questions
1. How does social work’s emphasis on social justice differ from its original focus on charity? Why did it emerge?
2. What are the implications of the NASW Code of Ethics establishing social justice as one of the “ethical imperatives” for social workers?
3. How has the definition of social justice evolved within the social work profes- sion? What factors influenced this evolution?
4. In what ways are social justice and human rights perspectives compatible? In what ways are they in conflict? What are the practice implications of applying a human rights perspective?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4
Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice
Introduction
In this chapter, we introduce a framework for socially just practice that we expand upon in Part II of the book. Building on Chapters 1– 3, this chapter begins with a discussion of how we view the variety of people and systems with which social workers are likely to interact in their practice. We then discuss our ideas about so- called generalist practice that reflect a somewhat different conception of such practice, particularly in terms of how social workers should understand their roles in the many situations they encounter. We then present our under- lying assumptions regarding socially just practice, the principles derived from these assumptions, and the processes that emanate from these principles and assumptions. Through critical reflection, these processes may be revisited, often at a deeper and more complex manner. Finally, we outline the circular or cyclical (rather than linear) phases of socially just practice, which we believe unfolds in a reiterative manner as the practice situation evolves.
Practice Defined
To emphasize what we previously stated in Chapter 1, we present here our defi- nition of practice based on concepts of social justice. Finn and Jacobson (2008) begin their discussion of “ just practice” by considering what practice princi- ples would emerge through the infusion of critical social and cultural theory. They state,
The term “practice” in contemporary social theory does not have the same meaning as practice in the traditional social work sense of a series
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 99
of planned interventions. Rather practice refers more broadly to social action carried out in the context of unequal power relations. Also a post- modern and critical social work practice is primarily concerned with prac- ticing in ways which further a society without domination, exploitation, and oppression. It should focus on how structures dominate and also on how people construct and are constructed by changing social structures and relations. (p. 8)
We agree with Finn and Jacobson and have sought to develop and expand upon these ideas in the chapters that follow.
Evidence- Based Practice
During the past two decades, following the lead of medicine, the social work pro- fession has embraced the concept of “evidence- based practice” (EBP). A major goal of EBP is to apply evidence obtained about the outcomes of practice to future decisions about actions the worker intends to take (Wodarski & Feit, 2009). We agree that social work practice— in all its forms— should be based on evidence of its efficacy in achieving established goals and objectives. This includes gathering evidence about previous applications of a practice approach with service users in similar circumstances. However, there are a number of issues about the application of EBP that a socially just practitioner should consider including the following:
• To what extent have relevant stakeholders, especially service users, participated in the processes of defining evidence, determining how it would be obtained, examining the evidence collected, and assessing its implications?
• How were social justice issues considered in the practice that is being examined?
• Was the evidence obtained by utilizing research approaches that embody the criteria for socially just research? (See Chapter 10.)
• Were the views of the service users adequately represented throughout the research process? Were they representative of the total population of service users in terms of their race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and social class?
People and Systems Considered in Practice
We find it helpful to use some of the concepts developed four decades ago by Pincus and Minahan (1973) to discuss the various people and systems that are
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
100 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D AT I O N S
the foci of attention of practitioners and service users. They considered four sys- tems: the action system— those individuals with whom the practitioner interacts; the target system— those entities that the practitioner and service users seek to change; the client system— those who have contracted for the services of the prac- titioner (voluntarily or involuntarily); and the agency system— the organizational location within which these interactions take place. To achieve the type of aware- ness that we assert provides the foundation of socially just practice, social work- ers must carefully assess the nature of these systems and the social justice issues present in each of them.
Thus, understanding the role of the social context in shaping both desired practice goals and the means used to achieve them is a central consideration of socially just practice. However, from a socially just perspective, we do not view the social context merely as an entity to be entered into a “practice equation.” It is often the source of people’s oppression, which places barriers to their attainment of life goals. In addition, environmental systems and structures frequently base this oppression on people’s demographic or cultural characteristics such as their race, gender, and sexual orientation. Consequently, issues such as family violence or mental health conditions can be exacerbated or abated (or both) by agency and community conditions, as we discuss later.
Another important component of the social context involves the unequal distribution of power to maintain oppressive structures and their underlying val- ues. In both explicit and subtle ways, this use of power has significant effects on any change effort and on the ability of those individuals or groups who seek to implement change, particularly if they are in a position of power disadvantage (Foucault, 1975/ 1995). Finally, the unequal distribution of power serves a larger political– economic function: It perpetuates the dominance of particular groups, whether in the market economy, the government, or the organizations that affect people’s daily lives (Garvin & Tropman, 1998).
Becoming a socially just practitioner, therefore, involves more than the acqui- sition of sophisticated knowledge and skills. Practitioners must also understand the nature and extent of unjust social conditions and help those with whom they work to overcome the forces that act as barriers to their attainment of their life’s goals. In summary, socially just practice is not simply effective social work practice. Social justice practice refers more broadly to social action in the context of unequal power relations.
This form of practice also involves helping those who use social work services develop their own vision of a more just society and work toward it. We do not believe it is feasible or realistic for one practitioner or even one agency or orga- nization to engage with all the people, groups, organizations, and communities in such a way as to make this possible. Rather, we envision a practitioner who struggles to understand these many entities and to determine, in collaboration
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 101
with service users or constituents, with which issues and entities to engage, given the purposes of the encounter, the resources available, and the political and fis- cal realities of the situation. This may require service users and practitioners to take financial, legal, or employment risks, and these should be carefully consid- ered prior to taking action. Through careful assessment, it is possible to antici- pate some risks and develop a plan to mitigate them or respond to them should they arise.
An example of the need to assess potential risks carefully in advance is an action taken some years ago in which a group of social work students and moth- ers “sat in” a welfare office after closing hours. They were demonstrating in favor of providing special clothing allowances for children as they returned to school in the fall. The police arrested everyone. Although the social work students were proud of their stamina, no one had planned how the children of these moth- ers would be cared for during their detention— a problem that could have been foreseen. Later, one mother confided that she “would never trust a social work student again”— such a poor outcome for this presumably noble endeavor.
Our Approach to Practice
In summary, we believe that practice that concerns itself with the struggles of people to deal with the issues they face in their day- to- day lives must seriously incorporate attention to their broader social concerns. This is true whether these issues arise from their interpersonal relationships, including those in the families and the groups to which they belong; in the ways people attempt to use groups to effect changes in their communities and organizations; or in the manner com- munities and organizations strive to revise, create, and implement policies in the larger society. Thus, we assert that work at any level of the social order (individ- ual, dyadic, family, group, organization, community, and larger society) must be informed by what is transpiring at other levels, especially as these developments relate to issues of justice and injustice.
Our Perspective on Generalist Practice
Our perspective on social work practice differs somewhat from what has been termed the generalist model of practice in which every practitioner is presumed to have the competence to engage many levels of the social system and to possess the legitimacy to do so (Miley, O’Melia, & DuBois, 2009). We believe there are limits to each practitioner’s training, experience, and resources. Nevertheless, a social justice perspective should help a practitioner make every action— however small— reflect the social justice processes and outcomes we envision while he or
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
102 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
she looks for opportunities to create coalitions and collaborations toward larger goals. In addition, the practitioner should continually analyze the unjust con- textual forces that exist in the situation. In Part II, we seek to help the reader recognize the many levels of the social order that affect either the application of socially just processes or the attainment of socially just outcomes, even if the focus of practice may be on a limited set of levels.
Assumptions and Principles of Socially Just Practice
We have developed a set of assumptions and principles about socially just practice that we elaborate on in later chapters as they are applied to different practice levels (e.g., individual, group, and organizational). In the process of developing these assumptions and principles, we were concerned that this effort might be viewed by practitioners as a way of asserting our professional superiority over service users and other practitioners who may profess different principles. This is not our intent. We wish, therefore, to remind the reader to bear this in mind and to struggle against such a misuse of such “lists.”
We are also concerned that any assumption or principles we include might contribute to dichotomous thinking, which Fook (2002) defines as “creating forced categories of choices, often opposed to each other, in which one member of the pair is usually privileged” (pp. 72– 73). If this kind of thinking has crept in as we develop this set of ideas, we have sought to recognize this and to modify our views accordingly.
Assumptions
As stated in Chapter 1, we contend that all types of socially just practice at all lev- els are based on a similar set of assumptions. In this chapter and those in Part II, we comment on and give further examples of how these may be operationalized. These assumptions include the following:
1. Social justice is central to practice, not an add- on. We believe that social justice should be the core of social work practice. This does not mean that the prac- titioner forces the users of service to adopt goals that express social justice. Rather, we believe that ethical practice involves helping service users under- stand the ways that social justice- related forces impede, enhance, or redirect their goals and means of pursuing them. This relates to Schwartz’s (1961) idea of the social worker as “lending a vision” with respect to the nature of a pro- ductive life in a just society. There are many skills, however, that we explore
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 103
in Part II as to how and when these ideas may be introduced in supportive, respectful, and empowering ways.
2. Social justice practice is an “ongoing journey.” By this, we mean several things. One’s vision of social justice expands with experience— that is, both work- ers and service users will develop a deepened understanding of social justice issues as they attempt to seek change in themselves and their circumstances. Injustice does not cease, however, when these original goals are attained; new forms of injustice are likely to arise as circumstances change. As steps are taken to attain change, resistance to change is likely to emerge within service users, practitioners, and the environment. Because conflicts and contestations often arise in the course of change efforts, service users and practitioners must and can learn to respond effectively to them.
3. Socially just practice must attend to both goals and processes. Practitioners and those with whom we work not only need to develop a vision of what social jus- tice could look like (in a particular situation and more generally) and take stra- tegic steps to achieve that vision but also must seek to remove long- standing sources of injustice, whether these are structural or in the nature of practice itself. Socially just processes and outcomes are thus inextricably linked (Gil, 1998). This requires us in our day- to- day work to employ those processes that challenge and reduce the mechanisms that sustain injustice and to revisit our goals regularly because our visions of what is possible expand through our experience.
4. Positionalities and standpoints matter. We all occupy multiple roles and social locations, sometimes called positionalities. The values and cognitions we have of these roles and locations are what we refer to as standpoints. Our sense of self and our identities emerge from some of these positions, but all are important in social justice work. Some of these positions bring us unearned privilege that can block our ability to see injustices. Some make us more likely to experience injustice. These positions intersect, and their salience changes in different contexts. Therefore, the practitioner should assess her or his own positionalities and standpoints with respect to multiple dimensions, including those such as nationality/ citizenship that define “insider/ outsider statuses,” and should take these into account in all practitioner– service user interactions.
In addition, workers and collaborators, including service participants, should continuously reflect on the complex ways their positions and stand- points contribute to their privilege (e.g., unearned benefits and opportu- nities) as well as to their oppression. In this regard, the practitioner should continually examine her or his own assumptions and perspectives in order to understand alternative worldviews.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
104 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D AT I O N S
Because our multiple social locations interact, they often generate different worldviews, perspectives, unearned privileges (in different circumstances), and increased challenges. It is therefore important to consider one’s multiple standpoints and to negotiate regularly with others across and within group boundaries. The practitioner should use skills to strengthen and maintain her or his own social support and self- care processes and look for joy and meaning in her or his practice. Working for social justice is a marathon, not a sprint.
5. Context matters and is critical. Terms that are used to refer to these contexts include the political, social, cultural, structural, organizational, community, family, and group circumstances surrounding practice. These contexts may serve either to enhance or to constrain the attainment of social justice goals. Ironically, both enhancing and constraining forces may be present in the same situation and operate in complex ways. We began this discussion of con- texts in previous chapters, especially Chapter 1.
6. Power is always relevant to practice, and power analyses must be recurrent. Power is associated with structure, culture, and both interpersonal and intra- personal processes. In Chapters 7 and 8, we discuss our concept of power and its importance to socially just practice and the ways in which power has been used to perpetuate social injustice.
7. Socially just practice requires visioning how the achievement of the purposes of a specific service can make a contribution to a more just world. Although in this book we portray many ideas of what a more socially just world would be, we do not have a single “one size fits all” vision; we believe that practitioners and all the participants in creating and implementing a service will already pos- sess or be able to develop their own visions as part of the change process.
8. Collectivism is a central feature of socially just practice. Mullaly (2007) asserts that this concept— sometimes referred to as mutuality or interdependence— involves recognition “that people are social beings who depend on one another for the satisfaction of most of their primary and social needs” (p. 310). Because of this relationship, groups are a major resource for service users in their efforts to accomplish their immediate purposes and attain their longer term goals. An important related concept in this regard is that of mutual aid. There are important differences, however, in the ways in which people in different cultures view the individual’s relationship to various groups and collectivities; this has major implications for how and when practitioners and service users seek to work through groups to attain socially just goals. (See Chapter 6 for further discussion.)
9. Problem conception is a critical component of socially just practice. Socially just practitioners recognize that the problems (or issues) that the practice situation
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 105
seeks to address are the result of a complex array of forces. Among the most significant of these forces are the structural circumstances surrounding the practice situation. Important questions to be explored in the identification of such forces include the following: Who benefits from the way the problem is currently defined? Who gains or loses if the problem is reduced or elimi- nated or if it is redefined? This analysis will be enhanced if we recognize that personal problems are reflections of structural conditions that, in turn, are reflected in people individually and collectively.
10. The interests of service users are the primary consideration of practitioners and not their professional interests or those of the service agency and other envi- ronmental entities.
Principles
We utilize Lewis’s (1982) definition of a practice principle as one that “combines a propositional statement (based on knowledge and theory) and a commenda- tion providing guidelines for appropriate action (which are derived from ethical imperatives). Principles structure programs and justify [emphasis added] a prac- tice” (p. 43). Practice principles should also be derived from knowledge, whether based on empirical evidence, experience, or the collective wisdom of experienced individuals. This is a somewhat broader conception of the knowledge underlying social work practice than expressed by proponents of EBP. The following are the major features we believe underlie socially just practice.
Analyzing, Theorizing, and Contextualizing
The practitioner should engage in multiple kinds of theorizing and analyses alone and with others, throughout all phases of practice. This will increase the action alternatives available. The worker should include components of envisioning jus- tice in the concepts and theories utilized; this will also help develop multiple, alternative approaches to achieving socially just outcomes.
Key Social Justice Goals and Issues
In assessing practice situations, the worker should consider various social levels because this will produce increased attention to complex social, political, his- torical, and cultural contexts that affect people’s lives. The worker should con- sider interconnections that exist across and within social levels; this will help the practitioner produce desired outcomes by using one level to change another. For example, by helping an individual to change, the worker may increase the likeli- hood that the individual will work for changes in his or her group, organization, or community.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
106 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
CONTEXT
PEOPLE* YOU
WORK WITH
YOU
Reflect/ Analyze
Theorize
* People/organization/community you work with
F igu r e 4 .1 Critical Analyses
Using Multiple Frames for Analyzing and Theorizing
The worker will apply different analytical frames to help service users broaden their understanding of their current circumstances, revise their goals, and rec- ognize the sources of oppression and privilege that either support or challenge the attainment of these aims. In so doing, the worker should examine the dif- ferent dimensions of power that operate in these domains and how they interact in order to challenge them if they present barriers to the achievement of practice goals. In addition, the worker should identify potential sources of resistance to change and what sustains this resistance in each domain so that these may be ameliorated. Figure 4.1 reflects the importance of applying critical analyses in practice. It illustrates two key components of this aspect of socially just prac- tice: (1) The processes of theorizing, reflection, and analysis are dynamic, itera- tive (ongoing), and interconnected; and (2) these processes continually examine the relationship among service users/ constituents, practitioners, and the context (organization, community, and society) in which practice occurs.
Contextual Analysis at the Services Level
The worker should examine how issues (and problems) are defined, conceptual- ized, and framed by external bodies and the service organization and determine whether the definitions used advantage or disadvantage service users and are sources of oppression or empowerment. In some circumstances, the worker and service users will use this information to identify barriers to social justice; deter- mine how various explicit or subtle aspects of social injustice oppress practitioners
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 107
and service users, hinder their attainment of goals, and affect the quality of their interactions with each other; and formulate an action plan to overcome them.
The Worker: Reflection/ Praxis
As initially presented in Chapter 1, socially just practitioners should engage in praxis. This term signifies the “circular reflexive process” in which people reflect upon their actions in the light of their ideas and theories, reflect upon their ideas and theories in the light of their actions and the consequences of their actions, and subsequently create future actions and new or revised ideas (Freire, 1970).
The Practitioner: Use of Both Reflection and Reflexivity
Reflection refers to an ongoing review and critique of one’s actions, interactions, processes, progress, and social contexts to learn and deepen one’s understanding and sense of options. It is a precondition for praxis. Reflexivity requires us to view ourselves in relation to our practice, along with all our social roles and related identities, historical contexts, and assumptions. (See the previous discussion on positionalities and standpoints.) This involves a consideration of “who we are” and how our self- concept influences the situation and our understanding of it. Practitioners should engage in these processes regularly, as Figure 4.2 indicates. This figure adds the external dimension of action to the more internal processes of reflection, analysis, and theorizing illustrated in Figure 4.1.
CONTEXT
PEOPLE* YOU WORK WITH
YOU
Theorize
A
C
T
Reflect/ Analyze
* People/organization/community with whom you work
F igu r e 4 .2 Praxis and Critical Consciousness
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
108 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Selection of a General Approach to Change (Intervention)
The intervention methods utilized by the practitioner should be determined by what will best achieve the social justice and personal goals of the service users rather than by the practitioner’s preferences and experiences. This requires those who will be affected by planned interventions to participate in assessing the issue or problem, determining desired outcomes and goals, selecting change strate- gies, and identifying acceptable risks and consequences. This selection should be informed by an assessment of all available options and an analysis of the underly- ing assumptions of the approach to be used.
Developing Plans and Strategies
Those likely to be affected by work for change should, therefore, have input into planning and strategy development at all phases of the change process— not merely during the assessment and evaluation phases. Multiple frames and differ- ent types of knowledge should inform planning. Plans should incorporate social justice goals, clear action steps, and ways to ensure that the information gather- ing and implementation procedures utilize socially just processes.
Action Components and Steps
Practitioners should monitor the steps being taken toward established goals, and they should identify and address the unintended, negative, or unjust conse- quences of actions that emerge. Practitioners should regularly review how peo- ple are working together, how progress and problems are being framed, and how different manifestations of power occur. Practitioners should also examine, in cooperation with service users, constituents, or colleagues, how social locations are influencing perceptions and interactions at each phase of the intervention.
Working with Others
All social work practice, including research and program evaluation, involves work with others. These individuals and groups may be the targets of our actions, allies and collaborators (sometimes with different goals and approaches), or clients or constituents. The people with whom we work will share some of our social locations and values and differ on others. This means that practitioners should be conscious of these differences and their effects on practice and the achievement of social justice goals. Social justice practitioners must also accommodate to or build on the goals and approaches of many differ- ent service users and consider the power issues involved. To be effective in this regard, practitioners should challenge dichotomous ways of thinking because these often lead to unjust constructions of power and questionable definitions of who are our allies and enemies.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 109
Addressing the Consequences of Oppression
When some form of help is needed (e.g., counseling) to deal with the intrapersonal and community effects of injustice, practitioners should reframe symptoms and struggles to recognize different types of coping and resilience. Practitioners should acknowledge and negotiate power differences between those seeking and those pro- viding assistance, and the should recognize the knowledge, information, skills, and power that each brings to the transaction (Hasenfeld, 1987). Practitioners should also examine how other actors in the practice situation have incorporated informa- tion and whether their social positions have distorted their understanding of this information and their self- perceptions. Although everyone inevitably has somewhat different perceptions (and constructions) of reality, it is important to engage in dia- logue in order for each party to obtain a picture of how others “see” the world.
Using and Challenging Power and Conflict
Practitioners should rename or interrogate the meaning of words and symbols used in the practice situation especially in relation to how these words and sym- bols define justice, injustice, and differences, as well as how they reflect subtle or hidden power dynamics. Practitioners should incorporate in their practice regular and continuous mechanisms for examining how power and conflict are being negotiated as well as the sources of domination and subordination in their practice (e.g., sexism, racism, ageism, and homophobia). Practitioners should also seek to help members of all constituencies challenge the negative consequences of unearned power and to develop and use the power they have earned toward social justice goals. Because all transformation will inevitably uncover or even intensify conflict, situations that generate conflict should be regarded as oppor- tunities to learn about differences and justice and to work for change. Thus, practitioners should cultivate skills in identifying, valuing, and working with conflict. Constituencies should regularly leave time to recover and learn from conflict. They are likely to learn about power and sources of injustice by engaging in dialogue in conflict situations; determining how to act in the face of conflict; and learning how to resolve conflicts in ways that are peaceful, just, and that reduce or eliminate unequal uses of power. All constituencies should scrutinize the types of power involved in situations, the constructions of power that are at play, and the ways the actors in these situations maintain imbalances of power and seek to rectify them. (This issue is discussed in more detail in Part II.)
Monitoring, Evaluating, Learning, and Reducing Unintended Unjust Consequences
Practitioners should regularly work with others, including users of service, to determine whether social justice goals were identified initially and developed
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
110 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
1. A full discussion of research and evaluation issues is included in Chapter 10.
further over time and the extent to which progress has been made to their attain- ment. Practitioners and service users should also examine whether socially just methods and processes were employed throughout the change process. In addi- tion, practitioners should determine whether multiple constituencies were able to develop and use their own sources of power to help them attain their goals. Finally in this regard, practitioners should ascertain whether conflicts were resolved in socially just ways and with appropriate regard for the rights and needs of relevant and multiple constituencies and attention to relevant conditions such as structures, language, and symbols.1
Practice Processes and Procedures
In the chapters in Part II in which we discuss socially just practice, we suggest processes and procedures related to the assumptions and principles outlined pre- viously. This discussion should enable the reader to accomplish several things. First, by seeing how these processes and procedures occur at each level, the reader will gain a better understanding of them. For example, one procedure that is dis- cussed at each level is how to enable people to resolve conflicts in socially just ways while working toward socially just ends. Conflicts are described when they occur between individuals in one- on- one encounters with practitioners; in family sit- uations; in groups, organizations, and communities; and in large entities such as cities and entire societies. Conflicts are certainly evident today as we consider both national and global events.
Second, there are similarities in how social justice- oriented practitioners approach conflict, but there are also differences as such practitioners encounter new circumstances and complexities related to the societal levels with which they are engaged. Recognizing that the issues of conflict and conflict resolution are likely to occur at all levels will enable the social justice- oriented practitioner to have a deeper understanding of what issues to address when working at any level. The following is a general description of the processes and procedures that occur at all levels of practice.
Definition of Purpose
At each level of practice, the practitioner considers the potential purpose(s) of the work in order to select one or more “professional” purposes. The important issue in socially just practice involves determining how this purpose relates to achiev- ing a socially just outcome or reducing a socially unjust situation. Of course,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 111
there may be professionally appropriate purposes that do not immediately relate to social justice or injustice. It behooves a social justice- oriented worker, however, to consider the relevance of social justice to this purpose.
It is our contention that as practitioners develop a deeper understanding of social justice, they will be more likely to perceive the relevance of social justice in many, if not most, practice situations. This can be the result of consciousness- raising on the part of the practitioner and other actors involved in the situation; we discuss this in more detail later. For example, an agency that employs the social worker may desire to develop new services but may not have considered achieving social justice for the populations it purports to serve as one of its pri- orities in the allocation of organizational resources. It may only have considered such issues as the size of demand, popularity with funders, and the organization’s previous experience with meeting this need. The social justice issue may involve some aspect of oppression endured by the target population, such as a lack of access to vital services due to societal prejudice.
Starting a practice intervention with at least an initial determination of its purpose helps determine the choice of the action system and addresses two ques- tions: Which action system will be most effective in accomplishing the purpose? Which should be the focus of a change strategy the worker and service user are likely to employ? We discuss these two issues separately.
The issue of effectiveness has to do with which action system has the power, resources, and legitimacy to accomplish the determined purpose. Although this is discussed in more detail in the chapters that follow, a few examples here should help the reader to follow this discussion in the succeeding chapters. For example, a worker might be working with a woman who experiences spousal abuse. In this case, the worker might involve such action systems as the police (an organization) and a program that works with male batterers (another organization)— after appropriate agreement of the woman involved. Not involving these action sys- tems might limit the ability of the woman to secure both immediate and future physical safety.
Another illustration of the issue of effectiveness involves the efforts of a worker to support a tenants group that sought to obtain the help of a lawyer (an individual action system) in presenting its demands regarding building safety to a landlord (an individual target system). In order to be effective with the landlord, the tenants group required the technical assistance of an attorney who knew the legal recourses on which it could rely.
In both of these examples, the choice of action systems is determined by strategic considerations. An important issue, of course, is the likelihood that the action system will be effective in securing the changes desired. In the case of the abusive partner, the worker and the woman who is the victim of domestic violence might need to learn the past policies and practices of the police before
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
112 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
approaching them. If the police have failed in the past to do what is required by law, a media campaign might need to be initiated or a public official might need to be approached to change their behavioral pattern. This would involve other action systems as part of an overall strategy.
In the case of the tenants, the worker might decide to help them understand how similar actions have been resolved in their community. This might involve consulting with various civil rights organizations in the community as other action systems. These two issues of effectiveness and strategy are referred to in the following chapters in relation to each of the systems and processes described.
Responding to Value and Ethical Issues
According to Reamer (2013), values are “generalized, emotionally charged con- ceptions of what is desirable; historically created and derived from experience; shared by a population or group within it; and they provide the means for orga- nizing and structuring patterns of behavior” (p.14). “Ethics,” which are guide- lines for action derived from values, ensure that individuals behave in ways that are consistent with their values to achieve desirable ends. All of the prac- tices described in Part II are related implicitly or explicitly to values and ethics. Whereas we seek to present a general discussion of values and ethics in relation- ship to social work practice in this chapter, each succeeding chapter will expand on this discussion with reference to the social justice issues being addressed in that chapter and the specific ethical and value issues that arise.
The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) in the United States, the International Federation of Social Workers, and social work organizations in other nations have each adopted codes of ethics. These are regularly revised based on changing ideologies and circumstances, the emergence of new issues or per- spectives, and evolving insights into the nature of values and ethics in the social work field. Finn and Jacobson (2008) make the important point that valuing is a dialectical process. By this, they mean that whereas our actions are shaped by our values, our critical reflections on our actions and their results can and should lead to modifications in the ethics and values that have driven these actions.
In the 2008 revision of the NASW Code of Ethics, social justice was defined as one of the profession’s six ethical imperatives. The Code further states (NASW, 2008, as quoted in Reamer, 2013),
Social workers should promote the general welfare of society, from local to global levels, and the development of people, their communities, and their environments. Social workers should advocate for living conditions conducive to the fulfillment of basic human needs and should promote
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 113
social, economic, political, and cultural values and institutions that are compatible with the realization of social justice. Social workers should promote the conditions that encourage respect for cultural and social diversity within the United States and globally. Social workers should promote policies and practices that demonstrate respect for difference, support the expansion of cultural knowledge and resources, advocate for programs and institutions that demonstrate cultural competence, and promote policies that safeguard the rights of and confirm equity and social justice for all people.
Social workers should act to prevent and eliminate domination of, exploitation of, and discrimination against any person, group, or class on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, color, sex, sexual orientation, age, mar- ital status, political belief, religion, or mental or physical disability. (p. 240)
These ethical and value considerations underlie all practice. Thus, all practi- tioners, and especially those operating from a social justice foundation, should be clear on how these values contribute to the consciousness required to engage in socially just practice.
Analyzing both Macro and Micro Conditions
All entities with which social workers interact are embedded in, interact with, or have embedded within them other systems. These various systems affect how socially just processes and outcomes can or do occur and how practitioners and other people work toward these outcomes.
Practitioners should know how to assess these influences and outcomes, at least in broad terms, even if their competence, job position, or strategy for change do not permit an active role with some of these systems. These kinds of issues are considered in more detail in Part II. Suffice it to say here that social work edu- cation and practice have created divisions between so- called “macro,” “mezzo,” and “micro” practice. These are reflected in students’ choice of concentration, the ways schools’ curricula are divided, and the ways courses are devised and grouped.
Although many faculty members present various arguments regarding the “unity” of the social work field, they are constrained by the current structure of social work education, the amount of material they are required to deliver, and their own knowledge.2 We have no easy solutions to these problems, but we strongly believe that social justice practice in all methods and arenas requires a
2. For an extensive critique of social work education, see Stoesz, Karger, and Carrilio (2010).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
114 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
focus on the connection between private troubles and public issues; the material we present on practice emphasizes this connection.
As stated previously, no social worker can competently assume all the prac- tice roles required to engage effectively in the range of social systems, from indi- viduals to entire societies, with whom we interact. Instead, we propose that all workers be able to envision this complex interplay of systems and to see what has to be changed in order for social justice goals to be attained while simultaneously limiting their efforts to aspects of practice for which they have both legitimacy and competence. At the same time, however, they must be able to reach out to other types of workers and work with other systems in relationship to a well- conceived strategy of change.
Selection of Levels for Practice
Work at any level in socially just practice requires the practitioner to be aware of and frequently interact with entities at other levels or to encourage those using their service to do so. For example, a practitioner working with a group of foster children who have been mistreated will consider how their foster families, fam- ilies of origin, the foster care agency, the courts, their schools, and their com- munities can also help them attain just solutions to the difficulties they may be experiencing.
Similarly, a practitioner helping a community obtain the resources it needs to address a problem will consider how community leaders respond and the impact of the governmental systems that are involved in addressing this problem. When working with various task groups in the community, the practitioner will also consider whether members of these groups interact with each other in socially just ways built on principles of respect and equality.
Impact of Practice Setting
Another major consideration for socially just practice to occur is the impact of the practice setting. This is usually the entity that employs the practitioner, pro- vides space and resources for work to occur, and legitimizes the work being done. This setting (e.g., a nonprofit agency or governmental unit) will have a strong influence on whether the practice is socially just. The organization may have pol- icies that are either socially just or unjust, which are reflected in how it allocates scarce resources, to whom its services are offered, the ways in which its policies are implemented, and its overall organizational culture. All agencies reflect both just and unjust qualities as a result of their historical evolution and the current external environment. All of these conditions affect the practitioner’s ability to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 115
provide service according to principles of social justice. Consequently, all social workers must consider the impact of their practice setting on the justice or injus- tice embodied in the service developed. (For further discussion of the impact of organizations on practice, see Chapter 7.)
Social Justice Practice Concepts Expanded
Each level or aspect of practice makes use of social justice practice concepts that are likely to have relevance for concepts used by practitioners at other levels as well. In addition, new concepts may be introduced and previous ones expanded due to conditions that exist at some levels/ aspects and not at others. These con- ditions are often the result of structures and processes that arise due to complex- ities intrinsic to various levels of social organization. For example, organizations and communities may have formal structures such as committees with elected officers, whereas families and small groups are not likely to be organized in this way.
There are seven major practice dimensions, however, that are likely to occur in some form at all levels and types of socially just practice. The following presenta- tion of these dimensions may imply that they occur in a linear manner. Although it is probable that some of these dimensions may be more pronounced at some times than others, we do not envision them in this way. For example, engagement processes may be emphasized when people first meet, although new people may undertake an engagement process at any time they join in the work. In addition, engagement may also become deeper as people work together. Celebrations might be emphasized when a service is ending but may also be created when any signif- icant accomplishment is achieved or when the participants wish to experience joy to bolster their collective morale. Finally, each practice dimension has three components: a process, a goal- oriented activity, and the worker’s self- reflection.
Practice Dimensions
With the previous caveats in mind, we now discuss our concept of practice dimensions in more detail, and they are illustrated in Figure 4.3. As this figure reflects, these dimensions are exploring, engaging, planning, implementing, monitoring/ evaluating, and celebrating/ terminating.
Exploring
Exploring typically occurs in the beginning of service as practitioners and service users consider how they will work together to accomplish mutually agreed upon purposes. This involves discussing the various perspectives of the service users
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
116 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Engage
Plan
Implement Celebrate/Terminate
Explore
Monitor & Evaluate
F igu r e 4 .3 Dimensions of Practice
and practitioners. The exploration may be informal as people discuss what they intend to do as they utilize the service. Exploration may continue in an ongo- ing way as participants modify their original perceptions of each other and the service transaction as circumstances evolve. As a result of further exploration, practitioners and service users may decide to revise their original ideas about the use of the service or reaffirm them.
There are many social justice issues related to exploring, including the following:
• Has the practitioner or service agency used their power to impose limits on the service user’s exploration of the possible outcomes of the service? Is there an assumption that the practitioner or other representatives of the agency or some other system in the environment is more capable, knowledgeable, or entitled to determine the goals of the service or the means by which these goals will be achieved? This is a subtle but persistent issue because practitioners may have knowledge that service users lack. However, it is often true that service users possess knowledge (often of a technical nature) that practitioners do not. In such circumstances, it is important to determine whether the development of a service is a unilateral process or an opportunity for practitioners and service users to learn from one another.
• Have the service users used their own power to develop their own ideas? To what extent has the practitioner attempted to learn what these ideas are? People develop a personal system for viewing their situation, and much can be learned by practitioners who are open to learning from service users.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 117
• The process of exploration may occur in various ways in different cultures and contexts; for example, men may not engage in exploration in the same ways as women, and older people may explore differently from youth. To what extent does the practitioner recognize these differences and integrate them in the assessment of the situation? Does the practitioner value some forms of exploring more than others? This requires considerable reflection.
• The environmental context, such as the agency, may also exert considerable influence on the exploration process based on its priorities, purposes, and ideology and how it distributes its resources.
Engagement and the Role of Power
Engagement is the process that occurs as practitioners and service users interact with each other to plan what they will do together and why they have chosen (or are deciding to choose) to work together. The process involves practitioners and service users becoming better acquainted with each other; developing a degree of closeness, to the extent required by the purposes of the service; and establish- ing trust and mutual respect, a means of communication, and a set of clear role expectations. If the service users are multiple, such as in a group, engagement processes also must occur with reference to the group or larger system, such as the agency or community.
Several critical activities occur during the engagement phase of practice. Practitioners and service users learn about each other; this enables service users to determine whether they wish to be involved in an ongoing relationship with these specific practitioners. Practitioners and service users determine the pur- poses of the work they will do together. Practitioners and service users deter- mine the rules and norms that will govern their work together in a manner that enables service users to trust that their needs and interests will be protected. Service users help determine which third parties will be involved in the service relationship (e.g., family members, group members, and resource persons) on the basis of whether these “compositional” factors also protect their needs and interests.
During the engagement process, service users and practitioners consider the goals that they seek to attain through the service offered. A social justice approach requires that the social contexts be considered in setting these goals. Often, the context (e.g., the agency, community, or social policy) pressures ser- vice users to accept goals that are oppressive and counter to their needs. It is also possible, of course, that the contexts may support the service users’ attainment of their goals. What makes such situations complex is that both of these circum- stances may occur at the same time. It is incumbent on all concerned to “unpack” this issue and act according to both their best interests and their aspirations.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
118 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Several types of activities are employed by service users and practitioners during the engagement process that can be either socially just or unjust. For example, dialogue is a socially just process in which all participants demonstrate their willingness to listen carefully to what others say, think about what has been said, and respond respectfully. (A more comprehensive discussion of dialogue is presented in Chapter 6.)
In summary, during the engagement phase of practice, practitioners should reflect on the following:
• Is the engagement forced on the service user by the practitioner(s) or other persons in the agency or larger environment because of the power they possess? Such pressure to engage may also come from the service user’s family or other persons in his or her network. This is a particularly complex issue today because an increasing number of service users are involuntary (Rooney, 2009). The involuntary nature of many services may be the consequence of a decision by a legally mandated authority such as a judge or prison personnel. It may also come from family members or associates who threaten the service user with loss of a job or a divorce if he or she does not comply. In an organization, a member of a committee may be ordered by his or her superiors to participate in the committee in a certain way with consequences if he or she fails to do so. Rooney (2009) presents a full discussion of the ethical issues involved in involuntary engagement processes and asserts effectively that much work needs to be done to clarify what is socially just under such circumstances.
• To what degree are practitioners engaged in actual dialogue with service users? Are they “hearing” what service users think and feel about becoming engaged in this endeavor?
• Are practitioners misusing their power in soliciting the service users’ engagement?
• Are the practitioners relying on stereotypes or other preconceptions of the service users based on preexisting beliefs that may oppress the service users, distort their needs for service, limit the development of their own power, and impose on the service users conditions that are not in their best interests?
These questions reflect the belief that from the outset, socially just practice requires practitioners to assist service users to develop their own power and become increasingly conscious of that power. (This is a major component of empowerment.) Practitioners also seek to raise service users’ consciousness of the power exercised by relevant others that in intent or effect supports or diminishes service users’ power. This involves deconstructing the language used to convey
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 119
the possession of power as well as other, more subtle symbols of power, such as the pictures that adorn the walls of an organization, the symbols or cultural arti- facts that are displayed, and whether the rights of service users are posted in some other way. For example, upon entering a medical office today, one is likely to see a posted statement of the rights of patients regarding privacy and the expression of grievances and with information about how a complaint should be filed if these rights are violated.
As consciousness of power develops, practitioners and service users should introduce new ways to express power that support the evolving power of service users. This might involve processes such as emphasizing that service users make their own decisions about their activities and agendas. This does not deny the practitioner’s expertise or ability to offer ideas and suggestions. Nor does it imply that the legitimate interests of others (third parties) will be ignored or denied. However, there are likely to be conflicts of interest and points of view in such situations. Therefore, it is important that practitioners strive to resolve these conflicts by taking into consideration the needs and legitimate interests of all actors. The search of the agency for funding (another level of practice) to support practice goals may require other actions. Service users in this circumstance may decide to play an active role in the agency’s search for funding rather than assert- ing that this is “none of their business.” All of these contextual factors require practitioners to reflect on the various power dynamics involved as well as their own use of power or lack thereof in the situation. This requires practitioners to understand their sources of power, such as those derived from their personal characteristics (e.g., gender, race, and ethnicity), their position in the agency, their position in the actual service situation (e.g., group leader and mediator), the norms in the situation that grant them power, their ability to administer rewards or aversive consequences, and the power they acquire due to the service users’ identification with the practitioner. Although these sources of power may always be present, the practitioner may or may not choose to draw upon them. In addi- tion, both practitioners and service users may be aware of these sources of power; this has implications for how they act and interact with each other. Therefore, it behooves practitioners to consider the implications of this power dynamic for the service users’ development and utilization of their own power.
Planning
During the planning phase, practitioners and service users determine the ends they seek and how they intend to reach them. These can be proximal ends such as a step that is required to achieve the ultimate purpose of the service. For exam- ple, a final end for a committee might be rewriting an agency policy. The proxi- mal ends might involve obtaining copies of related policies from other agencies,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
120 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Table 4.1 Social Justice Components for Establishing a Basis for Action
Basis for Action Social Justice Component
Obtaining resources Are resources distributed equitably? Learning skills Are these skills “protected” by workers or others who
assume that they “own” them and that use of power in this way is their “right”?
Learning how to cope with conflicts
Do service users have the opportunity to develop and use their power in this situation so that resolving conflict occurs on a “level playing field”?
Raising one’s critical consciousness about the situation
Are service users assisted with the information, time, and skills required to develop this consciousness?
determining statutory requirements, or surveying the staff for their views. In some approaches to practice, these proximal ends are referred to as “tasks.”
In whatever social work context, planning includes the following activities:
• Obtaining resources needed to implement the plan (e.g., money and physical space)
• Acquiring the specific skills required for effective action (e.g., to create a brochure and to learn how to bargain with a key collaborator)
• Coping with conflicts that may arise • Raising one’s critical consciousness about the context of the action and
helping to raise the consciousness of others in the situation • Engaging in dialogue with the various individuals and groups with
whom practitioners and service users will cooperate or collaborate in the planned action
All of the bases for an action have critical social justice components. Using the previous examples, we indicate in Table 4.1 some of these social justice compo- nents. The following are some social justice issues for practitioners with respect to planning:
• How are they using power during this phase of the process? Are they using it to enable others to participate fully or are they using their presumed expertise, position in the agency, or personal qualities to subtly influence the bases for action?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 121
• What kinds of perspectives are being used to establish the bases for action? Are these “traditional” ones that have been used to steer actions in ways that benefit the dominant power sources in the agency or community? Or will the perspectives employed enable service users to achieve their objectives, overcome the barriers they will face, and become more empowered?
Implementing
The purpose of a social work service is to take action to change some condition. The condition may be internal to the individual or individuals who have sought service from the practitioner, as reflected in their beliefs, attitudes, ways of think- ing, emotional responses, or characteristic behaviors. The condition may be the consequence of the interaction of two or more persons, such as partners in an intimate relationship, colleagues, friends, employer– employees, neighbors, peers, citizens, or members of a governmental or nongovernmental organization. The condition may also be the product of the structures, processes, or policies of a community, organization, or governmental body. As noted previously, however, we believe that all these conditions exist in a broader social context that contrib- utes to the condition and that may be socially unjust and oppressive. Thus, all of these conditions may be related in whole or in part to social justice concerns. Table 4.2 provides examples.
Potential actions to address these conditions are discussed in detail in sub- sequent chapters. As we have stated throughout this book, the actions taken
Table 4.2 Possible Social Justice Issues and Conditions in Which Change Is Sought
Condition Possible Social Justice Issue
Internal to the person Individual is angry at unjust treatment; individual’s identity is denigrated; individual has failed to acquire skills because of prejudice and discrimination.
Interaction among or between persons
Two intimate partners are in a relationship in which one holds more power due to such attributes as gender; two individuals are in a relationship in which one holds power and wields it unjustly because of position, personal attribute, etc.
Structures and processes of the community, organization, or governmental body
Policies discriminate against classes of people; structure of system maintains power of some individuals based on their group identifications; individuals denied power in systems in which they are participants (service users, employees).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
122 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
(i.e., the processes used) must be guided by principles of social justice as much as the outcomes that are sought. Engaging in actions should also be part of the pro- cesses of praxis in which theory helps to guide actions and reflection of the results of these actions contributes to the construction of enhanced theory.
Actions to Ch a nge Con ditions I n ter na l to the Serv ice User In Part II, we discuss the following types of actions and the social justice impli- cations of each type of action:
• Changing thoughts, beliefs, and attitudes: Service users (and practitioners) examine their cognitions and beliefs and determine to change them. This may also be the consequence of a problem- solving process. Another way this occurs is through feedback from others such as peers in a group.
• Consciousness- raising: All participants in the action examine their awareness and understanding of oppression.
• Changing behavior: Service users obtain different sources of reinforcement, choose new models, and assume new roles. This may also be the result of experiences in a group including feedback from peers. Through the use of reflexivity and praxis, practitioners modify their behavior in response to critical reflection about how the change process is unfolding.
• Changing feelings: Service users have an opportunity for catharsis or for relax- ation and other means of tension reduction.
Actions to Ch a nge Con ditions Exter na l to the Serv ice User Interventions in this regard could address such issues and concerns as the following:
• Avoidance: Service users avoid contact with individuals and/ or systems and withdraw from their social environment.
• Alternate reactions: Service users change their actions without demanding others to do the same.
• Request: Service users ask that the behavior of others change or that the physical situation be changed.
• Interpretation: Service users explain to others the consequences of others’ behavior or their own.
• Education: Service users seek to add to their self- knowledge or that of others. • Evaluation: Service users seek to change a situation by collecting data about
the causes or consequences of a condition. • Use of influential others: Service users seek to collaborate with others who
possess the power to contribute to the desired change effort.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 123
• Bargaining: Service users seek to do something in exchange for a commensurate change in others.
• Confrontation: Service users present to others the nature and consequences of their actions by means of any of the following: mass media, passive resistance, and active resistance.
In helping service users employ one or more of the previously discussed actions (or to use them on behalf of service users), there are many social justice issues for practitioners to consider. As discussed previously, one of the most important issues is how the practitioner uses power. For example, in a bargaining situation, it is important to ask whether the service user’s power is brought into play or whether the practitioner intercedes with his or her own power. The use of some form of resistance as part of a change effort provides another example of a social justice issue. Occasionally, service users with limited power have been pressed to take risks while practitioners (who may have greater power) have sat safely on the sidelines.
Another issue for practitioners involves selecting a means of action based on the needs of the practitioner rather than those of the service user. For exam- ple, the previously presented set of actions to change conditions external to the service situation have been arranged in order from less conflict- ridden to more conflict- ridden approaches. Aside from the strategic issues involved, several other issues govern the choice of approaches. One is that the choice appears socially just to the various publics whom the service users regard as allies. Practitioners, however, may have their own needs, biases, and agendas in such situations (e.g., the desire to impose one’s values, appear successful, use resources more efficiently, and satisfy their superiors), and it is important that practitioners be aware of how these subjective factors may influence their choice of approach. Finally, the issue of praxis is important here: Is the practi- tioner continuing to build theory and the relationship of theory to practice in the choice of approaches to change?
Monitoring/ Evaluating
All participants in a socially just social work process should be interested in and informed about the outcomes of the process. By outcomes, we are referring both to the immediate outcomes of some action and to the long- term consequences when participants determine that their efforts to reach a goal have been com- pleted. Thus, all relevant parties may be asked to present their assessment of out- comes at any one of several points during the practice relationship.
The most proximate moment for evaluation may occur during a session or group meeting when participants are asked how satisfied they are with a discus- sion that has occurred, a decision that has been made, or an activity that has been
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
124 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
completed. They may also be asked similar questions at the end of a session or several sessions, at the end of a season, or when service is being terminated. Power issues are as important when an evaluation occurs as at the beginning of a service relationship. Individuals may be either encouraged or inhibited by the opinions of others who have the power to reward or punish them when their opinions are expressed.
Finally, an important part of the evaluation process is the practitioners’ critical reflections on the events that have taken place and their role in these events. In the spirit of equalizing power between practitioners and service users, this information should be shared with the latter and, sometimes, with other stakeholders.
A critical social justice issue in the evaluation/ monitoring phase concerns what is done with the evaluative information. If there is a conflict or a differ- ence of opinion, what are the consequences? Do the views of less powerful par- ticipants have an impact on subsequent activities and events, including the role played by others, if their opinions differ from those of more powerful partici- pants? For example, if some service users believe the practitioner or other forces in the agency were responsible for the lack of desired outcomes, are there conse- quences for the service user or the service itself?
In Chapter 10, we provide considerable detail regarding socially just evalua- tion. This chapter emphasizes that there are many different approaches to evalu- ation, and the ones selected should be appropriate to the type of activity that is being evaluated and the characteristics of the various persons who will provide information, receive results, and determine how these results will be used.
Celebrating/ Terminating
Although the celebration concept is not typically part of the “list” in most social work texts, we include this type of activity here for several reasons. One is that work for social justice can and should be joyful. This does not deny that there can be moments of discouragement, pain, and frustration in this as in any kind of work. However, the underlying struggle for a more just society can and should be a source of personal fulfillment, a way of leading a useful and meaningful life, a means to benefit oneself as well as others, and a process that helps us draw closer to others who are engaged in similar struggles.
When victories, even small victories, are achieved, it is a cause for much ela- tion. However, defeats can also provide opportunities to learn and grow stronger. A celebration can be an event that attests to both victories and setbacks in joyous and meaningful ways that can draw people even closer; make them feel more united; and provide them with the strength, hope, and persistence that comes from being part of something larger that oneself.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 125
The elation such moments create was dramatically displayed when a large crowd gathered on Chicago’s waterfront to celebrate the election of Barack Obama to his first term as president and in the faces of the million- plus individu- als who attended his inauguration. At such times, people express their emotions differently— through laughter and tears, dancing and song.
As with any of the other processes discussed in this chapter, such events are typically jointly planned by all participants. However, this does not rule out the role of spontaneity or the possibility of an occasional surprise event planned by one group as a gift to another. Under either circumstance, such events replenish and nourish the practitioner as well as all others involved. The joy others receive from a victory is an important part of the many intangible gifts a practitioner obtains as a result of being engaged and committed to social justice work.
There are other aspects to the termination process in addition to evaluating and celebrating. When the experience with the practitioner has been an essen- tially positive one, service users will view the end of their work together as a loss. In addition, they are likely to have the same sense of loss when there are multiple service users or other people with whom they have worked in this process. Many social work texts deal extensively with the termination process (Hepworth, Rooney, & Larson, 2010; Seabury, Seabury, & Garvin, 2011); we will not repeat their major points. However, there are specific social justice issues to be consid- ered in the termination process.
As a result of the termination process, will participants possess a new sense of their power that will enable them to plan subsequent change efforts with greater confidence and skill? Will participants possess and carry forth to future endeavors a deeper understanding of how social justice goals and processes can strengthen their future activities? Will participants be able to help others under- stand the goals and processes of social justice in order to create a broader unity of efforts that can achieve both their personal goals and a more just society? Often, as a result of socially just work, forces may be unleashed that are likely to bring negative consequences to bear on both participants and practitioners. Will the termination process prepare all of those involved in the work to recognize and resist such consequences?
Finally, Figure 4.4 demonstrates how the different components of social jus- tice practice we have outlined come together. It illustrates how these multiple components— from the intellectual work involved in reflecting, analyzing, and theorizing about oneself, other participants in social justice work, and the con- text in which this work occurs to the often challenging and occasionally pain- ful activities of praxis, self- reflection, and attention to power and privilege— are present in all phases of practice (in whatever mode or setting it occurs) and inter- act in a dynamic, dialectical, and ongoing manner.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
126 P A R T I : H I S T O R I C A L , C O N C E P T U A L , A N D T H E O R E T I C A L F O U N D A T I O N S
Engage
Plan
Implement Celebrate/TerminateAttention to Power
Attention to Power Crit
ical Con
scio usn
ess:
Refl ect/
Ana lyze
& T heo
rize
Cr itic
al Co
nsc iou
sne ss:
Re fle
ct/ An
aly ze
& T he
ori ze
Explore
Monitor & Evaluate
CONTEXT
PEOPLE* YOU
WORK WITH
YOU
* People/organization/community you work with
F igu r e 4 . 4 Dimensions of Practice— Praxis
Summary
In this chapter, we introduced a model of socially just practice that can be applied to all social work methods and in all fields of practice. We situated this practice in its environmental context and emphasized the importance of critical con- sciousness, awareness of one’s positionality, and the use of praxis in its develop- ment and implementation. We incorporated into the model the various phases and dimensions of practice, and we discussed how social justice concepts could be infused in each of these phases and dimensions. Finally, we identified some ethical issues and practice challenges that might arise in attempting to apply this model to one’s practice. Part II elaborates on this social justice model in greater detail and applies it to practice with individuals and families, groups, organiza- tions, and communities and in the spheres of policy development and research.
Discussion Questions
1. Are some “action systems” (e.g., individual, family, group, and organization) more likely to lead to efforts to change socially unjust situations than others? If so, for what reasons?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
4. Theories and Concepts Underlying Socially Just Practice 127
2. Identify a practice situation in which you are involved. To what extent does the social context create injustice in that situation? What form does that injustice take?
3. Select a practice situation in which you are involved. How do your assumptions about socially just practice influence your response to this situation?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 00:59:56.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1.B.Textbook-Social_Work_and_Social_Justice_Concepts,_Challenge..._----_(Pages 129-176).pdf
PA R T II
Doing Justice
This part of the book builds on the material we presented in previous chapters, including our definitions of social justice theories, concepts, and history and its relationship to social work. It also draws upon other relevant issues we have dis- cussed, such as power and resistance and the processes of praxis, critical think- ing, and the practitioner’s use of self.
In Part I, we discussed theories and concepts that provide a foundation for social justice- oriented practice. In Part II, we provide a more detailed discus- sion of how to use these ideas in a variety of practice methods and practice situations. We believe that social justice goals and processes are not solely the province of organizations with explicit social justice missions; they can and should be integrated into all forms of practice. This requires those who work with individuals and families to think critically about the implications of the organizational, community, and societal context. Conversely, it requires social workers engaged in community, organizational, or policy practice to con- sider the implications of their work for the individuals and families it affects. This approach explicitly rejects the artificial dichotomy between “micro” and “macro” practice that we believe has impeded the social justice mission of the social work profession for decades.
In Chapter 4, we outlined our assumptions about socially just practice and the theories and practice principles derived from these assumptions. These skills are illustrated through critical discussion of the activities involved in goal setting, assessment, planning, implementation, and monitoring progress across multiple levels, settings, and domains of practice (see Figure II.1).
The first chapter in Part II (Chapter 5) applies our ideas about practice to work with individuals and families. This chapter is based on the assumption that all social workers interact professionally with individuals, albeit with different functions. We believe it is important in many instances to assess the situation of individuals in the context of their families while at the same time recognizing that families are made up of individuals with their own needs and goals.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
130 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Establish Bases for Action
En ga
ge m
en t
Power Analysi
s Celebration
Planning
Takin g
A ctio
n
Eva luat
ion
F igu r e I I .1 Phases of Practice.
In Chapter 6, we discuss how these principles can be used in work with both task and therapeutic groups. Social justice principles and group work are a natural “fit” because this method emerged as a means to promote and expand democratic ideas. In this chapter, we consider the complexity of intragroup and intergroup relationships— for example, by acknowledging that some groups con- sist of individuals who seek help with individual concerns and other groups can only achieve their goals by interacting with the organizations, communities, and societal institutions that comprise their environmental context. Underlying this work is the need for social workers to understand the conditions that affect prac- tice with all types of groups. As Mullender, Ward, and Fleming (2013) assert, a major part of what they call “self- directed group work” is asking the question “Why?” along with “What?” and “How?”
In Chapter 7, we address the challenges involved in creating and sustain- ing socially just organizations, both those that provide services to people and those with specific social justice missions. We describe the various attributes of a socially just organization, present the principles that underlie socially just administrative practice, and discuss some of the challenges of implementing these principles in a multicultural environment. We focus on such issues as how injustices can be embedded in organizational structures, concepts of leadership, and decision- making processes. As in other chapters, we examine the various manifestations of power and its consequences for socially just practice.
In Chapter 8, we discuss working with communities to promote social jus- tice, such as transforming institutions, structures, and meso/ mezzo systems to be more inclusive, democratic, redistributive, and de- centered. We regard
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Part II: Doing Justice 131
community practice both as a means to promote social justice goals and in terms of its use of socially just processes. We distinguish between community work that is directed toward explicitly social justice- related goals and the use of socially just means in varieties of community work that are not directed toward explicit social justice goals.
Chapter 9 presents material on how social workers can create more socially just policies through various forms of analysis and advocacy. This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part clarifies what constitutes socially just poli- cies (at the societal, community, and organizational levels) in terms of their goals, substance, and impact. The second part includes content on the development of social policies from a dual perspective. It explores how socially just policies can be promoted both from inside what are often socially unjust institutions and from the outside, through advocacy and other forms of community- based social action. As in other chapters, we provide examples of ways the policy- level practi- tioner can use his or her own critical consciousness throughout the policy devel- opment and implementation process.
The last chapter, Chapter 10, focuses on research. We do not view research as primarily a process to evaluate programs or determine how variables of interest affect one another. Rather, as Brown and Strega (2005) assert, we view socially just research as developed with stakeholders (e.g., the individuals served, group members, and agency personnel) in order to bring about change in socially unjust situations. This chapter is presented with the recognition that knowledge devel- opment plays a major role in the evolution of socially just practice. Therefore, this chapter reviews and critiques the methodologies utilized by social workers and the assumptions about epistemology; the purposes of knowledge development; the criteria for valid and useful knowledge; and the power issues that exist among researchers, practitioners, and those being “researched.” An important compo- nent of this chapter is a critique of so- called “evidence- based practice” and the ways in which such practice does or does not advance the cause of socially just practice. We especially emphasize in this chapter research activities that have the potential for promoting social justice. Because research tools are used to evaluate practice, we also consider how research should be used in socially just approaches to evaluation.
In summary, these chapters comprise the core of the book. Each chapter con- tains brief, annotated case studies or exercises, drawn for the most part from the “real- world” experiences of the authors, and concludes with several discussion questions. Our goal in these chapters is to provide social workers with the con- cepts and skills needed to engage in socially just practice and, in so doing, con- tribute to the creation of a more socially just society.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5
Social Justice and Individual and Family Change Charles D. Garvin and Edith Lewis
Introduction
In this chapter, we discuss how social justice issues inform and affect prac- tice with individuals and families. The chapter begins with a discussion of the approaches currently in use that can contribute to a socially just practice. We then critique them with respect to their adequacy for socially just practice with individuals and families. Thus, this discussion considers both their shortcomings and their contributions to socially just practice.
Because a major feature of socially just practice is its attention to system change as well as individual and family change, we also discuss how individual and family practitioners can view and implement system change at the level of the family, group, organization, community, or society. In addition, we describe the roles of practitioners and service users in the change process. An important ingredient of practice with individuals and groups is the practitioners themselves, particularly the privileged positions practitioners may hold. We also consider how the practitioners’ actions and characteristics may affect the change process and how practitioners can be aware of this possibility.
The chapter then considers the phases of practice conceptualized as begin- nings, middles, and endings. We view these processes in a nonlinear manner so that some phases, in one form or another, are likely to reoccur during the other phases. For example, evaluation may occur in the beginning of a practice rela- tionship as practitioners and service users define their purposes and goals, during the middle phase as they seek to assess movement, and at the end as the effective- ness of the service is assessed and the next steps are anticipated.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
134 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Approaches to Facilitating Individual Change
As practice with individuals evolved in social work, a number of approaches or models emerged, often based on the incorporation of one or more of the psycho- logical or sociological theories prevalent at the time. In the early years of social work, however, the practices of the day, particularly in the charity organization societies (COS), were based on moral principles and frequently biased assump- tions about racial and ethnic minority clients (Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). In her classic book, Social Diagnosis (1917), Mary Richmond sought to develop a model of practice that was “scientific” using concepts based on the experiences of COS workers and developing practice principles derived from these experiences. At the time, social work practice focused primarily on persons who were poor or immigrants to American society. As this form of practice, referred to as casework at the time, evolved, it was soon applied to work with people who were in hospi- tals, schools, and prisons and to individuals suffering from mental illness.
Richmond soon expanded on her work and developed the concept of “per- son in environment” (Richmond, 1922). In her view, an important component of practitioners’ work with individuals involved finding and developing the envi- ronmental resources they needed. Early caseworkers, however, did not regard the environment as a source of oppression, nor did they examine the structural con- ditions that promote injustice.
As casework evolved as a method in the 1930s and 1940s, theorists sought to strengthen its scientific base by infusing ideas drawn from emerging psycho- logical theories. Two schools of thought came to dominate the social work lit- erature during this period: the “diagnostic” and “functional” schools (Kasius, 1950). The diagnostic school, whose principal champions were on the faculty of the New York School of Social Work (now Columbia University School of Social Work), was based on the writings of Sigmund Freud and his followers. It emphasized a psychodynamic model of practice. The functional school, centered at the University of Pennsylvania, based its practice model on the ideas of Otto Rank (1936, 1958). Although the former was the most widespread in social work practice and education, it was primarily devoted to understanding individual behavior in the context of the family and not on oppressive environmental forces.
The functional school had greater potential to address issues of injustice because its use of the word “functional” reflected its recognition of individual– agency– practitioner dynamics and the processes they set in play. Nevertheless, the diagnostic school dominated the social work field until the 1950s when Helen Harris Perlman challenged this psychological emphasis in her famous article, “Putting the Social Back in Social Case Work” (Perlman, 1971). Her critique led to a shift in casework’s emphasis from a psychodynamic to a “psychosocial” model (Woods & Hollis, 2000) and, ultimately, the emergence of the “social ecological”
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 135
model (Pardeck, 1996). Although this model paid attention to environmental– individual transactions, it did not intrinsically incorporate a critique of the social forces at play, the related power issues, the development of the practitioner’s crit- ical consciousness, the oppression of many groups (e.g., women, persons of color, LGBT persons, and disabled persons), or the empowerment of the users of social work services ( Jani & Reisch, 2011). As these models evolved in the 1930s, a move- ment known as the Rank and File Movement emerged. It reflected a more radical perspective on practice and critiqued many of the underlying assumptions of the models’ underlying assumptions (Spano, 1982). Many of the movement’s ideas appeared in its journal, Social Work Today.
In response to these critiques, social work theorists developed new models of practice. One was the “structural” model developed by Wood and Middleman (1989). This model was subsequently given a stronger empowerment orientation including a critique of the oppressive nature of social institutions by Canadian authors such as Moreau (1979) and Mullaly (2007).
In recent years, a number of other models have emerged that have added a social justice perspective for practice at all levels (Table 5.1). The importance of these models lies in their focus on the need for practitioners to view individu- als in terms of their social location and to understand people’s social contexts in terms of their effects on individuals and other levels of social organization. Although they differ somewhat in emphasis, each of these models serves as a counterpoint to the conservative, individual responsibility- oriented philoso- phy that has dominated public discourse in recent decades. Also, although they support the expression of agency, particularly by individuals and groups from historically disempowered and disadvantaged populations, they recognize human interdependence and mutuality rather than autonomy. In addition, they acknowledge the different manifestations of human need and the impact of the external environment both on producing these needs and on shaping the forms of helping developed to address them (Stone, 2008).
One contemporary body of work is based on feminist ideas (DeChant, 1996; Gutierrez & Lewis, 1999; Reed & Garvin 1995), which have produced different and occasionally conflicting approaches to practice. Some feminist practice mod- els primarily emphasize a critique of sexist conditions in most, if not all, social institutions. Liberal feminists focus on changing individual behavior, cultural attitudes, and discriminatory practices. At the other end of the spectrum, radical feminists argue that overcoming gender discrimination and the disempower- ment of women is impossible without a reorganization of a society that is built on male dominance. These models are discussed in detail in Reed and Garvin (1995).
The following is an example of how feminist ideas are applied to prac- tice: A practitioner was working with a woman who was depressed. The worker observed that the woman thought that her husband dominated her, made all
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Table 5.1 Models of Individual and Family Change: Contributions and Limitations
Approach Contributions to Socially Just Practice
Limitations with Respect to Socially Just Practice
Structural Views service user in terms of social contexts
Views such contexts in terms of issues such as the power and actual or potential oppression of social structures
May underestimate the role of the consciousness of the service users and how they construct their social realities
For example, creates standardized roles for family members, irrespective of their ability to enact those roles
Feminist Women as agents Focus on process as well as
content of intervention styles and strategies
Recognition of social, historical, and political contexts
Focus primarily on women, sometimes to the exclusion of their families
Recognition of contexts narrowly defined so that it excludes ethnically diverse or extended family systems
Multicultural Increased attention to ethnicity and race as factors influencing individual and family functioning
Inability to fully integrate ethnicity and race with other social group memberships reflective of actual individual and familial lives: gender identity and expression
Has often confused race and social class in the analysis of individuals and families
Constructivist Places human actors within the multiple contexts in which they serve as both agents of change and recipients of external forces of change
Continued impasse with regard to whose constructions are the most valid
Even agency is legitimated by external forces
Narrative Contributions, such as the Stone School model, placing the emphasis of the person- in- environment on the integration of environments and persons
Has had limited influence on individual and/ or family practice because of its attention to issues of social justice influencing humans in their interactions with their environments
“Whose reality?” is ultimately determined by the therapist
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Approach Contributions to Socially Just Practice
Limitations with Respect to Socially Just Practice
Development of nuanced, contextualized constructions of individuals and families
Solution Pragmatic approach aimed at resolving current individual/ familial problems
Decontextualized, particularly with regard to historical and political individual and family realities
Strengths Focus on abilities rather than problems faced by individuals and families, with an emphasis on using those identified strengths as the building blocks of intervention
“Who determines what family strengths are?” This discussion of strengths has often led to the exclusion of strategies utilized by some groups, deeming them pathological.
Empowerment Requires an analysis of current reality in its social, political, and historical contexts
Focuses on the development of new skills through interactions or connections with others
Definition of presenting issue often the purview of the practitioner rather than those who will engage in the empowerment process
Lack of recognition that one cannot empower someone else
Radical Emphasis on changing existing systems of oppression, particularly those with structural and political bases
View of social worker as active change agent in the wider society/ environment as well as at the individual/ family levels
In United States, has been limited by its insistence on a Marxist perspective
Emphasis on new forms of domination rather than constructions of new systems of cooperation (e.g., North American Free Trade Agreement)
Table 5.1 Continued
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
138 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
major family decisions, and handled all the family finances. She was required to ask him for money each time she went food shopping. With the help of the worker, the woman was able to understand that she felt useless and demeaned as a result of this marital situation and that this situation led to her depression.
Other contemporary models have focused on practice with people of color or people from other countries than the United States. Although there are significant differences among these models, they all challenge the universalist assumption that all people have needs and patterns of help- seeking similar to those of middle- class, White, urban, heterosexual citizens of the United States (Anderson & Carter, 2003; Gutierrez & Lewis, 1999; Lum, 1999; Sue, 1981). These models draw heavily on ideas about empowerment, particularly the work of Solomon (1976) and Pinderhughes (1983), and the recognition that many ethnic groups, particularly people of color, suffered from the unequal distribution of power in American society.
The following is an illustration of how these concepts can be applied to prac- tice: A practitioner was working with an African American man (Mr. H) who was employed as a regional manager by a large sales firm. This man frequently felt angry but was not sure where his anger came from. With the worker’s help, he became aware that the other managers (who were all White) were given the more lucrative territories as their responsibility. Consequently, Mr. H. became determined to raise this issue with the management of the company.
Constructivist and constructionist approaches are also relevant to social justice practice because they place heavy emphasis on the perceptions and expe- riences of service users. As stated by Van Soest and Garcia (2003), the main thesis of these approaches is that reality is socially and psychologically con- structed through interaction. These approaches “highlight the significance of the connection between individual and social influences” (p. 39). Although constructionism “places an emphasis on language, narrative, sociohistori- cal and cultural processes” and “constructivism highlights cognitive struc- tures (schemas) and interactive feedback from the environment” (p. 39), these approaches may limit the attention of practitioners to what the service users think and perceive rather than to the actual structural conditions that may oppress them. Although the use of these models helps empower service users by legitimating and supporting their perspectives, they pay less attention to raising their consciousness of the injustices they may suffer. Less work has also been done in social work to examine the outcomes of practices derived from these approaches (Thyer, 2010).
An example of the application of these models occurred in the case of a practi- tioner who was working with an Asian man who believed that the United States was a fair country devoid of any racism. When he failed on several occasions to be promoted when it was clear he was the superior candidate, the man began to question his views on this issue.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 139
Another approach often linked to the constructionist one is the narrative approach. According to Kelley (2011), narrative therapy has a “focus on social justice, viewing problems in cultural context, individualization of clients, and collaboration with and respect for them through hearing and honoring their views” (p. 315). According to Kelley,
The goal of NT (narrative therapy) is first to help clients understand the stories around which they have organized their lives (deconstruction) and then to broaden and challenge them creating new realities (reconstruc- tion). . . . In the process clients are encouraged to question familial and cultural stories that have restricted them. (p. 315)
An example of this is a gay client who told the story of how, because of his fears of rejection by his family, he denied his sexual orientation to his family and friends. Through the narrative approach, he created a future story in which he “came out” to these people and risked the consequences. In this story, he pictured himself as strong and resilient and able to deal with the consequences of his self- revelation. The worker helped him to embellish this future story and plan the details as to how he would put the story into practice.
Another similar approach is called solution- focused practice (Walsh, 2009). This model is essentially goal- oriented in that it asks the service users to create statements of what the future will be like if the problems that brought them to the social worker are resolved. This approach to practice is likely to be more acceptable to many clients than creating a traditional goal statement in the form of a con- crete definition of behavior. The social justice implications of the solution- focused approach are that this scenario could incorporate elements of the situation such as the responses of others and changes in the social context. A problem arises, how- ever, when the “solution” is narrowly defined and restricted to the individual’s or family members’ actions. A narrative in a socially just sense incorporates elements of the larger situation, especially more just ones than currently exist.
An example of this is a service user who sought help with her problematic interactions with fellow employees. Her initial “solution” involved her becom- ing more assertive when they scapegoated her. Through her discussions with the social worker, she realized that the scapegoating resulted from the efforts of the organization to blame her for productivity problems rather than to examine the ways that speed- up pressures and the sexist judgments of administrators played a role. In her revised “solution,” her all- women’s team resisted speed- up pressures and confronted the sexism of administrators.
The so- called “strengths- based” perspective has also contributed to the devel- opment of socially just practice (Saleeby, 2002). In this approach, the focus of
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
140 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
the assessment is on the service user’s competencies rather than deficits or med- ical disease labels. For example, a service user was diagnosed by a psychiatrist as having a generalized anxiety disorder. Instead of treating this disorder, the social worker focused on this person’s strengths, such as intelligence, ability to carry out complex tasks, and use of yoga to relax. In another example, a family was ini- tially defined in terms of “family pathologies,” such as special alliances between father and daughter and the unlikelihood that members were listening to each other. Using the strengths- based approach, the social worker focused on the gen- uine caring that existed among family members, the willingness of the parents to make financial sacrifices for their children, and the supports they received and accepted from extended family.
The limitation of this approach is that strengths are too often defined in a manner that limits the environment’s contribution to the family’s situation. The definition of clients’ strengths has often failed to recognize cultural variations in what these strengths are (e.g., how indigenous healers are used), how other non- family members contribute their strengths, and how cultural practices can be strengths rather than barriers to problem solving.
During the past three decades, the concept of empowerment has become a cen- tral focus of social work, although different authors have defined it in different ways (Gutierrez, Parsons, & Cox, 1998; Lee, 2001; Simon, 1994; Solomon, 1976). One difficulty with defining empowerment is that it is a complex concept that involves incorporating many phenomena, such as the individual’s, family’s, or group’s sense of self- efficacy to bring about change in their social situations, satisfy their wants and needs as they define them, and master their own affairs. Thus, empowered individuals, singly or as collectivities, believe they have the right and can obtain the resources, skills, and allies required to achieve change. However, this is a process in which these concomitants of power will increase as a result of the process. This means that as individuals act in ways that give them a sense of power and their ability to influence social conditions, they are likely to take on new challenges that require new kinds and degrees of power. This enriches their repertoire of ways of creating change and their sense that they have the “power” to do this.
It is clear, however, that a social justice approach to practice must incor- porate an understanding of all of these dimensions of empowerment practice and theory. There are problems and limitations in this work. One is that practi- tioners may believe that their commitment to the concept alone is sufficient to “empower” the users of service. This is important because empowerment ideas imply a critique of socially unjust conditions or the aspiration to work for a more socially just society. Many social workers do not introduce these concepts into their interactions with service users. A respect for client self- determination, itself not always found in practice, is not sufficient.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 141
Radical Approaches
Approaches that have been described as “radical” or “progressive” have been employed in social work practice for many decades, although the meaning of these terms in social work has evolved over time. There are several common threads in these approaches. There is recognition that the larger political and economic systems contribute to a substantial degree to the oppression of people and produce many of the problems people face. This is due to the power and resources possessed by what Mills (1956) termed “the power elite,” who use their power and resources to the det- riment of people who are poor, of color, or oppressed because of other attributes.
A second theme is the emphasis on the importance of activism to transform human relations and structures in fundamental ways rather than merely on a superficial level. Another is a belief that professional action should be grounded in an analysis of all social, political, and economic structures that impede the ful- fillment of basic human needs. In addition, radical practitioners use theories and constructs that are derived from political– economic and power analyses, an under- standing of the dynamics of oppression and exploitation, human needs theory, social movement theories, and theories of social transformation (Turbett, 2014).
With regard to practice with individuals and families, many radical the- orists have been influenced by the writings of Karl Marx and his analyses of class conflicts within the contemporary structures of societies. Other theo- rists assert that Marxian thinking pays insufficient attention to cooperative relations, coalitions, gradual transformation, and the importance of the ideas people have about their situations— although class consciousness and its lack thereof have figured prominently in Marxist literature. An important correc- tive to this is the works of Paulo Freire (1970), who considered in detail the kinds of consciousness and people’s ideas that play a role in their commit- ments to social change.
Family Change
Historical Evolution of Family Therapy Models
According to Kaslow (2010), the field of family therapy as a distinct mode of practice began to develop in the 1950s. Its emergence was inspired by the obser- vations of a number of theorists and practitioners that individual approaches to practice often produced slow therapeutic progress, that individual change had an impact on the family, and that the lack of participation of other family members in the therapeutic process might undermine changes in the member in treat- ment. Some of the concepts for family therapy came from family- oriented social work (casework); in fact, the original name of the major casework journal was
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
142 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
1. For an excellent yet brief summary of the evolution of family therapy, see Kaslow (2010).
The Family. Another source of ideas was the child guidance movement, which first appeared in the 1920s. Its practitioners typically interviewed the child who had a problem separately from other family members. The child was seen by a psychiatrist and the family by a social worker. Psychoanalytic practice also played a role, especially when such practice examined interpersonal interactions.1
A number of people contributed to the evolution of family therapy. They were not fully aware of each other’s existence until they began to attend pro- fessional conferences at which each other’s papers were presented. Among the first of these conferences was the 1938 meeting of the National Conference on Family Relations in New York City. Participants discussed such practice issues as the lives of children, marriage, divorce, and the role of social welfare institu- tions in family life. Two years later, this organization published the first of three prominent journals, The Journal of Marriage and the Family, and helped support international scholarship on families.
An especially notable occasion was the 1955 meeting of the American Orthopsychiatric Association. At this meeting, Ackerman organized a session on family diagnosis during which many of this early generation of therapists dis- covered their common interests. Among these “grandparents” of family therapy were the following individuals:
• Gregory Bateson, John Weakland, and Jay Haley, who were especially interested in the impact of family communication patterns on individual and family problems (Bateson, Jackson, Haley, & Weakland, 1956)
• Paul Watzliwick, Virginia Satir, and Don Jackson, who became particularly interested in the impact of contradictory communications, especially the “double bind” in which one individual sends contradictory messages simultaneously— one often verbal and the other through the expression of affect ( Jackson & Weakland, 1959)
• Murray Bowen at Georgetown Medical School, who was interested in mother– child dynamics and the impact of family of origin dynamics on the child’s psyche
• Lyman Wynn (1984), who worked with families with a member who suffered from schizophrenia and defined the family dynamics existing in such families
• Nathan Ackerman at the Family Institute in New York (later named the Ackerman Institute), who emphasized the intrapsychic and interpersonal, the conscious and the unconscious, and the use of defense mechanisms while working with families as units (Ackerman, Beatman, & Sherman, 1961)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 143
2. In our experience, we have found that many family therapists use some combination of approaches drawn from more than one model, depending on the particular family issues. However, many theorize about the family from one or a limited number of perspectives.
• Carl Whitaker at the University of Wisconsin, who developed a model that challenged family members in new and sometimes provocative ways (Napier & Whitaker, 1978)
• James Framo and Ross Speck at the Eastern Pennsylvania Psychiatric Institute, who developed a “network therapy” that, according to Kaslow (2010), “used sociocultural and racial diversity and the natural networks within families with schizophrenic or drug addict members” (p. 54)
• Salvador Minuchin at the Philadelphia Child Guidance Clinic, who explored in depth family structure, including subgroups within the family, and discovered the relationship of these subgroups to many family problems (Minuchin, Montalvo, Guerney, Rosman, & Schumer, 1967)
• Jay Haley, also at the Philadelphia Child Guidance Clinic, who viewed individual problems as maintained by family processes and sought to change these processes in ways that were often confrontational (Haley, 1984). Although there is empirical evidence for the efficacy of what has come to be called “strategic family therapy” (Coatsworth, Santisteban, McBride, & Szapocznik, 2001), some practitioners have been leery of the strong role assigned to the workers regarding the ways that they intervene in the family’s processes.
• Vosler (1996) and Waldegrave (1998), who have sought to develop models of family practice that incorporate social justice into their models. They emphasize the impact of oppressive social conditions on the family and help the family to find ways of working against forces that oppress the family as a unit as well as family members. Another set of authors who broadened the concepts used by family practitioners to consider environmental factors related to culture and ethnicity are McGoldrick, Giordano, and Garcia- Preto (2005). The latest edition of their book incorporated much more than previous editions on the special issues faced by families of color.
Kaslow (2010.) and others have developed typologies of contemporary models of family practice. An in- depth analysis of these is beyond the scope of the chapter. However, we do add a focus on social justice as a necessary construct for explor- ing the utility of contemporary models of family practice in social work. Kaslow’s typology of the contemporary models of family therapy is as follows (pp. 58- 59):2
I. Transgenerational models a. Psychodynamically informed (including object relations and attachment
approaches)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
144 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
3. Many newer models that in some way relate to social justice have emerged, and we allude to these with the single term “social justice models.”
b. Bowenian c. Contextual/ relational d. Symbolic/ experiential e. Emotionally focused
II. Systems models a. Communications b. Strategic c. Structural d. Systemic e. Brief and solution focused
III. Cognitive and behavioral models a. Behavioral b. Functional c. Cognitive– behavioral
IV. Postmodern models a. Narrative b. Social constructionist (including linguistic approaches)
V. Miscellaneous a. Psychoeducational b. Integrative (including comprehensive and multimodal models)
To this list, we add
VI. Social justice models3
There has been increasing attention to social justice models that incorpo- rate attention to cultural diversity, social class, and sources of oppression such as sexism, homophobia, and racism. A book edited by McGoldrick and Hardy (2008), for example, has sections devoted to theoretical perspectives, cultural legacies (e.g., Black genealogy, Polish, Arab Muslim, racial identity, and White privilege), the clinical implications of working with many kinds of families (e.g., LGBTQ, interracial couples, and homeless families), and training implications including a chapter titled “Visioning Social Justice: Narratives of Diversity, Social Location, and Personal Compassion.” Another widely used text with a similar perspective is Family Therapy with Ethnic Minorities (Ho, Rasheed, & Rasheed, 2004).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 145
Family Therapy and Social Justice
We have developed a series of principles that we believe should guide a socially just family practice. We draw upon a modified version of the work of Bernard (2006) as cited in Finn and Jacobson (2008):
1. The family exists in a social environment that can be oppressive to the family. As Imber- Black (2011) states, “Like many in the so- called second generation of family therapy theorists and practitioners, I came to the field experienced in the civil rights and antiwar movements, and the struggles for women’s rights. I was attracted to a field focused on systemic thought and action, and where appreciating context enabled a rich and deep obligation to families and communities in their own request for integrity and fairness. . . . These authors [she refers to authors in the journal issue in which her essay appears] keep us true to our legacy in their recognition that families exist in a larger ecology for which we bear responsibilities. Going forward, if our efforts remain only within the boundary of the family, when that larger ecology is marked by injustice, our efforts will be a derisive collusion. If rather, we glean from this paper a new set of requirements, we will ally ourselves with Dr. King’s imperative, the arc of history that bends toward justice.” (pp. 129– 131).
2. The family is helped to understand not only transactions within the family but also external conditions that promote or maintain problems for which the family has sought help.
3. The family is helped to take some action in relationship to these external con- ditions or to join with others to do so. This process might help to avoid plac- ing all the blame on a so- called “identified patient” (i.e., a family member who is viewed solely or largely as the source of family difficulties). Whether to do this is the family’s decision.
4. The family is the final arbiter of the outcomes sought from family therapy. 5. Workers must explain their roles and what they expect of the family. This
is problematic in the strategic therapies in which the worker provides direc- tives for family behaviors in order to change family patterns because socially just therapy should emphasize empowerment and the equalization of power between worker and service users. Strategic therapy is justified by its propo- nents, of course, because the family presumably attains family goals more quickly than in other nonstrategic approaches. This is a dilemma about which practitioners should think seriously. We do not have a solution to this problem but are clear that workers need to explain the nature of strategic approaches and obtain permission from the family to use them even if this limits their
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
146 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
impact. After the intervention, feedback should be obtained from the family about the directive nature of the intervention.
6. The worker helps the family to enhance its capacity to support the growth and development of all family members.
7. Workers affirm and strengthen families’ cultural, racial, and linguistic iden- tities and enhance their ability to function in a multicultural society. They are helped to confront forces that undermine this (e.g., school systems that punish students who speak Spanish).
8. The worker advocates with families for services and systems that are fair, responsive, and accountable to the families served.
9. The worker strives to help the family have appropriate power distributed among the family members. Especially important is to challenge sexism exhibited among family members. Although we recognize that parents require more power than children to carry out their responsibilities, the children should be accorded power, appropriate to their ages, in decision making and actions that affect them.
System Change and Individual and Family Practice
As discussed throughout this book, all socially just practice is seen as occurring within a social context, some aspect of which is likely to be oppressive with ref- erence to users of our services. We also remind the reader that the worker, as well as service users, may occupy some positions within the larger system that are privileged. This may be the result of such qualities as one’s color, gender, age, and educational level. The question then must be raised as to actions that the service user can take if that person seeks to change an oppressive aspect of her of his situation. The following are some possibilities:
• The person/ family member may seek to change a family condition. There are many ways, frequently mentioned in the family therapy literature, that this can occur. These include helping to bring about new roles in the family, facilitating a change in the roles of other family members, engaging in group processes such as problem solving that can lead to a change in family conditions, or changing one’s way of reinforcing or extinguishing the behavior of other family members.
• The service user or family member may seek to change a condition existing in a primary group of which she or he is a member. Some of the same approaches to changing family conditions apply here. In addition, the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 147
individual may seek to enlist forces outside the group to change the group, such as an appeal to the worker, the agency, family members, or other groups. In family therapy, the other family members should be helped to support a family member who seeks system change.
• Individuals or family members may utilize a group of which they are a member by convincing the group to undertake change in some entity outside of the group, such as an agency policy, community condition, or social policy. In doing this, the group may seek to work in concert with other groups. In the same manner, an individual may involve the agency in utilizing its resources to obtain the sought- after change.
• The individual or family member acting alone may seek to promote change by such means as writing a letter or circulating a petition, contacting an influen- tial person such as a member of a legislature or an administrator, or writing a letter to the editor of a newspaper.
Table 5.2 indicates some of the limits of various family therapy models in pur- suing social justice and some ideas as to what they can contribute to socially just family practice.
Table 5.2 Models of Family Therapy and Their Relationship to Socially Just Family Practice
Model of Family Therapy Limitations from Socially Just Family Perspective
Contributions to Socially Just Family Practice
Transgenerational models: These include many that have their basis in the intrapsychic life of family members, although this is related to family interactions and history of these interactions.
The impact of oppression from external systems, which may be experienced by the family as a whole as well as by family members individually, is not emphasized. The worker plays a central role in the interactions.
The oppression that may be imposed on some family members by others in the family is recognized and discussed. Literature is available from writers regarding these models and their application in families from diverse cultures that have assigned culturally specific roles to family members.
(continued)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Model of Family Therapy Limitations from Socially Just Family Perspective
Contributions to Socially Just Family Practice
Systems models: These focus on communications among family members and family structures. Strategic family therapy is usually included here as an approach to promoting structural and process changes.
These models are likely to focus more on intrafamily structures rather than the impact of an oppressive environment on the family.
These models move us beyond a focus on individuals as such to persons who are molded in interaction with other family members and the family’s structured interactions. There are many articles on applications to people of varied ethnic and cultural backgrounds that can help us move to newer theoretical approaches that take issues of diversity into account.
Cognitive and behavioral models
These focus on specific individual behaviors, including interactions among family members, but do not intrinsically address the influence of oppressive social conditions on these behaviors or the cultural and social forces that mold these behaviors.
From a social justice perspective, it is important to correctly identify behaviors of family members as well as behaviors of others who interact with the family but to identify oppressive behaviors of individuals and institutions and to help families consider acting to change these, often in concert with other individuals and families outside the family who are or can become allies.
Table 5.2 Continued
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Model of Family Therapy Limitations from Socially Just Family Perspective
Contributions to Socially Just Family Practice
Postmodern models: These recognize that individuals construct their own realities based on their unique perceptions.
These models emphasize information as it is perceived and constructed by the individual, such as in the form of personal narratives. This overlooks the impact on one’s cognitive and affective experiences of external forces, particularly oppressive ones.
These models can contribute to a social justice approach if family members are helped to view how they may distort events (especially oppressive ones such as false consciousness). If consciousness- raising activities are included, this may help the process of change as the individual(s) is helped to “correct” his or her views in the light of new information about the impact of external systems on them.
Miscellaneous (e.g., psychoeducational and integrative)
These are disparate models, but all lack the limitation of not specifically drawing attention to the external environment, especially when it is oppressive. Integrative models will have the same limitations because the models that are part of the integration have similar limitations.
Psychoeducational models can provide methods to help members acquire skills. These methods can be used in the service of social justice when a component is developing skills in recognizing and changing oppressive circumstances emanating from either oppressive family interactions or oppressive conditions stemming from other systems.
Table 5.2 Continued
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
150 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Beginnings
• Exploring • Engaging • Planning
Middles
• Implementing • Monitoring • Evaluating
Endings
• Celebrating • Terminating
F igu r e 5.1 Beginnings, Middles, and Endings in Social Work Practice
The Process of Social Justice Work with Individuals and Families
As stated previously, we believe that practice has beginnings, middles, and end- ings but that the processes between the worker and the individuals or families served have similarities as well as differences as time progresses. Some of these processes may predominate in some time frames compared to others; thus, we considered various practice processes to be best portrayed in a circular rather than linear manner, as shown in Figure 5.1. In the following sections, we discuss beginnings, middles, and endings as these relate to work with individuals and families.
Beginnings
Two of the processes in the beginning of service are exploration and engage- ment. These occur as service users and practitioner consider how they will work together and what their purposes and desired outcomes are and also to plan spe- cifically what they will do together, at least in the short term. We consider these two processes together because as these parties explore the service users’ situa- tions, they become more engaged, and as they become more engaged, they are likely to be comfortable with deepening their exploration. By engagement, we mean the emergence of positive feelings and perceptions of each other to enable them to make at least an initial commitment to work together.
Many processes occur during the phases of exploration and engagement. These are covered in detail in texts by Schulman (1999), Hepworth, Rooney, and Larson (2010), and Seabury, Seabury, and Garvin (2011), and we do not present
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 151
them here. Our purpose is to add the specific social justice issues and processes to these established models.
We also note that all of the practice processes that take place do not occur only at specific phases of the work but, rather, reoccur throughout the process. For example, the practitioners and the individuals or families with whom they are working may become less engaged when conflicts arise between or among them. They may then have to work to restore their trust and confidence in one another. Similarly, as new issues are presented or their feeling of safety increases, these parties may engage in more exploration related to such issues. A number of social justice issues arise as these processes evolve during the initial process of engagement.
Power of the Agency and Social Justice Issues
With respect to the individuals and families whom it serves, the agency has a great deal of power that influences the process of engagement. The following questions reflect this power:
1. Does the agency hire, supervise, and dictate policy with respect to the prac- titioner(s)? The agency is likely to have policies with respect to a family that has members who have broken laws, been imprisoned, belong to a sexual minority, are undocumented, or do not live lives as prescribed by sectarian agencies. This may influence the perceptions of service users and workers. The practitioner should consider feelings and thoughts of both service users and other staff members of influence.
2. Does the agency provide resources (e.g., adequate space), thus demonstrating its commitment to supporting work with families, when many family mem- bers choose to attend a session?
3. What are agency policies with respect to how long a family may receive ser- vices and how is this affected by the family’s access to insurance?
4. Can the agency provide competent couples or multifamily counseling if these are needed?
5. Does the agency provide or have access to the other services this family needs or may need? How does the décor of the agency affect the engagement process? For example, do the service users see pictures and other decorations that show that the agency is familiar with and welcoming of people like themselves?
6. When the service users enter the agency, are they greeted in a way that they view as showing respect for them? Examples of the opposite are receptionists who look suspiciously at them, make them wait while they talk on the phone or chat with other staff, ask their names in ways that demonstrate a lack of privacy, and instruct them to sit in the waiting room until called in a manner that treats them as supplicants rather than respected people who are seeking a service.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
152 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
4. Although not a social work example, an instance of this occurred when one of the author’s wives was seen by a doctor who never faced her but wrote what she said on a computer with his back to her.
Power of the Worker and Social Justice Issues
Many actions of the worker quickly convey to service users the worker’s respect for the latter’s rights, identities, and status within the agency. These include how the service users like to be addressed. (They can be asked what they would like to be called and/ or the worker can introduce herself or himself and invite the ser- vice users to do the same.) A choice of seating may be possible, and the worker can consider the meaning conveyed if she or he positions herself or himself behind a desk. If the worker asks how the service users wish to begin the session (including asking what they might like to know about the worker), this is a further means of responding to or even reducing the amount of power accruing to the worker.4
The worker should also be cognizant of how the culture of the service users influences their expectations of the beginning of relationships. In some cultures, first interactions should be used for the parties getting to know each other; in other cultures, getting quickly to the purposes of the encounter is expected. In some cultures, it is expected that the father of the family, if the entire family is present, is addressed first. In other cultures, this is not expected.
We have found that trust is promoted if the worker asks how the service user feels about seeing someone with the same race or gender (and sometimes appar- ent age group) of the practitioner. The age group may particularly matter when the practitioner looks much older or much younger than the service user. A more sensitive matter, but one that should not be ignored, is the sexual orientation of the practitioner, especially when straight practitioners are serving gay or lesbian service users. We do not mean that “coming out” of either practitioner or service user is automatic but that this issue needs to be handled with sensitivity and hon- esty. Another issue is when either the practitioner or service users have an evident disability. One of the writers of this chapter is deaf in one ear and seeks to place himself with his “good” ear toward the service users. Disclosure of this fact, how- ever, precludes the service users immediately assuming he is not listening when he asks for them to repeat a comment. All of these issues, when handled with openness, respect, and sensitivity, help to reduce distance and power differentials between practitioners and service users.
Several issues related to social justice are likely to arise in the initial process of exploration. First, the service user is highly likely to see how the practitioners use their power. When the practitioners ask a series of questions in order to explore the user’s situation and need for service, this may be viewed by the user as a use of “expert power.” Practitioners should explain that both they and the service users
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 153
should decide together what information is required in order to decide together how to proceed. Thus, service users should be asked what kind of exploration they think will be helpful in this endeavor.
If the practitioners think they need information beyond the initial agree- ment, they should explain the reasons for this to the users and obtain their permission to proceed.5 A problem here is that agency policies may require the practitioner to obtain still additional information. This should be explained to the users who may decline to supply this information. We know of situations in which practitioners have protested to agency administrators policies of this sort that, in themselves, demonstrate the power of the agency; power used in this way may be severely disempowering to service users. Examples often found on agency forms are history of marriages and divorces, birth of children and marital status at the time, citizenship status, religion, national origin, sexual orientation, age of first sexual experience, and health history.
Within a social justice perspective, it is obviously important to explore social justice issues related to the reasons the users have come for service. In addition to the practitioner’s own lack of knowledge of such issues, these issues may not be explored because of agency conditions, practitioner attitudes, or pressures from others in the practitioner’s or users’ network. The following are examples:
Agency conditions: The worker is employed by an agency that provides employee assistance services. The insurer, as a condition of reimbursement of the agency, insists that no contact be initiated with employers. A service user comes to this service and explains to the practitioner that because he is an African American, he was given less lucrative assignments. It became apparent to the practitioner that the user’s issue is a consequence of racist practices at his place of employ- ment, but the employment assistance agency forbids her to make contact with the employing agency. In this case, in addition to exploring this issue with him, she informed the user about community agencies that will advocate for him. In this instance, such an agency was an employment agency serving the local African American community.
Practitioner attitudes: In the previous example, it is possible that the worker might have held the view that it was the user’s “fault” that the workplace situa- tion arose and that it was a consequence of his level of expertise. If this occurred, she would seek to help him improve his level of expertise and focus all of her exploration on this.
5. This, of course, assumes a major new source of inquiry will be initiated. We recognize it would be unnecessarily cumbersome for the practitioner to ask permission to pose every ques- tion when the necessity of doing this is obvious to all concerned.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
154 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Pressure from others: In the preceding example, the user’s wife did not want to “make any waves” and she discouraged him from taking any action that involved criticism of the agency. The practitioner explored with the user how he wished to deal with his wife’s views and how he wanted to proceed in the face of them.
A major issue in the exploration of social justice issues is how a problem or concern is defined because this will guide what problem or concern is explored. Some agencies limit this exploration process by their policies and procedures. A school may direct the practitioner to focus on academic achievement or class- room disruption, prison authorities may dictate that the focus of practice with inmates be on previous wrongdoing, and a psychiatric facility may direct the focus to be on behaviors defined as deviant. In the school example, the user may want to focus on being bullied; in the prison illustration, the user may want to focus on getting a job after his release; and in the psychiatric facility, the user may want to focus on enrolling in school. In each of these instances, the users may experience themselves as oppressed by the imposition of topics by the agency instead of being able to define the purpose of practice themselves.
This is especially an issue with so- called involuntary clients. These are clients who are required to participate in “therapy” or to receive other social work ser- vices, frequently by courts but also by correctional or police authorities, officials in psychiatric institutions, or other adults who have control such as parents. Individuals may also be required to seek services by schools or their sources of employment in order to receive an education or retain a job.
A full discussion of this topic, including the ethical and justice issues involved, is provided by Rooney (2009). His material includes such matters as whether the service users have engaged in illegal behaviors (or are likely to do so) or whether they are likely to injure or kill themselves or others. He states that there are four guidelines with respect to determining whether it is legal and/ or ethical to require behavioral change:
1. If the behavior is not illegal, the practitioner cannot require the client to change and should be guided by informed consent and self- determination.
2. The practitioner can act ethically to attempt persuasion. Rooney qualified this by stating that “persuasion means helping clients consider the possible consequences of their choices and exploring alternatives in terms of their own best interest. Persuasion is not the same as coercion when the influence attempt is open, does not resort to threats, and ultimately respects the client’s power to decide.”
3. The practitioner can offer an incentive to influence a client choice. Rooney qualifies this by stating that “this approach should not be used to barter for
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 155
basic necessities but rather as an additional benefit that the client can chose to accept or ignore.”
4. The practitioner can advocate that the legal threshold for harm should be expanded. By this he means that the client’s safety will be endangered but has not yet reached the legal threshold with respect to the definition of harm. (pp. 41– 42)
With respect to social justice, Rooney asserts,
Should practitioners ignore issues of prejudice and unfair conditions in the larger society, they run the risk of providing social control with a smil- ing face: using otherwise ethical means to pursue unethical goals. This is a very important issue as it is the way that practitioners are likely to trans- gress with involuntary clients with respect to their rights and the related social justice issues. (p. 349)
Examples of these issues include the following:
• A practitioner who sought to encourage a prison inmate’s planning for eventual employment but disregarded the discrimination she would face because of her gender.
• A practitioner pressured a student to turn in assignments although she was fully aware that the teacher held a stereotypical view of the student because of her ethnicity and was unfair to her in grading.
• A practitioner in a psychiatric facility urged a gay client to attend a group therapy session even though the practitioner was aware that the group contained several members who were homophobic.
The Middle Phase of Intervention: Implementing, Monitoring, and Evaluating
The middle phase of social work practice has been the focus of much of our writ- ing and conceptualization. Practitioners and students are eager to identify new ways of “doing practice,” often without regard for the assumptions underlying the “doing.” Previously, we discussed how social work theory has been formed within social, historical, and political contexts. Those contexts and their resul- tant theories have guided social work interventions. The extent to which socially just ways of implementing, monitoring, and evaluating practice are enacted within our interventions hinges on the recognition of these forces and their intersections.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
156 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Readers may recognize that the middle phase of socially just practice, as we have outlined it here, includes not only choosing a course of action and imple- menting it but also monitoring progress as changes within the individual, family, and environment occur. The process of monitoring often receives limited atten- tion because of the myriad legal and ethical issues that accompany it. However, we argue that learning ways to negotiate the tension between external require- ments and internal integrity of the process is important. The evaluation portion of this middle phase is also placed here with an understanding that there is a strong potential for using the information gained in monitoring the interven- tion to revisit and alter aspects of it. Constant re- evaluation is commonplace among numerous disciplines seeking to predict economic, social, political, and environmental behavior. As new variables affecting outcomes become apparent within political circles, for example, changes in strategies are made to accommo- date them. The same method has utility for social justice practice, and the lack of attention to the forces influencing change within individuals and families can lead to erroneous perceptions about why a set of intervention strategies either worked or did not work.
When the focus is on developing socially just intervention strategies, the worker’s and service user’s preferences must be addressed, with conscious atten- tion to the underlying theoretical assumptions of the strategies chosen. Workers seeking to engage in social justice practice with families will think about family members’ ability to engage in strategic tasks as well as the environmental and political factors that may impede their performance of these tasks.
Furthermore, we suggest that families move through phases of growth as a family in a systematic way, and the practitioner should help the family obtain sufficient economic and environmental resources to secure the assistance it might need. The current phenomenon of adult offspring moving back into their parents’ homes because of the lack of economic and employment opportunities cannot be addressed by the development or life span perspectives in work with families. These models are also problematic for understanding the increasing numbers of grandparents who care for their grandchildren due to the inability of their children to do so. Because these are not deviant families, our recognition of the forces that influence life decisions at the individual and family levels are critical to engaging in effective social justice practice.
Moving to a later and more inclusive model such as empowerment theory without attention to the issues raised previously in this chapter has the potential to be equally problematic for attempting system change. The worker may adhere to an empowerment perspective, but without the service user’s articulation of the external issues influencing his or her internal problems, this approach does not truly empower the service user. The worker should draw upon the service user’s
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 157
worldview (i.e., the individuals in the family or the individual receiving service) rather than only his or her own.
Socially just practice requires more transparency on the part of the worker than is usually the case, thus reducing the “mystique” of social work practice as something only professional practitioners can achieve. It is typical of analytically oriented practitioners to ask the service users why they ask such questions as the worker’s age, marital status, and so on. A socially just practice will not be as circumspect, although practitioners will still remain judicious about what they share. It is not unusual for a gay service user to ask about the practitioner’s sexual orientation, a woman to ask a male worker about his professional experience with women, or an African American to inquire about the practitioner’s experience with African Americans.
This does not mean that implementation of a strategy is limited to those who can engage in verbal interaction. Even individuals with developmental disabilities have methods of negotiating their environments. Our task as workers is to learn to access those negotiation strategies and incorporate them into interventions.
One illustration of this is the rapid expansion of strength- based programs for autistic children that simultaneously recognize the unique ways in which the children negotiate their environments, the ways some parents have learned to communicate with their children, the educational policies in states such as Iowa to support the ability of children to remain in their homes without placing sole burden for their special needs on their parents, and the passage and refinement of federal policies such as the Americans with Disabilities Act.
For more than 40 years, programs such as Systems Unlimited in Iowa City, Iowa, have continued to generate practice- based theory and have altered the opportunities available to developmentally disabled children and adults to live productive lives. This has much in common with the social justice perspectives discussed in this chapter. In fact, the social justice practice perspectives of one of the authors were shaped by her work as Director of Social Services for this orga- nization in the late 1970s. The program has been influential in modeling com- prehensive services for other agencies and states throughout the country. It has effectively linked with local, county, and statewide educational institutions to engage in systematic monitoring. It has helped design programs for social work students interested in developmental disabilities.
Lobbying efforts started by Systems Unlimited have resulted in state law changes so that unrelated individuals can share a single family dwelling, thus allowing adults needing minimal supervision to live and work within their com- munities. The founders of Systems Unlimited, including its first executive direc- tor, Barry Leonard, designed the program with an emphasis on what would be socially just practice enabling children with developmental disabilities to reach
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
158 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
their highest potential. As new research has yielded information, the program has expanded to utilize this new knowledge to develop its services. These services, in turn, are monitored by service users, workers, and families. Those monitoring efforts become the basis of evaluation methods, in many cases done quarterly, so that there is detailed information about the impact of the intervention on the family, community, city, and state, as well as the individual.
Monitoring is done by all parties who will be affected by the change— even those individuals who may be nonverbal, because an inability to speak does not necessarily imply an inability to provide feedback. The worker(s) in this agency, in turn, collects, integrates, and feeds back knowledge to those who have been engaged in the intervention and perform the formal evaluation tasks. The evalu- ations are then used to help regional and statewide partners understand the envi- ronmental changes required for fully serving all of the residents of the state. Clients are also empowered to choose services that meet their needs as they define them.
The middle phase of socially just practice requires the constant monitoring gained by power analyses. This may initially be met with resistance by agencies and workers who have competing demands (Rooney, 2009). In order to incorpo- rate a social justice practice framework effectively, staff must be able to engage in the same middle phase issues of implementation, monitoring, and evaluation that are being done in conjunction with service users.
If the beginning phases of socially just interventions focus on clearing the soil that will impede the successful planting of crops, then the middle phase can be likened to tending those crops. They must be weeded to remove those plants that may interfere with the growth of the desired crops, serendipitous beneficial plants that are linked to the main crops need to be supported, and the growers need to be kept healthy so that they can engage in the growing enterprise.
The Ending Phase of Intervention
For those utilizing a social justice framework in social work practice, endings are not considered terminations. Instead, they are steps in a process that con- tinues beyond the service user/ worker relationship. Within our social justice framework, we remember that the origins of practice in the United Kingdom and the United States were designed initially to reduce the need for interventions by formal social welfare institutions. Newer, more culturally congruent practices form the foundation for social justice and social change within individuals and families. Those, in turn, alter relationships in communities, the wider society, and the world.
As discussed previously, enacting socially just practice at the individual or family level is an iterative process. As individuals become more aware of the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 159
micro, mezzo, and macro intersections of their lives, they can help to create inter- ventions to address one or more of these elements. For example, a woman with meager resources who is in need of child care lest her children lose their Medicaid funding might address the issue across levels. At the individual level, the stress of working at a low- wage job can lead to physical and psychological discomfort, and part of socially just practice is geared toward addressing the stressors. At the same time, balancing the woman’s needs with those of her family must be considered.
The use of narratives may help the mother to pinpoint the areas to be addressed that are peculiar to her situation. As these narratives are developed, the mother is encouraged to address directly the link normally absent from most social work interventions but desired by some service users, namely spirituality and/ or religiosity. The inner strength derived from having a spiritual practice or network is a potential source of power for those who learn to use insights and ideas gained from it to address their everyday lives (Walsh, 2009). Ignoring this level has led to incomplete interventions by omitting the benefits and challenges people face during their relationships with corporate or individual worship prac- tices. Incorporating this level of intervention into social justice practice, as was popular during the civil rights movement in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, allows people to utilize existing social networks in their natural environment rather than create new ones dependent on an external worker as the change agent.
The mother described previously could link with other mothers in similar circumstances via multiple family groups in which an emphasis has been placed on maximizing group cohesion through a priori attention to group composition by group facilitators. These mezzo level groups can reshape an old practice com- mon within families of color— child lending. In this situation, women identify their familial needs and how these must be balanced with external expectations examined as they created their narratives. The women, in turn, plan and engage in sharing the care of their children so that all can meet the requirements of their employment. Child care schedules are developed, and the children are raised in a community as family. Within low- income communities in the United States, older relatives have been utilized to provide child care, allowing them greater access to the younger generation as well as some income for doing so. The com- munity child lending practices are used in other ways throughout the world. In Germany, some women and men share jobs and live in multiple family dwellings, allowing the children to be supervised by several adults. In the United States and The Netherlands, people who live in co- housing have done the same. Research on child lending practices in Ghana has determined that those children who have had multiple family members engaged in their primary education years are less likely to have trouble with authorities and more likely to have adult involvement in their education (Imoh, 2012).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
160 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
As individuals and families recognize and begin to share the similarities of their circumstances, macro interventions may be developed to system- ically change their common concerns. These may take the form of building new skill sets such as learning to lobby their local, regional, state, and national governments.
One powerful example of this joint social justice action aimed at the macro level occurred within an organization founded by a small group of women who had married non- German men during the 1970s only to find that neither they nor their children had rights to German citizenship. As one of the founders, Rosi Wolf- Almanesreh, began to tell her story, other women throughout the country added theirs until there was a national movement of women successfully lobby- ing for a change in the country’s laws. This social change did not occur without conflict, and many members’ lives were threatened. Recognizing the common links with the women’s struggle, other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that were engaged in social justice work joined with and provided protection for members of this organization as they traveled throughout the country for meet- ings and social action. Having met their initial goal for legal parity for all women who marry, the group now focuses its efforts on the racial segregation and abuse of ethnic groups within Germany.
In all of the previously mentioned examples, professionals were involved to some extent. Sustaining the changes, however, was a result of the evolution of persons’ careful analyses of their situations, attaining skills to address their needs, engaging others in the process of change, and enacting empowered interactions with their environments.
Endings from a social justice framework shift the focus of general social work practice from “I– I” to “we– we,” as is illustrated in Figure 5.2. In Figure 5.2A, two individuals with different backgrounds and norms find a mutual interest at some level and build on it. This is common in social work practice in which the change is focused at only one level of interaction. At best, these arrows are drawn in a parallel manner, signifying egalitarianism in the relationship between the bodies represented. At its lowest, social work could also be enacted with the two arrows drawn hierarchically, recognizing the subordination of one group and dominance of the other. The dominant group would have the agency to direct the change toward the targeted subordinate group.
In Figure 5.2B, varied interests are inherent in sets of people with some similarities and a variety of differences. In the “we– we” paradigm, individu- als recognize their mutual interests and then build linkages among them. The example of an organization’s connection with labor and health NGOs given previously demonstrates how possible exponential growth to effect change on multiple levels can result from working with individuals and families from a social justice perspective.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 161
Interest A
(a)
Interest B
Interest A
Interest A'
Interest B
Interest AB
Interest B'
Interest AB
Interest D
Interest C'
Interest C
Interest BA
(b)
F igu r e 5.2 A Social Justice Focus in Social Work Practice
As services to individuals and families come to an end, the following pro- cesses take place that have social justice implications:
• Practitioners and service users cope with their feelings about ending. • Practitioners and service users evaluate/ assess what changes in themselves
and their environments have taken place during the course of service. • Service users plan for activities and services they will draw upon to continue
to pursue changes in themselves and their environments. • Service users plan ways of maintaining changes that have been made in
themselves and their environments. • Service users consider ways to utilize changes in an expanding set of
circumstances. • Service users and practitioners celebrate achievements.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
162 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
6. This has been a recognized procedure in practice in the nature of follow up to determine if changes have been maintained over time.
Coping with Feelings
The work that practitioners and service users have done together is likely to have engendered warm feelings of each party to the other, and there may be sadness at parting. These feelings have a variety of practice implications. It may be appro- priate for service users to occasionally contact the practitioner either verbally or through e- mail messages or other forms of written communication. The prac- titioner should always consider what is best for the service users in making any such arrangement, which may also include the practitioner occasionally contact- ing service users to find out how they are doing.6 These types of contacts may reinforce the existence of the genuine concern of practitioners for those they serve. Sometimes there are negative or ambivalent feelings that trouble both parties and that may continue to trouble them; these contacts may lead to the resolution of these issues.
In addition, the ending of service may have implications for other parts of the service users’ social network that affect their feelings and have social justice implications. For example, service users may be anxious about using other mem- bers of their social network for support for fear that this will negatively affect their relationships. Thus, with proper consultation and agreement with the ser- vice user, the practitioner might involve significant others in the termination process, and this may help the service user to continue to move forward.
In the situation of involuntary service users, the entities that have mandated the service may be critical or even angry if the outcome of the service reflected the legitimate desire of the service user but not of the agency. An example of this potential development can be found in work with a person on parole who resolved a family dispute with the help of the practitioner. Although this was a legitimate concern, the court wanted the service to focus on the client’s accepting full responsibility for the crime. The judge explicitly stated this and was likely to criticize the practitioner and service user if this did not occur. This under- scores the importance of taking into account not only the service user’s and practitioner’s feelings but also the expectations of others in the social network, including third parties, groups, and institutions. The practitioner, however, must continue to prioritize the outcomes desired by service users.
Evaluation and Assessment
Most approaches to evaluation and assessment as the service concludes stress changes in the user of service. Because social justice practice stresses the impor- tance of changes in the political and social environment, socially just evaluations
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 163
also examine changes in those systems. The following are examples of how this might be done:
• A student who had been having problems in the classroom discovered that some of these problems were due to stereotypes the teacher had of her. She and her mother had conversations with the teacher about this issue, and the teacher recognized she had been evaluating the student based on these stereotypes. Part of the evaluation process, therefore, consisted of assessing whether the teacher had become more supportive of the student.
• The same student also became aware of the fact that school administrators and counselors had been “tracking” students based on their ethnicity. Her parents raised this issue at a parents’ meeting, and all the parents agreed to raise this issue at the next meeting of the Board of Education Part of the evaluation, therefore, consisted of finding out whether this issue had been raised at the board meeting and what the board had done about it.
• In the same situation, one of the parents decided to run for election to the board of education. Again, the evaluation included finding out whether this had happened and whether the student and her family had done anything with respect to this election. During this ending phase, the practitioner and the student discussed what the student and her family thought about these actions with respect to the teacher, administrators, and the board of education and what they had learned from this experience.
Activities to Continue to Pursue Changes
Although the interactions between the practitioner and the service user are discontinuing, the family and/ or individuals should discuss what they will do in the future to maintain changes or to seek new changes. We do not dis- cuss all these activities here because they are well covered elsewhere (Seabury et al., 2011). From a social justice perspective, these activities will often include activities that either work against injustices experienced by service users or ways in which various systems can become more just. The following are exam- ples of these activities:
• An individual who was using the service to help him “come out” as gay planned ways he will continue to have discussions with his mother and father to obtain their understanding and support.
• The same individual had located a “coming out” group as part of his work with the social worker. He discussed how he will use this group to find ways of combating the homophobia he experiences at his college.
• The individual will ask his friends to help him form a GLBT group at his col- lege because there already are such support and advocacy groups for African
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
164 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Americans, Latinos/ as, Jews, and people with disabilities. The college environ- ment, he believes, will be enriched by the presence of all these groups as they serve as models for students who seek an environment that is supportive of their identities.
This approach to change as an ongoing process reflects the assumption that change may occur in cycles in which there are periods of active change, followed by periods of rest and consolidation/ integration, followed by more active change efforts.
Ways of Maintaining Changes
Seabury et al. (2011) note that changes in the service users and their environ- ments cannot be assumed to be lasting unless actions are taken to make this more likely to occur. These authors indicate a set of circumstances that help to main- tain change. Several factors, related to social justice, are relevant here. First, var- ious individuals and institutions in the environment may have an investment in undermining these changes. Family members may seek to reverse changes in the family member in question in order to advance their own interests. For example, a sibling of a service user wished to monopolize family resources to achieve his own goals, although the parents viewed this as an unjust allocation of family resources. The practitioner urged the parents to hold family meetings to instill a sense of justice in the allocation of such resources.
Another example involves some actions of the board of education referred to previously. The board voted to hire an educational consulting firm to work with the school to identify and change practices that were detrimental to such groups as GLBT students and students of color. The board, however, set limits on this effort by setting an unreasonably short time limit in which the process would occur and by providing an inadequate budget for the work. The practitioner sug- gested that the parents with whom she was working suggest to the parents’ orga- nization that it continue to monitor the board’s use of resources and advocate for more adequate appropriations.
Consideration of Utilizing Change in an Expanding Set of Circumstances
The service user has typically considered making changes and seeking changes in others under a limited (sometimes only one) set of circumstances. A user who sought ways of being assertive with his employers may generalize these skills by using them with other powerful figures in the community such as school admin- istrators or political figures. From a social justice standpoint, it may be warranted to use these skills across cultural, political, economic, and social boundaries that were previously kept at a distance.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
5. Social Justice and Individual and Family Change 165
Celebrate Achievements
It is a maxim of social justice practice that the activity to achieve a more just set of circumstances should have joyous elements, and their attainment should be a particularly joyous occasion. There are various ways that individuals or families can engage in celebration. The individual may create a ceremonial event with the practitioner (e.g., congratulate one another, reflect on what one has learned, or share refreshments). The family may similarly plan a party, engage in a round of congratulations, or sing a song that is a family favorite. This has not appeared in family or individual change literature but is often described in group work literature, which may have suggestions that can be used with individuals or families.
Summary
This chapter explored the issues involved in socially just practice with individuals and families. It traced the historical development of individual and family prac- tice and family therapy in the United States, identified past and contemporary models of these methods of practice in social work, and critiqued these models from a social justice perspective. The chapter also provided specific examples of socially just practice with individuals and families, with a focus on their appli- cation to the beginning, middle, and ending phases of the intervention process. It is our belief that social work practitioners who pay attention to these layers of intervention will increase the probability of successful outcomes not only for the people with whom they work but also for the profession of social work as a whole.
Discussion Questions
1. What approach or model of individual or family practice are you most likely to use in your practice? From a social justice standpoint, what are the strengths or limitations of this model?
2. This chapter presented several approaches to socially just practice with indi- viduals and families. Which approaches do you favor? What are your reasons for preferring them?
3. What types of social justice issues may arise in social work with families? How might a practitioner respond to these issues?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6
Socially Just Group Work Practice Charles D. Garvin and Robert M. Ortega
Introduction
In this chapter, we discuss social work practice in groups from a social justice perspective. As indicated in Chapter 1, we view the following as core principles of social justice: a more equal distribution of power among the groups in soci- ety; the elimination of the oppression of some individuals and groups by other individuals and groups, as reflected in both their goals and processes; an equi- table distribution of resources; and the resolution of unjust power differentials. In groups, we seek to pursue social justice goals by asking the following guiding questions: “Do the group’s purpose and goals accommodate issues of diversity and social justice that are relevant to its members both inside and outside the group?” “Does the group experience take into account the individual member differences, including their various positionalities and standpoints?” “Do the group’s dynamics that emerge within the group shape or influence group partici- pation in socially just ways?” “Does the group’s leadership respect each member’s unique background, perspective, and contributions?” “Do the group’s processes contain built- in responses that identify and address its power dynamics and potentially counterproductive actions, appropriately manage conflict, and pre- vent undesirable outcomes?” Finally, “In what ways do core group work practices support socially just group work practice?”
In general, a group organizes itself to accomplish its purpose and goals. Group purpose represents the reason the group was formed. Group goals are the desired outcomes of the group’s activities and are related to group purpose. In this chap- ter, we argue that social work with groups is concerned with furthering social justice; reducing injustice; and guarding against unintentionally contributing to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 167
mechanisms that support privilege, marginalization, and oppression. For exam- ple, the process of determining group goals requires participants to be critically conscious about the various “inputs” and “outputs” that sustain injustice and unearned privilege. Hence, from the establishment of the group’s purpose and goals, social justice knowledge and principles should be made explicit.
The group’s purpose is likely to be influenced by the knowledge and perspec- tives that group members obtain from the larger environment. Group members will bring to group tasks assumptions about social justice that are influenced by societal values and approaches to justice. These may include definitions of human well- being, values about the human condition, rights and responsibilities, and assumptions about conflict and community (Reed, Ortega, & Garvin, 2010). Similarly, societal beliefs and values, key symbols, rituals, and ideals influence what members value and define as acceptable and also how they understand and draw meaning from their lives and interactions.
An individual’s unique background and perspective are composed of all the beliefs, attitudes, values, skills, and knowledge that are brought into group mem- ber relationships and interactions from the larger environment (Cohen, 2009; Crenshaw, 1995). Intersectional social identities (i.e., the way the various iden- tities of individuals are activated based on cultural differences and the social consequences of these differences) emerge and guide social interactions. In the group, individual thoughts, feelings, and corresponding actions shape its pat- terns of communication and interaction, the sense of belonging or cohesion that members feel, the group’s mechanisms of social control, and the group’s over- all culture and climate. A social justice perspective draws attention to dynam- ics operating within the group that, if left unchecked, re- create the multiple, often unrecognized microinequities that maintain status differences and that marginalize certain thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Group processes are also influenced by societal socialization practices and assumptions about everyday interactions, including the multiple ways in which people monitor themselves and each other to maintain order and ensure that behaviors and thoughts fall within acceptable limits.
To emphasize the themes underlying our guiding questions, we suggest that the success of social work practice in groups from a social justice perspective be guided by the following important practice principles:
• The group’s goals and purposes must be consistent with the social justice goals related to the context in which these goals are developed, (i.e., with the external environment in which the group and its members act).
• The unique intersectional social identities, needs, and experiences of each of its members both within and outside the group must be recognized, appreciated, and valued.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
168 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
• The group’s dynamics must support socially just participation. • The group’s leadership must facilitate reflection (including self- reflection),
shared responsibility, and each member’s contributions. • Group processes must be mindful of how issues are conceptualized and
understood, how language is being used, and the ways people interact and support each other. Also, power, authority, and conflict resolution must promote member participation.
• Practice dimensions, as a whole, must consistently demonstrate and adhere to socially just knowledge and skills.
We use these practice principles in this chapter. We consider the explicit pur- poses for which the group was formed, its goals and desired outcomes, and the overt agenda a group is assigned or elects to accomplish. In our focus on the issue of relevance, we consider what all members bring to the group as products of their social experiences. In our incorporation of the group’s dynamics, we remain vigilant to the implicit and explicit influences operating within the group to which members respond. Group leadership is not restricted to practitioners. Our interest is in the way leadership operates as inclusive or exclusive of other mem- bers and also in the criteria used to weigh leadership qualities and characteristics.
A social justice lens requires us to consider group changes from moment to moment and over longer periods. The criteria to assess the accomplishments of the group should include a social justice evaluation lens, including whether or not there are equitable benefits for all the members (Barusch, 2006).
The Group’s Purpose
We use a typology here originally developed by Garvin (1997) but modified to incorporate the social justice emphasis of this book. This is an “ideal type” typology in that it is based on dimensions that in actual groups are combined in various ways rather than representing a “pure” type. The intent of this typol- ogy is to help practitioners and members become conscious of the way they view the group’s purposes. This typology originally conceptualized purposes as either socialization or resocialization. Socialization involves choosing goals that incor- porate new skills for the members. Resocialization incorporates goals that rep- resent relinquishing previous skills and behaviors and developing a contrasting set of skills and behaviors. Socialization skills, for example, would be reflected in a group member wishing to develop new skills in seeking out relationships, assuming a new role (e.g., the secretary of an organization), or preparing to enter college. Resocialization, for example, would be relinquishing dysfunctional ways of resolving conflict in the family or workplace and substituting them with ways more likely to achieve desired goals.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 169
Social justice should be a strong component of these purposes. The new skills should be those that incorporate resistance to injustice or promote a more justice- oriented family, group, community, and society. Resocialization should involve relinquishing actions that oppress others or fail to resist the acts of an unjust society. An example of this is the relatively recent murder of an African American young man by a White police officer who claimed to be protecting himself although videos taken by bystanders raised serious doubts about his claim. Groups of people in the community initially protested in ways that had destructive elements. These groups began to change their tactics and engaged in social actions more likely to lead to changes in police behavior and to secure the support of other community members.
We have found it useful to subdivide the categories of socialization and reso- cialization. Socialization consists of “identity development” and “skill attain- ment.” Identity development consists of purposes to help members work on the identities they seek, such as becoming a compassionate male, an assertive woman, or a self- accepting gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex (GLBTI) person. The social justice components of these categories are to achieve identities that help members stand up for their rights and to combat unjust challenges to their aspirations. Skill attainment involves learning to behave in ways that accomplish one’s purposes, such as attaining academic skills or skills in engaging in effective social action.
We view resocialization as “responding to social control” or “seeking reha- bilitation.” The former recognizes that in many settings, such as the criminal justice system or educational and psychiatric institutions, the organizational structure imposes its purpose onto the group (e.g., behavioral demands in invol- untary settings). Our social justice framework requires that the worker be “up front” about these demands and help the members resist those they regard as unjust. This entails a great deal of work for the members and the workers as they decide how to react and how to interact with the agency that imposes such unjust demands.
We regard rehabilitation as a purpose of a group to help members relin- quish former behaviors (e.g., criminal behaviors, socially intrusive responses, and acceding to illicit drugs) and replace them with behaviors that are accept- able in their social situations (e.g., law- abiding behaviors, listening carefully to others and responding in ways appropriate to the situation, and diminished use of illicit substances). From a social justice perspective, this requires members to develop ways of resisting forces that maintain dysfunctional behaviors, espe- cially when these are socially unjust. An example of this is a group of former offenders who worked to educate various institutions of the validity of hiring former offenders who were previously discriminated against in employment practices.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
170 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Member Relevance
From a social justice perspective, members enter the group in possession of their own standpoints, positionalities, and epistemic privilege. This brings to the fore the notion that we are more than a social identity; we are multiple social identities that may differentiate us in terms of our positionalities, privilege, or oppressed sta- tus depending on the social context in which a particular identity has significance (Maher & Tetreault, 1993; Takacs, 1993). From a social justice perspective, position- ality refers to one’s social positions in relation to others with whom one is in con- tact and also the extent to which these positions influence aspects of the relations or perceptions about the others. Those who occupy different positionalities develop different knowledge and worldviews (standpoints) informed by their social loca- tions. Recognizing and harnessing these different views and sources of knowledge are critical for incorporating social justice values and approaches into small groups because those with different standpoints will recognize different forces as the sources of existing inequities. We elaborate more on this point later in the chapter.
Narayan (1999) reminds us that differences are reflected not only in phys- ical appearance or cognitions but also in an individual’s affect or emotional resonance. Narayan’s use of the phrase epistemic privilege focuses on the more immediate, subtle, and critical knowledge of one’s oppression and the affective experience of this oppression outside the awareness of non- oppressed members. Matters of social status, power, privilege, and authority (undergirding stand- points and positionalities) are highly individualized, corresponding to one’s epistemic privilege. From a social justice perspective, the practice challenge this involves is in knowing how to validate rather than ignore each member’s experi- ences of oppression (and associated thoughts and feelings) while at the same time taking them into account as relevant to the group’s work.
Case Example: Amira
Amira came into the group with serious trepidation. She believed her experiences were unparalleled compared to those of the other members of the social inte- gration group, whose purpose was to help new community members adjust to the environment in which they recently immigrated. Amira felt like an outsider; she was both embarrassed and ashamed to admit that she needed help. This was especially the case when she thought about the long- awaited journey (and the journey itself ) that allowed her to sit in this group. She had to do everything on her own, although her actions were consistent with expectations in her culture that promoted resilience in the face of constant danger. Her journey, however, was wrought with barriers and obstacles (physical, language, financial, “red tape,” etc.) every step of the way. She looked at the other members and there was silence;
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 171
she wondered if it was due to language, distrust, or social anxiety— all of which she believed were operating within her to explain her own silence. Her perspira- tion, hypervigilance, and self- consciousness all weighed heavily on the powerless- ness she felt as the group prepared to begin.
Group members bring their attitudes, experiences, ways of thinking, and behaviors into their group interactions, which are sustained by the individual and collective feelings, thoughts, and actions of members. Members enact patterns from the larger society, and it may take considerable effort to sort out individual factors affecting group members’ behavior from those reflecting larger forces in the current situation. Personal change, then, occurs within an understanding of the societal and cultural contexts. Also, the experiences of members should be examined for both their individual components that are established historically and also those that reflect larger cultural patterns.
A social justice perspective challenges us to pursue member relevance in sev- eral different ways. We are challenged to engage in critical consciousness, which we define as a continuous examination of our own positionalities in order to recognize our own standpoints and continue to learn about the ways in which our life experiences are shaped by the forces of difference and constructed sta- tuses (Suarez, Newman, & Reed, 2008). Included in this awareness is an appre- ciation of microinequities or microaggressions— the brief, covert or overt slights or condescending social exchanges that over time wear away at self- esteem and contribute to maintaining structural hierarchies and marginalizing dynamics (Rowe, 1990).
In the context of the group, critical consciousness enables us to acknowledge that other group members have different experiences and standpoints based on their unique backgrounds. In this regard, we expand our understanding of dif- ference and the social consequences of difference as they continuously define us (based on our own perception), are used by us to define others, or are used by others to define us.
A social justice perspective in our work with groups helps us recognize our areas of privilege that if not attuned to can block our ability to see marginal- ization or oppression or to work with others who are different from us. Group members can learn about various types of microinequities and create ways to assess within the group whether and how these are occurring and develop ways to identify and stop them as they recur. Remaining conscious of our experiences of privilege and oppression related to our position on various status dimensions can help us to recognize and empathize with people or groups that experience disadvantages related to their social positions on that dimension or, by associa- tion, on another dimension (e.g., race).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
172 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
By recognizing the importance of social contexts and the ways in which our identities may change over time, we are able to consider concepts such as multiple positionalities or standpoints together with their intersectionality. The intersec- tionality of our multiple social identities raises our complexity to a level that may seem difficult to understand, thereby privileging particular influences on our self definitions or else ignoring important differences about others that might be per- ceived as seemingly irrelevant but essential to their own self- definition (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1995; Pyke & Johnson, 2003).
In our perspectives and responses to differences, we may unjustly rely on ste- reotypes, biases, and other aggregate means of identifying ourselves and others, essentially masking critical differences of ourselves and others. A social justice perspective moves us beyond binary comparisons (e.g., Black vs. White) and pro- motes engagement with our whole selves together with the wholeness of others in our practice (Reed et al., 2010). We argue that it also requires legitimizing differ- ences and consciously elevating the uniqueness of individuals within their larger group and societal contexts. A growing literature discusses steps and processes for surfacing and “decentering” underlying paradigms and assumptions (Mann & Huffman, 2005; Narayan & Harding, 2000; Singleton & Linton, 2006). This includes examining phenomena and options through the eyes of those from dif- ferent standpoints, especially from those in socially marginalized positions, and systematically considering the implications of different points of view. Through this decentering process, the practitioner takes individual interests, goals, and life- styles into account in seeking to understand the ways in which people’s multiple group memberships and statuses shape who they are and who they behave in their daily lives.
In addition, we emphasize a cultural humility perspective to encourage a less deterministic and less authoritative approach to understanding diversity and social justice issues and their impact on group membership and participa- tion. Such a perspective places more value on the members’ own contributions (Ortega & Faller, 2011; Tervalon & Murray- Garcia, 1998). Group membership from a cultural humility perspective encourages all participants to relinquish the role of expert in order to maximize the potential of each member while eliciting expertise from them that will most likely facilitate the group’s movement toward its established purpose. Membership thus values both expert and learner roles in ways that support each member’s potential to become a capable, contribut- ing partner to the group’s development and productivity. To do so in practice requires skills of praxis. According to Freire (1973), praxis requires (1) a willing- ness to deepen one’s own knowledge of oneself as both a target and an agent for change; (2) an ability to act alone and with others; (3) the development of knowledge and skills for theorizing (critical personal, interpersonal, structural,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 173
and cultural analyses); and (4) engaging in strategies to recognize and promote change in situations that unjustly advantage or disadvantage social differences.
Group Dynamics
Case Example: Sergio
Sergio recently joined a men’s group and had difficulty arriving at the group meet- ing on time. John, one of the members, reminded him of the group’s agreement that it starts on time and told him to try harder to get there on time. He then added, “Remember, this ain’t MP time.” After some of the laughter by the other members subsided, one of the members asked what the MP stood for. As Sergio sat there half laughing, a member blurted out, “It means Mexican people time!” Sergio could see he did not have much in common with the other members and felt the proverbial wedge between him and other members based on racial or eth- nic identity and stereotypes. His only response was to agree to arrive on time. He also realized something else wrong about the comment: He was not Mexican, he was Spanish, although he knew he had an ally in Octavio, who did acknowledge his Mexican ancestry and together they were the only Latinos in the group.
Becoming aware of and building on group members’ multiple positionalities and standpoints is especially important at the interpersonal level. These work together and create opportunities for learning but may present barriers to social justice if not recognized. As indicated previously, this includes recognizing how dimen- sions of power, privilege, marginalization, oppression, and differences associated with positionalities influence peoples’ perceptions, decisions, and actions.
Considerable knowledge now exists about different ways of knowing and learning and how people respond to novel social contexts depending on their backgrounds and cultural styles (Goodman, 2001). Opportunities to share relevant histories and experiences can help members learn to interpret each other’s behaviors and support each other. To do so, unearned privilege must be recognized and challenged. In the previous example, it requires bringing to the fore stereotypes about the importance of time and assumptions about ethnic groups being monolithic. It means challenging the deeper meaning of stereo- types and potential for discrimination and the resulting marginalization and other harms that stereotypes engender. Group members who have experienced marginality and historical trauma may be distrustful or impatient for change. Professional wisdom consistently asserts the importance of assisting every- one to examine how they have internalized oppression and to learn skills for
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
174 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
individual and group empowerment, consciousness- raising, increasing group connections and relationship building across differences, and taking action through advocacy with others (Burnes & Ross, 2010; Ratts, Anthony, & Santos 2010; Smith & Shin, 2008).
If they are to be effective, all groups must develop ways to negotiate and build on differences among members, who can then make decisions and work together. Even in situations in which variety and diverse perspectives are sought and val- ued, groups must develop ways to identify and use those differences. A group can make badly informed and reasoned decisions under these conditions, some- times with major negative consequences. Soliciting differences, surfacing and embracing conflict as a positive force, and other strategies have emerged from the literature as a way to prevent groupthink and to build on the strengths that dif- ferences potentially provide (Curseu, Schruijer, & Boros, 2007; Ivey & Collins, 2003; Roysircar, 2008).
Conflict can be a positive, negative, or neutral force in small groups, but all types of conflict are important within and between groups, especially in working with groups to reach desired social justice goals. Conflict is an important compo- nent in the knowledge and theory of practice in groups in at least three ways: as a component in group development and maintenance, as a necessary element when negotiating and building on differences among members, and as a consequence of coming together across organizational interfaces or group boundaries. The most difficult conflicts to negotiate are those that occur around the “fault lines” in which differences are polarized and associated with patterns of distrust and power and/ or when multiple types of differences coincide. Fault lines occur when subgroup categorizations or emerging power and status differentials influence or disrupt group processes such as decision- making that uses criteria other than the best knowledge and skills about how best to proceed (Homan, van Knippenberg, Van Kleef, & De Dreu, 2007).
For example, fault lines may undermine member trust and willingness to cooperate with others when certain privileges or priorities are assigned to some members because of their gender, age, or other social identities without accept- able rationale or justification. This increases tensions and conflict among group members, and it reduces communication among them. Especially when groups form, group members must determine how they will work together to accom- plish their goals, discover and build on the talents and perspectives of group members, and negotiate members’ different goals and ambitions. Conflict, from the group’s initial development, has been described as the unavoidable, necessary, and important phase during which norms, procedures, and member roles and rankings are established (Forsythe, 2010). In an ongoing group, many of these issues will resurface and need to be renegotiated when a group’s membership,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 175
goals, or environment changes or when it must transition to different sets of chal- lenges and tasks. These are critical periods in which many aspects of groups can be re- examined and renegotiated.
The goal for this period of group development is frequently to negotiate, learn, or work together across differences. Intergroup relations units on many college campuses are an example of this type of conflict negotiation (Nagda, 2006; Nagda, Kim, & Truelove, 2004). In one model, half of a group’s members represent people with lower status on a particular social category, and the other half have access to unearned advantage based on that category (e.g., African Americans and Caucasians, women and men, and those with disabilities and the able- bodied). The goal is to share experiences, learn from each other about how privilege and oppression work, and join together to identify and work toward some common goals. Ideally, members will discuss how their other social cate- gories are also relevant (e.g., how gender affects one’s experience of race). Other models are emerging that educate across multiple differences simultaneously or sequentially (Dessel, Rogger, & Garlington, 2006; Nagda, 2006).
At a more macro level, the use of a group may be to negotiate conflicts, disputes, and different interests in an organization or the larger society. For instance, such groups are used among unions and employers, gangs, nations, religious groups, or ethnic subgroups. International summits, for instance, frequently occur in small groups, with carefully developed protocols and skilled negotiators.
Within these groups, a facilitator needs to attend to emotional, cognitive, and behavioral issues and triggers so that people can develop more positive feel- ings and thoughts about others who represent other social categories and also skills for communicating and working together across differences (Stephan, 2008). For intergroup negotiations, members and negotiators must help the pro- tagonists to articulate their issues and views, explore the sources of these views, and search for common ground or exchanges that can be made (Alexander & Levin, 1998).
Working with Connections and Conflict
Different types and severities of conflict may require different approaches. Conflict, for instance, may reflect an incompatibility or variance, a clash or divergence of opinions or interests, or a contention, battle, or struggle for mas- tery, including a hostile encounter. These suggest different levels or intensity of conflicts, which may be related to different types and sources of differences. Working with and building on differences requires that we recognize and con- sciously work with conflicts— that we not avoid the tensions and disputes that often accompany differences but, rather, view them as opportunities to learn
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
176 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
from, build on, and negotiate differences. This is also essential if groups are to avoid marginalizing and exploiting some categories of members.
In some instances, one can include in the group members to represent par- ticular types of diversity, including people who can create bridges and mediate between extremes. Whether or not a group’s composition can be chosen to max- imize desired diversity, every group can develop group norms and procedures that solicit, value, and systematically take into account the different approaches, knowledge and skill sets, and worldviews of its members. We can value, work with, and build on differences, agree to disagree in some instances, compromise, or continue to work toward negotiating alternatives when people cannot agree. When factions are polarized with great distrust, many strategies are possible for finding common ground (e.g., developing overarching goals) or at least reducing some of the worst negative consequences of dynamics associated with conflict and connection that create iniquities (Fisher et al., 2000).
Cohesion
Cohesion is a critical aspect when conceptualizing a group’s dynamics because it can only occur when a group exists. It has been defined as all forces acting on members to remain in the group (Festinger, 1950) or why members are attracted to a group. Cohesiveness is essential for building and sustaining a viable group. The degree of cohesion has implications for sustained membership and improved performance. As groups form and cohesiveness develops, members become com- mitted to the group and develop preferences for ideas, practices, and people asso- ciated with their group (Forsythe, 2010).
Whereas early research relied primarily on outcome studies that indicated membership and performance were highly subjective and relied heavily on member similarities, recent studies challenge this notion. Van Knippenberg, Haslam, and Platow (2007), for example, draw upon group (social) identification theory and propose that sometimes diversity rather than homogeneity fosters greater group identification. Their research suggests that successful group performance relies on member perceptions about the value of diversity and that group performance may be enhanced “precisely because of their diversity” (p. 208). Beyond performance, group studies in the organizational literature that examine the impact of diversity on organizational climate and culture underscore the fact that when diversity is perceived to increase group performance, it is likely to be embraced rather than viewed as aversive, especially when group members believe that there is greater value in diversity than homogeneity (Van Knippenberg et al., 2007).
Group diversity focuses on the ways in which group membership differs along specific dimensions. Research suggests that different types of diversity
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-21 01:20:50.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
2.Casey,2.Casey, E.,Carlson, J., Two Bulls, S., & Yager, A.(2018). Gender Transformative Approaches to Engaging Men in Gender-Based Violence.pdf
Review Manuscript
Gender Transformative Approaches to Engaging Men in Gender-Based Violence Prevention: A Review and Conceptual Model
Erin Casey 1 , Juliana Carlson
2 , Sierra Two Bulls
2 , and Aurora Yager
3
Abstract Engaging men and boys as participants and stakeholders in gender-based violence (GBV) prevention initiatives is an increasingly institutionalized component of global efforts to end GBV. Accordingly, evidence of the impact of men’s engagement endeavors is beginning to emerge, particularly regarding interventions aimed at fostering gender equitable and nonviolent attitudes and behaviors among men. This developing evidence base suggests that prevention programs with a ‘‘gender transformative’’ approach, or an explicit focus on questioning gender norms and expectations, show particular promise in achieving GBV pre- vention outcomes. Interventions targeting attitude and behavior change, however, represent just one kind of approach within a heterogeneous collection of prevention efforts around the globe, which can also include community mobilization, policy change, and social activism. The degree to which gender transformative principles inform this broader spectrum of men’s engagement work is unclear. The goals of this article are twofold. First, we offer a conceptual model that captures and organizes a broader array of men’s antiviolence activities in three distinct but interrelated domains: (1) initial outreach and recruitment of previously unengaged males, (2) interventions intended to promote gender-equitable attitudes and behavior among men, and (3) gender equity-related social action aimed at eradicating GBV, inclusive of all genders’ contributions. Second, we review empirical lit- erature in each of these domains. Across these two goals, we critically assess the degree to which gender transformative principles inform efforts within each domain, and we offer implications for the continuing conceptualization and assessment of efforts to increase men’s participation in ending GBV.
Keywords domestic violence, prevention, sexual assault, cultural contexts
Globally, the prevalence, intractability, and impact of intimate
partner and sexual violence have generated the recognition that
the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV) requires broad
community participation and particularly the participation of
men and boys. Accordingly, the past two decades have wit-
nessed a proliferation of programs and strategies designed to
engage men and boys in violence prevention, either within the
context of gender-specific (male only) programming or as a
component of efforts to educate and mobilize communities as
a whole. Over time, ‘‘men’s engagement’’ as an overarching
endeavor has grown to include and signal a broad range of
activities. These encompass goals ranging from raising men’s
awareness about GBV, to fostering individual men’s capacity
to cultivate respectful and gender-equitable relationships in
their families and social networks, to ‘‘engaging men’’ as social
change agents with the skills to agitate for policy and social
norm change consistent with safe and gender-equitable com-
munities (Carlson et al., 2015).
Mounting global evidence suggests that men’s engagement
programming incorporating a ‘‘gender transformative’’
approach is more likely to successfully shift men’s gender and
violence-related attitudes and behaviors than programs that do
not explicitly address ideas about gender norms (Barker,
Ricardo, & Nascimento, 2007). Gender transformative
approaches are more fully described and conceptualized sub-
sequently, but in brief, programs can be categorized as gender
transformative if they explicitly focus at least in part on a
critical examination of gender-related norms and expectations
(particularly those related to masculinity) and on increasing
gender-equitable attitudes and behaviors (Barker et al., 2007;
Gupta, 2000).
1 Tacoma Social Work Program, University of Washington, Tacoma, WA, USA 2 School of Social Welfare, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA
3 School of Public Affairs and Administration, University of Kansas, Lawrence,
KS, USA
Corresponding Author:
Erin Casey, Tacoma Social Work Program, University of Washington, 1900
Commerce Box 358425, Tacoma, WA 98402, USA.
Email: [email protected]
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 2018, Vol. 19(2) 231-246 ª The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1524838016650191 journals.sagepub.com/home/tva
The overarching purpose of this review is to apply a gender
transformative lens to summarizing current literature regarding
effective strategies for promoting men’s anti-GBV engage-
ment. While the heterogeneous range of approaches, programs,
and movements globally have often been treated as a somewhat
unified men’s engagement construct within GBV prevention
discourse, we argue for the conceptual utility of viewing men’s
antiviolence involvement as a set of more specific categories.
To this end, we first offer a conceptual model that disaggre-
gates men’s antiviolence engagement activities into three
domains organized both temporally and by the goals of the
work within those categories. These include (1) initial outreach
to and recruitment of previously unengaged men, (2) interven-
tions aimed at shifting men’s attitudes and behaviors, and (3)
social action aimed at eradicating GBV. We next define a
gender transformative lens and summarize the rationale for
engaging men through this perspective. Finally, we offer
reviews of available literature regarding promising and effec-
tive gender transformative strategies for our first two proposed
domains, initial outreach, and interventions aimed at attitudinal
and behavioral change. Our greater focus on reviewing litera-
ture pertinent to the first two domains reflects, in part, the
relative greater availability of peer-reviewed literature in these
areas. We conclude with a brief commentary on emerging lit-
erature regarding the conceptualization of the third domain,
social action, and on the relationship of the first two domains
with the integration of men into this activist overarching goal of
ending GBV.
In summarizing the knowledge base regarding engaging
men and boys in prevention through a gender transformative
lens, our aim is not to elevate men’s participation as an end
unto itself. Instead, we join Jewkes, Flood, and Lang (2015) in
arguing for the importance of males in violence prevention as
one integral component of comprehensive efforts to end vio-
lence globally and ultimately to promote gender justice.
Because gender ideologies are embedded in both male-
identified individuals’ risk for perpetrating violence, and their
willingness to participate in preventing it, however, the project
of engaging men requires careful thinking about how to appeal
to men without reinforcing notions of gender hierarchy. This
tension necessitates evaluating and surfacing the role of gender
in men’s anti-GBV involvement. Additionally, in focusing on
engaging men through gender transformative approaches, we
recognize that we run the risk of reifying notions of a gender
binary and gender as embodied; indeed, this is a critique of
gender transformative approaches more generally (see, for
review, Dworkin, Flemming, & Colvin, 2015). At the same
time, given the centrality of gender ideologies and associated
power inequities to violence risk and prevention, we suggest
that violence prevention approaches that do not explicitly
evoke participants’ ideas about their own gender identities and
gender norms elide a fundamental contributor to intractable
interpersonal violence. Critically assessing widely held notions
of appropriate ways of ‘‘doing gender’’ indeed sit at the heart of
conceptualizing gender transformative programming and may
also ultimately contribute to emancipatory gains related to
gender identities. For the purposes of parsimony in the remain-
der of the article, we will use the term men’s engagement,
terminology representing work with all male-identified indi-
viduals, inclusive of both men and boys.
Men’s Antiviolence Engagement: A Conceptual Model
As noted earlier, efforts to increase men’s antiviolence invol-
vement are myriad and include, but are not limited to, one-time
community events, standardized interventions aimed at
violence-related attitude and behavior change as well as a range
of community outreach, education, mobilization, and social
action efforts (Carlson et al., 2015). In addition to their hetero-
geneity, activities under the umbrella of men’s engagement
encompass a temporal dimension. Prior to entering formal edu-
cation programs or interventions, men must first seek involve-
ment, or be located, ‘‘engaged,’’ and invited into participation.
This front end stage is often not explicitly conceptualized or
addressed in the evaluation of GBV prevention programs. On
the back end, many programs that engage men and boys also
have aspirations to foster men’s identities as change agents and
to leverage their participation in ongoing community and social
action (sometimes outside the context of a formal intervention
program). This activism, in turn, may create pathways for still
more men to be engaged as activist men become visible in their
social networks and communities. To date, however, clear con-
ceptual distinctions between these types and phases of men’s
GBV prevention participation have not been consistently
articulated.
Figure 1 depicts a proposed conceptual model, inclusive of
the three aforementioned domains shown in a reciprocally
influential cycle. Here, initial recruitment of men and boys
provides a conduit to formalized prevention events and inter-
ventions, which in turn hold promise for fostering activism and
integration into larger GBV prevention efforts and, more
broadly, gender justice movements. Subsequent activism
(in addition to potentially addressing structural factors that
support GBV) can generate new spaces in which initial out-
reach to previously unengaged men may occur. We offer this
model as a way to consider the unique dimensions of these
domains as well as the possibility that particular strategies and
messaging will be differentially effective at supporting men’s
antiviolence involvement within each category. At the same
time, we hope to retain the notiontailoring antiviolence engage-
ment for male-identified individuals is just one component of a
comprehensive, gender-inclusive campaign to eradicate GBV.
Using this model as a starting point, we also critically evaluate
the ways that gender transformative principles have informed
efforts within each domain.
Engaging Men and Boys: The Rationale for a Gender Transformative Lens
The rationale for a focus on men’s engagement as a component
of the broader goal of GBV prevention has been widely articu-
lated elsewhere (e.g., most recently, Jewkes, Flood, & Lang,
232 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
2015; Peacock & Barker, 2014) and encompasses a gendered
analysis of violence. In brief, globally, the majority of intimate
partner and sexual violence resulting in serious injury or other
psychological or economic consequences is perpetrated by men
(Black et al., 2011; see, for review, Jewkes et al., 2015).
Furthermore, men’s use of violence in their heterosexual rela-
tionships is consistently associated with adherence to tradi-
tional notions of masculinity that emphasize dominance over
and hostility toward women (see, for review, Flood & Pease,
2009). For this reason, we employ the term ‘‘gender-based
violence’’ in this review to refer to intimate partner and sexual
violence. These empirically supported notions that particular
traditional conceptualizations of masculinity create risk for
men’s violence and explain, in part, the gender disparity in
perpetration constitute a direct corollary to the emergence of
‘‘gender transformative’’ conceptualizations of prevention. The
term gender transformative is predominantly used to identify
programmatic efforts to end GBV-related and HIV-related
social problems with gender relations at the core. Over last
15 years, organizations such as the United Nations Population
Fund (UNFPA), Promundo, and Sonke as well as HIV-specific
organizations like United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS have
adopted the term gender transformative to describe programs
seeking to increase gender equity and to inspire governments,
organizations, and individuals engaged in this work to embrace
this framework (e.g., Kaufman et al., 2014).
Gita Rao Gupta (2000) is credited with the origins of the
term gender transformative, stemming from her 2000 lecture
where she delineated a continuum of specific categories of
approaches to the efforts to address gender, sexuality, and HIV.
Within this continuum, Gupta outlined five categories of
interventions: reinforcing damaging gender and sexuality
stereotypes, gender neutral, gender sensitive, gender transfor-
mative, and gender empowering. These are delineated on a
continuum of ‘‘progress,’’ implying that the gender transforma-
tive end of the valence is more desirable and supportive of
social change. Although a full explication of the spectrum is
beyond the scope of this review, in brief, Gupta posits that only
gender transformative and gender empowering approaches
address the actual gendered social inequity that underlies GBV
and the sexual and economic marginalization of women. The
goals of gender transformative and empowering programs are
to foster gender-equitable attitudes, behaviors, and community
structures that support both men and women in full community
participation and (in the case of gender empowering strategies),
‘‘to free women and men from the impact of destructive gender
and sexual norms’’ (Gupta, 2000, p. 11).
In 2010, the UNFPA and Promundo, two leaders in funding
and implementing GBV prevention programming, adapted
Gupta’s conceptualization into a four category gender pro-
gramming continuum: gender exploitative, gender neutral, gen-
der sensitive, and gender transformative. Given the relative
rarity of programs that meet a truly ‘‘gender empowering’’
standard (Gupta, 2000), the gender transformative approach
has emerged as the current ideal for prevention interventions.
This is a prevalent approach particularly in low- to middle-
income countries in which prevention initiatives often holisti-
cally target multiple gender-related outcomes, including GBV,
family, sexual and reproductive health, access to education,
and/or economic well-being (Dworkin, Treves-Kagan, & Lipp-
man, 2013). More recent operationalization of what constitutes
a gender transformative approach reflects this broader lens; the
UNFPA (2010) state that gender transformative programs
‘‘seek to transform gender relations through critical reflection
and the questioning of individual attitudes, institutional prac-
tices and broader social norms that create and reinforce gender
inequalities and vulnerabilities’’ (p. 14).
The main rationale for prioritizing gender transformative
prevention interventions is the global evidence demonstrating
that programs using this approach are effective at supporting
attitude and behavior change among men as demonstrated by
three recent and large-scale reviews (Barker et al., 2007; Dwor-
kin et al., 2013; UNFPA & Promondo, 2010). The 2007 World
Health Organization Report authored by Barker and colleagues
also concludes that programs with a gender transformative
component outperform those that are gender neutral or gender
sensitive. Further, given that empirical studies show an asso-
ciative relationship between masculine gender role ideologies
Figure 1. Domains of men’s engagement in gender-based violence prevention: A conceptual model.
Casey et al. 233
and sexual risk (i.e., unprotected vaginal sex) as well as inti-
mate partner violence (IPV) in young men’s heterosexual rela-
tionships (Santana, Raj, Decker, La Marche, & Silverman,
2006), addressing gender norms within prevention interven-
tions can have impact across multiple health, sexual, and
safety-related outcomes. Scholars and preventionists increas-
ingly argue that acknowledging and addressing gender norms is
therefore central to change work with men (Jewkes et al.,
2015). On a broader horizon, holding up the gender transfor-
mative approach as the gold standard of GBV prevention inter-
ventions lays groundwork for increasing the number of gender
empowering approaches to moving toward gender equity
(Gupta, 2000).
Domain 1: Initial Outreach to Men—Conceptualizing a Gender Transformative Approach
Most of the literature on gender transformative approaches to
GBV prevention focus on the outcomes of distinct, standar-
dized programs that are implemented in communities over
time. Initiating these programs, however, requires the recruit-
ment of participants and sparking an initial willingness among
men to be exposed to prevention events or programming. This
early outreach and invitation stage of men’s engagement is less
well conceptualized in existing literature, is often not described
in detail in the context of intervention evaluations, and is rarely
addressed explicitly through a gender transformative lens. As
noted earlier, we argue for conceptually disaggregating the
assessment of outreach efforts from the assessment of formal
interventions for the purpose of understanding the unique con-
siderations involved in convincing male-identified individuals
that an issue they may not have previously attended to is worth
their time and attention. The nature of initial outreach may
shape men’s expectations for what participation in prevention
programs will be like, systematically attract or exclude certain
groups of men, and influence differential success or attrition in
programs.
Additionally, evidence suggests that notions of gender and
the principles of gender transformative work are highly rele-
vant to this stage of men’s engagement. On a very fundamental
level, male gender identity may inhibit the extent to which
discussions of violence are perceived by men as even tangen-
tially relevant to their lives; in a study by Rich, Utley, Janke,
and Moldoveanu (2010), for example, over 50% of college–age men in a U.S. sample stated that they would not support or
attend a voluntary education opportunity regarding sexual
assault prevention because it did not apply to them specifically
as men or as people who were not, themselves, engaged in
violent behavior. Adherence to traditional ideas about mascu-
linity may further exacerbate this disconnect. Endorsing tradi-
tional masculinity is not only associated with risk for violence
perpetration, as noted earlier, but is also correlated with a lack
of confidence in taking actions that could interrupt or prevent
violence among men in the United States (Allen, 2010). Even
men who do not personally endorse traditional ideas about
masculinity are impeded by those ideas from taking
antiviolence actions. Men report that the notion of intervening
in another male’s disrespectful or abusive behavior toward a
woman is hindered by fears of being labeled weak or ‘‘wimps’’
by male peers (e.g., McMahon & Dick, 2011). Taken together,
these emerging findings suggest that men’s ideas about gender
are part of the complex calculus involved in the extent to which
GBV prevention efforts or actions feel relevant, important, or
accessible to men.
The remainder of this section summarizes the current evi-
dence base regarding promising strategies for reaching out to
men to invite their initial participation in GBV prevention
activity. Additionally, we assess the degree to which gender
transformative approaches are embedded in existing strategies
for initiating men’s engagement. Research articles informing
this section were located through searches of the PsychInfo,
PubMed, Web of Science, and Google Scholar databases using
the terms ‘‘engaging men,’’ ‘‘involving men,’’ ‘‘outreach to
men,’’ or ‘‘men and allies’’ coupled with the terms ‘‘violence’’
and ‘‘prevention.’’ Forward and backward citation searches on
included articles were also conducted. Inclusion criteria were
that articles were available in English and described findings
related to strategies for inviting men’s antiviolence participa-
tion or to men’s perceptions of effective strategies for engaging
others. Articles that addressed men’s attitudes toward GBV in
general but did not link these attitudes to factors associated
with men’s engagement in prevention were excluded as were
empirical outcome evaluations of more comprehensive vio-
lence prevention programs. These are included in the next sec-
tion on reviewing evidence related to attitude and behavior
change.
In total, 12 peer-reviewed articles and 1 book were located
using these criteria; these are flagged with stars in the reference
section. All of the identified sources were descriptive and most
were qualitative; articles largely retrospectively explored
engaged men’s reasons for getting involved in antiviolence
work and/or their perceptions of effective approaches to ini-
tially reaching out to other men. We did not locate any quanti-
tative evaluations of the relative effectiveness of various
outreach strategies—thus, what follows is a summary of
descriptive and emerging evidence of promising though for-
mally untested outreach strategies. Further, somewhat surpris-
ingly, none of the studies invoked an exclusively gender
transformative conceptualization of initial outreach strategies.
Because of this, we elected to include articles on initial engage-
ment that were consistent with the above-mentioned inclusion
criteria even though they did not explicitly employ a gender
transformative analysis. In our analysis of this domain, there-
fore, we identify areas of overlap and disconnect between the
emerging literature on men’s initial engagement and a gender
transformative lens and conclude this section with comments
regarding implications for conceptualizing gender transforma-
tive outreach to male-identified individuals. For parsimony, we
organized the recurring elements of initial violence prevention
outreach to male-identified individuals in five domains. These
were developed by the first author via a listing of all factors
associated with men’s initial engagement across studies and a
234 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
thematic analysis of those factors into larger conceptual
categories.
Recruitment through social networks: The role of credible messengers and role models. Across studies and geographic regions, the perceived effectiveness of leveraging men’s social
networks and community affiliations in outreach efforts con-
sistently emerged. Concretely, recruiting through connection
tended to be described in two ways: (1) reaching men through
their existing individual relationships and (2) mobilizing
community-specific ambassadors or role models. In studies
of male antiviolence allies discussing their own entrée into
violence preventative work, many of the men in North Amer-
ican samples (Alcalde, 2014; Casey & Smith, 2010; Coulter,
2003; Piccigallo, Lilley, & Miller, 2012) noted that they ini-
tially found their way to prevention events through being
encouraged by someone they knew and respected. For exam-
ple, in a qualitative study of 10 Canadian adolescent boys who
reported some level of involvement in gender equity work,
some of the young men identified their respected male peers’
involvement or encouragement from feminist mentors as cata-
lysts (Coulter, 2003). Similarly, in the sole quantitative article
located for this review, Casey, Tolman, Carlson, Allen, and
Storer (2016) describe findings from a global survey of 392
men who had recently attended a violence prevention event or
become involved in GBV prevention work. Over half of men in
this sample reported being encouraged to initiate involvement
by someone close to them. These findings are echoed in dis-
cussions of male allies’ perceptions of what best attract other
men to GBV prevention work. Carlson and colleagues (2015)
conducted interviews with 29 representatives of antiviolence
organizations globally and elicited perceptions of effective
recruitment and engagement strategies. Nearly half of the rep-
resentatives reported that individualized invitations to men are
a strategy they employ, often accompanied by a concrete action
men can take such as signing a pledge or helping at an event.
Similarly, in a qualitative study of 27 antiviolence male allies
in the United States, nearly two thirds of participants reported
leveraging their own social networks and relationships to
recruit participation by other men and to tailor their appeals
to individual men they know personally (Casey, 2010).
Other studies suggest that social networks are best leveraged
by recruiting members of specific communities or constituen-
cies and training and supporting them to be ‘‘ambassadors’’ of
GBV prevention in their own contexts. This was a strategy
endorsed by several of the antiviolence organizations around
the world interviewed by Carlson et al. (2015) who articulated
the notion that community members are best positioned to be
credible GBV prevention messengers can tailor their
approaches in culturally specific ways. Similarly, a sample of
U.S. men who recently attended GBV prevention and ally
building presentations felt that enlisting members of commu-
nities or groups such as fraternities to ‘‘infiltrate’’ and engage
other men was a promising way to successfully enlist more
men’s participation (McMahon & Dick, 2011). Finally, in an
evaluation of an HIV and violence prevention program for men
in South Africa, Kalichman and colleagues (2008) found that a
respondent-driven sampling approach (in which initial program
participants approach and recruit future program participants)
was an effective way to recruit and diffuse program effects into
social networks. Taken together, these findings suggest the
utility of outreach approaches that reach men one at a time in
tailored ways, through existing social relationships and by indi-
viduals who are trusted, credible members of local
communities.
Recruitment through context: Culturally and community-specific strategies. Dovetailing with the notion of engagement through existing social connections is the clear mandate to situate out-
reach and prevention efforts within the norms, culture, and
structures of men’s communities. Across the literature, this has
been operationalized as supporting community mobilization
from within natural community leadership structures (e.g.,
Carlson et al., 2015) and as formative, qualitative work with
men who are members of ‘‘target’’ communities prior to the
initiation of outreach. Formative work allows for the elicitation
of beliefs about issues of gender, insuring the incorporation of
local expertise into the design of engagement strategies and
culturally relevant messaging. For example, in a study of South
African men’s beliefs about gender equality, Dworkin, Colvin,
Hatcher, and Peacock (2012) argue that gender equity-related
outreach to men must first surface and incorporate men’s
locally specific beliefs and experiences around gender and
masculinity and include their voices in the design of recruit-
ment, messaging, and programming. In one example of a
community-specific approach to engagement, men and women
in several postconflict communities across five African and
Asian countries were invited to participate in creating videos
documenting gender-related issues of concern to their commu-
nities (Gurman et al., 2014). Resulting videos were therefore
highly relevant to the many small communities from which
they emerged and were effective avenues for generating con-
versation about sensitive issues among other community mem-
bers who viewed the videos at ‘‘playback’’ sessions.
Organizational representatives in the Carlson et al. study
(2015) also endorsed ‘‘embedding engagement strategies in
naturally occurring and culturally compelling forms of discourse’’
(p. 12), such as community-specific arts and cultural events or
historically familiar forms of activism such as protest marches.
Recruitment through a personal, emotional connection. Next, sev- eral studies (primarily from North America) described the
importance of helping men to make an emotional connection
to the reality and impact of violence. Concretely, fostering a
personal connection to violence was operationalized in a vari-
ety of ways. For example, in their qualitative study of precipi-
tates to involvement for male antiviolence allies, Casey and
Smith (2010) found that a variety of ‘‘sensitizing experiences,’’
or opportunities to make emotional connections to issues of
violence, were catalysts for joining antiviolence work for most
men in the study. These experiences variably consisted of wit-
nessing victimization in their own families or hearing
Casey et al. 235
disclosures of abuse from loved ones, thereby centering the
reality and relevance of violence to their own lives. Other
sensitizing experiences included hearing moving stories from
survivors of violence or linking personal experiences of class,
race, or sexuality-based marginalization to the oppression
embedded in GBV. Similarly, Coulter (2003) and Alcalde
(2014) found that opportunities to connect the topic of GBV
to personal experiences of being judged or marginalized,
experiencing victimization, and/or learning of the abuse expe-
rienced by loved ones as among the factors motivating anti-
violence engagement in samples of Canadian youth and Latino
men in the United States, respectively. These findings were
also echoed in a qualitative study of 25 U.S. college-age men
engaged in antiviolence work, who cited disclosures of abuse
from female friends and exposure to stories of violence against
women on their campus as catalysts for involvement (Picci-
gallo et al., 2012). In a global, quantitative sample of men
involved in GBV prevention, 59% of participants noted that their involvement was motivated at least in part by hearing a
moving story about violence, 55% by hearing a disclosure from a loved one, and 27% because of being targeted for violence because of some aspect of their identity (Casey et al., 2016).
Across studies, the practical implications of sensitizing experi-
ences as an entrée to GBV prevention include providing men
with concrete opportunities to be exposed to survivor stories as
well as offering men opportunities (such as through discussion
groups) to make conceptual linkages between their own per-
sonal experiences of vulnerability and marginalization and the
impact of GBV on themselves and their community.
In particular, the relationship between men’s multiple and
intersectional identities, men’s own experiences of marginali-
zation, and relevant GBV prevention recruitment strategies is
an emerging and important line of inquiry. In their review of
global principles for men’s anti-GBV engagement, Peacock
and Barker (2014) highlight the importance of ensuring that
efforts are ‘‘inclusive of and responsive to diversities among
men’’ (p. 582). Emerging evidence also documents the ways
that intersectionality has been part of the pathway to many
men’s engagement and is a vital aspect of conceptualizing
inclusive engagement strategies. For example, in a 2014 qua-
litative study of Latino men in the United States who had
attended violence-related prevention events and committed to
a ‘‘nonviolent masculinity,’’ Alcalde (2014) found that men’s
experiences of marginalization based on race, immigration, and
sexual identity sharpened their analysis of violence as con-
nected to gender inequity and particular ‘‘hegemonic’’ notions
of masculinity. These connections were further facilitated
through a discussion group for the men that allowed a safe
space for reflection and connection (Alcalde, 2014). Similarly,
several of the antiviolence allies in the United States inter-
viewed by Messner, Greenberg, and Peretz (2015) noted that
part of their pathway into antiviolence work included an under-
standing of structural vulnerability generated by experiencing
or witnessing marginalization based on class, race, and sexual
identity. The notion of engagement through a mindfulness of
intersectionality also comes the closest to an explicitly gender
transformative approach among the strategies summarized here
(through its analysis of identity, structural disadvantage, and
privilege), further rendering it an important one to continue to
concretely conceptualize and tailor across contexts.
Recruitment through hopefulness: A positive approach to men. Find- ings from several studies emphasized the importance of initial
engagement efforts that approach men in a positive manner
rather than as potential perpetrators. A positive approach that
highlights men’s roles and responsibilities to contributing to
ending violence has long been held up as a general principle
of outreach to men (e.g., Katz, 1995), and more recent studies
of antiviolence male allies reinforce that this positive stance
was central to their own and other men’s successful engage-
ment. Across studies, this was operationalized in similar ways,
including communicating to men that they are part of the solu-
tion to ending violence (Piccigallo et al., 2012), have specific
skills that are needed in the work (Casey & Smith, 2010), and
as maintaining an openly ‘‘hopeful’’ stance about men that
assumes their willingness to act on the best behalf of their
families and communities (Carlson et al., 2015). For example,
in a 2010 study of a Frierian-informed, antiviolence discussion
group with migrant farm workers in the United States, Nelson
and colleagues (2010) built their intervention design on find-
ings from a formative survey with potential participants. Those
findings suggested the importance of approaching men as lov-
ing, caring individuals who want to help stop violence against
people they love, and explicitly communicating an understand-
ing of men’s violence as something learned rather than
inherent.
Recruitment through ‘‘hooks’’: Starting with relevant conversations. Finally, tailoring initial conversations with men to the concerns
most relevant and compelling to them was a strategy identified
in three sources. In their global study of antiviolence organiza-
tional representatives, Carlson et al. (2015) note that several
organizations reported focusing some of their early conversa-
tions with men not explicitly on violence but on topics related
to men’s concerns about fatherhood, sexual health, experiences
of power and powerlessness, and so on. Another example
comes from an evaluation of an intervention aimed at reducing
GBV in Cote-D’Ivoire (Falb et al., 2014). Men who completed
the gender-related dialogue groups in this intervention reported
that they were initially convinced to participate in part because
the program promised to address issues of concern to them,
including financial management and improving family rela-
tionships. Similarly, Nicaraguan men involved in a range of
nongovernmental organization-sponsored sexual health and
violence prevention efforts reported that, among other reasons,
the programs’ efforts to provide sexual and reproductive health
information deepened their interest in participating and staying
involved (Torres, Goicolea, Edin, & Öhman, 2012). Male allies
in the United States also report that they consciously assess
issues of importance and then tailor initial conversations with
other potential GBV prevention allies on an individual basis or
use ‘‘broader conversations’’ about compelling topics like sex
236 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
and relationships to pull men into discussion groups that will
eventually address GBV (Casey, 2010). Strategically tailoring
the focus of initial conversations is an approach that is also
clearly linked to the notions of recruitment through context and
personal connection described earlier, as both the topics of
concern to men and the best ways of tackling them are linked
to men’s experiences and social location within their geo-
graphic and cultural contexts.
Summary and discussion of men’s initial engagement. In summary, five interrelated categories emerged across the existing (and
almost exclusively qualitative) literature regarding promising
strategies for initial outreach to men. Running through these
themes was the notion of tailoring and personal connection.
Participants in the included studies were themselves engaged,
or engaged others, largely through existing relationships or
social networks, in locally and culturally compelling ways,
with positive messages from relatable messengers and through
various means of connecting personally or emotionally with the
topic of GBV. Further, although the above-mentioned themes
were summarized sequentially, evidence suggests that many of
the men included in the studies had multiple influences on and
motivations for their antiviolence engagement over time (e.g.,
Casey & Smith, 2010; Messner, Greenberg, & Peretz, 2015).
This suggests the importance of multiple, overlapping, and
perhaps sequenced outreach and engagement strategies that
build on sensitizing experiences or preexisting points of con-
nection for men.
Given the small number of available studies, more work is
clearly needed to both conceptualize and evaluate this initial
stage of men’s engagement. Comparative evaluation of the
efficacy and impact of different outreach and engagement stra-
tegies is also needed. It remains unclear, for example, whether
particular strategies (or combinations of strategies) for
encouraging men’s attendance at GBV prevention events or
programs like those described in the next section are more
effective at actually triggering that attendance and at support-
ing sustained antiviolence participation over time. It may also
be that some strategies are more successful than others at trig-
gering an activist trajectory versus one-time only participation
in discrete prevention events. Finally, it is unclear whether
these kinds of outreach strategies elicit more successful
engagement than simply mandating men’s presence at events,
which is a strategy available in some contexts such as college
campuses, workplaces, or military settings.
Across reviewed studies, factors associated with men’s
recruitment were largely not explicitly conceptualized through
a gender transformative lens. Implicated in this gap is perhaps a
fundamental paradox in the initial engagement of men in gen-
der justice work. Successfully getting men into the door of
GBV prevention events (outside mandating their presence)
requires reaching out in inviting positive ways that minimize
potential barriers, including those created by defensiveness
(Casey, 2010). Starting with overt invitations to unpack notions
of masculinity may run counter to this and land on men as
off-putting, although this assumption has not, to our
knowledge, been formally tested. However, strategies that
explicitly evoke gender by attempting to appeal to men ‘‘as
men,’’ in ways that leverage traditional masculinity (and which
are not, therefore, gender transformative), risk reinforcing ele-
ments of gender hierarchy that GBV prevention efforts ulti-
mately aim to unseat. An example of this can be seen in a
recently published critique of campaigns such as the U.S.-
based ‘‘Man Up Monday’’ materials, which Fleming, Lee, and
Dworkin (2014) argue may have inadvertently done harm by
promoting and reinforcing gender stereotypes (in this case, that
men should have a lot of sexual partners to motivate men to get
tested for sexually transmitted diseases. Similarly, Jewkes et al.
(2015) and Masters (2010) call into question outreach or
advertising strategies that leverage hegemonic notions of male
dominance in order to appeal to men such as casting male
antiviolence allies as ‘‘warriors’’ or as ‘‘real men.’’ Hints of
traditional masculinity may seep into engagement strategies in
more subtle ways as well. For example, although exposing
men to stories of (often female) survivors has been identified
by many male allies as a personally important ‘‘sensitizing
experience,’’ this strategy also runs some risk of evoking
paternalistic notions that men need to protect women from
harm. And, as Piccigallo et al. (2012) note, overly depending
on this creates a risk of burdening survivors, again usually
women, to be responsible for and to trigger the antiviolence
participation of men. While sharing stories can be a source of
empowerment and healing for survivors, we worry that in the
context of men’s engagement efforts, relying unduly on sur-
vivors to help men make an emotional connection to the issue
of GBV carries problematic parallels to the degree to which
women are charged with preventing their own victimization
more generally.
The accumulating evidence of the effectiveness of gender
transformative interventions aimed at attitude and behavioral
change among men (evidenced by findings in the next section)
support the potential importance of more clearly operationaliz-
ing a gender transformative lens for initial outreach and recruit-
ment strategies and/or of more explicitly describing the ways in
which some current outreach efforts already embody gender
transformative traits. The relative youth of the literature base
on initial outreach to men and boys as well as the tendency to
aggregate recruitment and intervention phases in conceptualiz-
ing GBV prevention programming may also, in part, explain
the lack of initial engagement literature explicitly employing a
gender transformative analysis.
Adding this lens may be a matter of, as Dworkin et al.
(2012) argue, crafting messaging that is simultaneously
informed by men’s locally and culturally specific experiences
of masculinity but avoids appealing to the stereotypical or
‘‘hegemonic’’ masculine ideals associated with risk for vio-
lence. Drawing from the principles summarized earlier, this
is perhaps best done by ambassadors and respected members
of men’s social networks who can explicitly model gender
equitable attitudes and behaviors. This allows for gender-
equitable socialization in culturally and contextually specific
ways and in a tailored manner that makes space for potential
Casey et al. 237
ambivalence among new male ‘‘recruits.’’ Gender transforma-
tive recruitment may also evoke and leverage men’s preexist-
ing sensitizing experiences in ways that help them connect
identity-based marginalization or victimization to structural
oppression—including the oppression of women. For example,
arguing that men possess the potential to achieve an ‘‘anti-
patriarchal gender consciousness’’ (p. 514), Ratele (2014) sug-
gests engaging men through a commitment to societal benefits
of equality(as opposed to purely personal benefits) in ways that
acknowledge some men’s structural disadvantage and ambiva-
lence about gender equity. This is also consistent with the
principle of engaging men through optimism about their poten-
tial to be full, willing contributors to social equality by eradi-
cating gender violence. It is important to note that many
organizations’ efforts to recruit men likely incorporate these
kinds of principles and that more work is needed to document
and highlight the ways that the initial engagement has already
been conceptualized in gender transformative terms. Research
testing the effectiveness of gender transformative initial
engagement strategies is also needed to further develop and
support outreach that is consistent with a gender transformative
conceptualization.
Domain 2: Interventions to Shift Men’s Attitudes and Behaviors
Our second domain, interventions aimed at promoting
gender-equitable attitudes and behaviors among men, is a more
developed and evaluated field of inquiry. Still, the number of
evaluation studies documenting the effectiveness of these inter-
ventions is fairly small, reflecting, among other factors, the
relative newness of efforts to engage men. As described previ-
ously, several key voices in the field promote the use of a
gender transformative approach in the development and imple-
mentation of prevention interventions to engage men (Barker
et al., 2007; Dworkin et al., 2013; Peacock & Barker, 2014),
and it is this subset of gender transformative interventions that
we review here. The recent systematic review by Dworkin,
Treves-Kagan, and Lippman (2013) of gender transformative
HIV and violence prevention interventions with heterosexual
men finds evidence of their effectiveness in changing attitudes
and behaviors such as reported use of violence, gender norms,
in care or domestic work, and social acceptance of IPV. The
following review builds on Dworkin and colleagues’ work but
narrows the scope to include only with GBV outcomes. Also,
in order to provide a review of new evidence, this review
excluded manuscripts included in Dworkin et al.’s (2013)
review. Eight of the 10 studies in this review were therefore
published since 2013. It should be noted that among these are
three more recently published studies of programs that were
reflected in the Dworkin et al.’s review; these newer studies
were included because they reported findings for GBV-
related outcomes that were not available in the 2013 review.
Inclusion criteria. Our search sought to locate studies of interven- tions with men to end GBV using a gender transformative
approach that documented attitudinal and behavior change
using an experimental or a quasi-experimental design. Studies
were identified using the following databases: PubMed, Pro-
quest, Web of Science, and Google Scholar. Search terms and
phrases included gender, men, gender-based, sexual, violence,
prevention, intervention, prevention intervention, trial, pro-
gram, and randomized trial. The inclusion criteria for this
review were (1) the program or intervention must be gender
transformative—as defined by Gupta as critically examining
gender norms; (2) the evaluation of the program needed to
assess at least one attitudinal or behavioral change in men
related to a(n): increase in gender-equitable attitudes, decrease
in reported IPV perpetration, increase in care or domestic work,
and decrease in social acceptance of IPV; and (3) the article had
to describe a quantitative and at least quasiexperimental eva-
luation of the program. Determining whether an intervention
used a gender transformative approach was not a simple pro-
cess as studies did not always categorize interventions in these
terms. Instead, we used a multireviewer process to determine
whether, based on the publication’s description of intervention
components, the program included explicit attention to addres-
sing gender norms as well as the other two eligibility criteria.
Using the search terms identified earlier, the review team con-
ducted a wide search to identify ‘‘promising’’ articles, a clas-
sification that was met if the article appeared to meet at least
one inclusion criteria based on the abstract. One person from
the review team closely reviewed the promising articles to
determine if the article met all three of the inclusion criteria
with particular attention to the gender transformative criteria.
The lead reviewer (i.e., second author) reviewed articles deter-
mined by the first reviewer to meet all three criteria. The arti-
cles confirmed as meeting all criteria by the two reviewers were
included in the final analysis.
Of the 7,016 total articles looked at in the search process,
6,794 were removed after reviewing the abstracts. The 222
promising articles were reviewed. Of these, 10 studies met all
three inclusion criteria. Table 1 outlines the intervention com-
ponents including the participants, geographic location, inter-
vention approach and components, and summary of the four
outcomes reviewed.
Interventions and Contexts
Eight unique interventions were assessed across the 10 identi-
fied studies: Two studies were based on separate implementa-
tions of the SASA! (Start, Awareness, Support, Action!) intervention (Abramsky et al., 2014; Kyegombe et al., 2014)
and two on tests of the Stepping Stones curriculum (coupled
with different supplementary interventions) in different regions
(Jewkes et al., 2014; Krishnan et al., 2012). The interventions
took place in a variety of countries, with the majority of inter-
ventions being implemented in Africa; six of the eight unique
interventions took place in African countries: Cote d’Ivoire
(one intervention), Ethiopia (one intervention), Uganda (two
interventions), and South Africa (two interventions). The glo-
bal nature of these interventions mirrors Dworkin and
238 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
T a b
le 1 .
S u m
m ar
y o f In
te rv
e n ti o n
C o m
p o n e n ts
an d
O u tc
o m
e s.
In te
rv e n ti o n /S
o u rc
e P ar
ti ci
p an
ts G
e o gr
ap h ic
L o ca
ti o n
In te
rv e n ti o n
A p p ro
ac h
In te
rv e n ti o n
C o m
p o n e n ts
In cr
e as
e ‘‘G
e n d e r-
E q u it ab
le A
tt it u d e s’ ’
D e cr
e as
e in
R e p o rt
e d
IP V
In cr
e as
e in
C ar
e o r
D o m
e st
ic W
o rk
D e cr
e as
e in
S o ci
al A
cc e p ta
n ce
o f IP
V
1 . S A
S A
! (A
b ra
m sk
y e t
al .,
2 0 1 4 )
1 8 – 4 9
ye ar
s o ld
M an
d W
K am
p al
a, U
ga n d a
C M
in te
rv e n ti o n , tr
ai n in
g co
m m
u n it y
ac ti vi
st s,
co m
m u n it y
co n ve
rs at
io n s,
fi lm
s, p o st
e r
p re
se n ta
ti o n s,
an d
m e e ti n gs
. 2 .8
ye ar
s
C M
Y *
(b o th
M an
d W
) P h y
Y N
/A Y
* (b
o th
M an
d W
) S e x
Y
2 . M
e n
an d
W o m
e n
in P ar
tn e rs
h ip
In it ia
ti ve
(H o ss
ai n
e t
al .,
2 0 1 4 )
1 2
p ai
r- m
at ch
e d
co m
m u n it ie
s M
an d
W
C o te
d ’I vo
ir e
1 6 -w
e e k -I
P V
in te
rv e n ti o n : M
e n ’s
d is
cu ss
io n
gr o u p
S G
N /A
– Y
Y *
N /A
C o m
m u n it y-
b as
e d
aw ar
e n e ss
ra is
in g
3 . S te
p p in
g S to
n e s
an d
C re
at in
g F u tu
re s
(J e w
k e s
e t
al .,
2 0 1 4 )
1 8 – 3 0
ye ar
s o ld
M an
d W
S o u th
A fr
ic a
F ac
ili ta
te d
gr o u p
in te
rv e n ti o n , 1 1
3 -h
r- gr
o u p
se ss
io n s
in si
n gl
e se
x .
P ar
ti ci
p at
o ry
le ar
n in
g ap
p ro
ac h e s—
H IV
an d
vi o le
n ce
p re
ve n ti o n
S G
Y *
(M )
an d
Y (W
m ix
e d )
S e x
Y *
(W )
an d
N (M
) N
/A N
/A
4 . G
B V
/H IV
ve rs
u s
A lc
o h o l/ H
IV (K
al ic
h m
an e t
al .,
2 0 0 9 )
X h o sa
M m
e an
ag e
3 0 .2
ye ar
s C
ap e
T o w
n ,
S o u th
A fr
ic a
F iv
e se
ss io
n s
e x am
in e
p e rs
o n al
an d
co m
m u n it y
co n se
q u e n ce
s o f G
B V
an d
H IV
/A ID
S . U
se d
sk ill
b u ild
in g
an d
p e rs
o n al
go al
se tt
in g.
S G
N /A
Y N
/A N
/A
5 . R
E S P E C
T (K
ri sh
n an
e t
al .,
2 0 1 2 )
1 8 – 3 0
ye ar
s o ld
M an
d W
, 1 0
vi lla
ge s
T an
za n ia
C o n d it io
n al
ca sh
tr an
sf e rs
, S T
I, H
IV co
u n se
lin g
an d
te st
in g,
an d
gr o u p
co u n se
lin g
b as
e d
o n
S te
p p in
g S to
n e s
S G
an d
O N
O Y
(M an
d W
) Y
(W )
N /A
Y (M
an d
W )
6 . S A
S A
! (K
ye go
m b e ,
e t
al .,
2 0 1 4 )
1 8 – 4 9
ye ar
s o ld
M an
d W
K am
p al
a, U
ga n d a
C M
in te
rv e n ti o n . 2 .8
ye ar
s C
M Y
(M an
d W
) N
/A Y
(M )
N /A
7 . P ar
iv ar
ta n —
A d ap
ta ti o n
o f
C o ac
h in
g B o ys
in to
M e n
(M ill
e r
e t
al .,
2 0 1 4 )
1 0 – 1 6
ye ar
s o ld
m al
e cr
ic k e t
p la
ye rs
fr o m
4 6
sc h o o ls
M u m
b ai
, In
d ia
C o ac
h e s
le ad
4 5 – 6 0
m in
w e e k ly
d is
cu ss
io n s
S G
Y *
N N
/A N
/A
8 . M
al e
N o rm
s In
it ia
ti ve
(P u le
rw it z
e t
al .,
2 0 1 5 )
1 5 – 2 4
ye ar
s o ld
M A
d d is
A b ab
a, E th
io p ia
G E : E ig
h t
se ss
io n s,
2 o r
3 h r
fa ci
lit at
e d
b y
tw o
o r
th re
e p e e r
e d u ca
to rs
. C
E S G
an d
C M
Y *
(G E þ
C E )
Y *
(b o th
in te
rv e n ti o n s)
N /A
N /A
9 .R
e al
C o n se
n t (S
al az
ar ,
V iv
o lo
-K an
to r,
H ar
d in
, &
B e rk
o w
it z,
2 0 1 4 )
1 8 – 2 4
ye ar
s o ld
u n d e rg
ra d u at
e h e te
ro se
x u al
/ b is
e x u al
M
C al
if o rn
ia ,
U n it e d
S ta
te s
S ix
3 0 -m
in m
e d ia
-b as
e d
an d
in te
ra ct
iv e
m o d u le
s O
N O
Y *
Y *
N /A
N /A
1 0 . T
h e
S af
e H
o m
e s
an d
R e sp
e ct
fo r
E ve
ry o n e
P ro
je ct
(W ag
m an
e t
al .,
2 0 1 5 )
1 5 – 4 9
ye ar
s o ld
M an
d W
R ak
ai , U
ga n d a
C M
an d
sc re
e n in
g an
d b ri
e f in
te rv
e n ti o n .
S G
, C
M , an
d O
N O
N /A
Y (M
, P )
N /A
N /A
Y —
M ix
e d
(W re
p o rt
e d )
N o te
. A
st e ri
sk s
m ar
k e d
ar e
st at
is ti ca
lly si
gn if ic
an t.
IP V ¼
in ti m
at e
p ar
tn e r
vi o le
n ce
; G
B V ¼
ge n d e r-
b as
e d
vi o le
n ce
; G
E ¼
gr o u p
e d u ca
ti o n ; C
E ¼
co m
m u n it y
e n ga
ge m
e n t;
M ¼
m e n ; W ¼
w o m
e n ; N
C ¼
n o
co n tr
o l;
S G ¼
sm al
l gr
o u p s;
C M ¼
co m
m u n it y
m o b ili
za ti o n ; P h y ¼
p h ys
ic al
ab u se
; S e x ¼
se x u al
ab u se
; O
N O ¼
o n e -o
n -o
n e ; P ¼
p e rp
e tr
at io
n ; Y ¼
ye s;
N ¼
n o ; N
A ¼
n o t
ap p lic
ab le
; S A
S A
! ¼
S ta
rt , A
w ar
e n e ss
, S u p p o rt
, A
ct io
n !.
239
colleagues’ review (2013), where five took place in Africa, five
in the United States, three in Asia, and two in Latin America. The
contexts of the different interventions in this review varied
widely including informal settlements (South Africa, Jewkes
et al., 2014), conflict areas (Cote d’Ivoire; Hossain et al.,
2014), heavily populated city centers (Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
Pulerwitz et al., 2015; Mumbai, India, Miller et al., 2014; and
Kampala, Uganda, Abramsky et al., 2014 and Kyegombe et al.,
2014), and online with college students (United States, Salazar,
Vivolo-Kantor, Hardin, & Berkowitz, 2014). The target popu-
lation for most interventions was young men with the complete
age bracket being 15–49 years. All interventions included in this
review reflect a universal prevention approach; participants in
the programs were community members and were recruited
irrespective of past use of or risk for violence. Although the focus
for this review was interventions to engage men and boys to
prevent GBV, five of the interventions also aimed to impact out-
comes related to co-occurring risk factors, such as HIV
(Abramsky et al., 2014; Jewkes et al., 2014; Kalichman et al.,
2009; Kyegombe et al., 2014; Wagman et al., 2015) and sexually
transmitted infections (STIs) generally (Krishnan et al., 2012).
Gender Transformative and Interventive Components
The operationalization of a gender transformative approach—
critically examining gender norms—consistently contained
language of promoting gender ‘‘equality’’ or ‘‘equity’’ across
interventions. In this section, we briefly summarize each pro-
gram in terms of its operationalization of gender transformative
approach and the concrete interventive components used to
deliver the gender transformative content. Three of these pro-
grams used a community mobilization approach either alone or
in combination with other intervention components. First,
SASA! (Abramsky et al., 2014; Kyegombe et al., 2014) used extensive community mobilizing implemented by locally
engaged community activists who initiated discussion and
advocacy within their social networks and through media. The
phased intervention focused on initiating conversations about
power, which were then leveraged to critically and explicitly
examine relationship and sexual power inequities between gen-
ders. Similarly, The Male Norms Initiative (Pulerwitz et al.,
2015) used community engagement activities such as marches,
public theater, media, and other events in combination with
eight-session small group education activities for adolescent
and young men. Based on the Theory of Gender and Power,
interventive content focused on gender-related power inequi-
ties, gender norms, and the related outcomes of IPV and STIs.
Finally, The Safe Homes and Respect for Everyone Project
(Wagman et al., 2015) used community mobilization as a pri-
mary platform (inclusive of sponsoring community events,
deploying trained community ambassadors, and engaging local
community institutions) in combination with one-on-one HIV
brief interventions and opportunities for the implementation of
small group curricula for both young men exclusively and
mixed-sex groups of young people. Based on approaches,
interventive content focused on risk factors for IPV and HIV,
including gender norms and gender-related power inequities.
The remaining five programs used small group discussion
and/or one-on-one delivery formats. The Men and Women in
Partnership Initiative (Hossain et al., 2014) implemented 16-
week discussion groups for men and explicitly invoked the
term gender transformative to define its approach. The discus-
sion group curriculum was based in social norms theory, and
fostered discussion about men’s notions of gender and gender
inequality, and supported participants in skill building related
to conflict resolution and household labor negotiation.
Although the program did not explicitly use a community
mobilization approach, it did embed the discussion groups
within ‘‘community-level programming’’ consisting of vio-
lence awareness-raising efforts. Next, the Stepping Stones pro-
gram was implemented and evaluated in two sites, one in
combination with the Creating Futures program (an economic
and employment empowerment curriculum; Jewkes et al.,
2014) and one in combination with one-on-one brief interven-
tion and HIV testing (Krishnan et al., 2012). The Stepping
Stones program involves parallel single-sex, multisession,
small group discussion interventions focused on critically
examining gender and peer norms, IPV and HIV risks, and
building communication skills. Third, the GBV/HIV Preven-
tion Intervention (Kalichman et al., 2009) involved a five-
session small group discussion approach that drew from Social
Cognitive Theory. Male participants in this program were
engaged in discussions of gender roles and particularly mascu-
linity and negative attitudes toward women. The program also
included skill building related to safer sex practices, relation-
ships, and becoming a more vocal advocate for HIV prevention
in the participants’ social networks. Fourth, ‘‘Partivartan,’’ an
adaptation of the intervention Coaching Boys into Men, was
implemented in an early adolescent cricket league in India.
This intervention involved role modeling and weekly discus-
sions facilitated by coaches collectively designed to foster gen-
der equitable attitudes, challenge ideas that connect
masculinity to dominance, and build skills to recognize and
intervene in disrespectful behaviors among peers.
Finally, Real Consent, the only online-based intervention
set in the United States for undergraduate men, was also the
only one categorized as using solely a one-on-one approach,
as the participants did not interact with any other participants
in a group or in a community (Salazar et al., 2014). This
intervention drew on Social Norms and Social Cognitive The-
ory as well as bystander-based approaches to support partici-
pants in, among other things, critically examining masculine
gender roles and building skills related to respectful sexual
negotiation and intervening in situations that could lead to a
sexual assault.
Outcomes
Given the wide range of outcomes measured by these pro-
grams, we selected a subset to review here. These outcomes
were chosen to be consistent with both Dworkin and
240 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
colleagues’ 2013 review and on evidence of empirical links
to gender norms and risks for GBV (see, for review, Dworkin
et al., 2013; Peacock & Barker, 2014). Included outcomes
were an increase in gender equitable attitudes, a decrease in
reported IPV, an increase in care or domestic work, and a
decrease in social acceptance of IPV. Although the outcome
of an increase in care or domestic work may be perceived as
more distant to GBV, in the context of gender transformative
interventions globally, assessing care or domestic work is a
proximal gender equity-related outcome. As noted in the
eligibility criteria, all interventions were evaluated through
a longitudinal design, length of follow-up ranged from 6
months (Kalichman et al., 2009; Salazar et al., 2014) to 4
years (Abramsky et al., 2014).
Of the eight studies assessing gender equitable attitudes,
five showed statistically significant increases (Abramsky
et al., 2014; Jewkes et al., 2014; Miller et al., 2014; Pulerwitz
et al., 2015; Salazar et al., 2014), with an additional two
demonstrating a trend in this direction (Krishnan et al.,
2012; Kyegombe et al., 2014). Three of the nine studies
tracking IPV documented a statistically significant decrease
in reported IPV over time (Jewkes et al., 2014; Pulerwitz
et al., 2015; Salazar et al., 2014), although in the study by
Jewkes and colleagues, the difference was in IPV reported by
women only. Five studies demonstrated a nonstatistically sig-
nificant trend toward reduced rates of IPV (Abramsky et al.,
2014; Hossain et al., 2014; Kalichman et al., 2009; Pulerwitz
et al., 2015; Wagman et al., 2015). Only two of the studies
measured differences in care or domestic work (Hossain
et al., 2014; Krishnan et al., 2012) and of these, both showed
an increase men’s uptake of these behaviors, with one being
statistically significant (Hossain et al., 2014). The outcome of
a decrease in social acceptance of GBV was measured by two
studies (Abramsky et al., 2014; Krishnan et al., 2012), with
Krishnan et al.’s adaptation of Stepping Stones (2012) show-
ing a statistically significant difference reported by both men
and women. Lastly, none of the studies documented signifi-
cant negative results, such as increased IPV, also bolstering
the case that gender transformative approaches, on balance,
show a trend toward effectiveness.
Discussion
The studies included in this review of interventions to engage
men to end GBV using a gender transformative approach build
on and echo much of the earlier review by Dworkin et al.
(2013) and similarly demonstrate promising capacity to affect
attitudinal and behavioral change. One of the unique findings
of this review was emergence of the gender transformative
web-based intervention by Salazar, Vivolo-Kantor, Hardin, and
Berkowitz (2014). In a field dominated by face-to-face inter-
ventions, the development of an effective and accessible inter-
vention to prevent GBV is noteworthy and requires further
examination. Overall, 6 of the 10 studies demonstrated a sta-
tistically significant impact on at least one of the following
outcomes: increases in gender equitable attitudes and care or
domestic work and decreases in reported IPV and social accep-
tance of IPV. Of these, the most common impacts were
increased gender equitable attitudes and a decrease in reported
IPV; this is both a statement about the impact of the programs
and of what outcomes were prioritized and measured in these
gender transformative interventions. Two outcomes, an
increase in care work and the decrease in social acceptance
of GBV—that are in keeping with Gupta’s gender transforma-
tive programming—were not measured by the majority of
studies.
A challenge in evaluating programs’ adoption and appli-
cation of a gender transformative framework stems from the
varied and sometimes limited conceptualization or available
description of what constitutes gender transformative pro-
gramming. Gupta’s (2000) speech lays out the conceptual
basis for a gender transformative approach. However, if the
field continues pursuing this as the optimal framework for
interventions, the need to more fully operationalize and test
key components of ‘‘gender transformative’’ interventions
remains. For example, many of the programs included in this
review used discussion formats to critically evaluate gender
norms and ideas about masculinity. Moving forward, there is
room for greater specificity around the content and the deliv-
ery approach that are most related to the effectiveness of
these conversations as well as of core aspects of desired
gender equitable norms that might be relevant across con-
texts. In a similar vein, interventions captured in this review
varied in both the length of sessions and approach used
within them (e.g., role modeling vs. small group discussion)
teasing out the relative strengths and advantages of these
strategies within programs will contribute to more refined
knowledge regarding the dosage and approach most associ-
ated with changes in outcomes.
Relatedly, the types and combinations of larger interven-
tion components most associated with positive outcomes
remains an open question. SASA! was the only intervention in this review using a stand-alone community mobilization
format, and it also was the intervention that (measured and)
showed a change in three of the four selected outcomes, more
than any other intervention. However, positive outcomes
were also seen in the one intervention using only a one-on-
one modality (Real Consent; Salazar et al., 2014) and among
those using mixed formats inclusive of community mobiliz-
ing and group-based discussion or education (e.g., the South
African adaptation of Stepping Stones and Creating Futures;
Jewkes et al., 2014). Most programs used multiple compo-
nents: Six programs used small group formats in combination
with other approaches. Further examination of the relative
influence of these components could enhance both the theo-
retical and the programmatic foundation of the approach,
similar to the nine principles of effective prevention identi-
fied by Nation et al. (2003). Further, an expansion of the
assessed impacts of gender transformative approaches to out-
comes such as participation in social action, and the ongoing
use of gender equitable behaviors beyond nonviolence, could
help to place the impact of these promising attitude and
Casey et al. 241
behavior change programs in the context of larger move-
ments toward social change. Finally, gender transformative
approaches can disproportionately focus on the engagement
of cisgender men in the context of heterosexual relationships,
although they are not intended to be gender exclusive. Future
refinement of this approach necessitates a critical evaluation
of gender and sexuality inclusivity in service of full commu-
nity participation in ending violence.
Domain 3: Men’s Social Action
The final proposed domain of men’s engagement is social
action aimed at the eradication of GBV and, more generally,
at pursuing gender justice. As we suggest in Figure 1, pro-
ducing social activists and supporting macro-level social
action are situated as both potential outgrowths of many
GBV prevention programs that engage men and also as vehi-
cles or catalysts for ‘‘new’’ men’s initial recruitment into
gender justice efforts. Although we take up this domain last
here, in many ways, men and boys’ involvement in anti-GBV
efforts began as social action. This history is well-chronicled
elsewhere (see, e.g., Messner et al., 2015; Pease, 2008). In
brief, early efforts by men to support and join (largely
women’s) antiviolence and gender equality movements in the
1970s and 1980s necessitated coalition building and commu-
nity organizing and awareness work among men. Over the
years, these organizations have included but are in no way
limited to the Oakland Men’s Project (United States), the
White Ribbon Campaign (Canada), Men’s Action to Stop
Violence Against Women (India), Sonke (South Africa), and
more recently, regional and international networks of GBV
prevention and gender justice organizations such as MenEn-
gage (http://www.menengage.org). Across these organiza-
tions, goals have been articulated broadly through invoking
the somewhat conceptually fluid notions of gender justice
and gender equality. Here, we use the term ‘‘gender justice’’
within the social action domain to correspond to conceptua-
lizations by UN Women to connote actions by and on behalf
of women ‘‘to redress disadvantage; to counter stigma, pre-
judice, humiliation and violence; to transform social and
institutional structures; and to facilitate participation, both
in the form of political participation and social inclusion’’
(Fredman & Goldblatt, 2015, p. 2).The social action domain
is also perhaps the most diffuse and multifaceted arena of
men’s antiviolence involvement with boundaries that are
somewhat porous in relation to the initial recruitment and
attitude/behavior change domains, respectively. As noted ear-
lier, for example, many gender transformative interventions
incorporate larger community mobilization and social action
strategies in their efforts often with twin aims of reaching out
to previously unengaged community members and fostering
gender-equitable attitudes, behaviors, and norms among indi-
vidual boys and men within communities.
Scholars and activists have articulated components of a
social action agenda to end GBV globally with increasing
clarity. For example, Pease (2008) argues that a central role
of male antiviolence stakeholders is to engage ‘‘political,
cultural and religious leaders who are in positions to influ-
ence change’’ (p. 3), most of whom, globally, are men, as
well as to advocate for system-level interventions that insti-
tutionalize prevention programming and men’s responsibility
to contribute to GBV prevention. Peacock and Barker (2014)
add to this in a reflection on the state of men’s antiviolence
engagement. They suggest that core elements of broader
social action include (1) coalition-building between govern-
mental, private, and regional organizations in ways that for-
malize and institutionalize funding and support for GBV
prevention programming; (2) gender-equitable policy advo-
cacy that is coupled with community organizing and public
education campaigns to foster an accurate understanding of
the benefits of GBV-related policies and that attempts to
minimize backlash; and (3) mechanisms for macro-level
accountability in which gender justice organizations publicly
contest media, policies, or behavior on the part of political,
spiritual, and economic leaders that promotes or excuses
GBV. Increasingly, regional networks of GBV prevention
and men’s engagement organizations promote multi-issue
social and policy advocacy inclusive of issues such as sexual
and reproductive rights, equity in domestic caregiving prac-
tices, and antiracism and antioppression work as interrelated
outcomes central to the larger project of gender justice and
ending GBV (see, e.g., http://www.menengage.org).
Cataloguing the largely descriptive literature regarding the
enormous range of influential social action efforts globally is
beyond the scope of this review. We include this domain in
our model, however, to place men’s antiviolence engagement
in the larger context of GBV prevention and gender justice
movements. In doing so, we promote two ideas consistent
with a gender transformative lens. First, we echo scholars
and activists such as Pease (2008) and Peacock and Barker
(2014) in arguing that social action—defined here as efforts
to address structural, social, and political contributors to
GBV—should both inform and subsume any conceptualiza-
tion of the purpose of men’s antiviolence involvement. As
Pease (2008) suggests, a focus on engaging men runs the risk
of placing disproportionate emphasis on work with individual
men at the potential expense of focusing on larger social
change efforts. While an important domain, interventions
aimed at individual attitude and behavior change are just one
component of comprehensive prevention efforts, which to be
effective, must occur at multiple levels of the social ecology
(e.g., Nation et al., 2003). Second, we suggest that as a
critical and more holistic domain, social action is inclusive
of all genders’ and communities’ efforts and is therefore the
point at which men’s engagement ceases to be a separate
consideration or goal. While men’s organizations’ contribu-
tions to social action efforts are critical, men’s participation
is not necessarily the end goal or hallmark of success of these
efforts.
Relatedly, we join others such as Jewkes and colleagues
(2015) and suggest that men’s engagement work in our first
two proposed domains should be conceptualized and evaluated
242 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
in the context of how that work eventually supports and feeds
whole communities’ social efforts to eradicate GBV and to
support gender justice. Effective social action is buttressed
by the degree to which individual engaged men carry forward
and actively embody support for gender equitable behavior,
norms, and policies in their social networks, institutions, and
communities. As an emerging field, little evaluation related to
men’s engagement has yet focused on the degree to which men
who have participated in GBV prevention programs view
themselves as ongoing stakeholders in gender justice efforts
or sustain gender-equitable behaviors in their social contexts
over time. Further, it is unclear whether particular initial
recruitment strategies (Domain 1) or particular components
of gender transformative prevention interventions (Domain 2)
are more likely to support trajectories that include men’s par-
ticipation in ongoing GBV prevention or social action efforts.
An exception to this was a follow-up study of the Men’s Action
to Stop Violence Against Women campaign in India (Das et al.,
2012), in which men involved in implementing programming
were compared with men who were exposed and not exposed to
GBV prevention programming, respectively. Consistently, the
‘‘activist’’ men involved in programming reported more pro-
gressive, gender-equitable attitudes and perceived norms than
the merely ‘‘exposed’’ and control community men, suggesting
a lasting impact of antiviolence involvement on men’s views of
gender and gender justice. Much more work is needed to assess
not only what most effectively pulls men into GBV prevention
programs and work but on the longer term impact of programs
on men’s identity as activists as well as the ways that these
programs support and feed into larger gender justice social
change efforts.
Limitations
Limitations to this review include the parameters placed on
included literature. Restricting the review to peer-reviewed
literature and literature available in English excludes an
enormous volume of relevant documents and the program-
matic wisdom they contain. To maintain a workable scope
for this article, we also restricted our review of intervention
outcomes to those consistent with the 2013 review by Dwor-
kin et al. and with impacts theorized to be linked specifi-
cally with gender transformative approaches to violence
prevention. Most of the programs included in our review
of interventions aimed at attitude and behavior change,
however, assessed their often successful impact on addi-
tional outcomes such as bystander behavior and intentions
and reductions in sexual risk. Summarizing all of these
findings was simply beyond the space available here. This
review also focuses largely on evaluating the programmatic
elements and operationalization of gender transformative
program principles across domains of men’s engagement.
Additional work is needed to assess the strengths and lim-
itations of the research methodologies employed across the
literature included in this review; these methodologies hold
important implications for the extent to which programs’
impact on intended outcomes can be understood.
Conclusion
Incorporating men and boys into the global project of ending
GBV has become an increasingly institutionalized component
of prevention work. We suggest that viewing men’s engage-
ment as an interrelated continuum of domains allows for a more
precise conceptualization of factors related to the successful
and ethical engagement of men over time as well as for placing
men’s antiviolence participation in the larger and perhaps more
important context of community and social action aimed at
ending violence. Additionally, in accordance with the suc-
cessful implementation of gender transformative approaches
in other gender-related social issues such as HIV prevention
(Dworkin et al., 2013), we echo others in suggesting that
programming and community mobilization endeavors that
work through a gender transformative lens offer particular
promise for promoting violence-preventative change. Capita-
lizing on both the model offered here and the promise of
gender transformative approaches will require continued con-
ceptual development of gender transformative frameworks
and the particular interventive strategies that most effectively
achieve true attitudinal, behavioral, and social change. In par-
ticular, work is needed to evaluate how gender transformative
strategies can be leveraged for the initial recruitment and
engagement of men in ways that sustain their involvement
as antiviolence stakeholders. Given the leadership of the glo-
bal South in developing and implementing gender transfor-
mative strategies, particularly by countries in Africa, South
Asia, and South America, cross-regional learning and fertili-
zation may be critical to bolstering the successful conceptua-
lization and uptake of gender transformative-informed
prevention, in service of the broader goals of global gender
justice.
Key Findings—Implications for Research, Policy, and Practice
� As the knowledge base on engaging men in GBV pre- vention matures, it is useful to conceptualize men’s
engagement as a process with three interrelated
domains, each with some unique considerations: (1) ini-
tial recruitment and outreach, (2) supporting violence
preventative attitude and behavior change, and (3) par-
ticipation in social action (see Figure 1).
� Previous literature and the results from this review sug- gest that GBV prevention programs informed by a gen-
der transformative approach hold considerable promise
for promoting violence preventative attitudes and beha-
viors among men.
� Given emerging evidence of the efficacy of gender transformative approaches for intervention design, we
suggest that the conceptualization and evaluation of the
domains of initial outreach and engagement of men, as
Casey et al. 243
well as their participation in social action, can be
enhanced through the application of a gender transfor-
mative lens.
� As gender transformative approaches to prevention increase and mature, research is needed to distill the
most effective gender-related content and interventive
components within the gender transformative umbrella.
� Across domains of men’s engagement in GBV preven- tion, tailoring programming to local context and culture
in ways that account for men’s various social positions,
is likely to contribute to effectiveness. At the same time,
similarities in outreach and intervention strategies can
be seen across regions, highlighting the importance of
cross-region information sharing and collaboration.
� Although the participation of male-identified individu- als in GBV prevention is a crucial aspect of work to end
violence, the engagement of men and boys should be
evaluated in the context of overall efforts to end GBV,
not as an end unto itself.
Acknowledgment
The authors would like to thank Tatiana Masters and Kelly Cue Davis
for their thoughtful comments on an earlier version of this manuscript.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article.
References
References marked with an asterisk indicate studies included in the review of men’s initial engagement.
Abramsky, T., Devries, K., Kiss, L., Nakuti, J., Kyegombe, N., Star-
mann, E., . . . Watts, C. (2014). Findings from the SASA! Study: A
cluster randomized controlled trial to assess the impact of a com-
munity mobilization intervention to prevent violence against
women and reduce HIV risk in Kampala, Uganda. BMC Medicine,
12, 122.
*Alcalde, M. C. (2014). An intersectional approach to Latino anti-
violence engagement. Culture, Society, and Masculinities, 6,
35–51.
Allen, C. T. (2010). Engaging men in violence prevention: Empiri-
cally examining theoretical barriers and catalysts. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation. Retrieved from http://scholarcommons.sc.
edu/etd/308/
Barker, G., Ricardo, C., & Nascimento, M. (2007). Engaging men and
boys in changing gender-based inequity in health: Evidence from
programme interventions. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health
Organization.
Black, M. C., Basile, K. C., Breiding, M. J., Smith, S. G., Walters, M.
L., Merrick, M. T., . . . Stevens, M. R (2011). The National
Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS): 2010 Sum-
mary Report. Atlanta, GA: NCIPC, CDC.
*Carlson, J., Casey, E. A., Edleson, J., Tolman, R., Neugut, T., &
Kimball, E. (2015). Strategies to engage men and boys in violence
prevention: A global organizational perspective. Violence Against
Women, 21, 1406–1425.
*Casey, E. A. (2010). Strategies for engaging men as anti-violence
allies: Implications for ally movements. Advances in Social Work,
11, 267–282.
*Casey, E. A., & Smith, T. (2010). ‘‘How can I not?’’: Men’s
pathways to involvement in anti-violence against women work.
Violence Against Women, 16, 953–973.
*Casey, E. A., Tolman, R. M., Carlson, J., Allen, C. T., & Storer,
H. L. (2016; online first). What motivates men’s involvement in
gender-based violence prevention? Latent class profiles and
correlates in an international sample of men. Men and
Masculinities.
*Coulter, R. P. (2003). Boys doing good: Young men and gender
equity. Educational Review, 55, 135–145.
Das, A., Mogford, E., Singh, S. K., Barbhuiya, R. A., Chandra, S., &
Wahl, R. (2012). Reviewing responsibilities and renewing relation-
ships: An intervention with men on violence against women in
India. Culture, Health and Society, 14, 659–675.
Dworkin, S. L., Colvin, C., Hatcher, A., & Peacock, D. (2012). Men’
perceptions of women’s rights and changing gender relations in
South Africa: Lessons for working with men and boys in HIV and
antiviolence programs. Gender and Society, 26, 97–120.
Dworkin, S. L., Flemming, P. J., & Colvin, C. J. (2015). The promises
and limitations of gender-transformative health programming
with men: Critical reflections from the field. Culture, Health and
Society, 17, S128–S143.
Dworkin, S. L., Treves-Kagan, S., & Lippman, S. A. (2013). Gender-
transformative interventions to reduce HIV risks and violence with
heterosexually-active men: A review of the global evidence. AIDS
and Behavior, 17, 2845–2863.
*Falb, K. L., Annan, J., King, E., Hopkins, J., Kpebo, D., & Gupta, J.
(2014). Gender norms, poverty and armed conflict in Côte
D’Ivoire: Engaging men in women’s social and economic
empowerment programming. Health Education Research, 29,
1015–1027.
Fleming, P. J., Lee, J. G. L., & Dworkin, S. L. (2014). ‘‘Real men
don’t’’: Constructions of masculinity and inadvertent harm in pub-
lic health interventions. American Journal of Public Health, 104,
1029–1035.
Flood, M., & Pease, B. (2009). Factors influencing attitudes to vio-
lence against women. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 10, 125–142.
Fredman, S., & Goldblatt, B. (2015). Discussion paper: Gender
equality and human rights. New York, NY: UN Women.
Gupta, G. R. (2000). Gender, sexuality, and HIV/AIDS: The what, the
why, and the how. Can HIV AIDS Policy Law Rev, 5, 86–93.
*Gurman, T. A., Trappler, R. M., Acosta, A., McCray, P. A., Cooper,
C. M., & Goodsmith, L. (2014). ‘By seeing with our own eyes, it
can remain in our mind’: Qualitative evaluation findings suggest
the ability of participatory video to reduce gender-based violence
in conflict-affected settings. Health Education Research, 29,
690–701.
244 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
Hossain, M., Zimmerman, C., Kiss, L., Abramsky, T., Kone, D.,
Bakayoko-Topolska, M., . . . Watts, C. (2014). Working with
men to prevent intimate partner violence in a conflict-affected
setting: A pilot cluster randomized controlled trial in rural Côte
d’Ivoire. BMC Public Health, 14, 1–28. doi:10.1186/1471-2458-
14-339
Jewkes, R., Flood, M., & Lang, J. (2015). From work with men and
boys to changes of social norms and reductions of inequities in
gender relations: A conceptual shift in prevention of violence
against women and girls. Lancet, 385, 1580–1589.
Jewkes, R., Gibbs, A., Jama-Shai, N., Willan, S., Misselhorn, A.,
Mushinga, M., . . . Skiweyiya, Y. (2014). Stepping stones and cre-
ating futures intervention: Shortened interrupted time series eva-
luation of a behavioural and structural health promotion and
violence prevention intervention for young people in informal set-
tlements in Durban, South Africa. BMC Public Health, 14, 1–19.
doi:10.1186/1471-2458-14-1325
*Kalichman, S. C., Simbayi, L. C., Cloete, A., Cherry, C., Strebel, A.,
Kalichman, M. O., . . . Cain, D. (2008). HIV/AIDS risk reduction
and domestic violence prevention intervention for South African
men. International Journal of Men’s Health, 7, 255–273.
Kalichman, S. C., Simbayi, L. C., Cloete, A., Clayford, M., Arnolds,
W., Mxoli, M., . . . Kalichman, M. O. (2009). Integrated gender-
based violence and HIV risk reduction intervention for South Afri-
can men: Results of a quasi-experimental field trial. Prevention
Science, 10, 260–269. doi:10.1007/s11121-009-0129-x
Katz, J. (1995). Reconstructing masculinity in the locker room: The
mentors in violence prevention project. Harvard Educational
Review, 65, 163–175.
Kaufman, M., Barker, G., Peacock, D., Vess, J., Robles, O., & Sharafi,
L., & MenEngage Steering Committee. (2014). Engaging men,
changing gender norms: Directions for gender-transformative
action. MenEngage-UNFPA Advocacy Brief. Retrieved from
http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/resource-pdf/Advoca
cy%20Brief-%20Gender%20Norms-1.pdf
Krishnan, S., Vohra, D., deWalque, D., Medlin, C., Nathan, R., &
Dow, W. H. (2012; epub). Tanzanian couples’ perspectives of
gender equity, relationship power, and intimate partner violence:
Findings from the RESPECT study. AIDS Research and Treat-
ment. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/187890
Kyegombe, N., Abramsky, T., Devries, K. M., Starmann, E., Michau,
L., Nakuti, J., . . . Watts, C. (2014). The impact of SASA! A
community mobilization intervention, on reported HIV-related
risk behaviors and relationship dynamics in Kampala, Uganda.
Journal of the International AIDS Society, 17. doi:10.7448/IAS.
17.1.19232
Masters, N. T. (2010). ‘‘My strength is not for hurting’’: Men’s anti-
rape websites and their construction of masculinity and male sexu-
ality. Sexualities, 13, 33–46.
McMahon, S., & Dick, A. (2011). Being in a room with like-minded
men: An exploratory study of men’s participation in a bystander
intervention program to prevent intimate partner violence. Journal
of Men’s Studies, 19, 3–18.
*Messner, M. A., Greenberg, M. A., & Peretz, T. (2015). Some men:
Feminist allies and the movement to end violence against women.
New York, NY: Oxford University Press
Miller, E., Das, M., Tancredi, D. J., McCauley, H. L., Virata, M. C. D.,
Nettiksimmons, J., . . . Verma, R. (2014). Evaluation of a gender-
based violence prevention program for student athletes in Mumbai,
India. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 29, 758–778.
Nation, M., Crusto, C., Wandersman, A., Kumpfer, K. L., Seybolt, D.,
Morrissey-Kane, E., & Davino, K. (2003). What works in preven-
tion: Principles of effective prevention programs. American Psy-
chologist, 58, 449.
*Nelson, A., Lewy, R., Ricardo, F., Dovydaitis, T., Hunter, A., Mitch-
ell, A., . . . Kugel, C. (2010). Eliciting behavior change in a US
sexual violence and IPV prevention program through utilization of
Freire and discussion facilitation. Health Promotion International,
25, 299–308.
Peacock, D., & Barker, G. (2014). Working with men and boys to
prevent gender-based violence principles, lessons learned, and
ways forward. Men and Masculinities, 17, 578–599.
Pease, B. (2008). Engaging men in men’s violence prevention:
Exploring the tensions, dilemmas and possibilities. Australian
Domestic & Family Violence Clearinghouse, 17, 1–20.
*Piccigallo, J. R., Lilley, T. G., & Miller, S. L. (2012). ‘‘It’s cool to
care about sexual violence’’: Men’s experiences with sexual
assault prevention. Men and Masculinities, 15, 507–525. doi:10.
1177/1097184X12458590
Pulerwitz, J., Hughes, L., Mehta, M., Kidanu, A., Verani, F., &
Tewolde, S. (2015). Changing gender norms and reducing intimate
partner violence: Results from a quasi-experimental intervention
study with young men in Ethiopia. American Journal of Public
Health, 105, 132–137. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2014.302214
Ratele, K. (2014). Gender equity in the abstract and practice. Men and
Masculinities, 17, 510–514.
Rich, M. D., Utley, E. A., Janke, K., & Moldoveanu, M. (2010). ‘‘I’d
rather be doing something else’’: Male resistance to rape preven-
tion programs. Journal of Men’s Studies, 18, 268–288.
Salazar, L. F., Vivolo-Kantor, A., Hardin, J., & Berkowitz, A.
(2014). A web-based sexual violence bystander intervention
for male college students: Randomized controlled trial.
Journal of Medical Internet Research, 16, e203. doi:10.2196/
jmir.3426
Santana, M. C., Raj, A., Decker, M. R., La Marche, A., & Silverman,
J. G. (2006). Masculine gender roles associated with increased
sexual risk and intimate partner violence perpetration among
young adult men. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 575–585.
*Torres, V. M. S., Goicolea, I., Edin, K., & Öhman, A. (2012, epub).
‘‘Expanding your mind’’: The process of constructing gender-
equitable masculinities in young Nicaraguan men participating in
reproductive health or gender training programs. Global Health
Action, 5, 1–14.
UNFPA & Promundo. (2010). Engaging men and boys in gender
equality and health: A global toolkit for action. Retrieved from
http://www.unfpa.org/public/home/publications/pid/6815
Wagman, J. A., Gray, R. H., Campbell, J. C., Thoma, M., Ndyanabo,
A., Ssekasanvu, J., . . . Brahmbhatt, H. (2015). Effectiveness of an
integrated intimate partner violence and HIV prevention interven-
tion in Rakai, Uganda: Analysis of an intervention in an existing
cluster randomised cohort. Lancet Global Health, 3, e23–e33. doi:
10.1016/S214-109X(14)7034-4
Casey et al. 245
Author Biographies
Erin Casey, MSW, PhD, is an associate professor of social work at the
University of Washington, Tacoma. Currently, her research examines
social network and community approaches to the prevention of
gender-based violence, including engaging men proactively in
gender-based violence prevention. She codirects the Mobilizing Men
for Violence Prevention research collaborative, which examines stra-
tegies for enlisting men as violence prevention partners and activists.
Juliana Carlson, AM, PhD, is an assistant professor at the School of
Social Welfare, University of Kansas, and a member of the Mobilizing
Men for Violence Prevention research collaborative. She received her
doctorate from the School of Social Work, University of Minnesota.
Her research interests include gender-based violence prevention,
intersectional theory, and social welfare policy.
Sierra Two Bulls earned her BA in indigenous and American Indian
studies with an emphasis in social welfare at Haskell Indian Nations
University in 2014. She is currently pursuing a master’s in social work
at the School of Social Welfare, University of Kansas. Her research
interests include intimate partner violence, trauma and mental health,
suicide, and American Indian/Alaska Native and/or indigenous
populations.
Aurora Yager is currently a master of public administration
candidate at the School of Public Affairs and Administration,
University of Kansas. She previously earned a bachelor of
social work from the School of Social Welfare, University of
Kansas. Her research and practice interests include the role
of public administrators in promoting social justice at the local
level.
246 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 19(2)
<< /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (Gray Gamma 2.2) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Warning /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default /DetectBlends true /DetectCurves 0.1000 /ColorConversionStrategy /LeaveColorUnchanged /DoThumbnails false /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedOpenType false /ParseICCProfilesInComments true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 1048576 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 100 /Optimize true /OPM 1 /ParseDSCComments true /ParseDSCCommentsForDocInfo true /PreserveCopyPage true /PreserveDICMYKValues true /PreserveEPSInfo true /PreserveFlatness false /PreserveHalftoneInfo false /PreserveOPIComments false /PreserveOverprintSettings true /StartPage 1 /SubsetFonts true /TransferFunctionInfo /Apply /UCRandBGInfo /Remove /UsePrologue false /ColorSettingsFile () /AlwaysEmbed [ true ] /NeverEmbed [ true ] /AntiAliasColorImages false /CropColorImages false /ColorImageMinResolution 266 /ColorImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleColorImages true /ColorImageDownsampleType /Average /ColorImageResolution 175 /ColorImageDepth -1 /ColorImageMinDownsampleDepth 1 /ColorImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeColorImages true /ColorImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterColorImages true /ColorImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /ColorACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /ColorImageDict << /QFactor 0.76 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000ColorACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /JPEG2000ColorImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /AntiAliasGrayImages false /CropGrayImages false /GrayImageMinResolution 266 /GrayImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleGrayImages true /GrayImageDownsampleType /Average /GrayImageResolution 175 /GrayImageDepth -1 /GrayImageMinDownsampleDepth 2 /GrayImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeGrayImages true /GrayImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterGrayImages true /GrayImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /GrayACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /GrayImageDict << /QFactor 0.76 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000GrayACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /JPEG2000GrayImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /AntiAliasMonoImages false /CropMonoImages false /MonoImageMinResolution 900 /MonoImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleMonoImages true /MonoImageDownsampleType /Average /MonoImageResolution 175 /MonoImageDepth -1 /MonoImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeMonoImages true /MonoImageFilter /CCITTFaxEncode /MonoImageDict << /K -1 >> /AllowPSXObjects false /CheckCompliance [ /None ] /PDFX1aCheck false /PDFX3Check false /PDFXCompliantPDFOnly false /PDFXNoTrimBoxError true /PDFXTrimBoxToMediaBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXSetBleedBoxToMediaBox false /PDFXBleedBoxToTrimBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /PDFXOutputConditionIdentifier (CGATS TR 001) /PDFXOutputCondition () /PDFXRegistryName (http://www.color.org) /PDFXTrapped /Unknown /CreateJDFFile false /Description << /ENU <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> >> /Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common) (1.0) ] /OtherNamespaces [ << /AsReaderSpreads false /CropImagesToFrames true /ErrorControl /WarnAndContinue /FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false /IncludeGuidesGrids false /IncludeNonPrinting false /IncludeSlug false /Namespace [ (Adobe) (InDesign) (4.0) ] /OmitPlacedBitmaps false /OmitPlacedEPS false /OmitPlacedPDF false /SimulateOverprint /Legacy >> << /AllowImageBreaks true /AllowTableBreaks true /ExpandPage false /HonorBaseURL true /HonorRolloverEffect false /IgnoreHTMLPageBreaks false /IncludeHeaderFooter false /MarginOffset [ 0 0 0 0 ] /MetadataAuthor () /MetadataKeywords () /MetadataSubject () /MetadataTitle () /MetricPageSize [ 0 0 ] /MetricUnit /inch /MobileCompatible 0 /Namespace [ (Adobe) (GoLive) (8.0) ] /OpenZoomToHTMLFontSize false /PageOrientation /Portrait /RemoveBackground false /ShrinkContent true /TreatColorsAs /MainMonitorColors /UseEmbeddedProfiles false /UseHTMLTitleAsMetadata true >> << /AddBleedMarks false /AddColorBars false /AddCropMarks false /AddPageInfo false /AddRegMarks false /BleedOffset [ 9 9 9 9 ] /ConvertColors /ConvertToRGB /DestinationProfileName (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /DestinationProfileSelector /UseName /Downsample16BitImages true /FlattenerPreset << /ClipComplexRegions true /ConvertStrokesToOutlines false /ConvertTextToOutlines false /GradientResolution 300 /LineArtTextResolution 1200 /PresetName ([High Resolution]) /PresetSelector /HighResolution /RasterVectorBalance 1 >> /FormElements true /GenerateStructure false /IncludeBookmarks false /IncludeHyperlinks false /IncludeInteractive false /IncludeLayers false /IncludeProfiles true /MarksOffset 9 /MarksWeight 0.125000 /MultimediaHandling /UseObjectSettings /Namespace [ (Adobe) (CreativeSuite) (2.0) ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector /DocumentCMYK /PageMarksFile /RomanDefault /PreserveEditing true /UntaggedCMYKHandling /UseDocumentProfile /UntaggedRGBHandling /UseDocumentProfile /UseDocumentBleed false >> ] /SyntheticBoldness 1.000000 >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [288 288] /PageSize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice
3.Hicks, S. (2015). Social work and gender An argument for practical accounts. Qualitative Social Work, 14(4), 471-487..pdf
Article
Social work and gender: An argument for practical accounts
Stephen Hicks School of Nursing, Midwifery and Social Work, University of
Manchester, UK
Abstract
This article contributes to the debate on gender and social work by examining dominant
approaches within the field. Anti-discriminatory, woman-centered and intersectional
accounts are critiqued for reliance upon both reification and isolation of gender. Via
examination of poststructural, queer and trans theories within social work, the author
then presents accounts based upon structural/materialist, ethnomethodological and
discursive theories, in order to open up debates about conceptualization of gender.
These are used to suggest that social work should adopt a focus on gender as a practical
accomplishment that occurs within various settings or contexts.
Keywords
Social work, gender, sex, ethnomethodology, discourse, anti-oppressive practice, men,
women, feminism
This article is a contribution to opening up the conversation on gender and social work. It is concerned, more precisely, with the conceptualization and usage of ‘‘gender’’ within social work theory, research, and practice. Although a key feature of everyday life, within social work, gender has what sociologists sometimes call a ‘‘seen-but-unnoticed’’ quality. It is frequently overlooked and, perhaps more importantly, where it is considered, gender is theorized in a number of rather limited ways.
For example, social work is often described as a female-dominated profession, but one in which men disproportionately occupy senior roles. Yet, McPhail has argued that ‘‘social work is more correctly described as a female majority, male- dominated profession’’ (McPhail, 2004b: 325), because, although there are many
Qualitative Social Work
2015, Vol. 14(4) 471–487
! The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1473325014558665
qsw.sagepub.com
Corresponding author:
Stephen Hicks, School of Nursing, Midwifery and Social Work, University of Manchester, Jean McFarlane
Building, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK.
Email: [email protected]
more women than men in the field, they do not necessarily dominate. This is an important argument since, to describe social work as ‘‘female-dominated’’ suggests that, merely because they are far greater in number, women hold more power. Yet, this disregards some vital points. First, the smaller number of men in the profession may actually hold more institutional power, and, second, a profession like social work is, as with many fields involving the care of others, devalued. Third, the question of how power works within social work institutions, and how this relates to gender, is likely to be a lot more complicated.
Discussions about challenging oppression and discrimination within social work theory and practice are some of the few occasions on which gender is openly acknowledged (Dominelli, 2002a; Mullaly, 2007; Thompson, 2012). Yet these, too, often rely upon limited accounts. Thompson’s text, for example, describes gender as a ‘‘fundamental dimension of human experience, revealing an ever-pre- sent set of differences between men and women’’ (Thompson, 2012: 55). While he does go on to point out that social, rather than biological, processes produce gender, it is largely at the level of attitudes that his suggestions for change are leveled. This tends to individualize gender, to see it as a personal characteristic, and to see gender oppression merely as a form of personal behavior or values.
In part, these points relate to the ways in which gender is defined. Second-wave feminism, for example, separated the concept of ‘‘sex’’ from ‘‘gender,’’ in order to show that ‘‘gender’’ refers to a set of social expectations that may be challenged (Oakley, 1972; Unger, 1979). However, sometimes this notion of gender as a set of cultural practices has been reduced to role or identity, so that gender is treated as a preexisting characteristic or property of the individual. Later feminist theories remind us, rather, that gender is a social relationship, based upon the promotion of hierarchy, and one that is reiterated through interactions in everyday life.
This article pays considerable attention to this notion of gender as a form of practice, since it is my contention that much of social work theory actually treats gender as a rather static characteristic. After having reviewed some of the more familiar approaches to gender within social work, I will go on to open up debates via consideration of materialist, interactionist, and discursive accounts, before finally considering what social work theory, research, and practice might learn from these.
How does social work think about gender?
Where social work theory or research does think about gender, we see the influence of feminist and/or sociological theories. Orme’s book, Gender and Community Care, argues that the ‘‘gender politics of social work has to include the relationship between the helper and those who require help, and . . . between the individual and the state’’ (Orme, 2001: 14). She highlights the disproportionate representation of women in mental health services, elder abuse, and those cared for in the commu- nity, pointing out that these are all areas in which gender is usually ignored or invisible or that, when it is noticed, the response is usually to suggest that men and
472 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
women should be treated differently. Orme argues this ‘‘categorisation of female- ness and maleness, femininity and masculinity as dichotomous opposites does not reflect the lived experience of users of community care services’’ (Orme, 2001: 239).
Scourfield points out that assumptions about gender difference ‘‘permeate inter- ventions’’ in social work (Scourfield, 2010: 2), and he links these with heteronor- mativity. He makes a case for the analysis of gender as a social category, since the category relates to questions of social inequality (Scourfield, 2002). Christie simi- larly argues that, within discourses of welfare, persons are gendered, ‘‘offering them specific gendered identities and subject positions’’ (Christie, 2001: 9). In relation to men in social work, he notes that they are often seen as either good (e.g. ‘‘male role models’’) or bad (e.g. ‘‘dangerous/abusers’’).
Sociological social work texts see gender as referring to a social or cultural set of ideas reflecting normative assumptions but, although such texts make reference to gender as a practice, they often work at the level of attitudes or values, encouraging social workers to reflect upon their own assumptions about gender (Llewellyn et al., 2008; Sheach-Leith et al., 2011). Treating gender concepts at the level of attitudes is a rather individualized approach, in which it seems to be an interper- sonal characteristic only, although there are other texts that consider gender as a practice and insist on its contextualization within late or reflexive modernity (Dunk-West and Verity, 2013).
There are attempts within social work to think about how gender relates to questions of race, class, disability, age, or sexuality, but more often gender is treated as a stand-alone issue. An example of this would be some feminist work on care, which argues that women need to be released from the burden of caring for dependents. Although this point about the effects of state and family reliance upon unpaid care is an important one, work by disabled feminists has pointed out that the category ‘‘women’’ includes those being cared for, and that these arguments position disabled women and men as a ‘‘burden’’ (Morris, 1991). Others have noted the heteronormativity of such arguments, based, as they often are, on an assumed heterosexual couple (Manthorpe, 2003).
However, by far the most regular usage of ‘‘gender’’ within social work is where it is treated as ‘‘already given’’ (Smith, 1990: 159); that is, used as a label referring to an assumed characteristic. Here, the formula runs, ‘‘gender causes x.’’ An inter- esting example of this would be Failure to Protect: Moving Beyond Gendered Responses (Strega et al., 2013), which examines why, in professional responses to child sexual abuse, mothers are often held responsible via ‘‘failure to protect.’’ In one sense, this is vitally important: why does some social work practice tend to blame mothers and ignore fathers? Why are mothers often held accountable for men’s abuse of children? But, in another sense, the book never really asks how gender works, or is made to matter, in these contexts, and instead frequently treats it as a mono-causal explanation.
This kind of usage of gender is limited for a number of reasons: first, gender may take on a thing-like quality and appear to have agency—‘‘gender causes x.’’ Second, it treats a group (e.g. men) as homogeneous. But this doesn’t ask if all
Hicks 473
men are therefore more likely to abuse children, for example. And it doesn’t ask whether all men are equally powerful. Third, it doesn’t really get to grips with just how gender works in a given situation. Fourth, it may lead to simplistic explan- ations. Of course, it is important to think about why men overwhelmingly commit most forms of sexual violence, but this does not mean ‘‘gender causes abuse.’’ And, lastly, this is a rather interior view of gender. The gender of the person seems to be some kind of characteristic that causes a problem or outcome.
Woman-centered practice?
Much of the feminist social work literature treats gender as a basis for similarity and shared purpose. Hanmer and Statham’s text, Women and Social Work, for example, develops what they term a ‘‘woman-centred practice,’’ and makes the case that, since women are the majority of social workers and service users, a common- ality of gendered experience, along the lines of ‘‘being female, their relationships with men, children, living within the family, employment and working conditions’’ (Hanmer and Statham, 1999: 18), forms the basis of social change through social work.
Although the book does acknowledge differences along lines of race, age, dis- ability, class, and sexuality, this notion of commonality, or what Dominelli and McLeod term ‘‘non-hierarchical relationships between the social worker and the woman/women she is working with’’ (Dominelli and McLeod, 1989: 38), has been critiqued for assuming that feminist social work means working with women; that empowerment is the only purpose of such work; that empowerment resolves power dynamics within relationships; and that women’s shared experience means auto- matic rapport (Baines, 1997; Orme, 2003; White, 2006; Wise, 1990). Hanmer and Statham’s text mentions lesbian, black, and ethnic minority women in relation to forms of diversity, but their description of women’s commonalities relies upon the normative assumptions of whiteness and heterosexuality.
This ‘‘sameness’’ problem has been the target of other social work writings. Lewis’ research argues that both race and gender are mutually constituted, yet within social work they are often treated as separate spheres. She argues that gender and race are experienced differently according to context, and so may have different meanings and effects, even for the same person. So, just as the cat- egory of gender must be one that allows for differences, so race, too, must not be treated as already given, as referring to some kind of essential black or white ‘‘culture.’’ In relation to the black, female social workers in her study, Lewis sug- gests that ‘‘‘racial’ and ethnic categories are simultaneously occupied and resisted as a way of mediating a set of working lives which are overdetermined by ‘race’ and gender’’ (Lewis, 2000: 205–206).
Indeed, if gender is to be seen in its complexity, then this must not be taken solely to refer to women. For some theorists in social work, it is important to think about work with men and fathers, the complexity of men’s position within social work, notions of ‘‘masculinity’’ and the category ‘‘men’’ (Christie, 2001;
474 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
Cree, 1996; Featherstone et al., 2007; Scourfield, 2003). This also relates to how social work thinks about trans issues and transgender people, a point to which I shall return.
Social work, gender, and intersectionality
One response to this assumed gender sameness, and the treatment of gender in isolation, is to consider intersectionality theory (Mehrotra, 2010; Murphy et al., 2009; Wahab et al., forthcoming). Crenshaw’s argument proposes that the consid- eration of subordination within single categories, like gender, prevents analysis of race and gender for black women, since the claims of sex discrimination within law are largely based upon experiences of white women in relation to gender only (Crenshaw, 1991). This has been taken up in Incorporating Intersectionality in Social Work Practice, Research, Policy, and Education (Murphy et al., 2009), which argues that social work should consider how oppressions intersect to form interlocking patterns of injustice. This means that attention to gender alone is insufficient, since race and class make a difference, and it also means that any individual might experience both oppression and privilege.
While this goes some way to challenging supposed gender sameness, the authors accept Andersen’s (2005) claim that sexuality does not occupy the same place as race, class, and gender, since it has largely to do with identity–cultural issues rather than political–structural ones. Andersen argues:
sexuality has never been formally used to deny sexual groups the right to vote, nor has
it been used in the formal and legal definition of personhood as is historically true of
African Americans and other groups. Gays and lesbians have never been formally
segregated in the labor market nor denied citizenship because of the labor they pro-
vide. (Andersen, 2005: 451)
Murphy et al., while pointing out the need to consider questions of sexuality, accept this view and suggest that sexuality cannot be treated as equivalent to race, class, and gender. Here, then, is an obvious problem with some intersection- ality theory. An argument against a hierarchy of oppressions is contradicted by establishment of another. And, as Schilt notes, this separate treatment of sexuality ignores ways in which citizenship is denied to lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender people, and also that ‘‘gay men and lesbians who have nonnormative gender pres- entations, who are working-class, and/or who are racial/ethnic minorities are often those who end up being most excluded from legitimate avenues of employment’’ (Schilt, 2008: 112). Given that authors, such as Collins, argue that ‘‘what is needed is a framework that not only analyzes heterosexism as a system of oppression, but also conceptualizes its links to race, class, and gender as comparable systems of oppression’’ (Collins, 2000: 128–129), this suppression of sexuality analysis in a social work text seems misguided.
Hicks 475
Poststructural and postmodern feminist social work
Poststructural and postmodern theories have questioned the notion of identity or experience-based knowledge that features in some feminist work, because post- structuralist theories do not treat language as a reflector of reality, but rather a powerful way of constructing knowledge. Thus, any claims that feminist social work should be based upon validating the experiences of women are thrown into question because those experiences are not merely authentic, they are motivated, linguistic accounts, which aim to achieve certain effects, and they are open to different interpretations.
Feminist poststructuralists also challenge the notion of women’s shared experi- ence, since the category ‘‘woman’’ is itself experienced differently and fractured along race, class, sexuality, disability, age, and other lines (Featherstone, 2001; Morley and Macfarlane, 2011; Pollack and Rossiter, 2010; Rossiter, 2000; Sands and Nuccio, 1992). Of course, this is not merely a poststructural claim. Earlier feminist debates also centered on potential exclusions of the category ‘‘woman’’ by race, sexuality, and so on, but here the concern is more with the powerful effects of language use. So, while Sands and Nuccio’s (1992) arguments for a postmodern feminist social work, based upon difference, diversity, and recognizing the margin- alized do not sound particularly challenging, their questions about the potentially oppressive nature of gendered or racialized categories used by social workers raise important concerns regarding the nature of social work knowledge.
Dominelli has argued strongly against ‘‘individualistic’’ postmodern theory, which, she says, does not consider systematic patterns of discrimination along gender lines (Dominelli, 2002b: 34). She also claims that postmodern feminism assumes that power ‘‘subsumes any form of opposition’’ (Dominelli, 2002a: 169). This seems a rather limited reading of feminist postmodern theories, which are not based on notions of the individual subject at all, but are rather concerned with how subjectivity is produced through powerful discourses, interested in how dominant knowledge forms arise, and in how these may be opposed via various forms of subjugated, but not silenced, knowledge. Dominelli, however, argues for woman- centered practice, which seeks equality based on empowerment, listening to the stories, and validating the experiences of women, a point that postmodern theories would reject as both naive and asserting a powerful claim about what kinds of knowledge count.
What such debates demonstrate, of course, is that what constitutes feminist social work is not agreed. White’s study argues, ‘‘women social workers’ anecdotal accounts of their experiences were of feminist identities that were fluid, sometimes fragile or even non-existent’’ (White, 2006: 3). She is also critical of woman-cen- tered practice because this seems largely based upon community and voluntary models that exist outside of state social work. While she is not critical of such feminist work per se, White argues that the woman-centered model of practice is largely ‘‘isolated from an analysis of the features of the organisational regime of social work that are associated with its location in the state’’ (White, 2006: 31).
476 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
Postmodern feminist social work theories reject the notion of egalitarian power relations as a fantasy that does not engage with the power dynamics that always exist between social workers and clients, a point also made in earlier work (Wise, 1990). Power is not seen as a one-way street; that is, something always held by social workers over service users. There is no space outside of power relations, and so postmodern thinkers call for reflexivity about power within all practices. The feminist model of empowerment, for example, may be criticized because it sees power as somehow given to the (always) powerless service user by the (always) powerful social worker, but also because the notion of ‘‘empowerment’’ has been co-opted by neoliberal state welfare, so that it replaces any concern for wider structural change with individualized notions of ‘‘choice.’’
Queer and trans theory
The influence of queer and trans theories on social work has been more limited to date, but where this has been addressed, then the notion of ‘‘gender’’ itself is challenged (Burdge, 2007; McPhail, 2004a; Nagoshi and Brzuzy, 2010; Wahab et al., forthcoming). The dichotomous view of gender is brought into question, as this is a powerful technology for the regulation of persons. Social work writings on trans people generally caution against the reification of gender categories, with phrases such as ‘‘gender variant’’ or ‘‘gender nonconforming’’ also being used (Davis, 2009; Hartley and Whittle, 2003; Kahn, 2014; Martin and Yonkin, 2006). Yet, at the same time, there may be a tendency, in some accounts, to theorize ‘‘transgender identity’’ based upon developmental stages, or gender as something fixed by the age of 3 (Mallon and DeCrescenzo, 2009). Spade, however, argues that the vulnerabilities of trans people, especially those marginalized due to poverty, are the result of ‘‘legal and administrative systems of domination . . . that employ rigid gender binaries’’ (Spade, 2011: 13). Queer and trans theories thus argue that the category ‘‘gender’’ should be questioned, and it is to this that I now turn.
Opening up the debate on ‘‘gender’’
. . . ‘enough already with gender!’ The reason for such exasperation has to do with the
way gender has become operationalized in ‘gender research projects’ . . . In many of
these instances, gender is taken for granted as the point of departure for a set of
descriptions of social practices, understood as an adjective that qualifies established
objects of social science: gendered work, gendered performance, gendered play. In
fact, there is little inquiry on the production of difference. . . (Butler, 2011b: 21)
Collins’ (2000) Black Feminist Thought argues that feminist work on gender has largely reflected the experiences of white, middle-class women. Writing mainly about African American women’s experiences, Collins argues that many arguments within feminist theory, such as the role of women as carers in the home or the
Hicks 477
oppressive nature of family life, do not consider black women’s experiences of (often poorly paid domestic) work or of the positive role that black families might play in helping to challenge racism. This is not to valorize ‘‘the black family’’ or to deny the significance of sexism, but rather to insist that feminism, and any account of gender relations, must take questions about race on board. As well as this absence of race, black feminist writers also identify the construction of racial stereotypes (such as, ‘‘more oppressed/in need of feminist help’’ or ‘‘strong, black women/who don’t need feminism’’) within some theories.
In relation to questions of sexuality, too, feminist theories have been criticized for their heteronormativity. Lorde’s work, for example, has asked not only why race but also why sexuality, and lesbianism in particular, has been missing from some feminist accounts (Lorde, 1996). Rubin, too, argues that feminism is not necessarily the preferred theory of sexual oppression and that, in some cases, fem- inists have proposed ‘‘a very conservative sexual morality’’ (Rubin, 1984: 302). Of course, this is a complicated picture, since Rubin’s objections are, in some cases, toward forms of lesbian feminism that she found to be restrictive or hierarchical, but she is also making a case, not against feminism, but against theories that see sexuality merely as a derivative of gender.
Material and structural accounts of gender
Materialist or structuralist accounts focus on institutions, such as the family or the workplace, in order to examine how gender inequality is produced and reproduced within such settings. Connell’s work, for example, describes gen- der as ‘‘the structure of social relations that centres on the reproductive arena, and the set of practices that bring reproductive distinctions between bodies into social processes’’ (Connell, 2009: 11). This is because she views gender as a pattern within wider social relations, and so is critical of any gender theory that does not consider issues such as education, domestic violence, or health, all of which are ‘‘gendered.’’ For Connell, then, societies exhibit a ‘‘gender order’’ (Connell, 2009: 73).
Another example of structural theory is Risman’s work on family relations (Risman, 1998). Risman argues that institutions, such as workplaces or the family, produce inequality between women and men. She makes a case for a focus on material constraints, which she sees as lacking from other theories. For Risman, gender is a structure that has consequences for people at individual, inter- actional, and institutional levels. Her study of single fathers is particularly inter- esting in this respect, as they were engaged in homemaking and caring for children. Indeed, Risman refers to single fathers’ work as ‘‘mothering’’ (Risman, 1998: 52), since she found that responsibility for home and care is better explained by parental role rather than gender. Risman also says that single fathers ‘‘described themselves as more feminine than did other men’’ (Risman, 1998: 65). Thus, for Risman, a family structure in which there is one, male parent determines ‘‘gender,’’ in the sense that this results in a particular sense of self (‘‘more feminine’’) and in work
478 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
usually associated with women. In heterosexual couple families, women were far more likely to do this caring work.
It is possible to raise some questions about this perspective, not least in terms of methodology, because Risman largely tests for gender as a measurable variable (e.g. see ‘‘Measurement of Parenting Variables’’ or ‘‘Gendered selves’’ (Risman, 1998: 59 and 76)). This does not allow much space for the negotiation of gender within an interactional context or the role of language in that process. Indeed, Risman is rather dismissive of in-depth interviews, due to the distortions and fail- ures of memory that she sees in such methods. However, it is also important to acknowledge that Risman’s view of gender as a structure does not see this as determinative, since, in some cases, those structures and their consequences may be challenged. However, Risman’s point is that institutional forms constrain ways of behaving; or, they have certain gendered consequences, such as inequalities between women and men.
This approach to gender is often taken up in work on stratification of social work organizations. Here, it is argued that the gendered structure of social work, with a disproportionate number of men in senior and management positions, results in gendered inequality for women in terms of treatment and career prospects (Dominelli, 2002b; Harlow, 2004; Kirwan, 1994). Yet it would also be possible to argue that such explanations tell us little about how gender works in these settings. Are ‘‘men’’ and ‘‘women’’ treated differently, regardless of race, sexuality, disabil- ity, class, or other issues? If the explanation for inequality is merely ‘‘gender dif- ference,’’ then how exactly do gendered ideas about persons arise within social work in the first place? How are dominant or oppressive ideas about gender resisted within social work teams or settings? Is gender the primary factor or point of identification for social workers? These kinds of questions, which structural explan- ations often avoid, bring us on to the question of how gender is produced through practices.
The practice of gender
For ethnomethodologists, a problem with structural accounts is that these assume an institutional form results in gendered consequences, but this does not ask how gender is achieved. What practices, for example, produce a gendered institution or society, and how are these, in fact, constitutive of something called ‘‘gender?’’ Instead, ethnomethodological accounts are concerned with how gender is achieved in everyday life; that is, with how all people ordinarily achieve a gender status.
Garfinkel’s study of Agnes, a person who presented as intersex but later revealed herself to be a transsexual woman, was undertaken not to demonstrate the special features of intersex persons or transsexualism, but rather to show that, for all people, ‘‘sex status’’ is an ordinary social achievement. Garfinkel argued that social life is ‘‘rigorously dichotomized into the ‘natural,’ i.e., moral, entities of male and female’’ (Garfinkel, 1984: 116), and so, in order to be taken for a ‘‘normal’’ person, one has to be taken for a man or woman. But this process
Hicks 479
involves various cues, to do with appearance, speech, biography, and so on, that each person (or ‘‘member’’) gives. So, for Garfinkel, ‘‘members’ practices alone pro- duce the observable-tellable normal sexuality of persons’’ (Garfinkel, 1984: 181).
This work was developed further in Kessler and McKenna’s study, which argued that the attribution of gender is a primary feature of everyday life, and that what they term ‘‘gender role’’ refers to a set of prescriptive characteristics or expectations (Kessler and McKenna, 1985: 11). Kessler and McKenna argue that this process of gendering persons into just one of the two categories (female or male) is funda- mental to social life, and yet unremarkable. This allows, for example, for the presentation of gender as a social ‘‘fact,’’ in which some theorists or researchers account for certain behaviors as caused by gender (‘‘gender causes x’’).
These arguments influenced the ‘‘doing gender’’ perspective of West and Zimmerman, which states that gender ‘‘is the activity of managing situated conduct in light of normative conceptions of attitudes and activities appropriate for one’s sex category’’ (West and Zimmerman, 1987: 127). Crucially, this emphasizes the concept of accountability, because:
a person engaged in virtually any activity may be held accountable for performance of
that activity as a woman or a man . . . to ‘do’ gender is not always to live up to nor-
mative conceptions of femininity or masculinity; it is to engage in behavior at the risk
of gender assessment. (West and Zimmerman, 1987: 136)
In later work on ‘‘doing difference,’’ West and Fenstermaker have shown that similar processes apply to race and class (West and Fenstermaker, 2002). West and Zimmerman have also been critical of structural perspectives, which assume that gender may be undone in order to undo inequality. They argue that gender is not so easily abandoned, since all of everyday life is accountable in gendered terms (West and Zimmerman, 2009).
Risman has suggested that the doing gender perspective is in danger simply of labelling any activity as masculinity or femininity and, along with others, argues that this may give the impression that nothing can change (Deutsch, 2007; Risman, 2009). In the sense, identified by Butler, of gender being treated as a given explan- ation for phenomena, Risman’s point is important, but this would be a misreading of ethnomethodological claims. Ethnomethodologists explore what ordinary people count as examples of ‘‘masculinity’’ or ‘‘femininity,’’ and are interested in transformational possibilities. After all, they see gender as a moral, not merely practical, order. Thus, Deutsch’s proposal to ‘‘reserve the phrase ‘doing gender’ to refer to social interactions that reproduce gender difference and [to] use the phrase ‘undoing gender’ to refer to social interactions that reduce gender differ- ence’’ (Deutsch, 2007: 122) seems simplistic: how do we know when gender is being either reproduced or reduced? And isn’t it possible that both are occurring within any interaction that appears to involve gender?
Within social work, ethnomethodological perspectives on gender are rare, but there is research that considers gender as practice. Pösö’s work, in which probation
480 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
officers attempted to identify whether speakers in transcripts were female or male, demonstrates contradictory views of, and methods for identifying, gender. Generally, talk about emotions, relationships, or children were associated with women, and objectivity and reticence in speech associated with men. Pösö argues that gender is ‘‘situational and . . . case-specific’’ (Pösö, 2003: 175), and that more attention should be given to the ways in which it is practised.
Scourfield’s ethnographic study of a childcare social work team examines con- structions of gender, and suggests ‘‘an underlying dichotomy of men as abusers, and women as carers’’ (Scourfield, 2003: 60). Women were primarily seen as responsible for children’s welfare and they were expected to protect children from abusive men, with the ‘‘failure to protect’’ discourse a feature. Men were often described as dangerous, threatening, or absent/irrelevant, something that Scourfield sees as part of the continued overlooking of men, and blaming of women, within child protection. Thus, while there are ‘‘multiple gendered dis- courses in the culture of the social work office that constitute the knowledge avail- able to social workers,’’ these are, at the same time, both powerfully limiting and open to challenge (Scourfield, 2003: 151).
Butler and performativity
Butler’s work on gender echoes aspects of ethnomethodology and doing gender, since it is concerned with gender as ‘‘a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance’’ (Butler, 1990: 33). However, Butler’s work also demonstrates the influence of poststructural theories and a concern with the heteronormative aspects of gendered practices, noting that the:
heterosexualization of desire requires and institutes the production of discrete and
asymmetrical oppositions between ‘feminine’ and ‘masculine,’ where these are under-
stood as expressive attributes of ‘male’ and ‘female.’ The cultural matrix through
which gender identity has become intelligible requires that certain kinds of ‘identities’
cannot ‘exist’—that is, those in which gender does not follow from sex and those
in which the practices of desire do not ‘follow’ from either sex or gender. (Butler,
1990: 17)
Of course, this does not mean that other kinds of ‘‘gender’’ do not exist, and Butler uses the example of drag to show how gender is practised, but also, that it is always imitative. By this she means that drag is no mere copy of an original gender, but rather that in ‘‘imitating gender, drag implicitly reveals the imitative structure of gender itself—as well as its contingency’’ (Butler, 1990: 137).
In Bodies That Matter, Butler clarifies this performative sense of gender, arguing that this is not about gender as an individual choice or mere play, since ‘‘perfor- mativity must be understood not as a singular or deliberate ‘act,’ but, rather, as the reiterative and citational practice by which discourse produces the effects that it
Hicks 481
names’’ (Butler, 2011a: xii). This is an important point because, while Butler’s presentation of drag in Gender Trouble tends to suggest a challenge to traditional versions of gender, work by others, such as Bridges, argues that some forms of ‘‘drag’’ may be used as a temporary joke, actually to reinforce ‘‘normal’’ gender (Bridges, 2010). Indeed, Butler herself later noted that drag is not necessarily sub- versive (Butler, 2011a).
Butler’s argument is that gender precedes the individual; that is, that subjectivity must be taken up through gender, so one comes to be a person through being taken for a woman or man. When an individual does not appear to be gendered in a ‘‘normal’’ way, then it is that individual, rather than the gender order, that is questioned. In relation to social work, Green and Featherstone have analyzed Butler’s potential, and have suggested that her work helps to challenge dogmatic and morally certain positions within anti-oppressive theory, which they describe as a ‘‘project that believes in its own innocence and construct[s] social workers as disembodied carriers of a ‘pure’ project’’ (Green and Featherstone, 2014: 32).
Gender as discourse
The emphasis in Butler’s work on the question of discourse is taken up in a range of theories, influenced in part by the poststructuralist turn to language, which con- sider gender as discourse. These theories see gender as produced via social and textual practices, which regulate the ways in which we may think about men, women, and others. One important implication of this is that gender is not fixed, nor is it simply attached to individuals. Instead, people contest gendered meanings and subject positions, although, in order to be taken seriously, they may well have to use familiar and expected ways of expressing themselves. Further, as Kessler and McKenna argued, and Butler acknowledged in her later work, the reception of a gendered claim, by audience or perceiver, matters.
Smith’s discussion of femininity as discourse suggests that the very concept ‘‘femininity’’ is produced through practices and their embeddedness in texts. So, gender is not merely a structure or ideology imposed upon un/willing subjects, but rather it is a ‘‘complex of actual relations vested in texts’’ (Smith, 1990: 163). This is an interesting point, as we hear here Smith’s joint adherence to both a materialist and discursive account of gender, which she sees as mutually dependent, since gender is produced within both local and wider social relations. That is, a discourse of gender relates to people’s actions within localized settings and the organization of their ways of thinking and talking.
Like Garfinkel, Smith insists that gender is a moral order, which means that it is coordinated with wider social and economic relations, so that femininity is ‘‘a textual discourse vested in women’s magazines and television, advertisements,’’ and so on (Smith, 1990: 163). The moral order attempts to position women and femininity only in relation to the, more valued, men and masculinity, and for women this implies the need to be considered ‘‘attractive’’ or ‘‘desirable,’’ ‘‘a con- dition of participation in circles organized heterosexually’’ (Smith, 1990: 194).
482 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
Smith refers to play and interplay within gendered discourse, in order to argue that it does not prescribe action, and yet she also reminds us that social texts establish recognizable concepts and categories, so that what is done may (or may not) be recognized as an instance of what is authorized. Thus, to take up gender within discourse is to be recognized as demonstrating a proper instance of such, that is, a ‘‘proper’’ man or woman.
Returning to social work and gender
In my research, I have argued for an analysis of gender as a practical achievement within everyday social work contexts. Drawing upon the ethnomethodological and discursive theories discussed earlier, I have suggested that gender is neither a char- acteristic merely acquired and passed on through socialization or reproduction of structural forms nor something inherent in the person. Rather, social work pro- cesses involve the production of gender through practical means, which relate both to immediate, local, and wider, institutional contexts. An example of this would be my analysis of the ways in which notions about ‘‘gender role’’ are used within the assessment of lesbian or gay foster care or adoption applicants (Hicks, 2011, 2013). Here, I have demonstrated how social workers and applicants draw upon and produce ideas about gender in order to categorize ‘‘identities’’ or ‘‘lifestyles,’’ and I have noted that, in most cases, the issue of ‘‘gender role models’’ has to be:
addressed in relation to gay and lesbian applicants, and those applicants, as well as
some social workers, who, in other contexts, are opposed to notions of gender
role, must conform since they are held accountable. And while there is resistance to
gender norms here, a standard and institutional discourse dominates, one in which
adherence to a moral order that upholds expected gender roles is required. (Hicks,
2013: 158)
This is confirmed in other research (Wood, 2013), and reminds us of the ethno- methodological point that, where any person is perceived to question standard gender in some way, then it is usually that individual or group category, rather than the gender hierarchy, that is held to account, since gender functions as a moral order. This approach to the theorization of gender within social work emphasizes its reliance on other categories, such as race or sexuality, and its active production via interactions involving powerful linguistic claims, moving us away from essen- tialist, functionalist and, to some extent, structuralist accounts.
In using this article to review various theorizations of gender, my point has been to highlight ways in which social work may be limited in the versions that it pri- oritizes. The tendency to treat gender in isolation, critiqued in some accounts (Brown, 1992; Shah, 1989), or to take up a solely structural view indicates a reifi- cation of gender and an ignorance of its production through practice. My argument has been that, bar a few examples (Pösö, 2003; Scourfield, 2003), social work rarely connects with gender as practice, ironic for a discipline so concerned with practical
Hicks 483
dynamics. This, then, is also an argument for attention to the ways in which gender is produced through social work, something that draws upon both the practical and the discursive, rather than starting with something termed ‘‘gender’’ and then looking for its effects. This may prove controversial in a field somewhat dominated by anti-discriminatory approaches; that is, where gender is considered at all; yet it is my argument that taking up Butler’s ‘‘inquiry on the production of difference’’ (Butler, 2011b: 21) may open up possibilities for less restrictive accounts of gender within social work’s various fields.
References
Andersen ML (2005) Thinking about women: A quarter century’s view. Gender & Society 19(4): 437–455.
Baines D (1997) Feminist social work in the inner city: The challenges of race, class, and
gender. Affilia 12(3): 297–317. Bridges TS (2010) Men just weren’t made to do this: Performances of drag at ‘‘walk a mile in
her shoes’’ marches. Gender & Society 24(1): 5–30. Brown HC (1992) Lesbians, the state and social work practice. In: Langan M and Day L
(eds) Women, Oppression and Social Work: Issues in Anti-Discriminatory Practice. London: Routledge, pp. 201–219.
Burdge BJ (2007) Bending gender, ending gender: Theoretical foundations for social work
practice with the transgender community. Social Work 52(3): 243–250. Butler J (1990) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York:
Routledge.
Butler J (2011a) Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of ‘‘Sex’’. London: Routledge. Butler J (2011b) Speaking up, talking back: Joan Scott’s critical feminism. In: Butler J and
Weed E (eds) The Question of Gender: Joan W. Scott’s Critical Feminism. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, pp. 11–28. Christie A (2001) Gendered discourses of welfare, men and social work. In: Christie A (ed.)
Men and Social Work: Theories and Practices. Basingstoke: Palgrave, pp. 7–34. Collins PH (2000) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment, 2nd ed. New York: Routledge. Connell R (2009) Gender: In World Perspective, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press. Cree VE (1996) Why do men care? In: Cavanagh K and Cree VE (eds) Working with Men:
Feminism and Social Work. London: Routledge pp. 64–86. Crenshaw K (1991) Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence
against women of color. Stanford Law Review 43(1241): 1241–1299.
Davis C (2009) Introduction to practice with transgender and gender variant youth. In: Mallon GP (ed.) Social Work Practice with Transgender and Gender Variant Youth. London: Routledge, pp. 1–21.
Deutsch FM (2007) Undoing gender. Gender & Society 21(1): 106–127.
Dominelli L (2002a) Anti-oppressive Social Work Theory and Practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Dominelli L (2002b) Feminist Social Work Theory and Practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
Dominelli L and McLeod E (1989) Feminist Social Work. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Dunk-West P and Verity F (2013) Sociological Social Work. Farnham: Ashgate.
484 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
Featherstone B (2001) Where to for feminist social work? Critical Social Work 2(1).
Available at: http://www1.uwindsor.ca/criticalsocialwork/where-to-for-feminist-social- work (accessed 12 October 2014).
Featherstone B, Rivett M and Scourfield J (2007) Working with Men in Health and Social
Care. London: SAGE. Garfinkel H (1984) Studies in Ethnomethodology. Cambridge: Polity Press. Green L and Featherstone B (2014) Judith Butler, power and social work. In: Cocker C and
Hafford-Letchfield T (eds) Rethinking Anti-Discriminatory and Anti-Oppressive Theories
for Social Work Practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 31–44. Hanmer J and Statham D (1999) Women and Social Work: Towards a Woman-Centred
Practice, 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan.
Harlow E (2004) Why don’t women want to be social workers anymore? New managerial- ism, postfeminism and the shortage of social workers in social services departments in England and Wales. European Journal of Social Work 7(2): 167–179.
Hartley CF and Whittle S (2003) Different sexed and gendered bodies demand different ways of thinking about policy and practice. Practice 15(3): 61–73.
Hicks S (2011) Lesbian, Gay and Queer Parenting: Families, Intimacies, Genealogies. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hicks S (2013) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender parents and the question of gender. In: Goldberg AE and Allen KR (eds) LGBT-Parent Families: Innovations in Research and Implications for Practice. New York: Springer, pp. 149–162.
Kahn S (2014) Experiences of faith for gender role non-conforming Muslims in resettlement: Preliminary considerations for social work practitioners. British Journal of Social Work. Epub ahead of print 3 June 2014. DOI: 10.1093/bjsw/bcu060.
Kessler SJ and McKenna W (1985) Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Kirwan M (1994) Gender and social work: Will DipSW make a difference? British Journal of
Social Work 24(2): 137–155. Lewis G (2000) ‘‘Race’’, Gender, Social Welfare: Encounters in a Postcolonial Society.
Cambridge: Polity Press. Llewellyn A, Agu L and Mercer D (2008) Sociology for Social Workers. Cambridge: Polity
Press. Lorde A (1996) The Audre Lorde Compendium: Essays, Speeches and Journals. London:
Pandora.
Mallon GP and DeCrescenzo T (2009) Social work practice with transgender and gender variant children and youth. In: Mallon GP (ed.) Social Work Practice with Transgender and Gender Variant Youth. London: Routledge, pp. 65–86.
Manthorpe J (2003) Nearest and dearest? The neglect of lesbians in caring relationships. British Journal of Social Work 33(6): 753–768.
Martin JI and Yonkin DR (2006) Transgender identity. In: Morrow DF and Messinger L
(eds) Sexual Orientation and Gender Expression in Social Work Practice: Working with Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender People. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 105–128.
McPhail BA (2004a) Questioning gender and sexuality binaries: What queer theorists, trans-
gendered individuals, and sex researchers can teach social work. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 17(1): 3–21.
McPhail BA (2004b) Setting the record straight: Social work is not a female-dominated
profession. Social Work 49(2): 323–326.
Hicks 485
Mehrotra G (2010) Toward a continuum of intersectionality theorizing for feminist social
work scholarship. Affilia 25(4): 417–430. Morley C and Macfarlane S (2011) The nexus between feminism and postmodernism: Still a
central concern for critical social work. British Journal of Social Work 42(4): 687–705.
Morris J (1991) Pride Against Prejudice: Transforming Attitudes to Disability. London: The Women’s Press.
Mullaly B (2007) The New Structural Social Work, 3rd ed. Don Mills: Oxford University Press.
Murphy Y, Hunt V, Zajicek AM, et al. (2009) Incorporating Intersectionality in Social Work Practice, Research, Policy, and Education. Washington: NASW Press.
Nagoshi JL and Brzuzy S (2010) Transgender theory: Embodying research and practice.
Affilia 25(4): 431–443. Oakley A (1972) Sex, Gender and Society. London: Temple Smith. Orme J (2001) Gender and Community Care: Social Work and Social Care Perspectives.
Basingstoke: Palgrave. Orme J (2003) ‘‘It’s feminist because I say so!’’: Feminism, social work and critical practice
in the UK. Qualitative Social Work 2(2): 131–153. Pollack S and Rossiter A (2010) Neoliberalism and the entrepreneurial subject: Implications
for feminism and social work. Canadian Social Work Review 27(2): 155–169. Pösö T (2003) Complicated gender. In: Hall C, Juhila K, Parton N, et al. (eds) Constructing
Clienthood in Social Work and Human Services: Interaction, Identities and Practices.
London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, pp. 161–176. Risman BJ (1998) Gender Vertigo: American Families in Transition. New Haven: Yale
University Press.
Risman BJ (2009) From doing to undoing: Gender as we know it. Gender & Society 23(1): 81–84.
Rossiter A (2000) The postmodern feminist condition: New conditions for social work.
In: Fawcett B, Featherstone B, Fook J, et al. (eds) Practice and Research in Social Work: Postmodern Feminist Perspectives. London: Routledge, pp. 24–38.
Rubin G (1984) Thinking sex: Notes for a radical theory of the politics of sexuality. In: Vance CS (ed.) Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality. London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, pp. 267–319. Sands RG and Nuccio K (1992) Postmodern feminist theory and social work. Social Work
37(6): 489–494.
Schilt K (2008) The unfinished business of sexuality: Comment on Andersen. Gender and Society 22(1): 109–114.
Scourfield JB (2002) Reflections on gender, knowledge and values in social work. British
Journal of Social Work 32(1): 1–15. Scourfield J (2003) Gender and Child Protection. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Scourfield J (2010) Gender and child welfare in society: Introduction to some key concepts.
In: Featherstone B, Hooper C-A, Scourfield J, et al. (eds) Gender and Child Welfare in Society. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 1–25.
Shah N (1989) It’s up to you sisters: Black women and radical social work. In: Langan M and Lee P (eds) Radical Social Work Today. London: Unwin Hyman, pp. 178–191.
Sheach-Leith V, Sutherland M and Gibson N (2011) Gender. In: Yuill C and Gibson A (eds) Sociology for Social Work: An Introduction. London: SAGE, pp. 45–68.
Smith DE (1990) Texts, Facts, and Femininity: Exploring the Relations of Ruling. London:
Routledge.
486 Qualitative Social Work 14(4)
Spade D (2011) Normal Life: Administrative Violence, Critical Trans Politics, and the Limits
of Law. Brooklyn: South End Press. Strega S, Krane J, Lapierre S, et al. (eds) (2013) Failure to Protect: Moving Beyond Gendered
Responses. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.
Thompson N (2012) Anti-Discriminatory Practice: Equality, Diversity and Social Justice, 5th ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Unger RK (1979) Toward a redefinition of sex and gender. American Psychologist 34(11): 1085–1094.
Wahab S, Anderson-Nathe B and Gringeri C (forthcoming) Introduction. In: Wahab S, Anderson-Nathe B and Gringeri C (eds) Feminisms in Social Work Research: Promise and Possibilities for Justice-Based Knowledge. London: Routledge, pp. 1–15.
West C and Fenstermaker S (2002) Accountability in action: The accomplishment of gender, race and class in a meeting of the University of California Board of Regents. Discourse & Society 13(4): 537–563.
West C and Zimmerman DH (1987) Doing gender. Gender & Society 1(2): 125–151. West C and Zimmerman DH (2009) Accounting for doing gender. Gender & Society 23(1):
112–122. White V (2006) The State of Feminist Social Work. London: Routledge.
Wise S (1990) Becoming a feminist social worker. In: Stanley L (ed.) Feminist Praxis: Research, Theory and Epistemology in Feminist Sociology. London: Routledge, pp. 236–249.
Wood K (2013) Negotiating the new normal: Displaying family in the context of gay and lesbian fostering and adoption. PhD Thesis, University of Hull, UK.
Hicks 487
4.Krahé, B. (2018). Violence against women. Current Opinion in Psychology, 19, 6-10..pdf
Violence against women Barbara Krahé
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Violence against women causes suffering and misery to victims
and their families and places a heavy burden on societies
worldwide. It mostly happens within intimate relationships or
between people known to each other. Violence against women is
a social construction based on a societal consensus about the
roles and rights of men and women. Two prevalent forms of
violence against women are physical and sexual victimization by
an intimate partner, and sexual victimization outside intimate
relationships. Explanations of why men engage in aggressive
behavior toward women address different levels, including the
macro level of society, the micro level of dyadic interactions, and
the individual level of perpetrator characteristics. Prevention
efforts are needed that address each of these levels.
Address University of Potsdam, Department of Psychology, Karl-Liebknecht-Str.
24-25, D-14476 Potsdam, Germany
Corresponding author: Krahé, Barbara ([email protected])
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
This review comes from a themed issue on Aggression and violence
Edited by Brad J Bushman
For a complete overview see the Issue and the Editorial
Available online 31st March 2017
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2017.03.017
2352-250X/ã 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Violence against women is recognized as a serious social
problem and a criminal offence in many, but by no means
all countries in the world [1]. Violence against women is a
form of gender-based aggression because it is connected
to the membership of perpetrators and victims in distinct
gender groups. It comprises any behavior intended by a
male actor to cause harm to a female target. This review
presents studies that refer to physical and sexual violence
against women. Studies examining psychological mal-
treatment are covered in other recent reviews [2 �� ,3].
Definition and prevalence of physical and sexual violence against women According to the World Health Organization (WHO)
[4 �� ], physical violence is defined as “being slapped or
having something thrown at you that could hurt you,
being pushed or shoved, being hit with a fist or something
else that could hurt, being kicked, dragged or beaten up,
being choked or burnt on purpose, and/or being
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
threatened with, or actually, having a gun, knife or other
weapon used on the person”. Sexual violence is defined as “being physically forced to have sexual intercourse when
you did not want to, having sexual intercourse because
you were afraid of what your partner might do, and/or
being forced to do something sexual that you found
humiliating or degrading” [4 �� , p. 6].
Based on these definitions, the WHO compiled a report
including evidence from 151 original population-based
studies from 81 countries to establish the life-time prev-
alence rate of women’s experience of physical and sexual
victimization by an intimate partner from the age of
15 years. Only women who had ever been in a relationship
were included, and countries were classified into regions
as shown in Table 1.
Across all 81 countries, the mean rate of women
experiencing physical assault, sexual assault, or both from
an intimate partner was 30%. However, there was consid-
erable variation by region. The report also compiled
prevalence rates of non-partner sexual assault among
women regardless of whether they had ever been in a
relationship. Across all countries, 7.2% of women reported
non-partner sexual assault, but again there was a substan-
tial variability between regions.
In combination with other recent reviews and cross-cul-
tural research [5 �� ,6,7,8
� ], these figures clearly show that
physical and sexual violence inflicted by an intimate
partner is a reality for many women. The likelihood of
being sexually assaulted by a man outside an intimate
relationship is far lower than being sexually assaulted by a
romantic or dating partner, contradicting the stereotype of
the ‘real rape’ as an attack by a stranger (see Ref. [9 � ] on
the ‘real rape’ stereotype).
Explanations of violence against women Explanations of why men show physical and sexual vio-
lence against women focus on three levels: (a) the macro
level of the society, or social group, in which violence
against women occurs; (b) the micro level of dyadic
relationship functioning and interaction patterns between
the partners, and (c) the individual level of the
perpetrator.
Macro-level explanations
Theories at the macro level consider causes of violence
against women that lie in the social structure and value
systems of a society or a particular social group [10,11 � ].
The acceptance of violence has been linked to the
patriarchal structure of societies that create a favorable
www.sciencedirect.com
Violence against women Krahé 7
Table 1
Lifetime prevalence in % of violence against women worldwide [4��]
Physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence among ever-partnered women Non-partner sexual violence
Low- and middle-income regions
Africa 36.6 11.9
Americas 29.8 10.7
Eastern Mediterranean 37.0 –a
Europe 25.4 5.2
South-East Asia 37.7 4.9
Western Pacific 24.6 6.8
High income regions 23.2 12.6
Overall rate 30.0 7.2
Adapted from WHO, 2013. See p. 17 and p. 19 for the figures in this table and p. 18 for countries included in each category. a No studies were found for countries in this region.
context for men’s violence against female partners [12].
Patriarchal societies are characterized by a clear-cut
power differential between men and women, with men
dominating women in most areas of public and private
life. Male dominance is linked to a positive evaluation of
male assertiveness and aggressiveness. A study including
victimization rates in 16 countries showed that the less
power women had in the respective country, the higher
women’s victimization rates were compared to those of
men [13].
Micro-level explanations
At the level of dyadic interactions, explanations look at
the couple as the unit of analysis and try to identify
features of relationship functioning and situational inter-
actions that increase the likelihood of aggression. Low
marital satisfaction was identified as a risk factor for
physical partner violence in a meta-analysis [14]. In
specific situations, alcohol use by one or both of the
partners plays a major role in precipitating violent inter-
actions [15,16,17]. Meta-analytic evidence showed small
to moderate associations between drinking and perpetra-
tion of intimate partner violence among both men and
women [18]. Moreover, acts of physical aggression tend to
be more severe and more likely to lead to serious harm
when the perpetrator, the victim, or both are drunk, as
shown in data from 13 countries across the world [19].
Individual-level explanations
Finally, research has examined causes for intimate part-
ner violence at the level of the individual perpetrator,
considering a range of socio-demographic and personal
characteristics of men acting violently against their
female partners. A meta-analysis of risk factors for physi-
cal partner abuse showed that younger, less educated, and
less affluent men were more likely to abuse their partners
than were older, more educated, and more affluent men
[20]. Individuals suffering from personality disorders or
mental illness have a higher risk of abusing their partners
[21,22]. Endorsement of the traditional male gender role
and attitudes condoning violence, dispositional proneness
www.sciencedirect.com
to anger, and attachment difficulties, particularly jeal-
ousy, were found to increase the likelihood that men
become abusive toward an intimate partner [20].
Not every man growing up in a patriarchal society turns
into an abuser, nor does everyone experiencing marital
conflict or drinking in sexual interactions. It is the com-
bination and interaction of these different risk factors that
may eventually precipitate physical and sexual aggression
toward women.
Consequences of violence against women Violence against women leads to a variety of adverse
effects on victims’ physical and mental health as well
as their economic situation [23 �� ,24,25
� ]. Many victims of
physical partner violence are traumatized by the experi-
ence, especially because severe forms of partner abuse
tend to persist over time. A recent meta-analytic review
found a twofold to threefold increased risk of developing
major depressive disorder in women who experience
intimate partner violence in comparison to non-victim-
ized women [26]. The WHO report [4 �� ] summarized
evidence on the adverse health effects of exposure to
intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual assault
across studies from a wide range of countries, as presented
in Table 2.
The figures show that women who experienced physical
violence from an intimate partner were almost twice as
likely as women without a victimization history to suffer
from mental health problems, such as depression and
alcohol-related problems, and were 1.5 times more likely
to be infected with HIV. Women who suffered sexual
violence from a non-partner were about 2.5 times more
likely to suffer from depression and alcohol-related pro-
blems compared to non-victimized women. Furthermore,
many victims developed the symptomatology of PTSD in
the weeks and months following the assault, and sexual
assault has been identified as one of the strongest risk
factors for PTSD in women [27]. Women who experi-
enced sexual assault also had a higher risk of suicide [28],
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
8 Aggression and violence
Table 2
Selected negative health outcomes among women victimized by
an intimate partner (based on Ref. [4��], p. 29–30)
Intimate partner violence N studies Odds ratioa
Sexual health
AIDS/HIV 17 1.52
Sexually transmitted disease 21 1.81
Mental health
Unipolar depressive disorder 16 1.97
Alcohol use disorders 36 1.82
Injuries 11 2.92
Non-partner sexual violence
Unipolar depressive disorder 5 2.59
Alcohol use disorders 5 2.33
a Denotes the increase in likelihood of suffering the respective
adverse health outcome in victimized compared to non-victimized
women.
and women who experienced repeated victimization had
higher rates of PTSD than first-time victims [29].
Intimate partner violence also carries high costs for soci-
eties as a whole [30]. A report by the World Health
Organization details the economic burden of different
forms of intimate partner violence [31]. In a survey of over
3000 women in the United States, the annual health care
costs were found to be 19% higher among victims of
intimate partner violence than among non-victimized
women [32].
Preventing violence against women To prevent violence against women, a wide range of
approaches at the macro level of society and the individ-
ual level of perpetrators and victims has been proposed
[33 � ,34].
Societal-level measures
Different criminal justice responses have been intro-
duced to enhance the protection of victims and improve
the sanctioning of intimate partner violence. For exam-
ple, the instrument of restraining orders has been imple- mented to stop abusers from getting close to the persons
they threaten to attack and enforces legal sanctions in
case the order is violated. In addition, warrantless arrests or mandatory arrest policies appear to have some success in protecting women [35
�� ]. However, it has been argued
that restraining orders may serve to escalate rather than
de-escalate intimate partner conflicts because they lead to
anger and frustration in the aggressor, and that mandatory
arrest policies have increased the number of victims who
were arrested alongside the aggressor (e.g., [36,37]).
Societal approaches to the prevention of sexual violence
against women have sought to address the low conviction
rates in the criminal prosecution of rape by implementing
changes in the treatment of rape victims by the police and
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
the medical system. In the United States, programs have
been put in place to ensure that sexual assault victims are
cared for by specialized teams, such as sexual assault
nurse examiners (the SANE program) [38]. In Britain,
specialized Sexual Assault Referral Centres were intro-
duced to better meet the needs of victims and improve
the chances of criminal prosecution, and further recom-
mendations for change were made in an independent
report to the government [39].
Individual-level measures
Two meta-analyses investigated the effectiveness of
interventions directed at men who had shown violence
toward an intimate partner. The first meta-analysis
included 44 effect sizes from 22 treatment studies that
compared treated abusers with a non-treatment compari-
son group and found only small treatment effects on
recidivism rates [40]. The second meta-analysis consid-
ered 10 rigorously conducted studies in which partici-
pants had been mandated by a court to participate in an
intervention program and found that participants in the
treatment groups had a somewhat lower rate of continuing
violence than untreated controls [41].
Many studies have addressed the effectiveness of rape
prevention programs (e.g., [42–45]). These studies pro- vided evidence for short-term reductions in the accep-
tance of rape myth downplaying the seriousness of rape
and assigning blame to the victim (e.g., [46]), but the effects tended to disappear within a few weeks post-
intervention. Recent studies of the effects of promoting
bystander interventions offer more promising results [42].
Based on evidence that men tend to overestimate the
extent to which their peers accept and use sexual aggres-
sion, the ‘social norms approach’ considers a correction of
these misperceptions as a central element of rape pre-
vention [47,48].
Conclusion The research reviewed in this article has provided ample
evidence that violence against women is a worldwide
problem. It may serve an important function in docu-
menting the scale of violence against women and its
consequences. The scientific evidence contributes to
the understanding of the causes of violence against
women, which is crucial for the development of the-
ory-based, effective measures of prevention and
intervention.
Conflict of interest Nothing declared.
References and recommended reading Papers of particular interest, published within the period of review, have been highlighted as:
� of special interest �� of outstanding interest
www.sciencedirect.com
Violence against women Krahé 9
1. Turquet L, Seck P, Azcona G, Menon R, Boyce C, Pierron N, Harbour E: Progress of the Worlds’s Women 2011–2012: In Pursuit of Justice; 2011. Retrieved from: http://menengage.org/ wp-content/uploads/2014/06/ Progress_of_the_Worlds_Women_2011.pdf.
2. ��
Barnett OW, Miller-Perrin CL, Perrin RD: Family Violence Across the Lifespan. 3rd ed.. Sage; 2011.
A thorough, up-to-date discussion of different forms of violence against women, including prevalence rates, theoretical explanations, and interventions.
3. Carney MM, Barner JR: Prevalence of partner abuse: rates of emotional abuse. Partn. Abuse 2012, 3:286-335 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1891/1946-6560.3.3.286.
4. ��
WHO: Global and Regional Estimates of Violence Against Women: Prevalence and Health Effects of Intimate Partner Violence and Non-partner Sexual Violence. WHO; 2013:. Retrieved from: http:// www.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/85239/1/9789241564625_eng. pdf.
A detailed examination of the evidence from a range of 81 countries around the world of different forms of violence against women by intimate partners and of sexual victimization by non-partners.
5. ��
Devries KM, Mak JYT, Garcı́a-Moreno C, Petzold M, Child JC, Falder G, Lim S, Bacchus LJ, Engell RE, Rosenfeld L, Pallitto C, Vos T, Abrahams N, Watts CH: The global prevalence of intimate partner violence against women. Science 2013, 340:1527-1528 http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1240937.
A concise but comprehensive review of the prevalence of intimate partner violence from countries across the world.
6. Krahé B, Tomaszewska P, Kuyper L, Vanwesenbeeck I: Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: a review of the evidence from 27 EU countries. Aggress. Violent Behav. 2014, 19:545-558 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.avb.2014.07.005.
7. Palermo T, Bleck J, Peterman A: The tip of the iceberg. Reporting and gender-based violence in developing countries. Am. J. Epidemiol. 2014, 179:602-612 http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ aje/kwt295.
8. �
Krahé B, Berger A, Vanwesenbeeck I, Bianchi G, Chliaoutakis J, Fernández-Fuertes A et al.: Prevalence and correlates of young people’s sexual aggression perpetration and victimisation in 10 European countries. A multilevel analysis. Cult. Health Sex. 2015, 17:69-682 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ 13691058.2014.989265.
A study in 10 EU countries using the same assessment tool and design to obtain reports of sexual aggression victimization and perpetration in women and men and including both individual-level (attitude toward dating violence, drinking) and society-level (gender equality) correlates of victimization and perpetration.
9. �
Temkin J, Krahé B: Sexual Assault and the Justice Gap: A Question of Attitude. Hart Publishing; 2008.
An in-depth examination of the secondary victimization of victims of sexual assault due to rape myths and stereotypes. The problem of low conviction rates and high attrition as rape charges proceed through the criminal justice system is analyzed in empirical research including legal professionals, students, and members of the general public.
10. Vandello JA, Cohen D: Male honor and female fidelity: implicit cultural scripts that perpetuate domestic violence. J. Personal. Soc. Psychol. 2003, 84:997-1010 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022- 3514.84.5.997.
11. �
Vandello JA, Cohen D: Culture, gender, and men’s intimate partner violence. Soc. Personal. Psychol. Compass 2008, 2:652- 667 http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9004.2008.00080.x.
The authors review research on cultural beliefs and expectations about gender.and romantic relationships that are related to male intimate partner violence. They highlight the particular role of a culture of honor that makes men’s honor dependent on women’s adherence to traditional female gender roles and entails a tolerance of violence against female partners who are seen as violating the honor code.
12. Marin AJ, Russo NF: Feminist perspectives of male violence against women: critiquing O’Neil and Harway’s model. In What Causes Men’s Violence against Women?. Edited by Harway M, O’Neil JM. Sage; 1999.
www.sciencedirect.com
13. Archer J: Cross-cultural differences in physical aggression between partners: a social-role analysis. Personal. Soc. Psychol. Rev. 2006, 10:133-153 http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/ s15327957pspr1002_3.
14. Stith SM, Green NM, Smith DB, Ward DB: Marital satisfaction and marital discord as risk markers for intimate partner violence: a meta-analytic review. J. Fam. Violence 2008, 23:149- 160 http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10896-007-9137-4.
15. Abbey A, McAuslan P: A longitudinal examination of male college students’ perpetration of sexual assault. J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 2004, 72:747-756 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022- 006X.72.5.747.
16. Devries KM, Child JC, Bacchus LJ, Mak J, Falder J, Graham K, Watts C, Heise L: Intimate partner violence victimization and alcohol consumption in women: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Addiction 2014, 109:379-391 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1111/add.12393.
17. Swartout KM, White JW: The relationship between drug use and sexual aggression in men across time. J. Interpers. Violence 2010, 25:1716-1735 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 0886260509354586.
18. Foran H, O’Leary KD: Alcohol and intimate partner violence: a meta-analytic review. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 2008, 28:1222-1234 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2008.05.001.
19. Graham K, Bernards S, Wilsnack SC, Gmel G: Alcohol may not cause partner violence but it seems to make it worse: a cross national comparison of the relationship between alcohol and the severity of partner violence. J. Interpers. Violence 2011, 26:1503-1523 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260510370596.
20. Stith SM, Smith DB, Penn CE, Ward DB, Tritt D: Intimate partner abuse perpetration and victimization risk factors: a meta- analytic review. Aggress. Violent Behav. 2004, 10:65-98 http://dx. doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2003.09.001.
21. Eckhardt C: Intimate partner violence: cognitive, affective, and relational factors. In The Psychology of Social Conflict and Aggression. Edited by Forgas JP, Kruglanski AW, Williams KD. Psychology Press; 2011.
22. Birkley EL, Eckhardt C: Anger, hostility, internalizing negative emotions, and intimate partner violence perpetration: a meta- analytic review. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 2015, 37:40-56 http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/j.cpr.2015.01.002.
23. ��
Coker AL, Williams CM, Follingstad DR, Jordan CE: Psychological, reproductive and maternal health, behavioral, and economic impact of intimate partner violence. In Violence Against Women and Children, vol. 1. Edited by White JW, Koss MP, Kazdin AE. American Psychological Association; 2011.
Offers a complex conceptual model of the health effects of intimate partner violence, including the impact on physical and reproductive health, mental health, economic problems, and risk behaviors, and offers directions for future research.
24. Golding JM: Intimate partner violence as a risk factor for mental disorders: a meta-analysis. J. Fam. Violence 1999, 14:99-132 http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1022079418229.
25. �
Martin S, Macy RJ, Young SK: Health and economic consequences of sexual violence. In Violence Against Women and Children, vol. 1. Edited by White JW, Koss MP, Kazdin AE. American Psychological Association; 2011.
The authors succinctly summarize a large research literature on the sustained negative impact of sexual victimization, including physical, sexual, and mental health outcomes, and identify gaps in the current knowledge to be addressed in future research, such as the differential impact of victimization in relation to race, ethnicity, social status, and other socio-demographic variables.
26. Beydoun HA, Beydoun MA, Kaufman JS, Lo B, Zonderman AB: Intimate partner violence against adult women and its association with major depressive disorder, depressive symptoms and postpartum depression: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Soc. Sci. Med. 2012, 75:959-975 http://dx. doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.04.025.
27. Klump MS: Posttraumatic stress disorder and sexual assault in women. J. Coll. Stud. Psychotherap. 2008, 21:67-83 http://dx.doi. org/10.1300/J035v21n02_07.
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
10 Aggression and violence
28. Ullman SE: Sexual assault victimization and suicidal behavior in women: a review of the literature. Aggress. Violent Behav. 2004, 9:331-351 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S1359-1789(03) 00019-3.
29. Najdowski CJ, Ullman SE: The effects of revictimization on coping and depression in female sexual assault victims. J. Trauma. Stress 2011, 24:218-221 http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ jts.20610.
30. Miller TR, Cohen MA, Rossman SB: Victim costs of violent crime and resulting injuries. Health Aff. 1993, 12:186-197 http://dx.doi. org/10.1377/hlthaff.12.4.186.
31. Waters H, Hyder A, Rajkotia Y, Basu S, Rehwinkel JA, Butchart A: The Economic Dimensions of Interpersonal Violence. 2004:. Retrieved from http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2004/ 9241591609.pdf.
32. Rivara FP, Anderson ML, Fishman P, Boniomi AE, Reid RJ, Carrell D, Thompson RS: Healthcare utilization and costs for women with a history of intimate partner violence. Am. J. Prev. Med. 2007, 32:89-96 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. amepre.2006.10.001.
33. �
Ellsberg M, Arango DJ, Morton M, Gennari F, Kiplesund S, Contreras M, Watts C: Prevention of violence against women and girls: what does the evidence say? Lancet 2015, 385:1555- 1565 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(14)61703-7.
A concise, critical review of a wide range of approaches to prevent violence against women, addressing women as potential victims, men as potential perpetrators, and community-level actors and policy makers. Quoting evidence about sustained effects of interventions in reducing victimization and changing social norms that condone violence against women, the authors note that the bulk of the evidence comes from high- income countries, with studies from middle- and low-income countries only beginning to emerge.
34. Fisher BS, Daigle LE, Cullen FT: Rape against women: what can research offer to guide the development of prevention programs and risk reduction interventions? J. Contemp. Crim. Justice 2008, 24:163-177 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 1043986208315482.
35. ��
Goodman LA, Epstein D: The justice system response to domestic violence. In Violence Against Women and Children, vol. 2. Edited by Koss MP, White Kazdin JWAE. American Psychological Association; 2011.
The authors present an analysis of criminal justice and civil justice responses to domestic violence in a historical context, discussing the benefits but also the unintended negative effects of measures such as mandatory arrest and prosecution policies and civil protection orders. They also offer a brief discussion of restorative justice approaches as an alternative to the criminal prosecution of violence against women.
36. Bledsoe LK, Yankeelov PA, Barbee AP, Antle BF: Understanding the impact of intimate partner violence mandatory reporting law. Violence Against Women 2004, 10:534-560 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1177/1077801204264354.
37. Hovmand PS, Ford DN, Flom I, Kyriakakis S: Victims arrested for domestic violence: inintended consequences of arrest policies. Syst. Dyn. Rev. 2009, 25:161-181 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1002/sdr.418.
Current Opinion in Psychology 2018, 19:6–10
38. Campbell R, Patterson D: Services for victims of sexual violence. In Violence Against Women and Children, vol. 2. Edited by Koss MP, White JW, Kazdin AE. American Psychological Association; 2011.
39. Stern V: The Stern Review. A report by Baroness Vivien Stern CBE of an Independent Review into How Rape Complaints Are Handled by Public Authorities in England and Wales. 2010:. Retrieved from: http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20100418065537 http://equalities.gov.uk/PDF/Stern_Review_acc_FINAL.pdf.
40. Babcock JC, Green CE, Robie C: Does batterers’ treatment work? A meta-analytic review of domestic violence treatment. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 2004, 23:1023-1053 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/ j.cpr.2002.07.001.
41. Feder L, Wilson DB: A meta-analytic review of court-mandated batterer intervention programs: can courts affect abusers’ behavior? J. Exp. Criminol. 2005, 1:239-262 http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1007/s11292-005-1179-0.
42. Gidycz CA, Orchowski LM, Berkowitz AD: Preventing sexual aggression among college men: an evaluation of a social norms and bystander intervention program. Violence Against Women 2011, 17:720-742 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 1077801211409727.
43. Gidycz CA, Orchowski LM, Probst D, Edwards K, Murphy M, Tansill E: Concurrent administration of sexual assault prevention and risk reduction programming: outcomes for women. Violence Against Women 2015, 21:780-800 http://dx.doi. org/10.1177/1077801215576579.
44. Paul LA, Gray MJ: Sexual assault programming on college campuses: using social psychological belief and behavior change principles to improve outcomes. Trauma Violence Abuse 2011, 12:99-109 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 1524838010390710.
45. Vladutiu CJ, Martin SL, Macy R: College- or university-based sexual assault prevention programs: a review of program outcomes, characteristics, and recommendations. Trauma Violence Abuse 2011, 12:67-86 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 1524838010390708.
46. Langhinrichsen-Rohling J, Foubert JD, Brasfield HM, Hill B, Shelley-Tremblay S: The Men’s Program: does it impact college men’s self-reported bystander efficacy and willingness to intervene? Violence Against Women 2011, 17:743-759 http://dx. doi.org/10.1177/1077801211409728.
47. Coker AL, Fisher BS, Bush HM, Swann SC, Williams CM, Clear ER, DeGue S: Evaluation of a green dot bystander intervention to reduce interpersonal violence among college students across three campuses. Violence Against Women 2015, 21:1507-1527 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801214545284.
48. Fabiano PM, Perkins HW, Berkowitz A, Linkenbach J, Stark C: Engaging men as social justice allies in ending violence against women: evidence for a social norms approach. J. Am. Coll. Health 2003, 52:105-112 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ 07448480309595732.
www.sciencedirect.com
- Violence against women
- Definition and prevalence of physical and sexual violence against women
- Explanations of violence against women
- Macro-level explanations
- Micro-level explanations
- Individual-level explanations
- Consequences of violence against women
- Preventing violence against women
- Societal-level measures
- Individual-level measures
- Conclusion
- Conflict of interest
- References and recommended reading
5.Bussey, S. R. (2020).Imperialism through Virtuous Helping Baldwin’s Innocence and Implications for Clinical Social Work Practice. Journal.pdf
Imperialism through Virtuous Helping: Baldwin’s Innocence and Implications for Clinical Social Work Practice Sarah Ross Bussey
The Graduate Center, City University of New York, New York, USA
ABSTRACT Following a scholarly thread in political theory that looks to American literature to deepen understanding of social pro- blems and potential solutions, this paper explores James Baldwin’s conceptualization of racial innocence and the man- ifestation of the “culture of Whiteness” in social work practice. The paper begins by introducing the complicated history of the social work profession and its, perhaps inadvertent, collu- sion with structural racism via the promotion of imperialism. Next, is a discussion of contemporary social workers’ potential socialization into the culture of Whiteness, an expression of White supremacy. Third, Baldwin’s conceptualization of inno- cence is introduced, followed by deliberation of how this con- ceptualization bolsters an understanding of harmful helping. With this deepened understanding, the paper ends by consid- ering steps towards disruption and interruption of damaging clinical patterns. Implications for social work practice, clinical supervision, and future research are introduced.
KEYWORDS Anti-racism; white ignorance; clinical social work; white supremacy; innocence
The social work profession is rooted in traditions of activism, community orga- nizing, and charitable giving. It stands out as a helping profession that places emphasis on engaging in social justice1 efforts and employing anti-oppressive clinical strategies (Abramovitz, 1998; Kaul, 2016; National Association of Social Workers, 2007, National Association of Social Workers. (2008, 2014)). Social work, however, has a complicated history of exclusion and collusion in structural racism2,3 This is, in part, due to the inherent tension of social work being both a mechanism of social control and conformity, and a means for social liberation
CONTACT Sarah Ross Bussey [email protected] The Graduate Center, City University of New York, New York, USA 1Although there exists disagreement as to a shared definition for social justice (Asakura & Maurer, 2018; Rountree & Pomeroy, 2010), for the purposes of this discussion social justice refers to “ addressing structural disparities in the human condition that create disproportional acquisition of economic, social, or political power, the effect of which leaves people exploited, marginalized, and denied dignity and respect by dominant culture” (Essed, 2013, p. 1395).
2Structural racism refers to the broader systemic dynamics rooted in White supremacy which advantage White people and disadvantage of people of color. Structural racism operates within institutions and across all domains of US society (e.g. economy, culture, politics, history) (Basic Rights Education Fund, 2014).
3While recognizing that race is a social construct and has no biological bearing, race is salient in US society as a site of privilege and oppression (Carten, Siskind, & Pender Greene, 2016). Race-based categories are utilized in social science research to measure inequity and the differential experience of individuals. See (Jonsson, 2016) for a discussion on working both with and against race in scholarship..
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 2020, VOL. 31, NO. 3, 192–209 https://doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2019.1617016
© 2019 Taylor & Francis
(Ehrenreich, 1985; Thompson, 2002; Walter et al., 2017). In a time of increased social and political division, overt bigotry, and economic inequity, it becomes that much more important to consider the impact of the US’s unique history of racialized violence on social work and how this informs our understanding of the profession today (Tisman & Clarendon, 2018; Walter et al., 2017). Following a scholarly thread in political theory (Balfour, 2001; Shulman, 2011; 2008) that looks to American literature to deepen understanding of social problems and potential solutions, this paper explores James Baldwin’s conceptualization of racial innocence and the manifestation of the Whiteness in social work practice. With this deepened understanding, the paper considers steps towards disruption and interruption of damaging clinical patterns. Implications for social work practice, clinical supervision, and future research are introduced.
James Baldwin’s conceptualization of innocence
Renowned author and social critic of liberal morality, James Baldwin, wrote about Whiteness as a delusion, not simply a “quality naturally inherited by people with white skin” (Balfour, 2001, p. 90; Shulman, 2008). As Baldwin posited in his essay, The White Man’s Guilt, beneficiaries of history lose sight of their agency, situate themselves within infallibility, and this becomes a paralysis of sorts. “People who imagine that history flatters them…become incapable of seeing or changing themselves or the world” (Baldwin, 1998, p. 723). For Baldwin, race was a “most disagreeable mirror,” wherein the constructed subservience and dehumanization of Blackness served to define and uphold Whiteness – Black and White racial identity, and the fate of both groups, evolved inherently entangled (Balfour, 2001). Further, Baldwin con- tended that racial equity in the US would require a loss and reformation of Whiteness, as Whiteness was maintained through anti-Blackness (Baldwin, 1993, 1998; Boatright-Horowitz, Marraccini, & Harps-Logan, 2012). In Princes and Powers, Baldwin (1998, p. 147) explained,
it may have been popular impulse to keep us [Black people] at the bottom of the perpetually shifting and bewildered populace; but we were, on the other hand, almost personally indispensable to each of them [White people], simply because, without us, they could never have been certain, in such a confusion, where the bottom was.
Baldwin encouraged a both/and approach to race: race as both meaningless (as a social construction) and also “real in its effects” (Balfour, 2001, p. 7). The construct of race was a symptom of the larger problem of White supremacy. It became critical not to limit any analysis of race to the individual level, targeting those harmed, as this fails to illuminate the system creating the circumstances in which individuals suffer. In turn, this problematically reinforces the conclusion that there is something uniquely wrong with those experiencing the harm, aka
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 193
black and brown bodies (Balfour, 2001). Baldwin demonstrated how no citizen can be free within a system of White supremacy, and the US will never be democratic until all citizens are free (Balfour, 2001). He urged “his fellow citizens to question their own freedom from the moral implication in the lives of the most vulnerable members of society” (Balfour, 2001, p. 86). Moving towards equity would require “a revaluation of white identities and whites’ stake in persistent racial inequalities” (Balfour, 2001, p. 127).
To understand what upheld the system of White supremacy, Baldwin offered an important conceptualization: racial innocence – or willful blind- ness (G. M. Shulman, 2008) – the “refusal to acknowledge uncomfortable truths” (Balfour, 2001, p. 32). “Innocence is a dream of safety and purity by imagining a sovereignty not subject to sentience and need, history and others, loss and death” (G. M. Shulman, 2008, p. 134). Innocence, as opposed to overt racism, covertly perpetuates White supremacy (Balfour, 2001). It represents disconnection, nonengagement, and “complicity in domination” (Shulman, 2011). Innocence stems from a binary framework of good versus evil, wherein the US falls onto the side of good. This requires an erasure and ignoring of the evidence of any evil in its past (Balfour, 2001). As Baldwin wrote in A Question of Identity, to be innocent is to be “protected against reality, or experience or change…placing beyond the reach of corruption values…[one] prefers not to examine” (Baldwin, 1998, p. 98).
Baldwin’s innocence is only possible through the disavowal of history. It represents “a resistance to facing the horrors of the American past and present and their implications for the future” (Balfour, 2001, p. 27; Shulman, 2011). As Baldwin (1998, pp. 292–294) set forth in The Fire Next Time,
it is not permissible that the authors of devastation should also be innocent. It is the innocence that constitutes the crime…They are trapped in a history they do not understand and until they understand it they cannot be released from it.
At its core, innocence functions to produce and maintain Whiteness. The “fictions of race” and anti-blackness myths, protect racial domination through the maintenance of racial innocence and the false equating of Whiteness with goodness (Shulman, 2008, pp. 144, 146). The
disavowal [inherent to innocence] creates the blackness that enables whiteness as a form of innocence…Innocence means refusing not only to acknowledge the other but to acknowledge that we enact this denial; it is disowning (our connection to) social facts we in some sense know, such as the exercise of power, the practice of inequality, or their benefits (Shulman, 2008, pp. 134, 143).
For Baldwin, confronting the dehumanization of Black people was a prerequisite for dismantling innocence. In Stranger in the Village, Baldwin contended that “people who shut their eyes to reality simply invite their own destruction, and anyone who insists on remaining in a state of
194 S. R. BUSSEY
innocence long after that innocence is dead turns himself into a monster” (Baldwin, 1998, p. 129). As Balfour (2001) demonstrates, race-blindness, similar to colorblind racism, reinforces Baldwin’s innocence by obscuring “clear boundaries between injustices and personal misfortunes” (Balfour, 2001, p. 86). Colorblindness discredits structural racism by shifting focus to the individual. It explains the experience of the individual as relative to personal strengths or pathologies, ignoring larger structural factors and social influences (Billings, 2016; Blee & Yates, 2015; Eddo-Lodge, 2017; Finch, 2016; Gill, 2016; Leonardo, 2004; Mukherjee, 2014; Noble & Irwin, 2009). Baldwin, on the other hand, did the opposite. He drew a direct connection between interiority – or internal life – history, and contemporary structural disparities (Balfour, 2001). As Baldwin explained in The White Man’s Guilt, “the great force of history comes from the fact that we carry it within us, are uncon- sciously controlled by it in many ways, and history is literally present in all that we do” (emphasis in the original (Baldwin, 1998, p. 723).
To counter racial innocence, Baldwin promoted the cultivation of race consciousness. As per Balfour (Balfour, 2001, p. 6–7), “race consciousness describes the underlying complex of associations that shape Americans’ sense of identity, influence everyday encounters, and frame responses to questions about racial injustice.” Race consciousness considers how skin-color-based- race frames US society, and how intimately intertwined race-identity is with total identity, making more challenging the erasure of race. Developing race consciousness requires “an active opposition to innocence” (Balfour, 2001, p. 129), in part by embracing history and understanding how history created today’s structures and subjects. As Baldwin (1998, p. 333) explains in The Fire Next Time: “to accept one’s past – one’s history – is not the same thing as drowning in it; it is learning how to use it. An invented past can never be used; it cracks and crumbles under the pressures of life like clay in a season of drought.”
Innocence, white ignorance, and intentional ignoring
Baldwin’s innocence resonates with political philosopher Charles Mills’ (2014, 2017) conceptualization of white ignorance, or intentional unknow- ing. Both concepts are predicated on active White disavowal of history; neither are passive states. As per Mills (2017, p. 62; Stokke, 2005), the myth of White superiority is sustained through the “suppression of histor- ical facts,” ignoring the legacy of dehumanization of people of color, particularly Black people. This presents as a “convenient amnesia about the past and its legacy in the present” and the need to dismantle the system of White privilege to “achieve racial justice…These analytically distinguishable cognitive components are in reality all interlocked with and reciprocally determining one another, jointly contributing to the
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 195
blindness of the white eye” (Mills, 2017, pp. 70–71). White ignorance includes “both straightforward racist motivation and more impersonal social-structural causation, which may be operative even if the cognizer in question is not racist” and can be expressed by both individuals holding race-based privilege and individuals of color (Mills, 2017, p. 57).
This naiveté around the White supremacist history in the US also falls into what Vimalassery, Pegues, and Goldstein (2016) call intentional ignoring. This intentional ignorance undermines accountability to the violence towards and oppression of people of color. Further, it “negate[s] the need for mea- sures to repair the inequities of the past” as individuals collectively ignore history and view it instead through a sanitized, mythic lens (Mills, 2017, pp. 62–64). In contrast, as McCarthy (2004, pp. 757–758) effectually sets forth, there are
the enduring harms…that have resulted from legally sanctioned injuries of race under earlier regimes. Each generation of citizens, whether native- or foreign-born, inherits the burdens of membership – the national debts, as it were – together with the benefits of membership…The issue here is not whether individual citizens’ ancestors owned slaves, or whether they have personally benefited from discrimi- nation against blacks, but that they now share in and benefit from an unjustly acquired and unfairly distributed national inheritance. This is not a matter of collective guilt but of collective responsibility; and reparation is not a matter of collective punishment but of collective liability.
Bringing in history makes evident the relationship between Whiteness, extortion, possession, and supremacy. What is more, it illustrates the discursive nature of Whiteness – how it is derived from power and through knowledge creation (Moreton-Robinson, 2015). Publicly exalted narratives of the White, male, liberal individuals, whose “bravery” and “passion” for “independence” facilitated the creation of the US exemplify this knowledge creation. These false accounts make up the bedrock of the American, White, heterosexual male identity (Daniels, 1997; Moreton- Robinson, 2015). Williams (Lenzerini, 2008) describes these narratives as comprising the origin myth of the US. “The United States has always imagined itself to be a nation created through the consent of the peo- ple…If we imagine that people joined the country by individual assent, one by one, as a liberal association, then we might be able to banish the nagging worry that in fact the country really grew by forcible subjugation” (Lenzerini, 2008, pp. 230, 242). Similar to Baldwin, Williams argues for acknowledging the imperfection and lack of purity inherent to US history. Indeed,
the freedom of those who call themselves white depends on accepting the centrality of white supremacy in their history, which means seeing their nation origin in violence and slavery, not consent, and seeing their abiding investment in inequal- ity, not equality (Shulman, 2008, p. 150).
196 S. R. BUSSEY
From innocence to acknowledgement
Baldwin not only offers conceptualization of innocence but also a remedial path. In Stranger in the Village, Baldwin labeled US history a “nightmare… [defined by] lynch law and law, segregation and legal acceptance, terroriza- tion and concession” (Baldwin, 1998, pp. 162–163, 173). For Baldwin, the denial of the US legacy of enslavement is emblematic of the “troubled constitution” of America (Balfour, 2001, p. 27). His prophetic writings warn of the harm if such acknowledgment continues to be obscured by willful blindness (Balfour, 2001; Shulman, 2008).
‘Whatever goes up must come down.’…Everything now, we must assume, is in our hands; we have no right to assume otherwise. If we – and now I mean the relatively conscious whites and the relatively conscious blacks, who must, like lovers, insist on, or create, the consciousness of the others – do not falter in our duty now, we may be able, handful that we are, to end the racial nightmare, and achieve our country, and change the history of the world. If we do not now dare everything, the fulfillment of that prophecy, re-created from the Bible in song by the slave, is upon us: God gave Noah the rainbow sign, No more water, the fire next time! (Baldwin, 1998, pp. 346–347)
History actively dis-remembered needs to be reconstituted (Shulman, 2008, p. 141). Making visible this violent past, thereby unsettling innocence, is a starting point towards redress (G. M. Shulman, 2008).
A path towards acknowledgement According to Shulman (2011), effective acknowledgment of history that promotes change needs to occur through ethical, affective and psychoanalytic dimensions. Building upon the notion that information in and of itself is insufficient, acknowledgment requires mobilization, confrontation, and pub- lics – or actions of visible collectives that make salient individual and group beliefs. The imperative is to create “a narrative that re-imagines imperial decline…as opportunities to reshape economic and political practices in more democratic ways” (emphasis in the original, Shulman, 2011). Shulman (2011) suggests engaging in interventions that “provoke people to acknowledge what they wish not to know, or already know but split off from thought and action.” This liberation stems from the naming of White supremacy and its impact on all individuals, thereby alerting each person to their responsibility in its undoing (Shulman, 2008, p. 157). Dismantling White supremacy requires a giving up of power and entitlement by racism’s beneficiaries, in the face of naivety or ignorance, and challenging the status quo (Came, Doole, McKenna, & McCreanor, 2017; Chambers, 1996; Hays, Chang, & Havice, 2008; Mills, 2017; Perry & Shotwell, 2009). To do so, requires the demonstration of the social and moral cost of racial oppression, unmasking Whiteness, and disrupting race-neutral paradigms (Case, 2012). If “no stand- point is neutral” (Hill Collins, 2000, p. 33) and racial oppression is relational,
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 197
only through engaging the totality is consequential change achievable (Baldwin, 1993; Jemal, 2016).
Love According to Baldwin, this shift from “culpable and remediable” innocence to acknowledgment requires “political responsibility and collective action” based in unconditional love (Shulman, 2008, pp. 135, 139). In one sense, this love refers falling in love with people across racialized groups, such that the confines of White supremacy require dismantling for relational love to survive. Such love necessi- tates the destruction of the liberal nation-state upholding an oppressive racial hierarchy (Moten, 2018; Shulman, 2008), for as Baldwin makes clear: integration into a “burning house” is not the goal (Baldwin, 1998, p. 340). In another sense, Baldwin’s love echoes the love harkened by civil rights leadership of the 1960s – a fierce, passionate love that makes it possible to see the humanity within all people despite their significant limitations. This form of redemptive love is nonsecular, as in the unconditional love a Christian God holds for people failing to live by or uphold religious tenets (King & Washington 1986).
Love takes off the masks that we fear we cannot live without and know we cannot live within. I use the word “love” here not merely in the personal sense but as a state of being made happy but in the tough and universal sense of quest and daring and growth (Baldwin, 1998, p. 341).
Indeed, if moving forward collectively is the goal, seeing beyond collusion in the dehumanization and erasure of entire peoples requires the capacity for fierce loving.
Baldwin’s innocence and social work practice
Social workers enhance the “foot of oppression” when they – intentionally or not – perpetuate cultural values rooted in White supremacy (National Association of Social Workers, 2007; Social Work Policy Institute, 2014, p. 17; Strier & Binyamin, 2014). Fortunately, social workers have an opportunity to leverage the profession’s core value of social justice and lead the helping professions towards the disruption of racism and White supremacy. An inroad to this becomes the interrogation of the culture of Whiteness.’ Examination of the professional norms and approaches in social work that promote “false civilit[ies],…polite conventions, that hide the injuries of class or race or gender and that turn values into ideologies” is critical (Walzer in (Balfour, 2001, p. 21). Innocence as the veil under which charitable helping occurs obfuscates the potential harm social work can advance as an extension of imperialism. Imperialism refers to the regulation of bodies and maintenance of a values system required to preserve geographic, political, social, and cultural domination (Roger, 1998). Removing this veil and instead practicing towards liberatory ends becomes the transformative path.
198 S. R. BUSSEY
Clinical practice
Specific to addressing racism, the National Association of Social Workers (2015) set forth standards of culturally competent practice. The standards expect practitioners to engage in practice with cultural humility; actively challenge institutional racism and oppression; remain vigilant not to collude in racism; and, to commit to lifelong learning and education in this arena (Walter et al., 2017). This positions social work to play an active role in fostering a race-conscious dialogue and interrupt the reproduction of White supremacist ideology via colorblindness (Hadden, Tolliver, Snowden, & Brown-Manning, 2016; Kaul, 2016; Moore et al., 2016; Otuyelu, Graham, & Kennedy, 2016; Pratt-Harris et al., 2016; Singh, 2014; Tolliver, Hadden, Snowden, & Brown-Manning, 2016; Varghese, 2013). However, a significant challenge that remains is how
human service professionals are part of a society structured by racism, serving clients who are either beneficiaries or targets of racism, working in agencies that reflect society’s institutional racism and that employ practitioners who experience conscious, unconscious, and internalized racism when providing services. Practitioners are taught their professional skills in schools that are embedded in a racist society and reflect institutional racism by professors who are racially positioned in that society and who may or may not have explored the meaning of racism in their work (Miller and Garran, 2017, p. xvii-xviii in (Tisman & Clarendon, 2018, pp. 112–113).
Thus, being socialized within a racist society results in susceptibility to reproduce racism (Walter et al., 2017). While individuals have the capacity to critically contest and challenge dynamics of racism (Singh, 2014), even those working against racism run the risk of perpetuating unconscious biases due to racial blind spots (Walter et al., 2017).
To counter this, Baldwin’s writings, and subsequent political theory scholar- ship, illuminate the benefit of bringing both history and structural analysis into clinical social work practice as a way to challenge harmful innocence. Baldwin demonstrates the importance of acknowledging history as a part of each indivi- dual’s positionality and as a way of understanding the generation of social structures. Practitioner reflexivity, or critical self-examination of personal iden- tity, history, and one’s relationship to systems of oppression, is a means to do so (Asakura & Maurer, 2018; Berger, Quiros, & Benavidez-Hatzis, 2018; Case, 2015; Goodyear, 2014; Ivers, Rogers, Borders, & Turner, 2017; Philip & Zavala, 2016; Pieterse, 2018; Varghese, Quiros, & Berger, 2018). Intersectionality4 is a useful framework for understanding the complexity of identity and oppression – how aspects of identity are connected with the experience of oppression and privilege
4While scholars find intersectionality useful in demonstrating the complexity of identity and oppression, some warn against equating all forms of oppression and diluting the unique and pernicious harm of racism (Finch, 2016; Hadden et al., 2016; Tolliver et al., 2016).
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 199
(Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016; Perry, 2011). Individuals can simultaneously experi- ence both agent (aspects of identity that are privileged or provide access to resources, such as Whiteness, cisgender male) and target membership (aspects of identity from which an individual experiences marginalization or disempo- werment) (Sakamoto & Pitner, 2005).
Another form of historic acknowledgment is through psychoeducation or consciousness-raising (Jemal, 2017; Rountree & Pomeroy, 2010; Sakamoto & Pitner, 2005). Engaging in critical analysis about history; the socio, economic, and political structures that influence individual and interpersonal experi- ence; and, power analyses lays bare the micro to macro connection (Corneau & Stergiopoulos, 2012; Jeffery, 2005). Baldwin makes evident that charitable helping without contextual grounding is an “insufficient end game” (Wheeler, 2017), as it reinforces innocence or a colorblind approach to addressing social problems. Failure to consider the historic reverberations within the social work practitioner and social service organization, as well as the service user and their positionality, runs the risk of perpetuating struc- tural inequities that exist within the bedrock of the US. Further, telling of the times speaks to the important role social workers play in amplifying voices that are or risk being silenced (Brevvaxling, 2014; Social Work Policy Institute, 2014; Williams, Owens, & Syedullah, 2016). Assuredly, “this coun- try has never known a time without inequity” (Wheeler, 2017).
Second, a structural consideration has the potential to drive radical social work practice. What this entails is illustrated in the definition put forth by race equity and human rights activist Ella Baker (Balfour, 2001, p. 23): “radical in its original meaning: getting down to and understanding the root cause. It means facing a system that does not lend itself to your needs and devising means by which you change the system.” In clinical interactions, viewing the clinician as a co-constructor of reality with service users and not as the expert, is an important starting point. This serves to neutralize power dynamics between clinician and service user. It is premised on the acknowl- edgment of human interconnectivity and reciprocal relationships, wherein harm to anyone is harm to everyone. This approach places value on non- dominant sources of knowledge, recognizing how mainstream systems of knowledge privilege dominant perspectives (Cahill, Rios-Moore, & Threatts, 2008; Darder, Torres, & Baltodano, 2017; Hair, 2015; Kaur Badwall, 2013). Further, a structural assessment of service users considers the socio, eco- nomic, and political structures – or upstream decisions – that “shape clinical interactions” (Metzl & Hansen, 2014, p. 128). And, by using non-oppressive language in discussion and documentation the social worker challenges reductionism of human experience, disrupts biased descriptions, and engages in person-centered practice. Last, engaging in alternative healing strategies reinforces a holistic approach to wellness and dis-ease (Corneau & Stergiopoulos, 2012). For example, a structural assessment challenges the
200 S. R. BUSSEY
preconception that service user financially insecurity is a symptom of indi- vidual deficit. Instead, the clinician weaves into the clinical formulation the impact of intergenerational poverty, and housing, education, and employ- ment access. The collaborative intervention involves attending to the stress and needs created by financial concerns with this structural interpretation in mind.
Engaging in “structural interventions” builds on the structural assessment and expands social work practice beyond interpersonal encounters. Historic examples of successful social justice activism offer inspiration, but also a blueprint for future action (Metzl & Hansen, 2014). By building coalitions, social workers can align with like-minded practitioners and organizations, and gain momentum with advocacy and in activism (Corneau & Stergiopoulos, 2012). This defies the “false dichotomy…positioning anti- oppression work at one extreme (coupled with macro practice) and clinical practice at the other…[in which] people…think they need to do either justice-oriented work or clinical work” (Emphasis in the original, B. Anderson-Nathe, personal communication, February 7, 2019; Harrison et al., 2016).
Clinical social work supervision
Clinical supervision is intended to be a space for clinical exploration and support, professional development and growth, clinical enhancement through the integration of theory with practice, and administrative oversight (Asakura & Maurer, 2018; Bogo & McKnight, 2006; Calvert, Crowe, & Grenyer, 2016; Cheon, Blumer, Shih, Murphy, & Sato, 2009; Ellis, Taylor, Corp, Hutman, & Kangos, 2017; Kissil, Davey, & Davey, 2013; Pieterse, 2018; Varghese et al., 2018). Further, the supervisory role requires offering support and guidance to supervisees in accordance with the profession’s social justice commitment. This manifests as any intervention that aims to “reshape the balance of power in society” (Nadan, Weinberg-Kurnik, & Ben-Ari, 2016, p. 363). Since “the racialized positions of the clinician or client impact the clinical encounter or exchange,” race consciousness and intentional investi- gation of racial and power dynamics is critical (Berger et al., 2018; Pender Greene & Levine, 2016; Pieterse, 2018; Varghese, 2013, p. 33). Supervisors can aid staff by providing language to identify and respond to racism in various forms, including microaggressions and colorism (Case, 2015; Crutchfield & Webb, 2018; Fisher, Moore, Simmons, & Allen, 2017; Tisman & Clarendon, 2018); helping them develop critical awareness, or critical consciousness as to race-based oppression; and, address personal biases found through enhanced self-awareness which impacts clinical inter- personal dynamics (Lee & Bhuyan, 2013; Singh, 2014, p. 35). However, when supervisors lack knowledge around or training on how to address racial
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 201
oppression, this hinders their capacity to interrogate how such dynamics present in the work (Berger et al., 2018; Kaul, 2016). In addition, engagement in methods to address anti-racism assumes supervisors consciously seek to do so, as they, too, are susceptible and as likely as their supervisees to emulate the “culture of Whiteness” (Hair, 2015).
When supervisors lack knowledge of or training to address racial oppres- sion, their capacity to interrogate dynamics of racism in the work is hindered (Berger et al., 2018; Greenberg, Vinjamuri, Williams-Gray, & Senreich, 2018; Kaul, 2016). A recent review of literature (Berger et al., 2018) and quantita- tive survey of 132 psychology doctoral students (Phillips, Parent, Dozier, & Jackson, 2017) indicated that White-identified supervisors in same-race dyads are less likely to bring issues of race and racism into the supervisory dialogue when compared with supervisors of color. This held true across other identity metrics such as gender identity and sexual orientation (Phillips et al., 2017). A consequence of such avoidance is the covert silencing of political, anti-racism discourse (Berger et al., 2018; Hair & O’Donoghue, 2009; Pieterse, 2018; Varghese et al., 2018). This silencing obscures the political dimensions of and power dynamics in the work (Nadan et al., 2016). Few effective methods, guidance, training, literature, or tools support supervisors in addressing anti-racism with their workers. This impedes social work engagement in anti-imperial practice and works to silence the political aspect of practice (Kaul, 2016; Nadan et al., 2016; Singh, 2014; Varghese, 2013; Williams, 2008). Contemporary literature reviews (Falender, Burnes, & Ellis, 2013), conceptual practice frameworks (Howard, 2018; Ivers et al., 2017; Varghese et al., 2018), and empirical studies (Kissil et al., 2013; Phillips et al., 2017) point to the urgency to provide supervisors training around engaging with supervisees regarding various aspects of identity.
The impact of the organizational context Context matters for either promoting or constricting exploration of racism and racial equity in social work practice (Pender Greene, 2007; Pender Greene & Levine, 2016). As mentioned above, in an era of neoliberalism, austerity measures, privatization of social services, and increased manage- rialism places greater emphasis on work efficiency, performance measures, and outcome metrics within social work (Abramovitz, 2012; Antonopoulou & Dervisi, 2009; Asakura & Maurer, 2018; Davys, May, Burns, & O’Connell, 2017; Lee & Bhuyan, 2013; Noble & Irwin, 2009; Strier & Binyamin, 2014; Todd et al., 2015). These features limit clinical discretion through higher caseloads, increased documentation requirements, and emphasis on report- ing metrics (Kaul, 2016).
Enhanced administrative demands blur the role of manager and clinical supervision. As a result, business management skills are sought in super- visors, placing less emphasis on clinical enhancement and professional
202 S. R. BUSSEY
development (Hair, 2015; Noble & Irwin, 2009; Strier & Binyamin, 2014). This shift of focus marginalizes the pedagogic aspect of supervision (Noble & Irwin, 2009). Some supervisors may see addressing social justice, such as exploring issues of equity and oppression, as outside their purview (Asakura & Maurer, 2018). A qualitative study of White-identified social workers found that organizations that lack an outwardly anti-racism approach to the work will buttress dominant cultural norms and perpetuate racism (Kaul, 2016). More challenging, even in organizations attempting to address issues of race and bias, covert biases and blind spots persist (Walter et al., 2017).
Implications for future research
Prior research indicates that to move clinical practice towards an anti- imperial approach, in line with Baldwin, requires accountability to history and a telling of the times (Brevvaxling, 2014; Social Work Policy Institute, 2014; Williams et al., 2016). A fundamental first step is the examination of how and in what ways the “culture of Whiteness” is performed in US social work practice. This serves to counter unintentional sanctioning of: racism; marginalization; the policing and surveillance of individuals who fail to conform to racial, patriarchal, heteronormative, and cis-gender standards; and, the promotion of the assimilation of people of color through the erasure of self and history (Brewer, n.d.; Lee & Bhuyan, 2013; Matias & DiAngelo, 2013; Mills, 2017; Williams et al., 2016). Omi and Winant (2009, pp. 124–125) point to the importance of not only focusing on how racism exists and is perpetuated, but also wherein it is “confronted and broken down.” Social workers are positioned to be healers who move communities towards equitable and ethical conditions, but “you only start where the client is [and] where you are capable of being” (Wheeler, 2017).
In a scholarly review, Noble and Irwin (2009) demonstrate how in response to an increased managerial focus in agency oversight, social workers are creating learning spaces in the community or paying for clinical supervision outside of their workplace. They (Noble & Irwin, 2009, p. 355) advocate for the application of critical social work analysis and reflection in supervision sessions, including: examining how providers and agencies approach work with service users; explicating power dynamics and areas of social control evident in the work (Walter et al., 2017); leveraging a social constructivist lens to make space for the multiple perspectives (or stories) and values evident in the work (Hair & O’Donoghue, 2009; Weld, 2012); interrogating the power dynamics within the supervisory relationship itself, and then broadening that interrogation to additional relational spaces (social worker/service user, social worker/ organization, social worker/community); and, placing value on different
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 203
learning styles and needs of the supervisor and staff (Berger et al., 2018; Falender et al., 2013). To continue to move such scholarship forward, it is critical to broaden an understanding how the “culture of Whiteness” – theoretically central to social work’s professing of and desirability for goodness and moral superiority – potentially conceals its foundation in imperial violence (Jeffery, 2005; Kaur Badwall, 2013; Roger, 1998). The findings of such research would contribute to anti-imperial clinical prac- tice efficacy and development.
ORCID
Sarah Ross Bussey http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7702-5538
References
Abramovitz, M. (1998). Social work and social reform: An arena of struggle. Social Work, 43 (6), 512–526. doi:10.1093/sw/43.6.512
Abramovitz, M. (2012). Theorising the neoliberal welfare state for social work. The Sage Handbook of Social Work, London, Sage. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books? hl=en&id=9ChRCwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT76&dq=%22the+US+economy+plunged +into+a%22+%22societies+in+the+belief+the%22+%22principles+include+freedom +(from%22+%2220th+century+social+rights%22+%22the+market,+and+the+individual,% 22+%22theory+became+dominant+in%22+&ots=LqhHOIsNfb&sig=scKQgjfh5L5fw_ AxnP4dY8Trgow
Antonopoulou, L., & Dervisi, C. (2009). Employment, mental health and economic rationality at an age of neo-liberal globalisation. Ege Academic Review, 9, 3. Retrieved from http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=craw ler&jrnl=1303099X&AN=48923722&h=ZukTniW8LuhDS0GGo1tFF2VB366%2Bf% 2BsESbeAkpErgg6Ni52M4pyEXjVAaYXWeyl7C7%2Fj8F5hYy4kcfOupwxlIg%3D% 3D&crl=c
Asakura, K., & Maurer, K. (2018). Attending to social justice in clinical social work: Supervision as a pedagogical space. Clinical Social Work Journal. doi:10.1007/s10615- 018-0667-4
Baldwin, J. (1993). The fire next time. (1st vintage international ed). New York, New York: Vintage International.
Baldwin, J. (1998). Collected essays. New York, New York: Library of America. Balfour, K. L. (2001). The evidence of things not said: James Baldwin and the promise of
American democracy. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press. Basic Rights Education Fund. (2014). Coming out for racial justice: An anti-racist organiza-
tional toolkit for LGBTQ groups and advocates. Berger, R., Quiros, L., & Benavidez-Hatzis, J. R. (2018). The intersection of identities in
supervision for trauma-informed practice: Challenges and strategies. The Clinical Supervisor, 37(1), 122–141. doi:10.1080/07325223.2017.1376299
Billings, D. (2016). Deconstructing white supremacy. In A. J. Carten, A. B. Siskind, & M. Pender Greene (Eds.), Strategies for deconstructing racism in the health and human services (pp. 91–100). New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
204 S. R. BUSSEY
Blee, K. M., & Yates, E. A. (2015). The place of race in conservative and far-right movements. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 1(1), 127–136. doi:10.1177/2332649214555031
Boatright-Horowitz, S. L., Marraccini, M., & Harps-Logan, Y. (2012). Teaching antiracism: College students’ emotional and cognitive reactions to learning about white privilege. Journal of Black Studies, 43(8), 893–911. doi:10.1177/0021934712463235
Bogo, M., & McKnight, K. (2006). Clinical supervision in social work: A review of the research literature. The Clinical Supervisor, 24(1–2), 49–67. doi:10.1300/J001v24n01_04
Brevvaxling, R. (2014). Radical reflection: Toward the transformation of everyday teaching and learning in english composition. Milwaukie: University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
Brewer, L. (n.d.). I had to undo the terrorism of conditional loving.How to Make Love. Accessed August 27, 2018.
Cahill, C., Rios-Moore, I., & Threatts, T. (2008). Different eyes/open eyes: Community-based PAR. In J. Cammarota & M. Fine (Eds.), Revolutionizing education: Youth participatory action research in motion (pp. 89–124). New York, New York: Routledge.
Calvert, F. L., Crowe, T. P., & Grenyer, B. F. S. (2016). Dialogical reflexivity in supervision: An experiential learning process for enhancing reflective and relational competencies. The Clinical Supervisor, 35(1), 1–21. doi:10.1080/07325223.2015.1135840
Came, H., Doole, C., McKenna, B., & McCreanor, T. (2017). Institutional racism in public health contracting: Findings of a nationwide survey from New Zealand. Social Science & Medicine. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.06.002
Carten, A. J., Siskind, A. B., & Pender Greene, M. (Eds.). (2016). Strategies for deconstructing racism in the health and human services. Oxford, England, New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Case, K. A. (2012). Discovering the privilege of whiteness: White Women’s reflections on anti-racist identity and ally behavior. Journal of Social Issues, 68(1), 78–96. doi:10.1111/ j.1540-4560.2011.01737.x
Case, K. A. (2015). White practitioners in therapeutic Ally-Ance: An intersectional privilege awareness training model. Women & Therapy, 38(3–4), 263–278. doi:10.1080/ 02703149.2015.1059209
Chambers, R. (1996). The unexamined. Minnesota Review, 47, 141–156. Cheon, H.-S., Blumer, M. L. C., Shih, A.-T., Murphy, M. J., & Sato, M. (2009). The influence
of supervisor and supervisee matching, role conflict, and supervisory relationship on supervisee satisfaction. Contemporary Family Therapy, 31(1), 52–67. doi:10.1007/s10591- 008-9078-y
Corneau, S., & Stergiopoulos, V. (2012). More than being against it: Anti-racism and anti-oppression in mental health services. Transcultural Psychiatry, 49(2), 261–282. doi:10.1177/1363461512441594
Crutchfield, J., & Webb, S. L. (2018). How colorist microaggressions have eluded social work: A literature review. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 1–21. doi:10.1080/15313204.2017.1416321
Daniels, J. (1997). White lies: Race, class, gender and sexuality in white supremacist discourse. New York, New York & London, England: Routledge.
Darder, A., Torres, R. D., & Baltodano, M. (Eds). (2017). The critical pedagogy reader. (3rd ed.). New York, New York: Routledge.
Davys, A., May, J., Burns, B., & O’Connell, M. (2017). Evaluating social work supervision. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work, 29(3), 108–121. doi:10.11157/anzswj-vol29iss3id314
Eddo-Lodge, R. (2017). Why I’m no longer talking to white people about race. London, UK: Bloomsbury Circus.
Ehrenreich, J. (1985). The altruistic imagination: A history of social work and social policy in the United States. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 205
Ellis, M. V., Taylor, E. J., Corp, D. A., Hutman, H., & Kangos, K. A. (2017). Narratives of harmful clinical supervision: Introduction to the special issue. The Clinical Supervisor, 36 (1), 4–19. doi:10.1080/07325223.2017.1297753
Essed, P. (2013). Women social justice scholars: Risks and rewards of committing to anti-racism. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 36(9), 1393–1410. doi:10.1080/ 01419870.2013.791396
Falender, C. A., Burnes, T. R., & Ellis, M. V. (2013). Multicultural clinical supervision and benchmarks: Empirical support informing practice and supervisor training. The Counseling Psychologist, 41(1), 8–27. doi:10.1177/0011000012438417
Finch, J. B. (2016). Theoretical perspectives for transformation. In A. J. Carten, A. B. Siskind, & M. Pender Greene (Eds.), Strategies for deconstructing racism in the health and human services (pp. 101–124). New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Fisher, A. K., Moore, D. J., Simmons, C., & Allen, S. C. (2017). Teaching social workers about microaggressions to enhance understanding of subtle racism. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 27(4), 346–355. doi:10.1080/10911359.2017.1289877
Gill, E. L. (2016). “Hands up, don’t shoot” or shut up and play ball? Fan-generated media views of the ferguson five. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 400–412. doi:10.1080/10911359.2016.1139990
Goodyear, R. K. (2014). Supervision as pedagogy: Attending to its essential instructional and learning processes. The Clinical Supervisor, 33(1), 82–99. doi:10.1080/ 07325223.2014.918914
Greenberg, J. P., Vinjamuri, M., Williams-Gray, B., & Senreich, E. (2018). Shining the light on intersectionality: The complexities of similarity and difference in the therapeutic process from the perspectives of black and hispanic social workers. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 88(1), 59–81. doi:10.1080/00377317.2018.1404363
Hadden, B. R., Tolliver, W., Snowden, F., & Brown-Manning, R. (2016). An authentic discourse: Recentering race and racism as factors that contribute to police violence against unarmed Black or African American men. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 336–349. doi:10.1080/10911359.2015.1129252
Hair, H. J. (2015). Supervision conversations about social justice and social work practice. Journal of Social Work, 15(4), 349–370. doi:10.1177/1468017314539082
Hair, H. J., & O’Donoghue, K. (2009). Culturally relevant, socially just social work super- vision: Becoming visible through a social constructionist lens. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 18(1–2), 70–88. doi:10.1080/15313200902874979
Harrison, J, VanDeusen, K, & Way, I. (2016). Embedding social justice within micro social work curricula. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 86(3), 258–273. doi: 10.1080/ 00377317.2016.1191802
Hays, D. G., Chang, C. Y., & Havice, P. (2008). White racial identity statuses as predictors of white privilege awareness. Journal of Humanistic Counseling, Education and Development, 47, 234–246. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1939.2008.tb00060.x
Hill Collins, P. (2000). Chapter 2. In black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York, New York: Routledge.
Hill Collins, P., & Bilge, S. (2016). Intersectionality. Cambridge, UK; Malden, MA: Polity Press.
Howard, S. (2018). The black perspective in clinical social work. Clinical Social Work Journal. doi:10.1007/s10615-018-0663-8
Ivers, N. N., Rogers, J. L., Borders, L. D., & Turner, A. (2017). Using interpersonal process recall in clinical supervision to enhance supervisees’ multicultural awareness. The Clinical Supervisor, 36(2), 282–303. doi:10.1080/07325223.2017.1320253
206 S. R. BUSSEY
Jeffery, D. (2005). ‘What good is anti-racist social work if you can’t master it’?: Exploring a paradox in anti-racist social work education. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(4), 409–425. doi:10.1080/13613320500324011
Jemal, A. (2016). Transformative consciousness of African American racial oppression and white racial privilege: Conceptualization, scale development and testing (Dissertation). Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick.
Jemal, A. (2017). The opposition. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 1–6. doi:10.1080/ 10428232.2017.1343640
Jonsson, T. (2016). the narrative reproduction of white feminist racism. Femenist Review, 113, 50–67. doi:10.1057/fr.2016.2
Kaul, N. (2016). How do clinical social workers stay attentive to their privilege once in practice? (Masters thesis). St. Catherine University, University of St. Thomas, St. Paul, MN.
Kaur Badwall, H. (2013). Can I be a good social worker? Racialized workers narrate their experiences with racism in every day practice. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto.
King, M. L., & Washington, J. M. (1986). A testament of hope: The essential writings of Martin Luther King, Jr. (1st ed). San Francisco, California: Harper & Row.
Kissil, K., Davey, M., & Davey, A. (2013). Foreign-born therapists in the United States: Supervisors’ multicultural competence, supervision satisfaction, and counseling self- efficacy. The Clinical Supervisor, 32(2), 185–211. doi:10.1080/07325223.2013.846746
Lee, E., & Bhuyan, R. (2013). Negotiating within whiteness in cross-cultural clinical encounters. Social Service Review, 87(1), 98–130. doi:10.1086/669919
Lenzerini, F. (Ed.). (2008). Reparations for indigenous peoples: International and comparative perspectives. Oxford, England New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Leonardo, Z. (2004). The color of supremacy: Beyond the discourse of ‘white privilege.’. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 36(2), 137–152. doi:10.1111/j.1469-5812.2004.00057.x
Matias, C. E., & DiAngelo, R. (2013). Beyond the face of race: Emo-cognitive explorations of white neurosis and racial cray-cray. Educational Foundations, 27(2–3), 3–20.
McCarthy, T. (2004). Coming to terms with our past, part ii: On the morality and politics of reparations for slavery. Political Theory, 32(6), 750–772. doi:10.1177/0090591704268924
Metzl, J. M., & Hansen, H. (2014). Structural competency: Theorizing a new medical engagement with stigma and inequality. Social Science & Medicine, 103, 126–133. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2013.06.032
Mills, C. W. (2014). White time. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 11(1), 27–42. doi:10.1017/S1742058X14000022
Mills, C. W. (2017). Black rights/white wrongs: the critique of racial liberalism. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190245412.001.0001
Mills, C. W. (2017). Black rights/white wrongs: The critique of racial liberalism. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Moore, S. E., Robinson, M. A., Adedoyin, A. C., Brooks, M., Harmon, D. K., & Boamah, D. (2016). Hands up—Don’t shoot: Police shooting of young black males: Implications for social work and human services. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 254–266. doi:10.1080/10911359.2015.1125202
Moreton-Robinson, A. (2015). The white possessive: Property, power, and indigenous sover- eignty. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Moten, F. (2018). The universal machine. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. Mukherjee, R. (2014). Rhyme and reason:‘Post-race’and the politics of colorblind racism (pp.
39–56). The Colorblind Screen: Race and Television in Contemporary America. New York, New York: NYU Press.
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 207
Nadan, Y., Weinberg-Kurnik, G., & Ben-Ari, A. (2016). The political dimension of multi- cultural social work education. Journal of Social Work, 16(3), 362–379. doi:10.1177/ 1468017315579152
National Association of Social Workers. (2007). Institutional racism & the social work profession: A call to action (presidential task force subcommittee–institutional racism) (pp. 33). Washington D.C.: Author.
National Association of Social Workers. (1996, approved, revised 1999) (2008). Code of ethics of the national association of social workers. Washington, D.C.: Author.
National Association of Social Workers. (2015). Standards and indicators for cultural compe- tence in social work practice (pp. 60). Washington, D.C.: Author.
Noble, C., & Irwin, J. (2009). Social work supervision: An exploration of the current challenges in a rapidly changing social, economic and political environment. Journal of Social Work, 9(3), 345–358. doi:10.1177/1468017309334848
Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2009). Thinking through race and racism. Contemporary Sociology, 38(2), 121–125. doi:10.1177/009430610903800205
Otuyelu, F., Graham, W., & Kennedy, S. A. (2016). The death of Black males: The unmasking of cultural competence and oppressive practices in a micro-aggressive environment. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 430–436. doi:10.1080/ 10911359.2016.1139994
Pender Greene, M. (2007). Beyond diversity and multiculturalism: Towards the development of anti-racist institutions and leaders. Journal for Nonprofit Management 11(1), 1–9.
Pender Greene, M., & Levine, P. (2016). Promoting organizational and systemic change. In A. J. Carten, A. B. Siskind, & M. Pender Greene (Eds.), Strategies for deconstructing racism in the health and human services (pp. 3–17). New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Perry, I. (2011). More beautiful and more terrible: The embrace and transcendence of racial inequality in the United States. New York: New York University Press.
Perry, P., & Shotwell, A. (2009). Relational understanding and white antiracist praxis. Sociological Theory, 27(1), 33–50. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.00337.x
Philip, T. M., & Zavala, M. (2016). The possibilities of being “critical” discourses that limit options for educators of color. Urban Education, 51(6), 659–682. doi:10.1177/ 0042085915574523
Phillips, J. C., Parent, M. C., Dozier, V. C., & Jackson, P. L. (2017). Depth of discussion of multicultural identities in supervision and supervisory outcomes. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 30(2), 188–210. doi:10.1080/09515070.2016.1169995
Pieterse, A. L. (2018). Attending to racial trauma in clinical supervision: Enhancing client and supervisee outcomes. The Clinical Supervisor, 37(1), 204–220. doi:10.1080/ 07325223.2018.1443304
Pratt-Harris, N. C., Sinclair, M. M., Bragg, C. B., Williams, N. R., Ture, K. N., Smith, B. D., … Brown, L. (2016). Police-involved homicide of unarmed black males: Observations by black scholars in the midst of the april 2015 baltimore uprising. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 377–389. doi:10.1080/10911359.2015.1132853
Roger, K. (1998). “Fairy fictions”: White women as helping professionals (Dissertation). University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada.
Rountree, M. A., & Pomeroy, E. C. (2010). Bridging the gaps among social justice, research, and practice. Social Work, 55(4), 293–295. doi:10.1093/sw/55.4.293
Sakamoto, I., & Pitner, R. O. (2005). Use of critical consciousness in anti-oppressive social work practice: Disentangling power dynamics at personal and structural levels. British Journal of Social Work, 35(4), 435–452. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bch190
208 S. R. BUSSEY
Shulman, G. (2011). Acknowledgment and disavowal as an idiom for theorizing politics. Theory & Event, 14, 1. doi:10.1353/tae.2011.0003
Shulman, G. M. (2008). American prophecy: Race and redemption in American political culture. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Singh, S. (2014). What are the experiences and outcomes of anti-racist social work education? Sussex, UK: University of sussex .
Social Work Policy Institute. (2014). Acheiving racial equity: Calling the social work profession to action (pp. 40). Washington D.C.: National Association of Social Workers.
Stokke, C. (2005). Unlearning white superiority: Consciousness-raising on an online rastafari reasoning forum (Department of social anthropology). University of Oslo, Norway.
Strier, R., & Binyamin, S. (2014). Introducing anti-oppressive social work practices in public services: Rhetoric to practice. British Journal of Social Work, 44(8), 2095–2112. doi:10.1093/ bjsw/bct049
Thompson, N. (2002). Social movements, social justice and social work. British Journal of Social Work, 32(6), 711–722. doi:10.1093/bjsw/32.6.711
Tisman, A., & Clarendon, D. (2018). Racism and social work: A model syllabus for graduate-level teaching. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 38(2), 111–136. doi:10.1080/ 08841233.2018.1442384
Todd, S., Barnoff, L., Moffatt, K., Panitch, M., Parada, H., Mucina, M., & Williams, D. (2015). Performativity Culture in Universities: Social Work Fabrications. British Journal of Social Work, 45(2), 511–526. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bct139
Tolliver, W. F., Hadden, B. R., Snowden, F., & Brown-Manning, R. (2016). Police killings of unarmed black people: Centering race and racism in human behavior and the social environment content. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 279–286. doi:10.1080/10911359.2015.1125207
Varghese, R. (2013). Transformation in action: Approaches to incorporating race and racism into clinical social work practice & curriculum. Amherst: University of Massachusetts.
Varghese, R., Quiros, L., & Berger, R. (2018). Reflective practices for engaging in trauma-informed culturally competent supervision. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 88(2), 135–151. doi:10.1080/00377317.2018.1439826
Vimalassery, M., Pegues, J. H., & Goldstein, A. (2016). Introduction: On colonial unknowing. Theory & Event, 19(4), 1–13.
Walter, A. W., Ruiz, Y., Tourse, R. W. C., Kress, H., Morningstar, B., MacArthur, B., & Daniels, A. (2017). Leadership matters: How hidden biases perpetuate institutional racism in organizations. Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership & Governance, 41 (3), 213–221. doi:10.1080/23303131.2016.1249584
Weld, N. (2012). A practical guide to transformative supervision for the helping professions: Amplifying insight. London, England, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.
Wheeler, D. P. (2017, December). Dr. Helen Rehr social work grand rounds keynote. New York, NY: Mount sinai hospital
Williams, A. K., Owens, R., & Syedullah, J. (2016). Radical dharma: Talking race, love, and liberation. Berkeley, California: North Atlantic Books.
Williams, K. U. (2008). Exploring internalized racism : A critical review of the literature and implications for clinical social work. Northampton, MA: Smith college.
JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 209
- Abstract
- James Baldwin’s conceptualization of innocence
- Innocence, white ignorance, and intentional ignoring
- From innocence to acknowledgement
- Apath towards acknowledgement
- Love
- Baldwin’s innocence and social work practice
- Clinical practice
- Clinical social work supervision
- The impact of the organizational context
- Implications for future research
- References
6.Johnstone,M., & Lee, E.(2018).State violence and the criminalization of race Epistemic injustice and epistemic resistance as social work practice implication.pdf
State violence and the criminalization of race: Epistemic injustice and epistemic resistance as social work practice implications Marjorie Johnstonea and Eunjung Leeb
aSchool of Social Work, Faculty of Health, Dalhousie University, Halifax Nova Scotia, Canada; bFactor Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
ABSTRACT In this article we use the theoretical framework of epistemic injustice to examine different forms of state violence against racially marginalized people. We use the two-decade public debate on the Toronto police practice of “carding,” recent examples of the police use of lethal force, and economic dis- parity and structural inequity, as entry points to discuss exclu- sion and the criminalization of race. Finally we discuss how racialized people in Canada resist practices of epistemic injus- tice, which erode their civil right to safety and justice, by using different forms of epistemic resistance, to claim their knowl- edge/power/human dignity, while actively working to con- struct a democratic society.
KEYWORDS Epistemic injustice; epistemic resistance; racial profiling; social exclusion
Introduction
Different forms of state violence are often contested in public discourses (e.g., the media, social policy, and academia), which leads to the question “Is it really present?,” and if so how do we know? By paying close attention to these epistemic questions, we explore the politics and epistemic implications of different forms of state violence, from the slow violence of racial profiling to the explosive violence of the police use of lethal force. Through a critical review of ongoing public debates on the Toronto police practice of carding, to recent examples of tragic losses of racialized community members by lethal police force, to economic disparity and structural inequity, our analysis reveals how racial injustice persists in Canada. We use Fricker’s (2010) theory of epistemic injustice to not only examine the impact of these violent acts on racially margin- alized people but to also consider the effects on our whole society (i.e., “democ- racy”). Epistemic injustice not only refers to distributive unfairness in epistemic goods (e.g., information or education) but also theorizes it more fundamentally as a wrong done to someone specifically in their capacity of a knower/subject of knowledge. Fricker notes that this is “a capacity essential to human value” (p. 5)
CONTACT Marjorie Johnstone [email protected] Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Dalhousie University, 1459 LeMarchant St. Nova Scotia, Canada. B3H 4R2 902-494-2117
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 2018, VOL. 27, NO. 3, 234–252 https://doi.org/10.1080/15313204.2018.1474826
© 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
and this capacity as a subject of social understanding locates one as the owner of one’s own experience and knowledge, thus valuing individual power as the knower. Therefore, she argues that when epistemic injustice occurs, a harm is done to the “psychology of the subject” and to “self-development” (p. 5), and it is a harm deeply done to the very existence of “being” as a member of society.
Canada takes great pride in being a multicultural nation that honors diversity and difference, and practices social inclusivity. When state violence becomes visible to the public and the target of criticism, “inclusive” measures are put into effect. Although it is still debatable whether these acts are enough to address inequity and injustice, what we observe (as we illustrate later in the article) is that these acts blur and distract from the fundamental problem of violence and discrimination, pushing these complex issues once more out of sight from public critique. Using the theoretical construct of epistemic (in) justice, we argue that the inclusive approach locates (in)justice issues only in the realm of (un)fair distribution of epistemic goods and dismisses the fundamental wrong done to humans. Our analysis illustrates the profound injury done to racialized marginalized people, not only when overt violence occurs (e.g., police use of lethal force) but also when the state claims that they are addressing state violence (e.g., by hiring more racial minority police officers and by mobilizing police practices such as carding).
Furthermore, we highlight how racialized people in Canada (re)construct their own subject making by resisting ongoing practices of epistemic injustice that erode their civil right to safety and justice. We concur with the critical feminist philosopher Medina (2013), who attests that epistemic injustice calls for epistemic resistance. Epistemic resistance means going beyond simply designating “something of instrumental value or a transitional stage” (p. 4). It refers to “a mode of relationality” in the world we live in and “the central epistemic and political mechanisms and activities of contestation” that act to create friction and unsettle the status quo and thus contribute to a demo- cratic approach to social transformation. We document various forms of epistemic resistance, such as individual activism and group community responses to different forms of epistemic injustice. We illustrate how racia- lized people construct counter-stories to claim their epistemic knowledge/ power while actively constructing a democratic society. We collected various data from public discourses, such as newspaper articles, TV newsrooms, online reports, and on-air broadcasting retrieved from YouTube, policy announcements and documents, nongovernmental organization (NGO) web- sites, and academic journals that are relevant to various forms of epistemic injustice and resistance with respect to racial issues in Canada. We conducted a close reading and analysis of them using critical theories of epistemic injustice and epistemic resistance. We conclude with a discussion of the implications for social work.
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 235
Locating Canadian approaches to racial discrimination
In accordance with her status as a multicultural nation, Canada strives to honor diversity, respect difference, and attain the dream that all people are equal. A public policy approach of social inclusion began after the constitu- tional entrenchment of multiculturalism in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. However, this position has been fiercely contested as to whether it succeeds/fails to eliminate racial discrimination in Canada. On January 22, 2015, Maclean’s magazine ran an article titled “Canada’s race problems? It’s even worse than America’s.” This article used a comparison of national statistics to show how the conditions surrounding Canada’s First Nations people were worse than the conditions of the African-American community (Gilmore, 2015). Critical scholars argue that the liberal idea that market forces are blind to racial, ethnic, gender, and ability differences has proven wrong and the market has been unable to equitably distribute resources, goods, and services. For example, based on a Statistics Canada survey, Macdonald (2015) reports that Canada’s wealth gap is actually increasing. Block (2010) asserts that the wealth gap is gendered and racialized. Racialized people in Ontario, the largest province in Canada with the largest number of racialized migrants and citizens, are more likely to “live in poverty, to face barriers in Ontario’s workplaces, and even when they get a job, they are more likely to earn less than the rest of Ontarians” (p. 3). Cornish (2012) also asserts that wage discrimination is embedded in “Canada’s labour market and its systems of hiring, promotion, conditions of work and pay” (pp. 5–6). In particular, “In Toronto, 59% of poor families are from racialized groups. Racialized families are 2 to 4 times more likely than non-racialized families to fall below the Low-Income Cut-Off” (p. 7). Therefore, despite the belief that the Multiculturalism Act would usher in a new era of tolerance and eliminate discrimination, critical scholars continue to provide evidence of lingering and pervasive racism in Canada and highlight the notable change from overt and explicit discrimination to what is now often covert and invisible (Galabuzi, 2008; Henry, Tator, Mattis, & Rees, 1995; Li, 2008).
In order to understand the ongoing exclusion and discrimination of racialized people despite Canada’s pride in an inclusive policy discourse, Galabuzi (2008) makes a useful distinction between the policy discourse of social inclusion and the phenomenon of social exclusion. While common sense would suggest that social inclusion is a solution to exclusion and that these two phenomena are polar ends of a single continuum, he argues that this is not the case and these are two separate phenomena. Richmond and Saloojee (2005) also note that the introduction of social inclusion measures, such as equal representation of race and gender in organizations and the introduction of organizational diversity policies, does not address the issue of social exclusion. Using an ethnographic study on the institutional implementation of a diversity policy, Ahmed (2012)
236 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
underlines the paradoxical presence/absence of a diversity policy. Its absence does not indicate that the problem is solved but rather that the institution is not dealing with the problem. Its presence lays claim that the institution accommo- dates diversity and social inclusion actions as if no other efforts are needed, “as if being “just there” is enough” (p. 23). These critical scholars highlight that while there are efforts for inclusive policy and practice, pervasive social exclusion continues to be a troubling social problem, something that social workers encounter in their practice.
Social exclusion represents the invisible sources of discrimination such as the failure to provide social benefits like housing, income security, language services, and sanctions to deter discrimination. These socio-political and economic exclusions result in unequal access to securing a livelihood and basic civil rights such as safety and security. Thus, sections of the popula- tion, notably racialized people, are marginalized through these invisible forms of systemic and institutional discrimination, in addition to overt racism, while at the same time the discourse of inclusivity is circulated, declaring that there are equal opportunities for all, thus creating a public mirage of tolerance and equality. Aligning with these critical scholars, we illustrate how the inclusion policies in Canada fail to address the state violence around racial injustice and discrimination, and further delineate how police practice actually uses the inclusion policies as tactics for perpe- tuating epistemic injustice.
A theoretical framework: Epistemic injustice
Critical scholars note that truth is socially constructed, and that an established dominant social system constructs a regime of truth that is “made by authorised people and accepted by the society as a whole” (Foucault, 1988, p. 112). This then works to disqualify, marginalize, and subjugate the knowledge of others, since it is incompatible with the accepted truth of authority and subsequently the knower of that knowledge. Knowledge and power are then intimately related, in that knowledge is “an integral part of struggles over power” and “in producing knowledge, one is also making a claim for power” (Mills, 2003, p. 69). Therefore, it is critical to consider a theory of knowledge—epistemology, especially when we reflect on justice and discrimination. Since a foremost goal of social workers is to strive for social justice, we pay attention to an epistemological analysis of (in)justice in our society. An epistemological analysis of (in)justice considers how broad social inequalities in access to power and knowledge devalue human existence with experiences of subordination and marginality.
Critical philosophical scholar Miranda Fricker (2010) identifies that the ana- lysis of Anglo-American epistemology omits to examine the political and ethical aspects surrounding our epistemic conduct. In everyday parlance, this means exploring and critically reflecting on how we attribute “credibility” to a speaker’s
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 237
words and what we understand as real or worthy knowledge. In explaining how the credibility of a knower is contested and constructed, she coins the term epistemic injustice. Where this concept is profoundly telling is in its analysis of the impact on people. Fricker theorizes it as “consisting, most fundamentally, in a wrong done to someone specifically in their capacity as a knower” (p. 2). Their access to epistemic goods and more importantly their identity/humanity as a knower/informant is deeply injured, which then has a pervasive influence on every aspect of life. Thus, it is not just a question of individual harm, but becomes structurally damaging to human existence and value, through embedded prejudices.
According to Fricker, there are two kinds of epistemic injustice: testimonial injustice and hermeneutic injustice. The testimonial injustice occurs when a hearer gives reduced credibility to a speaker due to a hearer’s prejudice. Fricker gives the example of testimonial injustice as police disbelieving an account given by a man because he is Black. The hearer’s prejudicial stereotype creates episte- mically loaded social perceptions and the hearer makes spontaneous credibility judgments about the speaker. This deflated credibility then positions the speak- er’s testimony as irrelevant to what is valued as truth and claimed as power. Furthermore, it preempts the speaker’s explanation/testimony since the “hearer prejudice does its work in advance of a potential informational exchange” (p. 130). Thus the speaker’s testimony is preemptively silenced (e.g., What is the point of asking why I was stopped? Anyway, police would not believe what I, as a Black youth, have to say!). Fricker points it out as “an ontological violation” of another human being as if she or he is not a fully rationale being: “The undermining of someone as a knower is, conceptually and historically, closely related to their being undermined as a practical reasoner” (p. 137). She further argues:
No wonder, then, that even relatively inconsequential testimonial injustices can carry a symbolic weight to the effect that the speaker is less than a full epistemic subject: the injustice sends the message that they are not fit for participation in the practice that originally generates the very idea of a knower. (p. 145)
Hermeneutic injustice refers to an even more fundamental injustice “when a gap in collective interpretive resources puts someone at an unfair disadvantage when it comes to making sense of their social experiences” (p. 1). The example Fricker gives, to illustrate this concept, is suffering from sexual harassment in a social environment that does not have sexual harassment as a critical concept. Thus when it occurs, the experiences are not conceptualized and not compre- hensible even to the subjects themselves and they cannot communicate them to others. Some groups have no access to previous sources of articulated expressions of their group’s experiences, either because the larger society marginalizes/ silences those experiences, or because the group has few resources which articu- late their experiences. This may also occur if the group is experiencing a new kind
238 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
of marginalization and discrimination which does not have precedents in the publicized shared experiences in society.
What happens to the oppressed person(s)/groups? When they are unable to “make sense” of their own experiences to themselves or to others because the conceptual language has not been invented or sufficiently developed, or other dominant discourses actively squash down their own experience of discrimination, they may self-blame or experience “unexplained” anger, frustration, and social alienation. This is even more likely to occur when a group is subject to other related injustices, such as restrictions on education and to their fair share in the public space of information. Injustice becomes now systemic and structural. What is morally wrong about it is not only that the victim as a knower/informant in his experience is questioned in his credibility (testimonial injustice) by the hearer(s) but also that his identity as the subject of the knowledge is itself structurally denied and marginalized (hermeneutic injustice). Fricker calls it “structural identity prejudice” (2010, p. 156). The subject (e.g., Black youth) suffers because of prejudice against a particular social group and then the existence of this prejudice (e.g., racial profiling) is itself denied not only by the perpetrator but also by the wider criminal justice community. Fricker identifies this as “structural prejudice in the collective hermeneutical resource” (p. 158). Hermeneutical injustice most often becomes apparent when a speaker is struggling to make himself or herself intelligible in a testimonial exchange and is trying to unveil an existence of hermeneutic injustice perpetuated in the system of society. Next, we illustrate how the experience of racial profiling and other forms of state violence in a society, where their presence and harmful effects are often denied by the dominant discourse, exemplify both testimonial and hermeneutic injustice.
State violence against racially marginalized people
In Toronto on July 5, 2015, newspapers and online news media outlets headlined the story of Toronto police shooting a Black man with mental illness. Andrew Loku, a South Sudanese father of five children, resided in a building complex subsidized by the Canadian Mental Health Association. According to a neighbor and friend, Hicks, who was an eyewitness to the shooting, Loku, armed with a hammer, went to an apartment on the floor above his to complain about ongoing noise. Hicks intervened in the hallway and was calming Loku down, when the police arrived. Two police officers approached and asked Loku to drop his weapon. He didn’t comply and took a step toward the officers. Hicks reported that the police then shot Loku three times before either he or Loku could even speak (CBC News, July 9, 2015). The subsequent investigation resulted in a determination that the police officer did not exceed “the ambit of justifiable force in the circumstances” (Gallant, 2016, italics added). In another case, the
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 239
2013 shooting death of 18-year-old Sammy Yatim, a Syrian immigrant who arrived in Canada in 2008, charges of second-degree murder were brought against Officer James Forcillo. At the time of his death Yatim was alone in a streetcar armed with a knife, and was shot eight times by Officer Forcillo. In July 2016, Forcillo was acquitted of second-degree murder charges but was found guilty of attempted murder and sentenced to six years imprisonment. An appeal was submitted in 2016 (Reid, 2014; White, 2016). Barely one week after this conviction in Canada, protesters gathered in front of the Chicago Police Department Headquarters, with banners that read “Stop Killing Our Kids.” This was in response to the release of police webcam videos of the July 28, 2015, fatal police shooting of an unarmed Black youth, another 18-year-old, Paul O’Neal.
Police use of lethal force is an example of overt state violence that erupts into immediate sensational visibility and is reported widely through social media, becoming a nexus of public debate, contestation, and activism. There is little debate around its impingement on social justice. In comparison, the slow violence of discrimination and systemic racism is less easily discerned since it occurs gradually, often out of sight from the public eye, and is presented as if it is accepted widely in society. However, its impact is also life destroying, just as much as lethal force. Nixon (2011) thus defines slow violence as “a violence of delayed destruction that is dispersed across time and space, an attritional violence that is typically not viewed as violence at all” (p. 2). Thus we examine the carding debate in Toronto, which has roared in both public and academic debates for more than a decade, and critically analyze this police practice as state-led slow violence, using the construct of epistemic injustice to unpack the “delayed destruction” that results from discrimination and systemic racism.
The racial profiling debate arose in the public domain in Toronto, Canada, in 2002 and continues to the present time. Even the term racial profiling has become a site of contestation. Criminal law scholar Alan Gold (2003) explains that criminal profiling is a legitimate police practice, which identifies criminal types such as the drug courier, the sex offender, the serial killer, and the power rapist, and this appears throughout the criminal law literature. He argues that this is different from racial profiling, which is not an overt categorical creation nor is it defended by anyone as a legitimate practice. Later, we discuss how this crucial difference is blended in debates so that when acknowledged it claims a presence of racial profiling whereas when blended it denies the presence of racial profiling and even turns racial profiling into the ordinary police practice of criminal profiling. Because the carding debate centers on the very existence of racial profiling, it leaves us with epistemic questions. Does it really exist? How do we know? Who knows whether or not it exists? Is this knowledge credible? Drawing from both public media (largely Toronto Star newspaper articles) and academic journal articles on the carding debate from 2002 and onward, we first illustrate the main debates and the key players in the emergence and ongoing
240 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
politics of this debate; we critique the Toronto police response to the public scrutiny on their carding/racial profiling practice using the constructs of social inclusion/exclusion and epistemic injustice; and then we discuss how these public debates have been fired up further with academic knowledge production on carding. In our analysis we illustrate how both overt forms of state violence and slow violence discredit the knowledge of racialized people as the knower, thus discriminating and even criminalizing them, and how this epistemic injustice done to them results in individual identity problems (i.e., the funda- mental wrong done to their sense of human value) and the serious social problems that result (i.e., injuries done to the fundamental principle of equal participation in a democratic society) that are greater than what we have acknowledged so far.
The debate in Toronto on the police practice of carding
The Metro Toronto Police established a policing practice, which they called their Criminal Information Processing System (CIPS). This is a proactive approach of randomly stopping-and-questioning persons and then recording the data onto a card, a practice known as “carding.” It was praised within the police force as a successful policing practice since it resulted in faster case conclusions (Rankin, 2010). On October 19, 2002, the Toronto Star (hereafter the Star) began a series of articles on race and crime, which included an analysis of this “carding” practice. Through a Freedom of Information Act request, the Star analyzed 480,000 recorded incidents in the Toronto Police Department, which occurred between 1996 and 2001, and identified 800,000 criminal code and other offenses. Out of these data the Star concentrated on simple possession charges and traffic stops, as these are highly discretionary, and analyzed the distribution of charges for Black, Brown, White, and “other” racial groups. The results illustrated that Blacks were more likely to be detained and held in custody for a bail hearing. With respect to out-of-sight traffic offenses, they also found a distinct racial bias, and the Star concluded that African-Canadians, especially from low-income areas of the city, could expect to be treated more severely than White Torontonians (Kitossa, 2014). The Star claimed that these results were consistent with the idea that Toronto police were practicing racial profiling. The police chief, Julian Fantino, and the Police Services Board stridently denied this claim and launched a $2.7 billion defamation suit (which was ultimately denied standing). Fantino hired a University of Toronto sociology professor, Edward Harvey, to reanalyze the Star’s research findings. This new report in 2003 discredited the Star research, sayingit was scientifically unsound and that that it was “junk science” and did not prove racial profiling (Wortley, 2003). Rather than ending the debate, this report ignited further controversy.
In 2003, after the Harvey report, reporter Jim Rankin from the Star asked the Toronto Police for updated arrest and carding data from the interim period, to
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 241
follow up on their 2002 analysis. This began a seven-year Freedom of Information Act battle, which involved the Ontario Information and Privacy Commissioner as well as the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, but ultimately resulted in a successful outcome for the Star. A follow-up study was published in 2009, which revealed that the same pattern of racial profiling had continued. The Star began a new series titled “Known to Police,” in which they published the results of their new analysis (Rankin, 2010). In 2013, a third analysis was reported by the Star, which showed that the number of Blacks who were stopped and documented was higher than the actual number of young Black males (ages 15 to 24) who lived in Toronto. This was higher than the number of Blacks who were stopped and frisked by police in New York City, a situation that resulted in lawsuits and settlements (cited in Rankin, 2010). This alone underlines the significance of the Toronto case in racial profiling. The new Star analysis showed that carding had in fact increased from 2008 to 2012 by 23%. In all areas of the city, Black people and to a lesser extent those people with brown skin were more likely than White people to be stopped and questioned. Furthermore, this like- lihood actually increased in areas of the city, which were predominantly White (Rankin, 2013).
Racism versus professionalism: Scholarly debate and prejudice in the credibility economy
Parallel to these public debates, extended scholarly debate arose on the credibility or lack of credibility in the Star’s coverage of racial profiling and on whether or not such a thing was happening in Toronto. The academic debate emerged in the Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice (CJCCJ), which ran special colloquies in 2003 and 2011. The journal editor, Julian Roberts, introduced the 2003 commentaries by identifying a discre- pancy between the Star headline, which stated “Police Target Black Drivers,” and the related article, which debated the presence/absence of racial profiling in Toronto police practice and noted that the research results from the Star and the Harvey reports were not conclusive evidence. Roberts expressed concern that posing these questions could harm public confidence in the police and the justice system and proposed that a judicial inquiry where impartial researchers examine the data and provide scientific answers was needed. He then suggested that the succeeding three articles would begin this process (Gold, 2003; Melchers, 2003; Wortley & Tanner, 2003). Despite his claim of inviting “impartial researchers” for scientific debate on the carding practice, Gold, who attested that “the Star articles are what we would call junk science” (Moloney, 2003, cited in Wortley & Tanner, 2003, p. 368) was invited to this special issue. Gold’s claims such as “The truth is that the Star’s conclusions are simply false” without providing “details about Harvey’s actual re-analysis of the data” (p. 369) were contested. Thus, the collections
242 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
in the special issue further highlight the contestation of who is telling the truth. Both Gold and Melcher examined the scientific validity of the empiri- cal claims made by the Star and eschewed addressing the “problem” of racial profiling. Gold (2003) suggested that the debate on racial profiling in the United States had crossed into Canada and been uncritically assumed to be equally applicable in Canada. Furthermore, he discounted the epistemic value of victim accounts by suggesting that the Star was merely intent on increas- ing newspaper circulation and so relished the newsworthy value of emotional and provocative anecdotes. Echoing Roberts’ concern that the Star articles could jeopardize the integrity of the criminal justice system, Melchers (2003) pointed out epistemic issues around the credibility of speakers: “Widespread public belief that police engage in racial profiling undermines public con- fidence in the police, as well as the credibility of the testimony and evidence submitted by police officers in criminal proceedings” (p. 348).
In the economy of credibility in the criminal justice system, the trust- worthiness of the testimony of criminal justice personnel is very high while the credibility of the testimony of an identified criminal is very low. Therefore, these allegations of bias, discrimination, and racial profiling in Toronto police were disrupting the established distribution of credibility in the criminal justice system. Wortley and Tanner (2003) provided a more conciliatory perspective on the debate. They presented an overview of research from the United States and England confirming that racial profiling was occurring in those countries and then referenced several studies that supported the existence of racial profiling in Toronto. However, they con- curred with Gold and Melcher that the statistical analysis used by the Star might be imperfect, and they called for further research to better resolve the debate.
In 2009, Satzewich and Shaffir published an article in the CJCCJ titled “Racism Versus Professionalism: Claims and Counter-claims About Racial Profiling.” They interviewed the Hamilton Police and presented a police perspective, which claimed that what they were doing was criminal profiling, not racial profiling, and furthermore that being professional “requires a level of conduct that cannot be undermined by concerns that minorities, or any interest group for that matter, may cry foul or be identified as victims of unfair targeting” (p. 220). This article triggered vigorous international debate (Australia, France, United Kingdom, and United States) and in the 2011 symposium in CJCCJ on racial profiling and police culture, nine comment pieces were published (Henry & Tator, 2011a,2011b; Chan, 2011; Crank, 2011; Jobard & Levy, 2011; MacAlister, 2011; Melchers, 2011; Satzewich & Shaffir, 2011; Stenning, 2011). Collectively, these articles explicate approaches to the study of racial profiling (such as methodology, standpoint, linguistics, and terminology); the functioning of the criminal justice system, particularly policing and associated legal issues; and the role of institutional cultures. In
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 243
their rejoinder to Satzewich and Shaffir, Henry and Tator (2011a) make the telling point that, while the police deflect allegations of racial discrimination by appealing to professional objectivity, respect for multiculturalism, and by blaming the victims, the court decisions in human rights law are determined by the consequence to the victim, not the intent of the perpetrator: “The courts have recognized that it is unlikely that intent to behave in a racist way and perpetrate racist acts will be successfully proved in court, since very few persons, other than committed bigots, would admit to deliberate racism” (Roberts, 2003 p. 66). This recognition of “racial discrimination by its con- sequences,” which is enshrined in the laws of both the United States and Canada, acknowledges that the consequences and impact on people of color who experience police carding practice as being racially mistreated and abused are the critical pieces of evidence of the existence of racial profiling.
In an analysis of this scholarly response to the racial profiling debate in Toronto, Kitossa (2014) notes the absence of a critical criminology perspec- tive and applies a critique of imperialist reason to examine the arguments. She describes the Canadian criminal justice system as built on European enlightenment moral philosophy and scientific rationalism, which “treat ‘crime’ as objectively real and measurable” (p. 65). She then notes that this “arrangement denies authenticity to the counter-hegemonic truth claims of colonized and criminalized populations” (p. 82). Kitossa calls the retreat to scientific rationalism used by authoritarian criminologists an act of epistemic violence, and states that “the tactic of criminological and legal positivists in this debate is to disqualify, subordinate, ridicule and ultimately invalidate the truth claims of racial profiling victims” (p. 63). This statement describes the essence of hermeneutical and testimonial injustice and leads us to rethink the criminal system and its epistemic stance in serving marginalized people.
Responses to state violence: Epistemic injustice versus epistemic resistance
Epistemic injustice: Police responses and dominant voices
The publicity generated from the Star series on racial profiling and police practices created an image problem for the police. In order to respond to the storm of public criticism, police reviewed their policies, broadened and diversified their hiring practices, hosted a number of diversity conferences, and conferred with numerous consultants (Doolittle, 2009). In 2005, when the search began for a new Chief, the Police Board Chair, Alok Mukherjee, stated that finding someone with a commitment to diversity issues was the priority. In the early 1990s the police board passed its first race relations policy and began diversity training for officers. Human resources practices were overhauled and officers began going door-to-door in ethnic enclaves
244 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
recruiting new officers. Women-only recruitment sessions were instituted, and by 2009 the percentage of 85% to 90% White males had changed to 40% to 60%. On 2006, the Toronto Police Service invited the Ontario Human Rights Commission to review all the policies and procedures, and a new community-based policing model was introduced. The president of the Toronto Police Association, Doug Corrigan, stated that the union is a strong supporter of antiracist policing but that he does not believe that racial bias is a systemic problem. Implicit in this claim is the defense that there might be some rotten apples in the barrel but basically the majority of police officers are fair and unbiased and the system is impartial (Doolittle, 2009). By claiming their inclusive policy and active performance of this practice, this discourse preempts any knowledge claim that there is racial exclusion and discrimination. Corrigan indeed supports Anti Oppressive Practice (AOP) in policing, and yet discredits the knowers who experience racial bias every- where in the system, thus perpetuating testimonial injustice.
Later, the new chief, Bill Blair, took a different position and announced that “racism is a human failing and racial profiling can occur. We’ve acknowledged that right up front and that has really enabled us to work with our community partners” (Doolittle, 2009). In order to minimize this “human failing” he set about “improving” the carding procedure. In 2013, the police began issuing a receipt to people they stopped in public, but this concession was accompanied by assurances from the Deputy Police Chief Peter Sloly that carding is a very effective police tool. He stated, “we’re trying to make sure the value goes up and the cost goes down and we have from these interactions solved major cases—sexual assaults, abuse of children, horrible multiple shootings—have all come out of that practice” (CBC, July 4, 2013). More recently, in October 2016, Peel region residents and community groups in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) demanded the resignation of Peel Police Chief Jennifer Evans, who continued to insist that carding is an invaluable policing tool, after the Star reported that Black people in the area were 3 times more likely to be stopped by Peel police than Whites (Grewal, 2016). While the police defend the efficacy of carding in terms of their own success rates, they implicitly and explicitly blend racial profiling with criminal profiling, which works to deny the presence of racial profiling. This example shows both testimonial and her- meneutic injustice in that the police discredit the knowledge of people who were stopped-checked and believed that this occurrence was due to their race (i.e., testimonial injustice), and furthermore the police deny the very exis- tence of this experience of being racially discriminated against by the carding practice (i.e., hermeneutic injustice).
The psychological, moral, and ontological impacts of this practice on epistemically marginalized people, particularly over an extended period of time, are deep and fundamental, damaging the development of identity and
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 245
the sense of human value as a knower/informant (Fricker, 2010). A local example is provided by Toronto Black rights activist Knia Singh, who described being stopped by police, on numerous occasions, while he was driving. He recounted the following exchange with police:
What reason would you have to punch up my plates anyway? He says, “oh we punch up plates or we pull people over and sometimes we get drugs and guns”. I said “you’re racial profiling me.” He said, “oh you should be ashamed for saying that I’m racial profiling you.” (Risling, 2013)
In this exchange the police officer clearly understands that racial profiling is problematic, but his denial is reflected back to Singh as the one who should experience guilt/shame over his “false accusation” of racial profiling. Here, Singh’s reasoning and knowledge of being a target of racial profiling based on his very own experience in everyday life is denied and questioned (i.e., testimonial injustice). This is also an example of hermeneutical injustice as the police officers deny the existence of systemic prejudicial stereotyping from which their actions are derived. Fricker (2010) states that testimonial injustice necessarily also involves identity prejudice (i.e., being the victim of a prejudicial stereotype), which involves the idea that not only is the person’s reasoning in question but his or her human identity is lesser due to member- ship in the prejudicial group. This then greatly increases the injury:
No wonder then, that being insulted, undermined, or otherwise wronged in one’s capacity as a giver of knowledge is something that can cut deep. No wonder too that in contexts of oppression the powerful will be sure to undermine the power- less in just that capacity, for it provides a direct route to undermining them in their very humanity. (p. 44)
To give another example, in 2009, Black retired Toronto schoolteacher Clem Marshall was pulled over by police and told that he didn’t look like someone who could afford the expensive car he was driving. Marshall handed over his driver’s licence, ownership papers, and insurance and asked the officer why he had been pulled over. The officer yelled in response, “Who do you think you are, f…ing Obama?” Marshall launched a human rights complaint and the officer defended stopping Marshall with the explanation that “It’s not racial profiling…. Two black guys driving a car like mine in Parkdale means crack…. That’s just the way it is” (Winsa, 2013b). In this case Marshall’s attempt to establish his credibility by providing all the required documentation and asking politely why he had been pulled over was met with a racist retort, meaning presumably that Barack Obama is an unexplained exception to the officer’s structural prejudice regard- ing Black people and that he was not going to allow that to influence him. Thus the officer practiced both hermeneutical and testimonial injustice as both were present in the exchange. When interviewed, Marshall said “the taste of humilia- tion is extraordinary. It’s like the taste of nothing else.” The reporter added that “Marshall, in his 60s, said that at his age the feelings were completely
246 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
unexpected” (Winsa, 2013b). Fricker says “to be wronged in one’s capacity as a knower is to be wronged in a capacity essential to human value” (p. 44). Marshall’s reported feelings of shock and violation thus exemplify epistemic injustice, the fundamental wrong done to our citizens by state force.
Epistemic resistance: Constructing counternarratives
As a way to counter the oppression and violence embedded in epistemic injustice, a critical feminist philosopher, Medina (2013), calls for epistemic resistance. Medina envisages more than a redistribution of epistemic goods; he suggests a way of engaging, living, and imagining, in our democratic society, which embraces multiple standpoints. Drawing from Anderson’s epistemic model of democracy (2006), he notes that “democratic communication is the communication of the diverse experiences and diverse imaginations: it is aimed at putting our practices and institutions in sync with the heterogeneous experi- ences of diverse members of society, but also with the heterogeneous imagina- tions that individuals and groups can exercise” (p. 6, italics in original). He further argues that a democratic society is only possible when the fallibilities of one’s experience and knowledge are shared and institutionalized and, in order to put this in place, we need the resistance model of democracy. Instead of falsely imagining an ideal static just society for integration, he attests that we need a democratic milieu where there is space for the marginalized to articulate their experiences and perspectives (what he calls “expressibility”; p. 10) and where there is an acceptance/appreciation and active engagement with the epistemic value of dissenting viewpoints (“responsiveness and receptivity”; p. 9). As an initial step toward this, Medina advocates making epistemic frictions visible. Discord and conflict can bring situations that baffle and confuse into the light of shared scrutiny. This shared perplexity can then lead to reflection on con- ventional, traditional responses and open the door to alternative/multiple per- spectives and possible solutions. Medina rightfully notes that “Idealization tends to be partial and distorting, obscuring the heterogeneity and complexity of actual experiences and concrete practice” and does not provide “an adequate stand- point for the diagnosis of social problems and injustices” (p. 11). Rather, he urges us to identify and document particularities of epistemic frictions/resis- tances as a process of resurrecting subjugated voices and empowering the marginalized. In this section, we thus identify and document these particularities of resistance with respect to the ongoing police violence in Toronto as active actions against epistemic injustice. Kitossa (2014) points out that the key issue of the ongoing carding debate in Toronto is not “to reinterpret oppression but to end it” (p. 82) and that the starting point is listening and believing the testimony of people who became the target of racial profiling. We cannot agree with her more in that justice begins with reinstating the credibility of the knower and making their resistance visible.
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 247
Within the Canadian racialized community, a grassroots activism has become increasingly visible, as people whose lives are shattered by the impact of epistemic injustice gather together to generate a response to their experi- ence of violence. It was in the late 1980s that the fatal shooting by police of a number of Black people in Toronto resulted in the founding of the Black Action Defence Committee (BADC). In 1990 they helped to create Ontario’s Special Investigations Unit, which promised an independent review of any fatal police shooting. In the wake of the Rodney King demonstrations in Los Angeles in 1992, the BADC organized a public rally to protest in sympathy, but another fatal police shooting of a Black man occurred, which resulted in the so-called Yonge Street Riots in Toronto. The BADC in 2001 objected stridently to calling it a “riot” and reclaimed the fact that between 1996 and 2001 the city’s Black community lost more than 100 people to gun violence.
The tragic shooting death of Andrew Loku galvanized the Black Lives Matter activist group, who attended a police board hearing and demanded that the police take action on the issue of fatal police shootings of Black people, particularly those with mental health issues (CBC News, July 16, 2015). This event was linked with other fatal shootings of Black men by Toronto police officers in recent years, and a coalition of Black advocacy groups called for the Toronto Police to address the role race plays in these fatal police interactions (Gillis, 2015). Also in the Peel region, following the police fatal shooting of Jermaine Carby in 2014, the Justice for Jermaine Carby Committee was established and continues to fight against carding as a police practice of racial profiling. In September 2016, the family of Carby noted that Carby was racially profiled and subjected to an unlawful street check on the night of his death and filed a $12 million lawsuit against the Peel Police Chief, the Board, and seven Peel officers (Grewal, 2016).
As the public debate on racial profiling became focused on the issue of carding, Black activist Knia Singh, who is now a lawyer, spoke publicly about his own numerous experiences of being stopped by the police and filed a Freedom of Information Act request for his own carding record. He discovered that there was a thick file on him with startlingly contradictory reports. His height ranged from eight feet to six feet, and his birthplace was recorded as Jamaica, despite his being a native Torontonian (Rankin, 2013). The year 2014 bore witness to lengthy negotiations between Singh and community activist organizations and the Mayor, the Police Board, and the Police Chief. While some concessions were offered, such as providing a receipt of the carding encounter, the carding practice was defended as necessary. On Wednesday, November 26, 2014, Singh was interviewed on CBC by Matt Galloway. In response to the question of the effectiveness of carding, Singh responded that if the police had the keys to the homes of all the residents of Toronto and permission to enter as needed, then that would undoubtedly be a very effective policing practice and many more crimes would be solved expeditiously. He
248 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
added that the question of police rights and civil rights is a balance, and access to homes with impunity would surely be a violation of civil rights, just as carding is a violation of the civil rights of racialized people. On June 10, 2015, Singh filed a charter challenge against the practice of carding (Davidson, 2015). All these actions epitomize particularities of epistemic resistance and construct counter- discourses that rewrite a story of racialized communities and their subject making.
Conclusion
Why and how does the carding debate and the conflicting responses to state violence matter to social work? Both the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) in the United States and the Canadian Association of Social Workers (CASW) note that the most important value in the social work profession can be summarized in two words—social justice—and that we must strengthen our profession through ongoing activism and advocacy for the vulnerable (CASW, 2011; NASW, 2015). Racial profiling and the drawn-out debate around the Toronto police practice of carding can be viewed by the social work profession as at a crossroads that invites rethinking the significance of social activism and alternative community responses. In order to renew our professional value of social justice, we suggest expanding it to the notion of epistemic (in)justice and epistemic resistance to fight against injustice. This framework of values can guide practice in all areas of social work.
Credibility or testimonial justice should be accorded to all clients whom social workers serve (e.g., a person with a diagnosis of mental illness, a homeless person, a person with a criminal record, etc.). All social workers should accept what a client tells them, explore how their truth is contested with other (often dominant) truths, and assist clients to clarify and claim their subjective positions and meanings rather than questioning the credibility of the speaker. Hermeneutical injustice underlines the absence of organized knowledge regarding the experiences of victims of racial discrimination. Grassroots activism, such as the work of Knia Singh as well as the collective activism of groups such as Black Lives Matter, has emerged through the shared experiences of being targets of state violence.This activism has developed into action plans (Winsa, 2013a). These people are not only demanding social change, but are also giving public voice to their common experiences, and as such they are beginning to fill the hermeneutical void in our societies.
Social workers are in a strong position to contribute to and to further this work. As frontline workers we can initiate the creation of a space for constructing shared experiences and strategizing for change by organizing group and community work. We can create an alliance for justice by joining with existing groups and activists, such as Knia Singh, to further and support their work. Social work research could contribute to the hermeneutical gap by recording and publishing accounts of the lived experiences of those who have experienced discrimination.
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 249
Henry and Tator (2011a) provide a succinct summary of the value of such an approach:
We view narrative analysis as an important methodological tool for understanding the experiences of people who must deal continuously with the consequences of “race” and racism in their everyday lives. Their stories help to “break the silence” and “bear witness” to the common occurrences that racialized minorities face in a hegemonic culture that stereotypes and marginalizes their lives. One of the best ways of counteracting the persistent discourse of the denial of racism is to expose the occurrences of racism that harm and disadvantage many citizens. (p. 71)
By documenting and publishing studies of hermeneutical injustice, a con- tribution can be made toward a greater public understanding of the psycho- logical harm this form of injustice inflicts. The counter-voices can be heard and subjugated knowledge can be resurrected from the periphery to the center. The grassroots activism such as, the work of Knia Singh as well as the collective activism of groups such as Black Lives Matter, have emerged through the shared experiences of being targets of state violence, which have then developed into action plans (Winsa, 2013a).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
References
Ahmed,S. (2012). On Being Included. Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Durham & London:Duke University Press.
Anderson (2006). The Epistemology of Democracy. Episteme. 3.1-2, 8–22. Block, S. (2010). Ontario’s growing gap. The role of race and gender. Ottawa, Canada:
Candian Centre for Policy Alternatives. CASW. (2011). Social activism. Retrieved from http://www.casw-acts.ca/en/casw-launches-
new-website-celebration-85-years-service CBC. (2013). Toronto police carding an ‘incredibly effective tool’. Retrieved from http://www.
cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-police-carding-an-incredibly-effective-tool CBC. (2015). Fatal police shooting of Andrew Loku inspires “black lives matter’ chant. Retrieved
from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/fatal-police-shooting-of-andrew-loku Chan, J. (2011). Racial profiling and police subculture. Canadian Journal of Criminology and
Criminal Justice, 53(1), 75–78. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.75 Cornish, M. (2012). A lining wage as a human right. Ottawa, Canada: Canadian Centre for Policy
Alternatives. Crank, J. (2011). Scholarly debate on racial profiling: To what end?Canadian Journal of
Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 79–85. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.79 Davidson, T. (2015). Charter Challenge filed against Toronto Police carding. Toronto Sun.
Retrieved from http://www.torontosun.com/2015/06/10/charter_challenge_launched Doolittle, R. (2009). Racial bias exists on police force, chief says. The Toronto Star, Canada.
Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2009/09/30/racial_bias_exists_0n_ police_force
250 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
Foucault,M. (1988). Power and sex: Discussion with Bernard-Henri Levy. In L.Kritzman (Ed) Michel Foucault: Politics,philosophy, culture: Interviewsand other writings, 1977-1984. pp.110–124. London:Routledge.
Fricker, M. (2010). Epistemic injustice. Power and the ethics of knowing. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Galabuzi, G.-E. (2008). Daily struggles. The Deepening racialization and feminization of Poverty in Canada. In M.Wallis&S.-M.Kwok (Ed.), Social exclusion: Socio-economic and political implications of the racialized gap. Toronto, Canada: Canadian Scholars Press Inc.
Gallant (2016) SIU clears Toronto police officer in Andrew Loku shooting death. Toronto. com news. Retrieved from https://www.toronto.com/newsstory/6521591-siu-clears-tor onto-police-officers-in-andrew-lokushooting- death/
Gillis, W. (2015). How many black men have been killed by Toronto police? We can’t know. The Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www.msn.com/en_ca/news/canada/how-many- black-men
Gilmore, S. (2015). Canada’s race problem? It’s even worse than America’s. Macleans. Retrieved from https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/out-of-sight-out-of-mind-2/
Gold, A. (2003). Media hype, racial profiling, and good science. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 45(3), 391–400. doi:10.3138/cjccj.45.3.391
Grewal (2016). Peel residents call for police chief to resign. The Toronto Star. October 4, 2016. Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2016/10/04/peel-residents-at-meeting
Henry, F., &Tator, C. (2011a). Rejoinder to Satzewich and Shaffir on “Racism versus prefessionalism: Claims and counter-claims about racial profiling”. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 65–74. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.65
Henry, F., &Tator, C. (2011b). Reply to comments. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 119–123. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.119
Henry, F., Tator, C., Mattis, W., &Rees, T. (1995). The colour of democracy. Racism in Canadian society. Toronto, Canada: Harcourt Bracr & Company.
Jobard, F., &Levy, R. (2011). Racial profiling: The parisian police experience. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 87–93. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.87
Kitossa, T. (2014). Authoritarian criminology and the racial profiling debate in Canada: Scientism as epistemic violence. African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies, 8(1), 25.
Li, P. (2008). Daily struggles The deepening racialization and feminization of poverty in Canada. In M.Wallis&S.-M.Kwok (Ed.), The market value and social value of race. Toronto, Canada: Canadian Scholars Press Inc.
MacAlister, D. (2011). The law governing racial profiling: Implications of alternative defini- tions of the situation. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 95–103. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.95
Macdonald, D. (2015). The WEALTH ADVANTAGE. The growing wealth gap between Canada’s affluent and the middle class. Ottawa, Canada: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Retrieved from https://www.policyalternatives.ca/wealth-advantage
Medina, J. (2013). The Epistemology of resistance: Gender and racial oppression, epistemic injustice, and resistant imaginations. New York, USA: Oxford University Press.
Melchers, R. (2003). Do Toronto police engage in racial profiling?Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 45(3), 347–366. doi:10.3138/cjccj.45.3.347
Melchers, R.F. (2011). Comment on the rejoinder of Henry and Tator to Satzevich and Shaffir. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 105–111. doi:10.3138/ cjccj.53.1.105
Mills,S. (2003). Michel Foucault. London and New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Moloney,P. (2003). Police attack Star’s race articles. Toronto Star. February 21.
JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK 251
NASW. (2015). Social justice. Retrieved from http://www.naswdc.org/pressroom/features/ issue/peace.asp
Nixon,R. (2011). Slow violence and the Environmentalism of the poor. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Rankin, J. (2010). Story behind the Numbers. The Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www. thestar.com/news/crime/raceandcrime/2010/02/06/
Rankin, J. (2013). Excuse me officer, why are you stopping me?Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/knowntopolice2013/09/27/
Reid, T. (2014). The Toronto Police’s Long History of Racial profiling. Toronto Star. Retrieved from https://www.vice.com/en_ca/article/ppvm9y/the-toronto-polices-carding-practices
Richmond, T., &Saloojee, A. (Ed.). (2005). Social inclusion. Canadian perspectives. Halifax, Canada: Fernwood publishing.
Risling, R. (2013). Excuse me Officer, why are you stopping me?Toronto Star. Retrieved from https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/knowntopolice2013/2013/09/27/excuse_me_officer_ why_are_you_stopping_me.html
Roberts, J. (2003). Introducing Commentaries on Policing in Toronto. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 45(3), 343–346. doi:10.3138/cjccj.45.3.343
Satzewich, V., & Shaffir, W. (2009). Racism versus professionaliam: Claims and Counter-claims about racial profiling. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 51, 199–226. doi:10.3138/cjccj.51.2.199
Satzewich, V., &Shaffir, W. (2011). Rejoinder. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 125–131. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.125
Stenning, P. (2011). Isms and ists: A slightly personal but not intentionally trivial comment on ‘racial profiling’. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 53(1), 113–118. doi:10.3138/cjccj.53.1.113
White (2016). Forcillo’s fate could be uncertain for a year, his lawyer says. The Globe and Mail. Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/toronto/forcillos-fate-could- be-uncertain-for-a-year-his-lawyersays/ article28404475/
Winsa, P. (2013a). People to Watch: Law school focuses his social activism. Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/insight/2013/12/29/people_to_watch
Winsa, P. (2013b). Racial profiling: Toronto police settle human rights complaint with former teacher who was pulled over. Toronto Star. Retrieved from https://www.thestar.com/news/ gta/2013/05/14/racial_profiling_toronto_police_settle_suit_with_man_who_says_he_was_ pulled_over_for_driving_while_black.html
Wortley,S., (2003). Data, Denials, and Confusion: The Racial Profiling Debate in Toronto. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice; Jul 2003; 45(3), 367
Wortley, S., &Tanner, J. (2003). Data, denials, and confusion: The racial profiling debate in Toronto. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 45(3), 367–390. doi:10.3138/cjccj.45.3.367
252 M. JOHNSTONE AND E. LEE
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Locating Canadian approaches to racial discrimination
- A theoretical framework: Epistemic injustice
- State violence against racially marginalized people
- The debate in Toronto on the police practice of carding
- Racism versus professionalism: Scholarly debate and prejudice in the credibility economy
- Responses to state violence: Epistemic injustice versus epistemic resistance
- Epistemic injustice: Police responses and dominant voices
- Epistemic resistance: Constructing counternarratives
- Conclusion
- Disclosure statement
- References
7.Alfred, G. T. (2009). Colonialism and state dependency. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 5(2), 42-60..pdf
42 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
Colonialism and State Dependency Gerald Taiaiake Alfred, PhD, School of Indigeous Governance, University of Victoria
ABSTRACT This paper conceptualizes colonialism from an indigenous perspective and analyses the effects of colonization on First Nations, with particular focus on explaining the fundamental roots of the psychophysical crises and dependency of First Nations upon the state. Central to its analysis is the effect of colonially-generated cultural disruptions that compound the effects of dispossession to create near total psychological, physical and financial dependency on the state. The paper argues that it is the cumulative and ongoing effects of this crisis of dependency that form the context of First Nations existences today. Social suffering, unresolved psychophysical harms of historical trauma and cultural dislocation are identified as the main sources of a crisis in which First Nations’ opportunities for self-sufficient, healthy and autonomous lives on individual and collective levels are extremely limited because Indigenous people have developed complexes of behaviour and mental attitudes that reflect their colonial situation. Through a review and consideration of the scholarly literature, it identifies a direct relationship between government laws and policies applied to Indigenous peoples and the myriad mental and physical health problems and economic deprivations. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for developing policy responses to the situation which are oriented towards supporting and facilitating Indigenous people’s reconnection to their homelands, restoration of land-based cultural practices and the rebuilding of indigenous communities.
KEYWORDS Decolonization, social suffering, cultural restoration, resurgence, regeneration
INTRODUCTION
Ongoing indigenous struggles against colonialism consist mainly of efforts to redress the fundamental injustice of being forcibly removed from the land or being denied access to the land to continue traditional cultural activities. Yet there is another aspect to colonialism which is often ignored in the public discourse, and certainly does not form a major focus of either First Nation organization or Canadian government policy efforts. This aspect is the colonially-generated cultural disruption affecting First Nations that compounds the effects of dispossession to create near total psychological, physical and financial dependency on the state. The cumulative and ongoing effects of this crisis of dependency form the living context of most First Nations existences today. This complex relationship between the effects of social suffering, unresolved psychophysical harms of historical trauma and
cultural dislocation have created a situation in which the opportunities for a self-sufficient, healthy and autonomous life for First Nations people on individual and collective bases are extremely limited.
As is typical in all colonial societies, First Nations today are characterized as entrenched dependencies, in physical, psychological and financial terms, on the very people and institutions that have caused the near erasure of our existence and who have come to dominate us.
When one considers the material consequences of Canada’s century-long policy of state-sponsored, forcible assimilation, a simple fact emerges: for generations, opportunities to live well as an Aboriginal person have been actively frustrated. Successive governments, committed to the notion that Aboriginal
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 43
Colonialism and State Dependency
cultures belong only to the past, have made no provision for the well-being of these cultures in the present and future. In the arrangement of Canada’s social affairs, only the assimilated Indian has been offered even the prospect of wellness. For those who resisted or refused the benefits of assimilation, government policies assured a life of certain indignity. That is the essence of life in the colony: assimilate and be like us or suffer the consequences (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. xi).
Beyond the effects on the individual, it is a real tragedy that First Nations people are generally wanting of the inspiration and support that healthy and cohesive communities provide. Cultural dislocation has led to despair, but the real deprivation is the erosion of an ethic of universal respect and responsibility that used to be the hallmark of indigenous societies. The material conditions of First Nations life, pressures exerted on Indigenous people from settler society and this state of overall dependency has created a reality characterized by discord and violence experienced as daily facts of life in most First Nation communities.
The self-hating inward turn of this negative energy in reaction to colonization is one of the most damaging aspects of the problem, what Lee Maracle has called the “systemic rage” so common among colonized peoples (Maracle, 1996, p. 12). Colonialism, as it is understood by most people, consists in such things as the resource exploitation of indigenous lands, residential school syndrome, racism, expropriation of lands, extinguishment of rights, wardship, and welfare dependency. And while all of this is certainly colonialism, Indigenous people don’t experience colonialism as theories or as analytic categories. Colonialism is made real in the lives of First Nations people when these things go from being a set of imposed externalities to becoming causes of harm to them as people and as communities, limitations placed on their freedom, and disturbing mentalities, psychologies, and behaviours.
In order to get to the root of the colonial problem in Canada, it is necessary to understand that oppression experienced over such a long period of time effects people’s minds and souls in seriously negative ways. Meaningful discussions on the subject of alleviating the harms that colonization has wrought requires seeing beyond colonialism as historical process of societal changes or a set of legal and military events. It means recognizing that colonial injustices and oppression have had effects on both individuals and collectivities, and that addressing these effects necessitates perspectives and strategies that situate First Nations people not simply as individuals within Canada, but as members
of cultured communities on the land. Understanding this history of colonialism – the political and economic aspects of the changing relationship between Indigenous peoples and European which resulted in the subjugation of First Nations to European powers – is, in a fundamental sense, less important than appreciating the damage to the cultural integrity and mental and physical health of the people and communities who make up those nations. As Eduardo Duran has characterized the problem:
Once a group of people have been assaulted in a genocidal fashion, there are psychological ramifications. With the victim’s complete loss of power comes despair, and the psyche reacts by internalizing what appears to be genuine power—the power of the oppressor. The internalizing process begins when First Nation American people internalize the oppressor, which is merely a caricature of the power actually taken from First Nation American people. At this point, the self- worth of the individual and/or group has sunk to a level of despair tantamount to self-hatred. This self-hatred can be either internalized or externalized (Duran & Duran, 1995, p. 29; See also Trexler, 1995).
In particular, Indigenous men’s difficulties in comprehending and dealing effectively with the source of their own disempowerment has led to a compounding of the problem for Indigenous women and children, who are frequently the targets of men’s raging manifestations of internalized self-hatred. This problem exists in various forms and intensities across the entire economic and social spectrum in First Nations, and in spite of other recent politico-legal advances in the empowerment of First Nations enterprises and governments. Women express colonized mindsets as well, but mainly through self-destructive behaviour. Men tend to channel their rage externally, and as a consequence gendered violence has become endemic within First Nations communities.
The gradual transformation of First Nations communities from violent and discordant environments cannot be accomplished by conceptualizing the harm as dysfunction or by isolating problem behaviours. It is becoming clear, as this paper will argue, that without the foundation provided by a connection to land-based cultural practices and the reestablishment of authentic indigenous community life, individualizing efforts actually work to compound the problems by promoting further alienation from proven sources of strength and healing on the individual level, and the social-cultural atomization of indigenous communities. This paper advocates a radical
44 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
Colonialism and State Dependency
approach to change, consisting in the effort to reintegrate the essential features and benefits of a reconnection to homeland and of “traditional” indigenous land-based cultural practices that have proven in many cases to be key to the reclamation of spiritual, physical and psychological health and to the restoration of communities characterized by peace and harmony and strength.
Political and social institutions, such as band councils and government-funded service agencies that govern and influence life in First Nations today, have been for the most part shaped and organized to serve the interests of the Canadian state. Their structures, responsibilities, and authorities conform to the interests of Canadian governments, just as their sources of legitimacy are found in Canadian laws, not in First Nations interests or laws. These institutions are inappropriate foci for either planning or leading the cause of indigenous survival and regeneration. Reconfiguring First Nations politics and replacing current strategies, institutions and leadership structures with those rooted in and drawing legitimacy from indigenous cultures is necessary for creating renewed environments capable of supporting indigenous ways of being. Transformations begin inside each person, but decolonization starts becoming a reality when people collectively and consciously reject colonial identities and institutions that are the context of violence, dependency and discord in indigenous communities.
It is evident to anyone who has experience living or working within First Nations communities that conventional approaches to health promotion and community development are not showing strong signs of success. Reconciliation and empowerment through economic development and as the expected outcomes of self-government processes, land claims agreements, and aboriginal rights and title legal strategies, have not materialized. This is in large part because they have proven to be weak challenges to the thrust of the colonial-capitalist enterprise: the destruction or dispersal of Indigenous populations from their homelands to ensure access for industrial exploitation enterprises and concomitant non- indigenous settlements. Conventional approaches are based on an accession to the colonial-capitalist agenda with respect to Indigenous people and their lands. The agenda is heavily promoted by largely pro-assimilationist media and mainstream non-indigenous scholars (Widdowson, 2008; Helin, 2006; Flanagan, 2006), with integration into the market economy and cultural assimilation advanced as the only viable pathways to a better life for First Nations people and communities. This perspective is also at the centre of government policy and, it is fair to say, forms the view of the vast majority of the Canadian population.
Even among First Nations leadership, there is reliance upon the promise of integration and assimilation as a panacea for the complex of colonization and its resulting social suffering. The implicit assumption being that indigenous spiritual and cultural attachments to their homelands are relics of the past, and that the land and land- based cultures are capable of providing nothing more than a touchstone for the formation of new ethnic adaptations of a dispossessed and decultured “Aboriginal Canadian” identity. But the acceptance of being such an “Aboriginal” within the larger social-cultural mainstream of Canada is as powerful an assault on meaningful indigenous existences as any force of arms ever brought upon First Nations by the colonial regime. This integrationist and unchallenging aboriginal vision is designed to lead First Nations into oblivion, as individual successes in assimilating to the mainstream are celebrated, and our survival is redefined strictly in the terms of capitalist dogma and practical-minded individualist consumerism and complacency.
Despite some celebrated successes in court cases and economic development ventures, neither of these strategies generates real transformation in the quality of the lived experience of Indigenous peoples’ lives or expands the opportunities they have for living in ways that are not harmful to themselves or their communities. There is in fact not a shred of empirical evidence that increasing the material wealth of Indigenous people, or increasing the economic development of First Nations communities, in any way improves the mental or physical health or overall well-being of people in First Nations communities (Irlbacher-Fox, 2009). On the collective level, in terms of the need to empower First Nations communities, the self-government and economic development approach further entrenches both dependency and assimilation. As financial agreements, they are framed within and consistent with government policies without any real consideration of First Nations’ needs and objectives. Structured as year to year funding agreements, they promote instability and work against long-term planning and capacity building. They also do not provide means for First Nations to develop autonomous means to generate revenue, and most self- government agreements contain significant disincentives for First Nations to even attempt to move towards developing a capacity for such, “own source revenue generation.” In fact, business development and job training and other schemes to increase First Nations participation in the market economy are irrelevant to the basic problems that are the actual causes of the social and health crises in First Nations communities and at the root of First Nations psychological and financial dependency on the state. This “suffering as a causal web in
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 45
the global economy” (Kleinman, Das & Lock, 1997, p. x), understanding of the ties between the social and health effects of political processes involved in colonization is clearly stated in the literature on social suffering (Irlbacher- Fox, 2009). In this perspective bureaucratic government responses most often make the problems they are supposed to address even worse, most importantly by normalizing the psychophysiology of the experienced harm (Bordieu, 2000; Das, Kleinman & Lock, 2001). This is certainly the case here in Canada today with respect to indigenous-state relations.
In contrast to the failures of the governmental approach, cultural and spiritually-rooted efforts to re-establish land- based cultures as the framework of First Nations culture and life on individual and collectives levels are showing signs of being able to transform First Nations’ realities (Alfred, 2005). Unlike the current government processes and programs, which often focus on helping Indigenous individuals develop the personal resources to cope with the colonial context in which they find themselves, and their symptoms of colonization-based suffering, this notion of change seeks to alter the situation by reorienting people’s mindsets and to reshape colonial identities that create unhealthy and destructive incentives and imperatives facing Indigenous people as they try to live their lives. Current approaches are often based on concepts of healing, reconciliation or capacity-building. Problematizing the people and not the state’s behaviour, such approaches are not intended to alter the underlying, colonial, causes of unhealthy and destructive behaviours in First Nations communities.
Throughout history, people that have overcome effects of colonization and recovered their dignity and regained the ability to be self-sufficient and autonomous have done so only after a sustained effort at spiritual revitalization and cultural regeneration. And in the vast majority of these cases, have done so in a context where the colonizer has physically withdrawn from the indigenous space. Indigenous peoples in our part of the world possess the potential to resurgence as well, even though this is complicated by the persistence of a colonial settler presence. In the face of that reality, there are still Indigenous people who have broken the bonds of dependency and created stability and self-sufficiency in many different ways, using all kinds of economic strategies and forms of political and social organization, but they have all accomplished their re-empowerment in political and economic ways after they have been successful in recovering a strong connection to their traditional culture and restored their spiritual strength on personal and collective levels (Waziyatawin & Yellow Bird, 2005; Laduke, 1999; Alfred, 2005).
Although the loss of land must be seen as a political and economic disaster of the first magnitude, the real exile of the tribes occurred with the destruction of the ceremonial life and failure or inability of white society to offer a sensible and cohesive alternative to the traditions which Indians remembered. People became disoriented with respect to the world in which they lived (Deloria, 2002, p. 247).
In confronting the disorientation at the base of indigenous discord and dependency, it is this approach that offers the best hope for the recovery of First Nations in Canada.
COLONIALISM IN CANADA
The invasion and eventual domination of North America by European empires that we know as colonization is best understood as the culmination of thousands of years of differential societal developments under specific environmental conditions. This has resulted in different features emerging among various peoples, some of which confer relative advantage and some of which confer disadvantage, when peoples come into contact and begin to contest the essence of societal existences: land. There is no evidence of any superiority of one group of people over another (Diamond, 2003). With this understanding, notions of genetic o r divine predestinations to dominate must be shelved in favour of analyses of the particularities of the relationship and instrumental behaviours of people as they played out in the development of the relationship between Indigenous and European peoples in this part of the world.
What we refer to as “colonialism” is actually a theoretical framework for understanding the complexities of the relationship that evolved between Indigenous peoples and Europeans as they came into contact and later sustained those initial relationships in building a new reality for both peoples in North America. Specifically, colonialism is the development of institutions and policies by European imperial and Euroamerican settler governments towards Indigenous peoples. This process began with the development of religious and secular rationalizations of the simple fact of European presence in North America, based on the doctrine of terra nullius (the principle of “empty lands” asserting that North America was not populated by humans before the arrival of Europeans), and for the legal dispossession of Indigenous people from their original lands. Canada’s legal claim to a territory is based on the doctrine of terra nullius, peace and friendship treaties with Indigenous peoples, and various Royal Proclamations assuming
Colonialism and State Dependency
46 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
imperial prerogative to pre-empt indigenous ownership of land. Britain (and France before it) secured control against other would-be colonial powers by recognizing indigenous nationhood and sovereignty both in rhetoric and practice, as Europeans were not militarily capable of defeating indigenous nations outright, and needed indigenous alliances to confront their colonial rivals. Once Britain gained a preponderance of effective control over North America, it ignored earlier recognitions of indigenous nationhood and political sovereignty, as well as the legal guarantees to land ownership and access provided by treaties. By then, Indigenous populations had been reduced substantially by epidemic diseases and no longer posed a serious military threat to Britain’s colonial aspirations and the colonial regime, as it should be understood after this phase of history. Britain then began the process of consolidating its territorial control and expansion with an agenda centred on the elimination of First Nations as legal and political entities, destruction of remnant indigenous resistance on the land, the management of Indigenous populations through the reserve system, and eventually a move to gradually “civilize” the Indigenous population through religious instruction and trades education (Rotman, 1996).
Within this broad sweep of history, focusing on the political economy of the process sheds light on the “dependency” aspect of the colonial enterprise by accounting for the common end-result of diverse economic relations between Indigenous populations and the colonial regime. There are many differences between and among Indigenous peoples in their experience with colonization. Differences in class, race and gender account for many variations among the experienced realities of Indigenous peoples throughout history (Wotherspoon & Satzewich, 1993, p. xiv). In the final analysis, European powers and Canada as the legacy state of European imperialism in North America have had a consistent goal centred on the seizure, control and use of indigenous lands in support of resource-based extractive industry to generate profits for, first, European regimes, later, for the resident Euroamerican metropolitan population, and more recently for globalized corporations. The policy of European and Euroamerican governments since first contact has not only been guided by mistaken notions of racial superiority and divine rights to domination, but also largely by the needs of a capitalist mode of production. Early in the fur trade era, Europeans required indigenous allies in trade and in war. The early peace and friendship treaties recognizing indigenous nationhood and sovereignty and guaranteeing protection of indigenous homelands flow from this politico-economic imperative. The shift from a mainly mercantile to an industrial form of capitalism created a
need for the lands to settle large incoming populations of Europeans, thus the colonial regime pursued the objective of settling treaties (the so-called “numbered” treaties signed after Canadian confederation) with First Nations that extinguished indigenous land rights. State policy shifted around the turn of the 19th century, reflected in the establishment of the Indian Act and its governmental system, to become an important tool in assimilating or subjugating Indigenous peoples in service to the needs of Canadian capitalist expansion (Wotherspoon & Satzewich, 1993, p. 14).
It is the forced, rapid reshaping of indigenous existence during this process of colonial-capitalist expansion and consolidation which is the most important aspect of the colonial experience for Indigenous peoples themselves – every aspect of their lives was reshaped in the interests of capitalism and to ensure the opportunity and profit potential of the white population recently settled in their homelands. Wotherspoon and Satzewich, considering the implications of Indigenous peoples’ situation between capitalism and the land, explain that “people’s lives were destroyed both inwardly and outwardly, in concert with idleness from lack of economic opportunity and the absence from any meaningful place in mainstream society” (Wotherspoon & Satzewich, 1993, p. 157).
The anthropologist Hugh Brody’s work with Dene peoples in north-western British Columbia, in his book, Maps and Dreams, details the specific causal linkages between aspects of colonization and the cultural and social harms to First Nations. In Brody’s evaluation, the cumulative effect of resource extraction activities and of white settlement in indigenous homelands has been the disruption of traditional patterns of economic life, as well as serious damage caused to the natural environment caused by pollution and settlement activities. He sees these as the direct cause of First Nations social suffering. In Brody’s words, these “environmental effects feed directly and frighteningly into all adverse social disruptions in Indian life” (Brody, 1981, p. 253).
The case of the First Nations fishery on coastal British Columbia is another illustration of the colonial state’s efforts over time to undermine First Nations’ economic autonomy and to generate the dependency. The indigenous economy in the area was based mainly on the harvesting and preserving fish from the sea and rivers. First Nations had adapted their traditional practices and expanded their activities to include participation in the commercial fisheries established by non-indigenous capitalists. They did this to accommodate the changing realities of modern life, maintaining control over the pace and nature of their adaption and preserving the basis of their cultures. Newell gives a detailed historical
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 47
account of indigenous involvement in coastal and inland fisheries, particularly the salmon fishery. The focus of her book is on federal and provincial regulation, and its effect on traditional fishing practices and indigenous participation in industrial fisheries. She gets beneath government claims to be regulating in the public interest – usually framed in terms of conservation – and shows how regulatory strategies were designed to assure cheap indigenous labour for canneries, and to prevent indigenous competition with the white-owned and export-oriented industry. She documents coercive and intimidating practices, including raids against fishing camps and the destruction of traps and weirs along salmon-spawning rivers, and also describes the ignorant destruction of harvesting grounds through blasting designed to “improve” river spawning sites. She also documents how subsistence economies were negatively affected as policy changes made indigenous communities into ever more marginal players in the fishery over time. After WWII, the government’s fisheries policies were designed with the more rapid development of forestry and mining in mind, and were coordinated with other policies designed to encourage Indigenous people to migrate into cities and away from reservations. A particularly effective government tactic was to deny services to remote communities in order to spur migrations to urban centres. Putting this history of one activity in one region into a larger frame gives us a picture of the basic strategy and tactics used by the colonial regime in its sustained attack on indigenous economic autonomy and even subsistence livelihoods throughout the country (Newell, 1993).
Most Canadians are completely unaware of this history. This is lamentable, but not surprising, given that it is a common characteristic of colonial societies is the settlers’ entrenchment in irrational notions of racial and cultural superiority. Canadian culture and dominant notions forming the Canadian nationalist self-perception are loaded with colonial privileges and the most ludicrous of self-deceptive lies (Alfred, 2005, pp. 106-109). In terms of government and law, this is manifested in fictive legal constructs that legitimate white people’s usurpation, and a feigned legitimacy is constructed to normalize the structure of racism built into notions of Indigenous peoples’ land tenure and political rights. As an intellectual project, imperial arrogance takes the form of literature, scholarship and art to demonstrate the eminent merits and to replicate the simple fabricated facts and narratives needed to justify colonial privilege. Liberal, conservative and racist reactions across the political spectrum are the same and distinguish themselves from each other only in their varying intensities and styles. The unquestioned normalcy of the set of uninformed
and fundamentally racist beliefs and assumptions held by non-indigenous Canadians must be challenged for decolonization to begin in earnest. The behaviours that flow from them must be linked to their roots as a way of tracing the imperial mentality to its source. As it stands, within the paradigms of Euroamerican arrogance, injustices and the evident effects of colonial oppression and indigenous social suffering are explained away through deflective strategies of denial, projection, or misappropriation. Health crises, racial discord, criminality, physical violence, and all other manner of conflict are attributable to strictly material causes or to dysfunctions within First Nations communities. Yet informed opinion on the matter is clear, as the most recent compendium of top-level medical and social science research on mental health issues in Indigenous populations confirms that it is not indigenous dysfunction that is the root problem, but the dispossession of Indigenous people from the land and their subsequent oppressive treatment on reserves in the Indian Act system and in residential schools, and through other government policies:
Although it is difficult to prove a direct causal link, it is likely that the collective trauma, disorientation, loss, and grief caused by these short-sighted and often self- serving policies are major determinants of the mental health problems faced by many Aboriginal communities and populations across Canada (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. xv).
In the face of this fact, self-government and economic development are ineffective ways of confronting colonialism. Rather than attacking the roots of the problem, they perpetuate a dualistic and dependent relationship between First Nations and the state. The pathways open to First Nations in this paradigm, because they require further movement away from the land and more dissolution of community and accept psychophysiological problems as normal, in fact imply a long-term surrender of indigeneity. Enforced isolation and poverty on reserves is no different from the destructive exploitation of the land from an indigenous perspective; both decimate the possibilities for living life according to indigenous cultural values and spiritual mandates. Similarly, discriminatory laws stacked against Indigenous people are paradoxically very similar in their ultimate effect on First Nations to constitutionally entrenched rights and privileges because each of these mean nothing more than changes in degree or a reversal of roles in a relationship that preserves its oppositional essence and in a system that remains the same and annihilates us spiritually
Colonialism and State Dependency
48 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
and culturally no matter what the strategic outcome of the struggle.
Meaningful change, the true transcendence of colonialism, and the restoration of indigenous strength and freedom can only be achieved through the resurgence of an indigenous consciousness channelled into contention with colonialism. Indigenous people need to challenge the continuing conquest of the land and our people, but doing so through the futile delusions of money or institutional power can only bring cultural stasis enshrined in law or further conversions to capitalist-consumerism. These outcomes do not reflect the ideals of peace, respect, harmony, and coexistence that are at the heart of indigenous spiritualities and philosophies. The struggle to live in the face of colonialism must be done in an indigenous way according to indigenous needs, values and principles.
Such a renewed consciousness has the possibility to become the sacred knowledge that guides First Nations out of fog of confusion that has enveloped our people. The resurgence of an indigenous consciousness is an explosive potential capable of transforming individuals and communities by altering basic conceptions of the self and in relation to other peoples and the world. Its elements are the regeneration of identities consistent with the sacred teachings that come from the land, commitments to stand up for ourselves, and just restitution for the harms that our people have endured. There is no apparent alternative capable of helping First Nations build better relationships within communities, restore regimes of peace, respect and responsibility, and to lead Indigenous people to courageously counter the legacies of historical trauma and still-present threats to our existences.
THE EFFECT OF COLONIZATION
The situation facing Indigenous people in North America is not unique – neither in the present or in terms of the dynamics of a relationship between invader/oppressor and the subjects of colonization. Frantz Fanon, a medical doctor, used the tools of psychoanalysis to explain why black people lacked the individual and collective confidence in the French Caribbean colony Martinique. Fanon attributed these problems to racist assumptions held by both black and white people. These assumptions placed white people at the apex of civilization, and measured everyone else against white cultural standards. Accordingly, only those black people who assimilated into French culture were deemed to be civilized. Those who did not assimilate experienced a form of perpetual ridicule, which resulted in feelings of personal
inadequacy. In Fanon’s analysis, colonized people who mimic the ways of the colonizer – who assimilate to the mainstream – and suppress their natural selves on a conscious and unconscious level begin to suffer from various psychological disorders (Fanon, 1982). There is certainly no evidence that the issues around assimilation and psychopathology are any different for Indigenous people. And, regarding the specific effects of colonization in Canada, Kirmayer and Valaskakis report that “it is likely that the collective trauma, disorientation, loss, and grief caused by these short-sighted and often self-serving policies are major determinants of mental health problems faced by many Aboriginal communities” (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. xv), clearly verifying that a Fanonian perspective on the psychological stresses of colonialism are present in Canada today.
Drawing on his research among the Kluane First Nation in the Yukon, Paul Nadasdy has described the harmful effects of colonialism, manifest as modern land claim processes and wildlife co-management initiatives, on First Nations communities as collectivities. His conclusion is that the most significant changes forced on First Nations relate to the emergence of various bureaucratic structures, such as wildlife co-management boards and the various negotiating tables involved with land claims, which have supplanted indigenous governing structures in the community. This increases the social stratification between those educated and technically qualified to navigate government bureaucracies and those who maintain an existence on the land and who engage in traditional land- based practices. It also changes the community’s relationship with the land, eroding relationships based on indigenous spiritual teachings to a framework of individual private property. It alters the people’s relationship with animals, where over time Indigenous people begin to view and treat animals no longer as sacred beings worthy of respect but as natural resources and marketable commodities (Nadasdy, 2003).
The geographer Cole Harris’ work on the economic, social and health consequences of colonial and reserve policy for Indigenous peoples elaborates on these themes. Harris links the imposition of a private property rights regime with ideas on the superiority of the white race and European culture, as well as with the imperatives of the state itself, most notably the requirements of the state for surveillance and discipline of dysfunctional or minority populations. He notes that in the early period of contact and settlement, Indian agents responsible for monitoring and managing the colonial regime’s law and policy in relation to First Nations were often times unable accomplish their objective of total surveillance of Indigenous peoples, especially in
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 49
the early years of the colony. But once white settlement intensified, immigrant farmers and ranchers did much of the surveillance for it, and were always willing to invoke the colonial regimes criminal justice system against Indigenous people, as “trespassers,” who were seeking to use their land as they always had – implicating private citizens and the public at large in the process of colonization. The private property regime displaced indigenous land uses, cutting off access to traditional food sources, timber, water, and other necessary resources. Throughout Canada, government policies officially encouraged farming as a replacement economy for Indigenous people, Indian reserve lands were generally too poor in quality and too limited in size to support whole communities. Harris’ conclusions illustrate how difficult it was to sustain First Nations as cohesive communities in the face of colonialism. This is in spite of impressive survival strategies implemented by Indigenous peoples, usually involving a combination of land-based practices, wage labour, small-scale-horticulture and food fishing, depending on the region and specific location (Harris, 2002, Part IV ).
Over time, for all First Nations, the success or failure of particular survival strategies depended more and more on general economic trends and government policy decisions over which First Nations had no control. Hunger became a persistent problem everywhere. Overcrowding and lack of access to clean water and poor sanitation on reserve housing contributed to very high rates of infectious diseases. The lack of access to traditional foods weakened health further; diets became less varied, and healthy traditional staples were replaced by refined foods like flour and sugar, causing further deterioration in First Nations’ health status and dependencies on government and health bureaucracies that continue to this day in all First Nation communities.
Indian reserves have become dangerous environments, not only in a physical sense but in a psychological sense as well; colonization has created double-barrelled psychophysical effects. The research shows how it is due to the unrelenting stresses of colonization that reserve cultures do not reflect a meaningful notion of “community” and why life on reserves is characterized by a much higher degree of violence, hate and aggression driven substance abuse than other communities. This is a major effect of colonization: denial of access to land-based cultural practices leading to a loss of freedom on both the individual and collective levels equating to the psychological effect of anomie, or the state of profound alienation that results from experiencing serious cultural dissolution, which is then the direct cause of serious substance abuse problems, suicide and interpersonal violence. In the case of Indian reserve life in Canada, anomie has evolved into a culture in many First Nations as its
effects have become normalized and people in First Nations communities entire life experience is coloured by these colonial effects (Tanner, 2009, pp. 251-252).
Colin Samson’s research among the Innu of Davis Inlet and Sheshatshiu in Labrador gives a fuller picture of this set of effects. Forced assimilation of the Innu began in the 1960s when they were required by law to give up their nomadic hunting lifestyle and were pushed into settled villages. This new life saw the introduction of the Indian Act band council system, Canadian criminal courts (circuit courts system), the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), and mission schools. The band council system altered traditional authority structures, and governance in the Innu communities from being diffused, dynamic and accommodating of indigenous cultural values to rigid, static and controlling. Consequently, traditional relationships were abandoned as manipulation, bribery, deception and force became the primary tools used to achieve political objectives and social control. Circuit courts and the RCMP also contributed to dissolution of traditional social structures. Specifically, they diminished the role of Elders as arbitrators, and changed people’s understanding of justice from a restorative concept to a punitive one. Mission schools promoted and normalized sexual violence and physical abuse, the English language, and Christianity. Taken all together, these changes and the forceful acculturation of Innu people to them, nearly destroyed the indigenous way of life over a short fifty-year time span. Today, the communities of Davis Inlet and Sheshatshiu are emblematic of the effects of colonization on First Nations, worst case scenarios in which the people suffer through record breaking suicide rates, infant mortality rates, chemical dependency rates, and incidents of domestic violence (Samson, 2003).
The experience of the Innu has been replicated in all indigenous communities in the course of their interactions with the Canadian state. The dynamics of the problem as well as the specific manifestations of these colonial effects exist in all First Nations communities today. The effects are typical results in what Adrian Tanner has called the “sedentarization” of Indigenous peoples. Across Canada, at various times according to the period when Indigenous peoples came into sustained contact with European or Euroamerican colonial regimes, integrated communities, traditional cultures, land-based self-sufficiency, and overall healthy existences were undermined by the forced movement and acculturation to the sedentary lifestyle and reconstruction of their social contexts to confirm to the Indian Act system. Drawing on Tanner’s work among the James Bay Cree of Northern Quebec (Tanner, 2009, p. 254) it is possible to identify four specific effects of the
Colonialism and State Dependency
50 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
imposition of the Indian Act and the forced settlement of Indigenous populations on reserves:
1. Disorientation – caused by the lack of self- government and management capacity appropriate to the imposed bureaucratic and capitalist environment.
2. Disempowerment – due to coercive enforcement of colonial laws and policies by government authorities.
3. Discord – resulting from people’s inability to fulfil traditional, social, cultural, and spiritual obligations.
4. Disease – caused by inferior nutrition and the sedentary nature of reserve life.
The experience of Indigenous people in the urban context has not been extensively studied, but even the limited research by Jim Silver on urban indigenous political participation does shed some light on the particularities of their situation. Silver links the urban Aboriginal experience, characterized by experiences of overt racism and social exclusion, with an ongoing colonial relationship that equates, in experiential terms, to the removal of a normative framework for life leading to anomie suffered by reserve-based First Nations. There is, then, evidence of significant commonalities of effect between the urban and reserve in spite of the obvious difference of circumstance in geographic and socio-economic terms. Confinement to rural reserves and confinement to economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods in urban centres lead to the same results in the negative life experiences of Indigenous people.
The main differences between the two situations are that in the urban context Indigenous people’s lives are affected by their experience of economic and racial discrimination – most cannot afford to live anywhere but in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, and once there, the dynamics of enclave ghettoization and racism keeps them from locating elsewhere. Furthermore, just like in the reserve setting historically and in the contemporary period, the needs of Indigenous people living in indigenous enclaves or in economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Canada’s cities are neglected by the federal and provincial governments (Silver, 2006). Thus, for the purposes of understanding colonialism and its fundamental effects on Indigenous peoples in Canada, there is no basis for distinguishing between urban and reserve populations.
Compounding the psychophysical and cultural effects of separation from the land and dissolution of
community, there is the actual experience of harm and the multigenerational reverberations of the violence used in and associated with the oppression of First Nations. The historical traumas experienced by Indigenous people in the process of being removed from the land and in the construction of a colonial regime predicated on their marginalization are another factor at the root of the crisis of dependency (Whitebeck, Adams, Hoyt, & Chen, 2004, pp. 199-130). The spectrum of psychophysical effects being manifested in First Nations in Canada are the same ones that have been directly and causally linked to experiences of oppression in the research on Holocaust survivors and their families – recent research indicates that the direct effects and multigenerational legacies of the experience of colonialism has created similar effects on First Nations people as experiencing the Holocaust had on Jewish survivors (Yellow Horse Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998). Conceptualized as the source of “historical unresolved trauma,” the pattern of colonization in Canada as experienced by Indigenous peoples has three identifiable features:
1. Ongoing multigenerational processes of dispossession and oppression;
2. Violent and systematic marginalization and assimilation; and,
3. Forced acculturation to Christianity and forced integration to market capitalism.
Whatever the particular situation, Indigenous people’s basic relationship to the state is as members of nations in a colonial relationship with a dominating external power. All Indigenous people’s personal interfaces with the state are channelled through and shaped by the collective relationship that their nation has, historically and currently, with the colonial regime. The laws and other types of institutions that give shape to First Nations life in Canada, and through which state agencies relate to Indigenous people, operate in a context that is historical and political and which reflects the objectives of the state in regard to the collective entities that make up the indigenous reality of Canada as economic, political and social facts. As such, the relationship between First Nations and the Canadian state remains colonial and is for the most part one of conflict rooted in the state’s imperative to maintain its control over indigenous lands and to limit the power of First Nations.
In such a colonial relationship, impositions of power and authority by the regime may be absorbed, tolerated, or accommodated by Indigenous people in various ways over time, but the conquest of the Indigenous population
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 51
becomes inevitability only when settlers’ imperial claims to legitimacy are accepted and normalized by Indigenous peoples. Legitimation (acceptance and support for colonial institutions) is a fundamental mandate of the colonial regime. The most important and immediate imperative once the seizure of land is accomplished is to assimilate those Indigenous peoples who have survived the initial assault on their existences. Without an autonomous and authentic indigenous identity and cultural foundation, there is no memory store or intellectual base upon which to maintain oneself as an Indigenous person or for communities to maintain their cohesion and to challenge the colonial regimes continuing efforts to marginalize and disempower.
Yet it is difficult for First Nations to summon the spiritual and psychological sources of power, not to mention the financial and political resources, to confront colonialism and demand an end to the colonization of their lands, recognition of the injustices perpetrated against them collectively and individually, and restitution for crimes large and small that have been committed by settlers and the colonial regime. There are real reasons for this psychological, financial and political dependency; real effects of the colonial enterprise which are constituted in the defeat of indigenous autonomy and the relegation of First Nations to a state of dependency upon the government which is also the source of their destabilization (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. 453). The anger and mistrust arising from having endured colonialism is another main source of the crises facing First Nations – psychological distress and the inability to engage and form relationships in healthy ways with each other and with the settler society. In a 2004 psychological study on the effects of historical loss and possible linkages to PTSD symptoms, which included focus groups on two reserves in Ontario, nearly half the respondents thought about the effects of alcoholism on their people on a daily basis or even more frequently and between 33per cent and 38per cent thought about other issues of historical loss related to land, language and culture every day (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. 454).
It appears to some Indigenous people that the way to alleviate the stresses of being in a colonized position is to accede to the colonial regime’s demands to assimilate. Cultural assimilation is a direct and non-contentious route to the same place of conditional toleration within the Canadian mainstream. People who choose assimilation are enticed by and are allowed the promise of acceptance within the settler society’s consumer culture and in the larger Canadian civic identity. But there is a large problem with assimilation even for those who choose it over any form of resistance: true assimilation, the complete immersion and
integration into the mainstream, is impossible. It is around this psycho-cultural dynamic that another broad effect of colonialism revolves. “Aboriginalism,” or the social and cultural reimagining of genocide, is based on the idea that what is integral to Indigenous peoples is an irrelevant relic, and that if First Nations are to have a viable future, it will be defined by and express itself only at the discretion of the dominant society (Alfred, 2005).
Aboriginalism assumes that in renewing relationships between First Nations and the colonial regime, the important and valuable aspects of indigenous culture will be abandoned or compromised in the interests of honouring Euroamerican values and cultures and preserving the central premises of the colonial regime and the preferences of settler society. In reality, aboriginalism is a false consciousness, a permanent embedding of colonialism’s assumptions and attitudes into First Nations culture and society. This colonial consciousness generates a desire in the colonized person for non-contentious, cooperative identities, institutions, and strategies for interacting with the colonizer. In the absence of identities rooted in indigenous cultures, aspects of identity and cultural choices are selected from the pastiche presented by the dominant society and the bureaucratic and judicial machinery of the state. The most pronounced and obvious of aboriginalist postures is the seeker of recovery who desires only to heal and live in peace with the settlers. The reconciliator who prays a Christian god and strives before white judges is another. But both the victim and litigant reflect the essential colonial process of “civilizing” Indigenous people, making us into citizens of the conquering states, so that instead of fighting for our lands and resisting further colonization, we seek a resolution that is acceptable to and non-disruptive for the state and society we have come to embrace and identify with.
With aboriginalism, all the independent bases of indigenous existences are abandoned or compromised in the negotiation of our dependency and integration in every way into the settler society’s institutions. The work of Stephanie Irlbacher-Fox in her forthcoming book, Finding Dahsaa, analyzes land claim negotiation processes in the Northwest Territories to illustrate how damaging it is to conceptualize indigenous values, principles, governance systems, traditional knowledge, and spirituality as part of the past. Aboriginalism does exactly this as part of its jettisoning of indigenous authenticity to accede to Canadian government policies and embrace mainstream values and culture. Conceived as part of the historical past, even if it admits colonialism, indigenous cultures cannot be relevant to future generations of First Nations people as viable alternatives to the current reality. Similarly, the injustices experienced by First Nations
Colonialism and State Dependency
52 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
are conflated with these historical processes, and therefore set in time and unchangeable. Since Aboriginal identities, legal constructs and policies are premised on these historical notions, politics cannot address the social suffering that results from ongoing injustice, and they become simply band aids for the symptoms of ongoing colonization. If aboriginalism were to become the main framework for indigenous identity and for constructing relationships between Indigenous peoples and state, it would lead to the complete erosion of First Nations as political and culturally distinctive entities. Such a result would no doubt deepen the crises facing First Nations.
As a political program and set of cultural assumptions, aboriginalism manages to gently step through the minefield laid by formal definitions of genocide in international law. But this psychological and legal security exists only because the Canadian government’s agenda and policies are not critically scrutinized in the public discourse or by most mainstream scholars. The severe destructive and disintegrating effects of colonization in indigenous communities and the momentum towards assimilation, combined with the active construction of aboriginalist structures to support the elimination of authentic indigenous existences, make such self-examination unlikely. Instead, accommodations with colonialism are sought.
Indigenous people who embrace aboriginalism become cultural mirrors of the mainstream society, and because they aspire to elevate their status inside settler society, they are afforded opportunities to usurp the voice and privileges of legitimate representatives of First Nations. Governments promote, and the general society accepts, the aboriginalist voice in politics and the arts, scholarship, media, and other public forums because it is the voice of accommodation and acceptance of the situation and allows settler society the hubris of its mistaken notion that indigenous dysfunction is responsible for First Nations dependency and suffering. This misappropriation of voice and subtle manipulation of the constitution of First Nations leadership in Canada is another powerful attack on the ability of First Nations to regenerate culturally and politically as collectives. From an indigenous perspective, it is not the Indigenous bureaucrats, businessmen, politicians, and lawyers holding positions of influence in state agencies or government-sponsored negotiation processes that have the right and responsibility to represent First Nations on the basic questions of indigenous identity and rights, cultural knowledge, traditional law and governance, or spirituality. It is the Elders and those who have been recognized as traditional knowledge holders or spiritual leaders that have that right and responsibility; and, it is theirs whose voice is being
ignored, appropriated and manipulated in the advancement of the aboriginalist agenda.
Indigenous Elders, knowledge holders, and spiritual leaders are consistent in their conclusions on how indigenous cultures have changed in the wake of colonization. In the culturally and spiritually rooted indigenous perspective, the most significant issues are not legal, political or financial in nature, they relate to the destruction of languages, spiritual practices, and social institutions (family, community, and governing structures), and the importance of restoring these things in order to re-establish a sense of personal identity and belonging for contemporary Indigenous peoples (Kulchyski, McCaskill & Newhouse, 1999). The respected Okanagan Elder and teacher Jeannette Armstrong describes how colonialism has led to the “slow internal disintegration of the survival principles developed over thousands of years;” and she tells how community focused relearning of traditional ways and governance systems (enow’kin) and a renewed focus on spiritual practices is the “backbone of the movement” to recreate solidarity within First Nations communities (Lobo, 1998, pp. 235-239).
Based on these understandings, from a solutions- oriented perspective, colonialism is best conceptualized as an irresistible outcome of a multigenerational and multifaceted process of forced dispossession and attempted acculturation – a disconnection from land, culture and community – that has resulted in political chaos and social discord within First Nations communities and the collective dependency of First Nations upon the state. This harm has resulted in the erosion of trust and of the social bonds that are essential to a people’s capacity to sustain themselves as individuals and as collectivities.
Disconnection is the precursor to disintegration, and the deculturing of our people is most evident in the violence and self-destruction that are the central realities of a colonized existence and the most visible face of the discord colonialism has wrought in indigenous lives over the years. Cycles of oppression are being repeated through generations in indigenous communities. Colonial economic relations are reflected in the political and legal structures of contemporary indigenous societies, and they result in Indigenous peoples having to adapt culturally to this reality and to individuals reacting in destructive and unhealthy (but completely comprehensible) ways. These social and health problems seem to be so vexing to governments; large amounts of money have been allocated to implement government-run organizations and policies geared towards alleviating these problems but they have had only limited positive effect on the health status of our communities.
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 53
These problems are not really mysterious nor are they unsolvable.
The social and health problems besetting Indigenous people are the logical result of a situation wherein people respond or adapt to unresolved colonial injustices. People in indigenous communities develop complexes of behaviour and mental attitudes that reflect their colonial situation and out flow unhealthy and destructive behaviours. It is a very simple problem to understand when we consider the whole context of the situation and all of the factors involved. Hugh Brody’s explanation of the effects of dispossession on land-based indigenous communities summarizes the overall problem facing First Nations today. There is an “astonishing” contrast between the experience and difference in the kind of life a person lives when land-based cultural practices form the core of their existence, one in which negative experiences are very rare, as opposed to the experience of poor health, accidents and injuries, violence, and alcoholism in the very same individuals, that connection to the land is broken and they are forced to centre their lives in cities or on reserves (Brody, 1981, p. 253; Lobo, 1998, pp. 388-400). This is as clear a statement of the basic effects of colonialism as experienced by Indigenous people in Canada as can be made.
To summarize and reflect on the effects of colonialism, we must reorient our understanding of what colonization is in order to situate ourselves to act on bringing health into our lives and to break the colonial regime’s constant negative pressure on the practical reality of our lives. Whether it is the regime’s destructive forces, which cause discord and imbalances in our lives that lead to sickness; its deceptive forces, which cloud our minds and prevent us from seeing and thinking clearly about our situations; or, its useless forces, which use up our time and energy to no good effect, we are bombarded daily with the power of these destructive, useless deceptions in the form of popular culture, mainstream education and government propaganda. Racist images and assimilative identities created by the colonial regime are manifestations of the power of empire to implant harmful delusions and to confuse our minds with libratory fantasies. As weapons of disempowerment, control and dispossession, they are superbly effective. Yet their full purpose and effect remains the spiritual defeat of Indigenous people and the dissolution of First Nations. The psychological landscape of contemporary colonialism is defined by extremes of self-hatred, fear and co-optation of the mind; the effect has been the creation of a reality and culture in which people are unable to recognize, much less realize, their value as human beings.
Disconnection from the spiritual, cultural and physical heritage of our indigenous homelands is the real
reason for the cultural and physical disempowerment of First Nations as collectivities and as individuals. Health and healing, in the true sense of these terms, can only be achieved by breaking out of the toxic environments of the urban enclave and reserve; physical, spiritual, psychological health of Indigenous people, and socio-cultural integrity of First Nations are inextricably connected. Physical health is the bodily manifestation of recovered dignity, spiritual rootedness and connection to the land. When clear, calm minds and strong bodies are connected, we have whole persons again; working together we become strong and dignified nations.
The reason most Indigenous people endure unhappy and unhealthy lives has nothing to do with governmental powers or money. The lack of these things only contributes to making a bad situation worse. The root of the problem is that we are living anomie, a form of spiritual crisis, caused by historical trauma that has generated an “Aboriginal” legal- economic response that is not authentic and is designed by non-indigenous people to serve the interests of the colonial regime and capitalism.
Large-scale statist solutions like self-government and land claims are not so much lies as they are irrelevant to the root problem. For a long time now, we have been on a quest for governmental power and money; somewhere along the journey from the past to the future, we forgot that our goal was to reconnect with our lands and to preserve our harmonious cultures and respectful ways of life. It is these things that are the true guarantee of peace, health, strength, and happiness – of survival. Before we can start rebuilding First Nations and achieve meaningful change in the situation of dependency on the state, or in the areas of law and government, we must start to remember one important thing: our communities are made up of people. Our concern about legal rights and empowering models of national self- government has led to the neglect of the building blocks of nations: the women and men, the youth and the Elders.
Colonialism has retrenched three basic options for Indigenous people: destruction, dependency or assimilation. None of these are morally justifiable, and none of them in fact work very well in practice even from the perspective of the colonial regime. The fact of a continuing indigenous existence is not in question any longer; the population growth in real terms and as a percentage of the overall population of the country is rising. But in the current conceptual frame and following established policy pathways, the problems plaguing First Nations communities are growing in number and depth as well. The fact of indigenous existence is not in question, but the quality of indigenous existence is.
Colonialism and State Dependency
54 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
The elements of a meaningful indigenous existence are land, culture and community. As it stands today, First Nations people are denied these basic human rights as they are forced to endure intolerable and humiliating existences in unacceptable conditions on reserves, separated by law and policy from their lands by the colonial regime. Or they are forced off their lands into the larger Canadian community and while they may on occasion achieve a measure of success economically in this situation, they are denied their basic human right to their culture and authentic community.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Serious consideration of overcoming the history, nature and effects of colonialism on Indigenous peoples in Canada, through politico-economic as well as through psychological and sociological theory lenses, points in one direction only:
The solution to the problem of First Nations psychological and financial dependency on the state caused by colonialism is the return of land to First Nations and the re-establishment of First Nations presences on and connections to their homelands.
It is through the regeneration of their communities around land-based cultural practices that First Nations can rebuild autonomous social and cultural existences and self- sufficient economies.
The causal relationship of the basic impacts of colonialism – the loss of land, consequent dissolution of community and culture, and the harms suffered as a result of government policies of assimilation – are clear. There is a direct relationship between government policies and institutional power as they have been, and continue to be, applied to Indigenous peoples and the myriad of mental and physical health problems and economic deprivations – their social suffering- of Indigenous peoples in Canada. As stated clearly in the most recent compendium of research on mental health issues in indigenous communities: “Connection to the land has played an important role in Aboriginal conceptions of personhood and wellness. Disruption of this link has been a major contributor to the social suffering endured by Aboriginal communities” (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. 446). Thus:
Government policy changes and First Nation community and organizational efforts must begin to focus on the fundamental aspects of the problem: loss of land and consequent restriction of First Nations people
to reserves or dispersal to urban centres, destruction of indigenous land-based cultures leading to dissolution of the spiritual and social foundations of indigenous existences, and colonialism’s psychophysiological impacts in terms of self-perception, gendered and family violence, substance abuse, and diet-disease.
With the need to address these fundamentals in mind, the following are recommendations on broad strategic goals that can serve to orient new government policy-making and the development of initiatives by indigenous organizations.
The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) studied the problem of dependency in the context of colonialism as one of the main focuses of its work, and developed an extensive research program involving all of the country’s expertise, individually and institutionally, on this subject. The work was done between 1992 and 1996, and the RCAP’s final report on this subject remains the most comprehensive study to date on the roots and causes of economic dependency and the situation of the relative deprivation of First Nations communities in Canada (RCAP, 1996, Volume 2, Part 2). The report makes clear, “Aboriginal self-government would be a sham without a reasonable basis for achieving economic self-reliance.” It, recommends, fundamentally, a large scale “reallocation of lands, determined by rational criteria,” that would result in a significant expansion of lands “wholly owned and controlled” by First Nations, as well as a “share in the jurisdiction and benefit from a further portion of their traditional lands, as determined in treaty negotiations.” There is no research in the scholarly literature which contradicts or differs substantially from these conclusions.
The basic recommendation remains the same today as when RCAP offered its recommendation to the federal and provincial governments in 1996:
the financial dependency of First Nations upon the state and the accompanying psychophysiological and social problems afflicting First Nations communities and people can only be resolved by returning land to First Nations on a massive scale or by restructuring the relationship between First Nations people and the law in such a way that will allow and facilitate First Nations people access and use of their homelands in culturally and economically beneficial ways.
It is the use and occupation of lands within traditional territories, economic uses, re-establishing residences, seasonal/cyclical ceremonial use, and occupancy by families
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 55
and larger clan groups that will allow First Nations to rebuild their communities and reorient their cultures.
The restoration of the capacity, on an individual and communal level, for trust and love to exist in the relationships between First Nations people is absolutely crucial to any real transcendence of the effects of colonialism (Maracle, 1996).
The other psychophysiological effects must be addressed by focusing not on healing individuals, but in rebuilding communities.
Adrian Tanner’s concise statement reflects a general consensus on the scholarly literature: the solution to social breakdown is thus to build and heal the community, not to concentrate on the treatment of individual problems within it (Tanner, 2009, p. 267). This sense of rebuilding First Nations communities on traditional cultural foundations as the precursor to the restoration of physical and mental health as well as the bulwark against future generations becoming dependent on the state for provision of basic life necessities is supported by studies of colonized people globally (Trinh, 1989). The recovery of health in mind, body and spirit, from an indigenous perspective, is only possible in the context of a strong, stable and healthy community. With this in mind, the following set of characteristics of a strong indigenous community, adapted from Taiaiake Alfred’s study of retraditionalized indigenous communities (Alfred, 2008, p. 106) provides both strategic objectives and an evaluative framework for efforts at reconstructing indigenous communities:
1. Members of the community are confident and secure in their indigenous identity – knowing who and what they are – and they possess and demonstrate high levels of commitment to their land, culture, community, and solidarity with the larger indigenous community, but are also accepting of the non-essential differences that emerge on issues that are not related to the central premises of the community’s identity.
2. Members of the community know their history, spiritual teachings, sacred places within their homelands, and are connected to the land through residence, seasonal land-based practices or ceremonial cycles, and the values and norms that form the basis of the community are clearly established, universally accepted and transferred between generations.
3. There are clear, open and extensive networks of
communication among community members, and institutions governing the community have clearly established channels by which information is made available to the people and through which people can communicate their opinions and political participation to governing authorities.
4. People trust, love and care for and about each other, they cooperate with each other, and they base their interactions on the assumption of each other’s integrity and honour.
5. Community members are proud to be a part of the community, they make decisions to remain a part of the community and to be accountable to their people; they collectively establish clear cultural expectations and criteria for determining membership in the community, and work to maintain the community’s culture from eroding.
6. Community leadership is responsive and accountable to the other members; the governing authority operates in a manner that is consistent with traditional indigenous values and principles, and makes decisions on the basis of a general consensus.
7. The community is committed to mentoring and educating its young people, involving them in all decision-making processes, and respecting the unique challenges they face.
8. The community has extensive mutually-beneficial social, political and trade relationships with other communities, and its leaders consistently seek to foster good relations and gain support among other Indigenous peoples and in the international community.
People must reconnect with the terrain and geography of their indigenous heritage if they are to comprehend the teachings and values of their ancestors, if they are to draw strength and sustenance that is independent of colonial power and which is regenerative of an authentic, autonomous, indigenous existence.
Access must be provided for Indigenous peoples to use, occupy and gain subsistence from their traditional territories.
To this end, where industrial development is continuing within First Nations’ traditional territories:
Provincial governments must make changes to their policies and mandate existing tenure holders
Colonialism and State Dependency
56 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
to accommodate indigenous cultural, spiritual and economic presences on the land. In regard to First Nations people in urban environments, programs to mobilize youth and ensure their ability to interact with natural environments for cultural learning and spiritual purposes are essential.
And for individuals and populations committed to establishing residency and to make economic use of the land, where resources are lacking or where the existing resources in existing First Nations’ community land- holdings are not suitable because of pollution or conflicting use by industry of residential development:
Funding programs should be developed to allow First Nations people access the necessary lands and resources within their traditional territories or in other regions by agreement and arrangement with other First Nations.
The measurable effects of collective community efforts on these objectives should be:
1. The restoration of indigenous presences on the land and the revitalization of land-based practices;
2. An increased reliance on traditional diets among Indigenous people;
3. The transmission of indigenous culture, spiritual teachings and knowledge of the land between Elders and youth;
4. The strengthening of familial activities and re-emergence of indigenous cultural and social institutions as governing authorities within First Nations; and,
5. Short-term and long-term initiatives and improvements in sustainable land-based economies as the primary economies of reserve based First Nations communities and as supplemental economies for urban indigenous communities.
In regards to the health status of Indigenous people and the problem of dependency on the state’s health care bureaucracy:
It is important to educate people as to the significant health and social benefits of a return to traditional diets and the sort of regular, hard, physical labour and exercise involved in land-based cultural practices in order to reduce and eventually eliminate the effects of preventable diseases and dependency on the state’s health system.
People must regain the self-sufficient capacity to provide our own food, clothing, shelter, and medicines. Ultimately important to the struggle for freedom is the reconstitution of our own sick and weakened physical bodies and community relationships accomplished through a return to the natural sources of food and the active, hard-working, physical lives lived by our ancestors.
The return to traditional land and water-based cultural practices must be reconstituted in an indigenous way by revitalizing the mentoring and learning-teaching relationships that foster real and meaningful human development and community solidarity.
And,
Measureable change on levels beyond the individual will emanate from the start made by physical and psychological transformations in people generated through direct, guided experiences in small, personal groups and one-on-one mentoring.
This approach is most appropriate to the objective of restoring harmed land-based cultural practices because it is a structure and a relationship which allows for the integration of an indigenous learning-teaching approach. This indigenous approach to knowledge transfer and transformative action, still highly valued by First Nations people, has three parts which the apprentice experiences as a learning pattern on each element of overall process: listening, or gaining knowledge through direct teaching; watching, or gaining knowledge by observing a master’s work; and, doing, or gaining knowledge by experiencing the work while being guided by a master. The goal of the process over time is to bring the apprentice to a point where he or she possesses the skills of the master and the confidence to assume a teaching role to others.
Such an approach, combined with and taken as a whole with the other aspects of the vision outlined in this paper, has the potential to cause the reconstitution of First Nations communities by restoring the fundamental connections that are necessary to maintain Indigeneity even while being subject to colonial pressures and in close contact to capitalism and settler society. Groups of families among the James Bay Cree in northern Québec, for example, have put into practice the lessons they have learned from their immediate ancestors who first encountered settler society and experienced the disruptions to their former way of life caused by mercantile-capitalist colonialism and the presence
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 57
of settler settlements in their territories. The example of the James Bay Cree families provides a working model of a means of cultural survival for today and for the future (Tanner, 2009).
The traditional gathering or seasonal “bush camp” used by the James Bay Cree – and many other nations – provides a solid set of principles for conceptualizing efforts to preserve the crucial linkages between people, and between people and the land, that can sustain and even recreate strong and healthy indigenous identities and ways of living in the world (Tanner, 2009, p. 254). This model has three basic elements:
1. Re-establish family presence on the land in seasonal, ceremonial, or annual cycles;
2. Provide financial support to assist families in maintaining themselves based primarily using traditional land-based practices; and,
3. Restore traditional forms of community and cultural teaching on the land.
The holistic reconnection of people to each other and to the land, affording reserve-based and urban populations the opportunity to engage with each other and their homelands, will be the foundation of individual psychophysical health and community resurgence. Once people have their basic connections re-established, they will have the strength and confidence and support to figure out ways that work for them and their communities to sustain themselves and begin to make empowering decisions that fit the circumstances of their lives and situation vis-á-vis the colonial regime.
There is no one solution, so a multiplicity of strategies and tactics must be developed with respect to First Nations’ particular colonial experiences and situations.
Yet among all First Nations in Canada, it is the very foundation of their existence as Indigenous peoples that has been eroded by colonialism, and it is the rebuilding of this foundation that must be the focus of First Nations organizations and government policy efforts in order for First Nations to overcome the effects of colonization and to begin to engage the wider society and the world as self- sufficient and stable communities again.
We must realize that government policy cannot solve the problem.
It is crucially important for Indigenous people themselves to take the initiative to begin changing their own lives and to contribute to the rebuilding of their communities. The idea of engagement is an important
one. Indigenous people alive today have been successful in surviving physically against the worst abuses of the colonial regime. Survival as nations and communities, though, demands that we act on our deep connections to the land and our sacred heritage of resistance to colonialism. Our ability to do this has been severely affected by the harms and losses we have suffered because of the negative forces brought into our communities by settlers and the colonial regime.
Finally, the willingness to fight for survival in all sense of the word, and for the right to exist free and healthy and fully as an Indigenous person in one’s homeland must be recognized and supported as a means of recovery as well.
It is through political and social action in defence of the land and the political rights of First Nations that many colonized Indigenous people regain knowledge of their history and culture, and the confidence to demand and affect change in their lives and in the larger society. As Kirmayer and Valaskakis surmise, in their review and comparison of various strategies of promoting mental well-being and the psychological recovery from the effects of colonialism:
Political and social activism can be a path toward healing. Activism shifts the focus from “blame the victim” to recognition of oppressive systematic structures. Engagement with the aspirations of a community or a people offers an immediate sense of purpose and direction. It requires building functional ties to community to develop solidarity and both individual and collective efficacy. If successful, such activism brings great rewards not only in terms of social recognition, power and economic resources but also in terms of a renewed sense of both individual and collective agency (Kirmayer & Valaskakis, 2009, p. 458).
The message from traditional teachings and from the academic research is consistent and clear: return to the land and re-learn how to live as Indigenous people according to the original teachings that sustained people and the earth for thousands of years. Even the Supreme Court of Canada, starting with the Delgamuukw decision and in numerous decisions since, has mandated the protection of traditional cultural uses of the land by Indigenous people. This provides the basis in Canadian law for a broad based social, cultural and political movement to re-assert indigenous presences on the land. It is this pathway that will generate a new indigenous reality for First Nations people and communities in Canada.
Colonialism and State Dependency
58 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
REFERENCES Adams, H. (1995). A Tortured People: The Politics of Colonization.
Penticton, BC: Theytus Books.
Alfred, T. (2005). Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom. Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press.
Alfred, T. (2008). Peace, Power, Righteousness: an indigenous manifesto. Don Mills: Oxford University Press.
Angmarlik, P., Kulchyski, P. K., McCaskill, D. N., & Newhouse D. (1999). In the Words of Elders: Aboriginal Cultures in Transition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Armitage, A. (1995). Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Battiste, M. (2000). Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Bennett, J. & Rowley, S. D. M. (2004). Uqalurait: An Oral History of Nunavut. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Boldt, M. (1993). Surviving as Indians: The Challenge of Self- Government. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Bordieu, P. (2000). The Weight of the World: Social Suffering in Contemporary Society. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.
Brody, H. (1981). Maps and Dreams: Indians and the British Columbia Frontier. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre.
Erasmus, G, & Dussault, R. (1996). Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.
Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. (1997). Gathering Strength: Canada’s Aboriginal Action Plan. Ottawa: Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.
Cardinal, H. (1999). The Unjust Society. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre.
Chandler, M. J. & Lalonde, C. (1998). Cultural Continuity as a Hedge against Suicide in Canada’s First Nations. Transcultural Psychiatry 35(2), 191-219.
Chrisjohn, R. D., Young, S. L. & Maraun, M. (2006). The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton: Theytus Books.
Das, V., Kleinman, A., Lock, M., Ramphele, M., & Reynolds, P. (2001). Remaking a World: Violence, Social Suffering and Recovery. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Deloria, P. J. & Salisbury, N. (2002). A Companion to American Indian History. Malden, Mass: Blackwell Publishers.
Deloria, V. Jr. (1999). For This Land: Writings on Religion in America. New York: Routledge.
Diamond, J. M. (2003). Guns, Germs, and Steel. New York: Spark Pub.
Dickason, O. P. (1984). The Myth of the Savage and the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press.
Doxtater, M. G. (2001). Indigenology: A decolonizing learning method for emancipating Iroquois and world indigenous knowledge. Ithaca: Cornell University.
Duran, E. & Duran, B. (1995). Native American Postcolonial Psychology. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Dyck, N. & Waldram, J. B. (1993). Anthropology, Public Policy and Native Peoples in Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Fanon, F. (1982). Black Skin, White Masks. New York: Grove Press.
Fanon, F. & Philcox, R. (2004). The Wretched of the Earth Frantz Fanon; translated from the French by Richard Philcox ; introductions by Jean-Paul Sartre and Homi K. Bhabha. New York: Grove Press.
Flanagan, T. (2006). First Nations? Second Thoughts. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Fleras, A. & Elliott, J. L. (1992). The “Nations Within”: Aboriginal- State Relations in Canada, the United States, and New Zealand. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Colonialism and State Dependency
Journal of Aboriginal Health, November 2009 59
Fournier, S. & Crey, E. (1997). Stolen from Our Embrace: The Abduction of First Nations Children and the Restoration of Aboriginal Communities. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre.
Furniss, E. (1999). The Burden of History: Colonialism and the Frontier Myth in a Rural Canadian Community. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Green, J. A. (2007). Making Space For Indigenous Feminism. Black Point, N.S: Fernwood Pub.
Hall, A. & Ebrary, I. (2003). The American Empire and the Fourth World. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Harris, R. C. (1997). The Resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and Geographical Change. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Harris, R. C. (2002). Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Havemann, P. (1999). Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in Australia, Canada, & New Zealand. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Helin, C. (2006). Dances with Dependency: Indigenous Success Through Self-Reliance. Vancouver: Orca Sprirt Publishing & Communications.
Irlbacher-Fox, S. (2009). Finding Dahsaa: Self-Government, Social Suffering, and Aboriginal Policy in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Kirmayer, L. J. & Valaskakis, G. G. (2009). Healing Traditions: The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Kleinman, A., Das, V. & Lock, M. (Eds.). (1997). Social Suffering: Essays. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Kulchyski, P., McCaskill, D. & Newhouse, D. (1999). In the Words of Elders: Aboriginal Cultures in Transition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Laduke, W. (1999). All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
Lawrence, B. & Anderson, K. (2003). Strong Women Stories: Native Vision and Community Survival. Toronto: Sumach Press.
Lobo, S. & Talbot, S. (1998). Native American Voices: A Reader. New York: Longman.
Maaka, R. & Andersen, C. (2006). The Indigenous Experience: Global Perspectives. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Maracle, L. (1996). I Am Woman: A Native Perspective on Sociology and Feminism. Vancouver: Press Gang Publishers.
Memmi, A. (1991). The Colonizer and the Colonized. Boston: Beacon Press.
Mihesuah, D. A. (2003). Indigenous American Women: Decolonization, Empowerment, Activism. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Mohawk, J. (2000). Utopian Legacies: A History of Conquest and Oppression in the Western World. Santa Fe, N.M: Clear Light Publishers.
Nadasdy, P. (2003). Hunters and Bureaucrats: Power, Knowledge, and Aboriginal-State Relations in the Southwest Yukon. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Newell, D. (1993). Tangled Webs of History: Indians and the Law in Canada’s Pacific Coast Fisheries. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Ouellette, G. (2002). The Fourth World: An Indigenous Perspective on Feminism and Aboriginal Women’s Activism. Halifax, N.S: Fernwood Pub.
Rotman, L. I. (1996). Parallel Paths: Fiduciary Doctrine and the Crown-Native Relationship in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Samson, C. (2003). A Way of Life That Does Not Exist: Canada and the Extinguishment of the Innu. London: Verso.
Silver, J. (2006). In Their Own Voices: Building Urban Aboriginal Communities. Black Point, N.S: Fernwood Pub.
Simpson, L. (2008). Lighting the Eighth Fire: The Liberation, Resurgence, and Protection of Indigenous Nations. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Pub.
Smith, A. (2005). Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
Colonialism and State Dependency
60 Journal de la santé autochtone, novembre 2009
Tanner, A. (2009). The Origins of Northern Aboriginal Social Pathologies and the Quebec Cree Healing Movement. In Healing Traditions: The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada, eds LJ Kirmayer and GG Valaskakis, 249-271. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Tennant, P. (1990). Aboriginal Peoples and Politics: The Indian Land Question in British Columbia, 1849-1989. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Trexler, R. C. (1995). Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press.
Trinh, TM-H. (1989). Woman, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Valaskakis, G. G. (2005). Indian Country: Essays on Contemporary Native Culture. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
Warry, W. (2007). Ending Denial: Understanding Aboriginal Issues. Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press.
Waziyatawin, A. W. & Yellow Bird, M. (2005). For Indigenous Eyes Only: A Decolonization Handbook. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press.
Widdowson, F. & Howard, A. (2008). Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry: The deception Behind Indigenous Cultural Preservation. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Whitebeck, L. B., Adams, G. W., Hoyt, D. R., & Chen, X. (2004). Conceptualizing and Measuring Historical Trauma among American Indian People, American Journal of Community Psychology, 33(3-4), 199-130.
Williams, R. A. (1990). The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford University Press.
Wotherspoon, T. & Satzewich V. (1993). First Nations: Race, Class and Gender Relations. Scarborough: Nelson Canada.
Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. & DeBruyn, L. M. (1998). The American Indian Holocaust: Healing Historical Unresolved Grief, American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research Journal, 8(2), 60-76.
Colonialism and State Dependency
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
8.Dennis,M. K., & Minor, M. (2019). Healing Through Storytelling Indigenising Social Work with Stories. The British Journal of Social Work, 49(6), 1472-1490..pdf
Healing Through Storytelling: Indigenising Social Work with Stories
Mary Kate Dennis1,* and Michael Minor2
1Faculty of Social Work, Master of Social Work based in Indigenous Knowledges Program,
University of Manitoba, 485 Selkirk Avenue, Winnipeg, Manitoba, R2W 2M6, Canada 2Faculty of Social Work, Inner City Social Work Program, University of Manitoba, 485
Selkirk Avenue, Winnipeg, Manitoba, R2W 2M6, Canada
*Correspondence to Mary Kate Dennis, University of Manitoba, 485 Selkirk Avenue,
Winnipeg, Manitoba R2W 2M6, Canada. E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Indigenous storytelling is an important site of knowledge for Indigenous peoples
around the world. It is imperative that studies of Indigenous people incorporate a
style that matches the interconnectedness of Indigenous knowledge. We use an
inter-disciplinary approach to examine how Indigenous storytelling can inform cur-
rent social work practice and pedagogy with the end goal of promoting healing for
Indigenous people. Utilising an Indigenous research paradigm, we locate Indigenous
knowledges through modern storytelling outlets, including novels, graphic novels,
poetry and podcasts. Through conventional content analysis, we identify how a sam-
ple of Indigenous storytellers based in a settler-colonial state (Canada) navigates
through traumas such as residential schools and sexual violence. For the people
whose stories we examine, these traumas prove to be only a part of the grief they
experience at the loss of their connection to family and culture. Through this sample
of Indigenous storytelling, we see that the best possibility for healing comes from
reconnecting with cultural practices and by resisting settler-colonial social work
practices.
Keywords: healing, Indigenous methodologies, Indigenous peoples, loss and grief,
Indigenous methodologies, storytelling
Accepted: February 2019
www.basw.co.uk
# The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf
of The British Association of Social Workers. All rights reserved.
British Journal of Social Work (2019) 49, 1472–1490 doi: 10.1093/bjsw/bcz044 Advance Access Publication June 19, 2019
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Introduction
In the interest of learning from other disciplines that are informed by Indigenous knowledges, we began an inter-disciplinary discussion between Indigenous storytelling and social work. Specifically, we pro- pose that some storytellers—Mosionier, Vermette, Walker, Halfe, LaBoucane-Benson and Wagamese—provide valuable suggestions for how social work can use the Indigenous paradigm of storytelling to facil- itate the healing of Indigenous people. We will use various forms of sto- rytelling, from novel to podcast, as examples of how Indigenous peoples are most profoundly affected by the loss of their connection to family and culture. In these stories, we see that the best possibility for healing comes from reconnecting with cultural practices and by resisting settler- colonial social work practices. In these stories, social work practices and Western medicine focus on the most obvious examples of abuse to the exclusion of more encompassing grief. It is through storytelling that the reclamation of identities as Indigenous people in family relationships that healing begins.
Literature review
Canadian Indigenous population
The Indigenous people of Canada include First Nations, Métis and Inuit peoples. Historically, Indigenous peoples in Canada have been referred to as Indians, Aboriginal and Native Canadian, but Indigenous has be- come the preferred term more recently. According to the 2016 Census, there are approximately 1.67 million people who self-identified as Indigenous, representing 4.9 per cent of the Canadian population (Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada [INAC], 2017). There are 630 First Nations communities in Canada. The Indian Register, the official record of all status Indians, who are registered with the federal govern- ment and may be eligible for a range of benefits, rights and services in Canada, is approximately 900,000, with half (52.6 per cent) living on the reserve (INAC, 2014). A quarter of First Nations people (213,000) were non-status, who are not registered with the federal government (Statistics Canada, 2017). Nearly half of the population lives in the west- ern provinces of British Columbia (17.7 per cent), Alberta (14 per cent), Manitoba (13.4 per cent) and Saskatchewan (11.7 per cent) (Statistics Canada, 2017).
The Métis people have a unique historical and cultural position among the Indigenous peoples of Canada. Métis derives from the French word for ‘mixed’, and refers to the kinship links from the intermarriage of European fur traders and Indigenous women. Métis people represent
Healing Through Storytelling 1473
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
roughly 580,000 people or 1.7 per cent of the Canadian population (Statistics Canada, 2017). They live throughout Canada, often in urban settings, with the largest population (80 per cent) in Ontario and the western provinces (Statistics Canada, 2017). Winnipeg, Manitoba, has the largest population (52,000), which is also the location of the historic Red River settlement (Statistics Canada, 2017).
Historical trauma
Indigenous people in Canada have endured many forms of trauma that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (2015) has identified as cultural genocide. The goals of the policies included the elimination of Aboriginal governments, denial of Aboriginal rights, termination of trea- ties and causing ‘Aboriginal peoples to cease to exist as distinct legal, so- cial, cultural, religious, and racial entities in Canada’ (TRC, 2015, p. 5). The main method of accomplishing cultural genocide was the operation of residential schools. The TRC estimates that at least 150,000 Indigenous students passed through 139 residential schools and residences from 1867 to the 1990s (TRC, 2015). The students endured many forms of physical and sexual abuse (Pearce et al., 2008; TRC, 2015). When the students returned to their communities they struggled to parent because they had been separated from their families and traditional culture (TRC, 2015). While at residential school, they were not offered respect or affection (TRC, 2015). Shame and anger led to abuse and substance use (Pearce et al., 2008; TRC, 2015), violence, poor health outcomes (Walters et al., 2002) and incarceration (TRC, 2015). These lasting effects have been de- scribed as historical trauma (Brave Heart, 1999), collective trauma, soul wounds (Duran, 2006), and intergenerational trauma.
In addition to the negative outcomes of residential schools, Indigenous people also suffered other assimilationist tactics employed by the government (Sinclair, 2007; TRC, 2015). The residential schools gave way to the foster care system (McKenzie et. al., 2016). The next wave of policy was the mass apprehension of Indigenous children by ‘overzealous social workers’ (Sinclair, 2007, p. 68) beginning in the 1960s and referred to as the ‘Sixties Scoop’ (Sinclair, 2007; TRC, 2015). The vast majority (70 per cent) of these children were adopted into non-Indigenous homes throughout Canada, the USA and overseas (Sinclair, 2007).
Ambiguous loss and grief
Indigenous people have experienced many colonising and assimilating strategies that resulted in historical trauma and unresolved grief (Whitbeck et al., 2004). Compounding those wounds are modern
1474 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
experiences that leave Indigenous people with layers of loss and grief. The grief literature is underdeveloped regarding Indigenous experiences; however, we can turn to grief that is associated with contemporary am- biguous losses related to connection to family or loved ones (Boss, 1999). Unlike grief related to death, ambiguous losses are not easily de- fined and may not be publically legitimised through rituals. There are two types of ambiguous losses: (i) physical absence with psychological presence where a loved one is missing physically, but are psychologically present because they may reappear and (ii) physically present with psy- chological absence where a loved one may have dementia, mental illness or addiction (Boss, 2010). Ambiguous losses create stress because they lack boundaries, do not have clear endings, and lack resolution. The grief symptoms for ambiguous losses are painful, immobilising and often incomprehensible thereby inhibiting healing (Boss, 2010). Symptoms can also mirror PTSD’s, but the experience remains in the present because the ambiguity (or traumatising experience) is continuous and can be shared across generations (Boss, 2010). The grieving process is blocked by an external situation beyond the control of the griever. Ambiguous loss is particularly applicable to Indigenous experiences of removal into the child welfare system, substance abuse, missing family members and residential school experiences.
Indigenous literatures and healing
For many Indigenous people there is no separation between the predom- inantly western concepts of art or therapy because Indigenous cultures are not usually divided into discrete categories. Instead, many aspects of Indigenous life are incorporated into what art scholar, Richard Hill, called a ‘holistic way of being’ (as cited in Wilmer, 2009, p. 4). Similarly, Simon Ortiz has said that ‘the act of living is art’ (as cited in Anderson, 2003, p. 41). As we aspire to understand healing from Indigenous per- spectives, we recognise that Indigenous perspectives will be found in all aspects of Indigenous life and not just in scholarly texts or literature.
There is an established body of work that discusses the integrated role that literature plays in Indigenous lives as a tool for healing (McKegney, 2007; Episkenew, 2009). Episkenew (2009) said that Indigenous litera- ture ‘functions as “medicine” to help cure the colonial contagion’ (p. 2). More specifically, she notes that, amongst other things, writing can be ‘Scriptotherapy’ (pp. 15 and 77). McKegney (2007) drew on Tomson Highway’s phrase ‘magic weapons’ (p. 8) as an analogue for how resi- dential school survivors have used writing ‘not simply to heal themselves but to provoke positive change in others’ (p. 8). LaRocque (2010) also emphasised the diverse and critical response to settler colonialism that literature has provided by ‘de-normalizing the “savage” view’ and
Healing Through Storytelling 1475
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
establishing a body of work demonstrating ‘Native peoples’ humanity through their writing (p. 11). We read this humanising function as a form of healing. These observations about storytelling’s ability to heal in the specifically Indigenous, literary and Canadian contexts seem to be paralleled by Epston and White’s (1990) arguments about the efficacy of narrative practice as a form of healing therapy.
The healing function of storytelling is a part of the multilateral roles that these stories are playing in contemporary Indigenous culture. As we have discussed, the grief experienced by Indigenous people is wide rang- ing and ambiguous, so methods of healing must match this ambiguity. Eigenbrod (2002) demonstrated that Indigenous literature is ‘Not Just a Text’ to the Indigenous people who create these works. She argued that critics who adopt Indigenous perspectives ‘have to read for communal contexts’ (p. 73). Justice (2018) also emphasised the diverse roles that Indigenous ‘Literatures’ have played in an ongoing colonial context. Amongst other things, he called these literatures ‘good medicine’ (p. 6) and said that they ‘matter’ because they are an interwoven part of Indigenous lives.
Indigenous research paradigm
Indigenous research paradigms centre Indigenous worldviews and knowl- edge through story and narratives (Smith, 1999; Kovach, 2009, 2010; Absolon, 2011). Stories include personal narratives of ‘place, happenings, and experiences as the kokums and mosums (aunties and uncles) experi- enced them and passed them along to the next generation through oral tradition’ (Kovach, 2009, p. 95). These stories are how Indigenous peo- ples create intergenerational understandings of experiences and knowl- edge that explain the holistic worlds of their people (Absolon, 2011). By doing so, Indigenous people who share their stories situate them within the collective memory. Smith (1999) states, ‘These new stories contribute to a collective story in which every Indigenous person has a place’ (p. 145).
Indigenous paradigms have allowed Indigenous people to share their knowledges from their own worldviews and positionality, rooted in their own cultural ways. They do so through relationships with entire systems of knowledge. These systems include ‘our cultures, our worldviews, our times, our languages, our histories, our spiritualities and our places in the cosmos’ (Wilson, 2008, p. 74), thereby connecting us to the past, pre- sent and into the future. Traditionally, much of this interweaving has been done through oral storytelling. In the modern context, writing down these stories, maintaining their integrity and providing the neces- sary context for understanding have proven to be difficult (Kovach, 2009).
1476 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Indigenous research paradigms focus on locating Indigenous knowl- edges and are often rooted in a particular tribal reserve/reservation set- ting. The authors included in this study are Indigenous people writing about their modern lived experiences inspired by their own life stories and relationships to others in their communities. We posit that these knowledges contribute to the collective memory and teach others through insights from an Indigenous worldview in a contemporary and non-reserve setting. Smith (1999) offers a list of twenty-five projects that provide a framework for Indigenous research. Our research brings forth Indigenous knowledge from these stories to capture Smith’s concepts of claiming, storytelling, remembering, connecting, envisioning, reframing, restoring, creating and discovering the beauty of Indigenous knowledge. We are centring these sources as Indigenous knowledge and storytelling as way to learn about trauma, grief, healing and modern Indigenous lives. We answer the following research question: how can Indigenous storytelling promote healing through the Indigenisation of social work practices?
Methods
Locating Indigenous knowledges in story
We created an inter-disciplinary collaboration that unites our scholarly interests of Social Work, Literature, and Indigenous Studies. The first author is American Indian/Alaska Native, living in Canada, who has fo- cused her research on Indigenous knowledges and social work through collaborations with Indigenous elders. The second author was born and raised in Thunder Bay, Ontario, with grandparents and great- grandparents from northern Europe, teaching decolonisation through Indigenous literatures.
In our discussions of various media, a common thread emerged re- lated to topics addressed in these stories—Indigenous people experienc- ing loss, grief and healing, as well as social service intervention. As we continued to discuss our reading and considered stories that have appeared in anthologies, syllabi, award lists and recommendation lists, we began selecting strong examples of the phenomenon we are explor- ing, as is usually done in humanities like Literature and in Indigenous studies. From this long list, we developed a set of exemplar texts that met the following criteria: (i) written/produced by an Indigenous Canadian author, (ii) set in Canada during the last fifty years, (iii) vari- ety of story topics, (iv) social work or social services being utilised in the stories and (v) receipt of strongly positive critical attention in the media
Healing Through Storytelling 1477
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
or through the academy. We included the following: Bear Bones and Feathers by Louise Halfe (Cree), The Outside Circle by Patti LaBoucane-Benson (Métis), In Search of April Raintree by Beatrice Mosionier (Métis), Indian Horse by Richard Wagamese (Ojibway), the podcast Missing and Murdered: Finding Cleo by Connie Walker (Cree) and The Break by Katherena Vermette (Métis). There are many other Indigenous storytellers, both in Canada and in other settler-colonial nations, which could be considered. We hope that these diverse exam- ples will pave a path for many more studies discussing the relationship between Indigenous storytelling and social work.
Analysis
We employed a conventional content analysis approach to the stories (Hsieh and Shannon, 2005). First, independently, we read and listened to the stories. We then met to discuss the codes (residential school, fos- ter care, loss and grief, social work intervention, personal healing and family roles), and began organising them into themes. Afterwards, we reviewed each story to identify the strongest examples to illustrate each theme. We discussed negative case analysis and ensured that the themes were represented across the stories.
Findings
As we read and listened to the stories, we noted similarities in the expe- riences of the Indigenous people as they interacted with social services. In each instance, social services seemed interested in addressing obvi- ously traumatic experiences, often ignoring and even exacerbating un- derlying grief. For each person who sought healing, the underlying grief was the ambiguous loss of the separation from their families and culture. As a result of these ‘misdiagnoses’, social services failed to provide any effective means for healing. Nevertheless, many of the Indigenous peo- ple in the stories experienced some healing as they reconnected with their family and culture.
Misunderstanding grief and trauma
Foster care
Mosionier’s (2008) In Search of April Raintree, reveals the ignorance of well-intentioned social workers within Winnipeg’s child welfare system. The story is told from the perspective of April, who is Métis, as she
1478 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
grows up in foster care and also incorporates letters and journal entries from April’s sister Cheryl. In the opening chapters, April and Cheryl are taken away from their loving, though substance-abusing parents. The sis- ters are placed in separate homes, ostensibly for safety reasons. The ini- tial placements seem to be relatively benign; in a letter to her older sister, Cheryl notes that her foster mother ‘reads us stories. But no one reads good stories like you’ (p. 20). Nevertheless, the pain of their sepa- ration from their family is ignored by the system. After visiting her sis- ter, April explains her sadness: ‘I belong to my Mom and Dad’ (p. 24). Even when April is moved to a new home, the DeRosiers, she endures much of the abuse without a tear (p. 47). Eventually, Cheryl goes to live there too. However, Mrs DeRosier turns the sisters’ need for family con- nection against them by forcing them to do labour on the farm under threat of Cheryl being sent away. Repeatedly, having these sisters housed in a white settler-colonial home with the appearance of whole- someness is placed above their clearly articulated need to be connected to family.
One telling document from Walker’s (2018) award winning podcast, ‘Murdered and Missing’, explains how blatantly Canadian social services prioritised the appearance of white civility over Indigenous children’s need for family. Walker’s second season tells the story of Cleo, who was taken away from Saskatchewan and adopted by a white family in the USA. Eventually, all of her siblings were adopted by various white fami- lies. As Walker identified in a memo written by a social worker: ‘while attempts should be made to live within this cultural heritage, this must be a secondary consideration’ (Ep. 9). The cynical motivations of Saskatchewan’s Adopt Indian and Métis (AIM) programme are revealed in episode nine when a document referenced a ‘salesperson of the year award’ for one social worker who was particularly adept at apprehending Indigenous children. Because of the potential profits of removing chil- dren from their families, the grief of Indigenous children was ignored.
LaBoucane-Benson and Mellings (2015) illustrate the prioritisation of apprehension and dismantling of Indigenous families in the graphic novel, The Outside Circle. Pete is a young Indigenous man caught in a cycle of gang violence who comes home to learn that his mother and her boyfriend have sold most of the furniture to buy drugs. This left Pete’s younger brother, Joey, in a state of neglect. When Pete confronts his mother’s boyfriend, a fight ensues and Pete kills the boyfriend. The end result is that the family members are separated and sent to different settler-colonial institutions: Pete goes to jail, Joey is apprehended by a social worker and their mother is sent to a substance abuse treatment fa- cility. This is obviously a complex and painful situation, but the social service systems isolate the family members, as if the situation were not interwoven.
Healing Through Storytelling 1479
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Sexual violence
The Break (2017) centres on the violent sexual assault experienced by Emily, a young teenager, and the layers of fallout that occur in her Métis community in Winnipeg’s North End. This assault hospitalises Emily and nearly causes her death. Nevertheless, Vermette shows that this event is deeply connected to family and community histories. Emily, along with her mother, great-grandmother, aunties and cousins coura- geously face this violent incident together. As the matriarch of the fam- ily dies she says of her loved ones: ‘as long as they hold on to each other, they will always be okay’ (p. 337). Earlier in the story, it is Emily’s estranged aunt Stella who seems to be in a hopeless state of suf- fering because she has lost her connection to her family. Stella witnesses Emily’s assault and is frozen, unable to go to help her. Meanwhile, the criminal justice and medical systems seem only to be concerned with Emily and treating her in isolation from her family. The police are so doggedly focused in their interviewing of Emily that her aunt Louisa has to tell them to leave her alone (pp. 276–8).
Residential School
Halfe’s (1994) first collection of poems confronts many of the misunder- standings that various settler-colonial structures have had about the needs of Indigenous people. Her poetry depicts the dysfunction in rela- tionships between men and women that has been created by patriarchal society. It also shows the devastating impact that forcing Indigenous people into hard labour jobs has had. Perhaps most cuttingly, Halfe reveals that the assimilationist practices of settler-colonial structures have deeply wounded survivors of residential schools. Halfe’s series of discussions with the ‘poop’ (pope) (pp. 98–104) satirise the pope’s half- hearted apologies for abuse at residential schools. Through this satire, Halfe shows that the abuse is a small part of the damage caused by iso- lating children from their families and cultures.
Wagamese (2012) provides another powerful example of the damage caused by the misguided attempts to assimilate Indigenous children into Euro-Canadian society through residential schools. Wagamese’s story follows the life of Saul Indian Horse through his birth into an Anishinaabe (Ojibway) family, his tragic loss of that family, his torturous time at residential school, his successful hockey career, his decline into alcoholism, and ultimately, his reconnection with Indigenous culture and family. While the priests and nuns at residential school claim to be con- cerned about the destination of the souls of the children attending, Saul’s narrative reveals that, far from helping, this Christianisation is
1480 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
‘Leaving holes in our beings’ (p. 52). As an adult, Saul receives treat- ment for his addiction. He is expected to tell a short story in the facility to help him recover all that he has lost, as if alcoholism is a self- contained condition. Saul points out that a simple story will not solve anything because ‘there’s too much to sort out and sift through’ (p. 3).
Underlying grief in Indigenous contexts
Foster care
While April Raintree tells the story of being apprehended and growing up in care, she returns to the topic of unresolved grief from losing her family and reveals the intergenerational trauma at the root of her parents’ alcoholism. In the opening pages, April refers to alcohol repeat- edly as ‘medicine’ (Mosionier, 2008) and explicitly connects her parents’ drinking to their loss of family due to tuberculosis (pp. 1 and 2). The ambiguous grief that has lead generations of Raintrees to alcoholism is separation from family. When Cheryl finally finds her parents as an adult, she is too hurt to tell the truth to April and lies about continuing her education. Their father had descended into the final stages of alco- holism and their mother had died by suicide (pp. 201 and 202). More than any other trauma experienced by these sisters, the cycle of discon- nection between family and culture is the one that must be resolved to bring about any significant healing.
In LaBoucane-Benson and Mellings’ (2015) story, Joey is seen crying in the car with the social worker as she informs someone on the phone that there is no family to take him in. Furthermore, Walker’s (2018) podcast also makes a clear case for the profound grief that taking a child away from her family causes. Cleo’s sister says: ‘I know exactly what lead to her taking her own life. It was being isolated and having a mem- ory of coming from somewhere and being unable to fully accept the new life that was laid out before you’ (Ep. 9).
Sexual violence
Vermette (2017) also depicts the devastating loneliness of Phoenix, a ward of the state and ostensibly the villain of the story. Vermette reveals that it is not some form of evil that lives inside of Phoenix that causes her to lead an assault against another girl, but Phoenix’s profound lone- liness that stems from the neglect of her family. Phoenix walks many mi- les in the bitter cold in a Winnipeg winter to see her cousin who does not even let her stay with him (pp. 25–30 and 238). Furthering her feel- ings of lacking a home or place, the loneliness and searching for but not finding love is felt vividly by the reader.
Healing Through Storytelling 1481
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Residential school
A significant part of Saul Indian Horse’s trauma that leads him to alco- holism is the overt abuse he experiences at residential school. However, Wagamese repeatedly emphasises the profound loneliness that the chil- dren experience as a result of being separated from their parents. Soon after arriving, Saul says, he ‘was lonely for the sky’ (Wagamese, 2012, p. 43). It is also separation from her sister that leads one child to die by suicide (p. 136). In ‘The Residential School Bus’, Halfe (1994) also pro- vides a visceral understanding of the profound loneliness that the Indigenous children taken away from their homes experience. The chil- dren about to leave their homes and families ‘cannot look / at the / yel- low caterpillar’ (p. 65). For these children, the school bus has become a poignant metaphor for the disconnection it forces.
Failures of settler-colonial social services
Foster care
Given that the profound grief underlying the various traumas experi- enced by the subjects of these stories is the separation from family and culture, it is painfully ironic that settler-colonial social services’ solution is usually to exacerbate that grief by introducing new separations. While April Raintree does detail her traumatic sexual assault and the convic- tion of her attackers, she shows that this experience is only a part of the grief she is dealing with. She notes, upon the eventual sentencing of the men that assaulted her, that ‘justice, to a certain point, had been done’ (Mosionier, 2008, p. 190). The criminal justice system may have worked, more or less, in the way that it is supposed to, but it has failed to recog- nise the larger context of grief in which April has lived her life. Social services are largely to blame for causing this grief by implanting shame in April for her Métis heritage. April has internalised the belief that be- ing Métis is unacceptable. She notes her failed attempts to assimilate into white society (p. 83) and, as a young person, believes her sister’s life would be much easier if Cheryl would try to do the same (pp. 90 and 115). Social services do nothing to address the grief of separation and loss that these sisters experience.
In LaBoucane-Benson and Mellings’ (2015) story, the cycle of vio- lence that the brothers are forced into is quite complex, but in many ways, the origin of both Pete’s and Joey’s struggles is also their separa- tion by social services. While social services and the justice system may have been established in the interests of the broader society, they funda- mentally misunderstand that Joey and his brother are dependent on
1482 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
each other and separation is what is causing the problems in the first place.
Similarly, Walker (2018) shows the damage caused by removing Indigenous children from their families. Cleo’s brother Johnny describes the final meeting they had: ‘They didn’t take us anywhere public, it was a frickin’ field. It was like halfway between somewhere’ (Ep. 3). Once again, the relationships to family are treated as unimportant even though the loss of these connections is likely to blame for Cleo’s death. When Johnny is asked if Cleo was crying he says, ‘Yeah. I think I was too. I told her I’d find her, but that was a little lie I made to her to make her feel good’ (Ep. 3).
Sexual violence
Similarly, Vermette (2017) shows that social services are largely respon- sible for the desolate loneliness motivating Phoenix to commit her crimes. Phoenix is part of a complex cycle of sexual violence, one origin of which is the rape of her mother, Elsie (p. 202). This event also marks the end of the relationship between Elsie and Stella (Emily’s aunt) be- cause Elsie leaves the neighbourhood. Rather than supporting Elsie to raise her children in the community, social services isolate her and her children until Phoenix is eventually arrested for assaulting Emily, Stella’s niece.
Residential school
Christian churches have often provided social services. Halfe’s poem ‘In Da Name of Da Fadder’ takes the form of a sarcastic prayer explaining the speaker’s underlying fear of judgement: ‘I no I is big sinner / and maybe I won’t see geezuz when I die’ (Halfe, 1994, p. 100). The speaker has been disconnected from her culture and as she details her relation- ship with her family, she reveals that she is also disconnected from them. Yet, she is expected to conform to the very structures that are cre- ating these disconnections in the first place. Wagamese (2012) also dem- onstrates that separating Saul Indian Horse from his community is the underlying grief that he carries. As he tries to account for how he could give up the chance to play professional hockey, he feels that what he personally experienced at residential school is an inadequate explana- tion. Another residential school survivor tells Saul, ‘when they invade your spirit, that’s rape too’ (Wagamese, 2012, p. 210). Saul sought treat- ment for alcoholism and some of the trauma that lead to it, but the treatment centre failed to treat the grief that underlines Saul’s challenges.
Healing Through Storytelling 1483
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Healing through storytelling
Writing as medicine
Although Halfe’s poems do not have as many direct references to social work, she is very clear that her storytelling is the medicine she needs to heal. In the afterward to her first collection, she says that ‘Writing was a natural process. The stories inside me demanded face. They became my medicine, creating themselves in the form of poetry’ (Halfe, 1994, p. 128). Halfe emphasises that this poetry is the result of the stories of her culture demanding to be heard. Halfe, in search of healing, began journaling and meditating near a creek in Saskatchewan. Similarly, the other storytellers and the characters that they include in their works have turned to what might seem to be the unlikely ‘medicine’ of story- telling to heal the wounds inflicted on them by settler colonialism.
Despite the failure of social services to address April and Cheryl’s un- derlying grief, the sisters do find some healing when they use storytell- ing. In part, telling stories in letters and through journaling helps the sisters understand why they continue to struggle with grief. April is fi- nally able to escape the cruelty of the DeRosier family when she writes a story for her teacher called, ‘What I want for Christmas is for some- body to listen to me and to believe me’ (p. 80). The teacher grants April’s wish, and April finishes her education away from the DeRosiers. Cheryl’s writing also makes a significant contribution to the story. Cheryl knows that telling her own story in her journal is important (p. 103), and it is through reading this journal that April finally learns that Cheryl has a son, Henry Liberty. Although Cheryl dies by suicide, April does adopt Henry (p. 234). Through storytelling, the cycle of dis- connection in April’s family is finally disrupted.
Reconnection to family and ceremony
LaBoucane-Benson and Mellings (2015) show that the path towards Pete’s healing is through reconnecting to his family and culture. Pete is offered a chance to leave the prison to participate in the ‘In Search of Your Warrior’ programme. Through this programme, and the many healing ceremonies it incorporates, Pete confronts the root causes of his anger and begins to use his anger to protect himself and his loved ones. Pete also reconnects with his uncle Ray, his mother’s brother, who fills in many of the blanks on Pete’s family tree. It is through this holistic, story-based approach to Pete’s healing that he is able to escape a life where his anger controls him.
Walker’s (2018) story focuses on a child in care who took her own life, but the impetus to tell this story comes from that child’s family’s
1484 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
love for her and their need to know what happened to her. Cleo’s
brother Johnny is particularly heartbroken about his sister’s death and
the loneliness that caused it. Johnny’s cousin Wayne wonders why
Johnny ‘doesn’t want to come home when he hears about us?’ And ‘if
somebody told him that he wasn’t wanted?’ (Ep. 6). Although Johnny
and Wayne did not meet in the podcast, there is a meeting between
Johnny and his sister Christine. Despite the profoundly difficult emo-
tions the siblings feel, they agree that knowing what happened to their
sister and meeting each other are healing and worth any pain that it
causes (Ep. 9). While social services have spent decades keeping these
siblings separated from each other, their extended family, and their cul-
ture, even a brief face-to-face meeting between two of the siblings heals
much of the damage caused by settler-colonial violence. Ceremony and reconnection to family are showcased in Vermette’s
(2017) story. The final pages depict healing for each member of Emily’s
family. Emily’s Aunt Stella felt great pain at her disconnection from her
grandmother, but ultimately reconnects with Kookoo and is the only
one able to help clean out the apartment when Kookoo dies (p. 343).
The rest of the family reaches important turning points after they partic-
ipate in a sweat lodge ceremony. Emily’s grandmother decides to give
up drinking. Her Aunt Lou decides to let a dysfunctional relationship go
and her mother decides to be more hopeful (pp. 348–50). The most
prominent healing in The Break is as a result of reconnecting to family
and Indigenous culture.
Connection to the land
Finally, Wagamese (2012) tells a story that reinforces the importance of
Indigenous peoples’ connection to land. In his early childhood years,
Saul Indian Horse was taught by his grandmother, Naomi. As she,
Saul’s parents, and Saul’s brother try to protect the boys from being
forced to attend residential school, they go to the Indian Horse family’s
traditional territory at God’s Lake (p. 20). When Saul leaves this home-
land, he translates his need for connection with land and family into
playing hockey (pp. 58 and 65). Yet, hockey cannot replace all that
Saul has lost and neither can the various treatment facilities that he
goes to. It is only through the actual reconnection to land and family
that Saul can heal. He travels back to God’s Lake as an adult, and for
the second time in his life, hears his ancestors say his name (p. 206).
Like the family in Walker’s story, Saul has lost much that can never be
replaced. However, reconnecting with his homeland is a way for him to
heal.
Healing Through Storytelling 1485
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Discussion
Utilising an Indigenous research paradigm, we centred the use of story (novels, poetry and podcast) by Indigenous authors about Indigenous people’s lives. This form of knowledge sharing carries on the storytelling tradition, allowing modern readers insight into the lives of Indigenous people living in urban or non-reserve settings. The social workers and social service systems focus on the most acute presenting issue, but that is only a part of the grief experienced in these stories. Stories offer in- sight into how Indigenous people navigated through grief to find healing. Most important to the characters was reconnection with family and cul- ture, or reconciling the loss of these relationships that were the result of settler colonialism. Stories have the advantage of giving the reader a long view of these events because the authors are depicting traumatic events in the context of a character’s life. The practice implications and broader lessons learned from these stories are applicable to Indigenous populations globally. The cultural responsiveness to these stories through social work practice by integrating art and healing into a more holistic way of being, addresses key aspects of the World Health Organization Sustainable Development Goals of peace and justice, reduced inequal- ities and improved health and well-being for Indigenous people, espe- cially for those who have a shared colonial experience.
Through reading the stories and examining the themes related to am- biguous loss, we have contributed to further understanding the applica- tion of this framework on shared experiences of foster care, sexual violence, residential schools and Indigenous peoples. Children in foster care balance their impermanence and a sense of belonging in a family system (Samuels, 2009), an experience shared by survivors of residential schools. The storytellers underscore emotional impacts of loss of connec- tion to culture and the yearning their characters have to reunite with family. Samuels (2009) expanded ambiguous loss theory to recognise that the systems and structures created ambiguous losses for these chil- dren. Certainly, Indigenous experiences of settler colonialism advance the ways in which the characters navigated national policy and practices that removed them from their families, cultures and homes. Additionally, people suffering from ambiguous losses often struggle to find meaning (Boss, 2010). For healing to occur, a pathway to hope and healing must be established. One avenue is through spirituality, cere- mony or religious practices and connection to others (Boss, 2010). The storytellers provide that hope and healing as we witness the healing pro- cess for each character.
These stories underline the fact that connections to family, culture and ceremony are important components of healing. An Indigenous ap- proach to social work includes spirituality as a central pillar and is
1486 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
grounded in place (Hart, 2009). It is necessary for social workers to know the history of place from an Indigenous perspective and promote Indigenous rights (Hart 2009). Social workers can actively incorporate these approaches through cultural humility as they commit to continuous lifelong learning about Indigenous cultures and then actively challenging the inequalities for individuals and in institutions (Fisher-Borne et al., 2015). These storytellers provide insights that are important to under- standing Indigenous experiences. Social work practitioners can identify appropriate interventions to address feelings and beliefs of Indigenous clients (Betz and Thorngren, 2006). Stories can be used as culturally rel- evant treatment when working with Indigenous people.
Social workers can create a bridge between the historical experiences and the modern through storytelling in their clinical work. Crawford (2014), focusing on Inuit peoples’ narratives, posits that clinicians may understand the individual’s story through art. Traumatic events affect intergenerational relationships and the larger social context. She cau- tions to ‘avoid using our interpretative power, that unchecked can reca- pitulate the abuses of the past’ (p. 363). By providing a more nuanced narrative, the stories we examined avoid facile, retraumatising interpre- tations. Inuit visual art represents what has been lost in the culture but also what art can recover (Crawford, 2014). Perhaps, in these Indigenous stories shared in popular media like books and podcasts, there is knowl- edge about our present history that can be captured in ways that other media cannot.
Similarly, storytelling has long been used by western therapeutic methods such as narrative therapy (Epston and White, 1990), which have also been effective for working through ambiguous losses (Betz and Thorngren, 2006). Characteristics of narrative therapy that have been used by social worker Michael White with Indigenous Australians include: privileging the clients’ language, centring the clients’ experien- ces, locating the client in the cultural context which has been shaped by oppression and power relations, inviting members of the client’s social network to witness the self-narrative and awareness of the therapist’s context, values and biases (Epston and White, 1990). Narrative therapy helps individuals and families to map losses, name them, and describe how these losses affect them (Betz and Thorngren, 2006) and find ways to heal through the narrative process.
Ultimately, the knowledge shared in these literatures is a fuller de- scription than a clinical case study, which is often used in social work courses and practice. The stories also allow social workers to critique and reflect on their own roles, through the lifetime practice of cultural humility, as they take active roles in Indigenous lives. Stories serve as tools for teaching as well as practice because they offer a way to experi- ence these events through the eyes of Indigenous people. Storytelling adopts an anti-colonial approach, which includes Indigenous ways of
Healing Through Storytelling 1487
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
helping (Hart, 2009). Analysing the points where social services inter- vene, or choose not to intervene and ways to create new interventions and knowledge, Hart (2003) critiques the power and positioning of the social worker in relation to the Indigenous person, where the social worker has the power to create the plan. Cultural humility requires indi- vidual and institutional accountability for a deeper understanding of self as a practitioner with an analysis of power and privilege that impact their interactions with clients, thus inspiring individual and organisa- tional change by confronting inequalities and not just acknowledging them (Fisher-Borne et al., 2015). As we see in the stories presented, the Indigenous people find their own way on their own terms despite the so- cial services interventions.
Further research is needed to fill the gaps of how ambiguous loss affects Indigenous people and to identify ways of healing for these com- plex losses. The ambiguous loss framework does not account for losses related to colonialism such as loss of land and culture. Further research is needed to theorise and develop effective social work practice around historical and contemporary losses by Indigenous people. This gap is even more evident because the losses are often exacerbated by social service interventions and the stressors of substance abuse and violence. As we have argued, traditional social work interventions were not di- rected at the fully realised causes of suffering for these Indigenous char- acters; it was the reconnection to family and ceremony that helped these characters to begin healing.
Future research should consider narratives from individuals as well as popular sources as these are contemporary continuations of Indigenous storytelling traditions. The intergenerational grief experienced by many Indigenous people, especially those living modern lives in urban environ- ments, is highly complex. To begin to understand this grief, many differ- ent tools need to be used and many more forms of Indigenous knowledge need to be implemented. Storytelling is one of these impor- tant and interwoven Indigenous knowledges that can and should be used to Indigenise social work. Storytelling can improve the possibility of healing for the complex grief with which too many Indigenous people are living.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Karen Favell for editing and providing feedback.
Funding
This research was not funded.
Conflict of interest statement. None declared
1488 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
References
Absolon, K. E. (2011) Kaandossiwin: How We Come to Know, Halifax, Fernwood.
Anderson, E. G. (2003) ‘Situating american indian poetry: Place, community, and the
question of genre’, in Rader, D. and Gould, J. (eds), Speak to Me Words: Essays
on Contemporary American Indian Poetry, Tucson, University of Arizona.
Betz, G. and Thorngren, J. M. (2006) ‘Ambiguous loss and the family grieving
process’, The Family Journal, 14(4), pp. 359–65.
Boss, P. (1999) Ambiguous Loss, Cambridge, Harvard University.
Boss, P. (2010) ‘The trauma and complicated grief of ambiguous loss’, Pastoral
Psychology, 59(2), pp. 137–45.
Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (1999) ‘Gender differences in the historical trauma response
among the Lakota’, Journal of Health and Social Policy, 10(4), pp. 1–21.
Crawford, A. (2014) ‘“The trauma experienced by generations past having an effect
in their descendants”: Narrative and historical trauma among Inuit in Nunavut,
Canada’, Transcultural Psychiatry, 51(3), pp. 339–69.
Duran, E. (2006) Healing the Soul Wound: Counseling with American Indians and
Other Native Peoples, New York, Teachers College.
Eigenbrod, R. (2002) ‘Not just a text: ‘Indigenizing’ the study of Indigenous litera-
tures’, in Eigenbrod, R. and Episkenew, J. (eds), Creating Community: A
Roundtable on Canadian Aboriginal Literature, Penticton, Theytus.
Episkenew, J. (2009) Taking Back Our Spirits: Indigenous Literature, Public Policy,
and Healing, Winnipeg, University of Manitoba.
Epston, D. and White, M. (1990) Narrative Means to Therapeutic Ends, New York,
W.W. Norton.
Fisher-Borne, M., Cain, J. M. and Martin, S. L. (2015) ‘From mastery to accountabil-
ity: Cultural humility as an alternative to cultural competence’, Social Work
Education, 34(2), pp. 165–81.
Halfe, L. (1994) Bear Bones and Feathers, Regina, Coteau.
Hart, M. A. (2003) ‘Am I a modern day missionary? Reflections of a Cree social
worker’, Native Social Work Journal/Nishnaabe Kinoomaadwin Naadmaadwin,
5(November), pp. 299–313.
Hart, M. A. (2009) ‘Anti-colonial Indigenous social work: Reflections on an aborigi-
nal approach’, in Sinclair, R., Hart, M.A. and Bruyere, G. (eds), Wicihitowin:
Aboriginal Social Work in Canada, Winnipeg, Fernwood.
Hsieh, H. F. and Shannon, S. E. (2005) ‘Three approaches to qualitative content
analysis’, Qualitative Health Research, 15(9), pp. 1277–88.
Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2014) ‘First Nations people of Canada’,
available online at: http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1303134042666/1303134337
338 (accessed July 27, 2018).
Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2017) ‘First Nations’, available online at:
https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100013791/1535470872302 (accessed April
16, 2019).
Justice, D. H. (2018) Why Indigenous Literatures Matter, Waterloo, Wilfrid Laurier
University.
Kovach, M. (2009) Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and
Contexts, Toronto, University of Toronto.
Healing Through Storytelling 1489
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Kovach, M. (2010) ‘Conversational method in Indigenous research’, First Peoples
Child and Family Review, 5(1), pp. 40–8.
LaBoucane-Benson, P. and Mellings, K. (Illustrator) (2015) The outside Circle,
Toronto, Anansi.
LaRocque, E. (2010) When the Other Is Me: Native Resistance Discourse 1850–1990,
Winnipeg, University of Manitoba.
McKegney, S. (2007) Magic Weapons: Aboriginal Writers Remaking Community after
Residential School, Winnipeg, University of Manitoba.
McKenzie, H. A., Varcoe, C., Browne, A. J. and Day, L. (2016) ‘Disrupting the conti-
nuities among residential schools, the sixties scoop, and child welfare: An analysis
of colonial and neocolonial discourses’, The International Indigenous Policy
Journal, 7(2), pp. 1–24.
Mosionier, B. (2008) In Search of April Raintree, Winnipeg, Portage and Main.
Pearce, M. E., Christian, W. M., Patterson, K., Norris, K., Moniruzzaman, A., Craib,
K. J. and Spittal, P. M. (2008) ‘The Cedar Project: Historical trauma, sexual abuse
and HIV risk among young Aboriginal people who use injection and non-injection
drugs in two Canadian cities’, Social Science and Medicine, 66(11), pp. 2185–94.
Samuels, G. M. (2009) ‘Ambiguous loss of home: The experience of familial (im) per-
manence among young adults with foster care backgrounds’, Children and Youth
Services Review, 31(12), pp. 1229–39.
Sinclair, R. (2007) ‘Identity Lost and Found: Lessons from the Sixties Scoop’, First
Peoples Child and Family Review, 3(1), pp. 65–82.
Smith, L. T. (1999) Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples,
London, Zedbooks Ltd.
Statistics Canada (2017) ‘Aboriginal peoples in Canada: Key results from the 2016
Census’, available online at: https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/
171025/dq171025a-eng.htm (accessed July 27, 2018).
Truth and Reconciliation Canada (2015) What We Have Learned: Principles of Truth
and Reconciliation, Winnipeg, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.
Vermette, K. (2017) The Break, Toronto, Anansi.
Wagamese, R. (2012) Indian Horse, Vancouver, Douglas and McIntyre.
Walker, C. (Host) (2018) ‘Missing & Murdered: Finding Cleo’, [Audio Podcast] avail-
able online at: https://www.cbc.ca/radio/findingcleo/click-here-to-listen-to-missing-
murdered-finding-cleo-1.4557887 (accessed July 5, 2018).
Walters, K. L., Simoni, J. M. and Evans-Campbell, T. (2002) ‘Substance use among
American Indians and Alaska natives: Incorporating culture in an “Indigenist”
stresscoping paradigm’, Public Health Reports, 117(1), pp. 104–17.
Wilmer, S. E. (2009) Native American Performance and Representation, Tucson,
University of Arizona.
Wilson, S. (2008) Research Is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods, Black Point,
Fernwood.
Whitbeck, L., Chen, X., Hoyt, D. and Adams, G. (2004) ‘Discrimination, historical
loss, and enculturation: Culturally specific risk and resilience factors for alcohol
abuse among American Indians’, Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 65(4), pp. 409–18.
1490 Mary Kate Dennis and Michael Minor
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/49/6/1472/5520599 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
9.Hiller,C.,& Carlson, E.(2018). THESE ARE INDIGENOUS LANDS Foregrounding Settler Colonialism and Indigenous Sovereignty as Primary Contexts for Canadian Envir.pdf
THESE ARE INDIGENOUS LANDSAuthor(s): Chris Hiller and Elizabeth Carlson
Source: Canadian Social Work Review / Revue canadienne de service social , Vol. 35, No. 1 (2018), pp. 45-70
Published by: Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26593191
REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26593191?seq=1&cid=pdf- reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Canadian Social Work Review / Revue canadienne de service social
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 (2018) / Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1 (2018)
45
THESE ARE INDIGENOUS LANDS Foregrounding Settler Colonialism and
Indigenous Sovereignty as Primary Contexts for Canadian
Environmental Social Work Chris Hiller
Elizabeth Carlson
Abstract: The recent upsurge of interest regarding environmental social work is unfolding against a backdrop of centuries of continuous struggle on the part of Indigenous peoples to protect their lands and waters. In this article, we consider the ways in which environmental social work frameworks engage the realities and resistances of Indigenous peoples in the context of settler colonialism. We contend that to ethically engage with environmentalism, social workers living and working on Indigenous territories must understand and resist settler colonialism, our implication in upholding its structure and practices, and its contribution to ecological destruction. Drawing upon the work of Indigenous scholars, we briefly describe Indigenous peoples’ conception of their relationships to land and sovereignty and how settler colonialism as a structure is organized with the explicit aim of eliminating these relationships. We then review prominent texts addressing several competing environmental social
Chris Hiller’s German, Scottish, and English ancestors settled on the traditional territories of the Haudenosaunee, Anishinaabe, and Huron-Wendat peoples and never left. Chris now lives with her family on Anishinaabe, Haudenosaunee, and Attawandaron territories, on lands supposedly sold to the Canada Company for the founding of Guelph, Ontario. She is an assistant professor at Renison University College, and seeks to uphold and live into principles of the 1701 Nanfan Treaty and the Two Row Wampum. Elizabeth Carlson’s Swedish, Saami, German, Scots-Irish, and English ancestors have settled on lands of the Anishinaabe and Omaha Nations, which were unethically obtained by the US government. Liz is both complicit in, and resisting, settler colonialism on lands occupied by the Canadian state. She is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Laurentian University and is learning how to live in Indigenous sovereignty on Anishinaabe lands as a treaty relative of the Robinson-Huron Treaty.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
46 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
work frameworks, considering how each takes up (or not) histories of colonialism and Indigenous dispossession and addresses Indigenous identities, relations to land, and assertions of sovereignty. We conclude by offering principles and practices that might foreground the disruption of settler colonialism and respect for Indigenous sovereignty as necessary frameworks for Canadian environmental social work.
Keywords: Indigenous sovereignty, settler colonialism, environmental social work, Indigenous lands
Abrégé : La récente recrudescence de l’intérêt pour le travail social environnemental se déroule sur un fond de siècles de lutte continue des peuples autochtones pour protéger leurs terres et leurs eaux. Dans cet article, nous examinons les façons dont les cadres de travail social environnemental engagent les réalités et les résistances des peuples autochtones dans le contexte du colonialisme des colons. Nous soutenons que pour s’engager éthiquement avec l’environnementalisme, les travailleurs sociaux qui vivent et travaillent sur les territoires autochtones doivent comprendre et résister au colonialisme des colons, à notre implication dans le maintien de sa structure et de ses pratiques, et à sa contribution à la destruction écologique. En nous appuyant sur les travaux d’universitaires autochtones, nous décrivons brièvement la conception qu’ont les peuples autochtones de leurs relations à la terre et à la souveraineté et la façon dont le colonialisme des colons en tant que structure est organisé dans le but explicite d’éliminer ces relations. Nous passons ensuite en revue des textes importants traitant de plusieurs cadres de travail social environnemental concurrents, en examinant comment chacun d’entre eux reprend (ou non) l’histoire du colonialisme et de la dépossession indigène et aborde les identités indigènes, les relations à la terre et les affirmations de souveraineté. Nous concluons en offrant des principes et des pratiques qui pourraient mettre en évidence la perturbation du colonialisme des colons et le respect de la souveraineté autochtone comme cadres nécessaires au travail social environnemental canadien.
Mots-clés : Souveraineté autochtone, colonialisme des colons, travail social environnemental, terres autochtones.
THE UPSURGE OF INTEREST AMONG social work students, scholars, and practitioners in addressing environmental and ecological concerns is unfolding against a backdrop of centuries of continuous struggle on the part of Indigenous peoples to protect their lands and waters. While we conducted research for this article, hundreds of people from over 200 Indigenous nations and their supporters were encamped along the shores of the Cannonball River in Lakota-Dakota ancestral territory to support
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 47
the Standing Rock Sioux in resisting the construction of a 3.8 billion dollar pipeline extending from North Dakota to Illinois and running directly through the heart of their homeland. The history of devastation endured by the Standing Rock Sioux—of imported disease, decimated traditional economies, disregarded treaties, flooded, expropriated, and contaminated lands, deep racism, exploitation, and governmental neglect—resonates uncomfortably with the histories of many Indigenous nations in Canada and across Turtle Island. So too, this “flashpoint” (Russell, 2010, p. 30) of conflict and resistance finds a resonance in others struggles: in the coalescence of resistance against expansion of the Kinder Morgan pipeline and similar developments at Muskrat Dam and Unisto’ten; in the ramming of Mi’kmaq boats at Esgenoôpetitj (Burnt Church) and the RCMP crackdown against an anti-fracking blockade in Elsipogtog First Nation; in ongoing blockades, some a decade old now, to protect traditional Algonquin and Anishinaabe territories from being clear-cut; in the defaming and criminalization of so many Indigenous land defenders who seek to oppose unfettered resource extraction on their territories without their consent.
In a moment when Canada as a settler nation is being prodded by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 2015 Calls to Action, by international bodies, and by a groundswell of Indigenous-led activism to account for its colonial past and present, and as social work continues to grapple with its role and implication in colonial oppression, it is essential that we consider carefully the ways in which all social work theory and practice engages with the realities and resistances of Indigenous peoples. As non-Indigenous scholars who have been impacted by almost two decades of involvement with Indigenous communities, Knowledge Keepers, scholars, and activists engaged in land defense struggles, we hope to contribute to this important conversation by focusing critical attention on the analytical frameworks currently used to articulate environmental approaches to social work.
In this article, we explore three overlapping environmentally-oriented frameworks for social work practice: eco-social work, eco-spiritual social work, and environmental justice. Considering their representation in prominent social work texts, we ask: What does each of these frameworks enable us to see of the realities and resistances of Indigenous peoples, and what remains sidelined, elided, distorted, or invisible? How does each framework conceptualize social work practice in relation to these realities and resistances? How does each address—or perhaps cover over or perpetuate—ongoing structures and practices that dispossess Indigenous peoples and disregard their sovereignty, rights, and relationships to land? And what might it look like to place analyses of ongoing colonization, Indigenous land dispossession, and Indigenous resistance and sovereignty at the centre of environmental social work theory and practice?
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
48 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
In traversing the terrain of these questions, we begin by utilizing the work of Indigenous scholars to briefly describe Indigenous peoples’ conception of and relationships to their lands, as well as how these relationships inform Indigenous understandings of sovereignty. Next, we turn our attention to defining and describing settler colonialism as a structure organized with the explicit aim of eliminating Indigenous relationships to land, attending as well to how social work as a profession has participated in or failed to address practices aimed at Indigenous dispossession and erasure. We then use these concepts as an analytical lens through which to review key environmental social work literature. Here, we attend to the ways in which competing environmental social work frameworks take up (or not) histories of colonialism and Indigenous dispossession, as well as construct and delimit Indigenous identities, relations to land, and assertions of sovereignty. We conclude by offering principles and practices that might foreground the disruption of settler colonialism and respect for Indigenous sovereignty as necessary frameworks for Canadian environmental social work.
Indigenous Peoples’ Relationships to Land and Sovereignty
Nii Gaani Aki Inini (2016) speaks of the close and sacred connection Indigenous peoples have with Mother Earth, an entity revealing the face of the Creator and, offering love and abundance “that we feel in the food, the medicines, the natural materials we use in our homes and in our cooking, and most importantly, in the teachings, natural laws and connection she brings us” (para. 12). As Little Bear (2000) explains, this connection to Earth as Mother is literal, not metaphorical: “The Earth cannot be separated from the actual being of Indians” (p. 78). Traditional teacher Melody Andrews (2015) similarly points to connections to land as being core to Indigenous identities and cultures:
Being Hwulmuhw [Indigenous]…is about having a genetic connection to the people of the land and to the land itself. It is about understanding your connection to the land, where you come from, and knowing the origin stories of the land and the sacred responsibility for defending your territories from destruction and exploitation … To realize you have a sacred responsibility for the land and help protect it for the next gen- eration, you have to have an intimate relationship with the land. This means the land develops you as a person. It provides places, specific experiences, and wisdom for a person as they grow. (7:03-8:25)
Indeed, McAdam (2015) describes nêhiyaw (Cree) culture as so intertwined with the land that to “separate the two would mean death to many aspects of nêhiyaw culture” (p. 23). As Cajete (1994) notes, Indigenous identities derive not from a relationship to land in general,
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 49
but from longstanding lived relationships with very particular lands and places:
Every cultural group established their relations to [their place] over time. Whether that place is in the desert, a mountain valley, or along a seashore, it is in the context of natural community, and through that understanding they established an educational process that was practical, ultimately ecological, and spiritual. In this way they sought and found their life. (p. 113)
Practiced over millennia, these multidimensional relationships to their lands and territories are described as ontological and intrinsic; they are reflected in Indigenous peoples’ laws and constitute the basis for Indigenous rights as well as responsibilities (Chiefs of Ontario, n.d.).
Indigenous understandings of their relationships to land also dovetail directly into Indigenous conceptions of sovereignty. Echoing many Indigenous political and activist organizations, the Chiefs of Ontario (n.d.) describe sovereignty as an extension and expression of these relationships to land—relationships that convey collective and inherent rights to self-determination and jurisdiction over political, legal, economic, social, and cultural realms, all “flow[ing] from the connection to the Creator and our lands” (para. 1). Importantly, there is some debate among Indigenous leaders and scholars regarding the risks and benefits of framing these relationships within concepts that are overdetermined by colonial relations and history.1 For example, Mishig Nishnaabeg scholar Leanne Betasamosake Simpson (2015) emphasizes the importance of “understanding how sovereignty and nationhood are conceptualized within indigenous intellectual and political systems” (pp. 18-19). Basing her understanding on what she has heard communicated through the oral tradition of her Nishnaabeg elders, Simpson contends that Indigenous sovereignty “is at its core about relationships—relationships with each other and with plant and animal nations, with our lands and waters and with the spiritual world” (p. 18). Monture-Angus (1999) expresses this insight in a slightly different way, conceptualizing sovereignty as the right of Indigenous peoples to live out their relational responsibilities to land and territory:
Sovereignty, when defined as my right to be responsible, is really a ques- tion of identity (both individual and collective) more than it is a question of an individualized property right. Identity, as I have come to under- stand it, requires a relationship with territory (and not a relationship based on control of that territory). (p. 36)
Over and against settler colonial constructs of land as property, and of sovereignty as the political and social demarcation of territory over which one asserts exclusive jurisdiction and control, Indigenous scholars,
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
50 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
leaders, and Knowledge Keepers speak of sovereignty as living the powerful, complex, practiced, and sustaining relationships with specific lands that sustain them physically, relationally, culturally, spiritually, and as distinct peoples.
Settler Colonialism as a Structure of Erasure
It is essential to hold in mind the integral importance of Indigenous relationships to their lands when seeking to understand the precise violence of settler colonialism, a structure and set of practices organized around an enduring imperative to elide, dismiss, deny, and extinguish these very relationships (Wolfe, 2006). Tuck, McKenzie, and McCoy (2014) distinguish settler colonialism in Canada from imperialism and forms of domination centred around the pillaging of resources,2 describing it as a “form of colonization in which outsiders come to land inhabited by Indigenous peoples and claim it as their own new home” (p. 6). As an unfolding nation-making project tied to white supremacy, settler colonialism has drawn differently racialized peoples into its structures and logics over time: “Subsequent generations of settlers come to the settler nation-state for many reasons, under many circumstances—but at the heart of all of these rationales is the need for space and land” (Tuck et al, 2014, p. 6).
LaRocque (2010) elaborates the diverse strategies—political, legal, bureaucratic, geographical, cultural, military—that work in tandem to entrench this structure of invasion and erase the presence of First Peoples:
As the invasion deepens, the colonizer moves to protect and enhance his newly gained position of power. This is done in many ways…from the colonizer’s perspective, ‘peopleing’ the ‘empty’ spaces, renaming the ‘natives’ and (their) landscape, building strategic points of entry and defence (i.e., forts), and occupying strategic roles as (re) educators, employers, and, gradually, as legislators. (p. 75)
Tuck, McKenzie, and McCoy (2014) further describe settler colonial states as characterized by their “refusal to recognize themselves as such, requiring a continual disavowal of history, Indigenous peoples’ resistance to settlement, Indigenous peoples’ claims to stolen land, and how settler colonialism is indeed ongoing, not an event contained in the past” (p. 7). As products and beneficiaries of settler regimes, individual settlers are similarly complicit in these processes of denial: “They do not consider themselves to be implicated in the continued settlement and occupation of unceded Indigenous land” (p. 7).
Settler colonialism sustains itself as a structure “by making Indigenous land into property” (Tuck et al., 2014, p. 7)3 through a web of legal and bureaucratic processes, backed by police and military force, that actively target Indigenous understandings of land. Simpson (2013) traces the
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 51
cumulative impact of land being continually and deceptively redefined out from under the feet of Indigenous peoples:
Over the past two hundred years, without our permission and without our consent, we have been systematically removed and dispossessed from most of our territory. We have watched as our homeland has been cleared, subdivided, and sold to settlers from Toronto. We have watched our waterfronts disappear behind monster cottages…our most sacred places have been made into provincial parks for tourists, with concrete buildings over our teaching rocks. (p. 51)
As Manuel and Derrickson (2015) note, Indigenous peoples in Canada now control only 0.2 percent of the land while settlers control 99.8 percent: “It is the loss of our land that has been the precise cause of our impoverishment” (p. 8). According to LaRocque (2010), this process of dispossession is advancing with increasing speed and efficiency as a result of unfettered resource extraction and industrial capitalist development:
Native peoples continue to lose massive amounts of ecological space and resources to megaprojects to extract or produce hydroelectricity, lumber, gas and oil, and uranium and other minerals… Not only do Native peoples continue to lose their lands and resources, arguably the very ground of their cultural beings, but they, as a result, continue to lose their lives in disturbing proportions. (pp. 74-76)
Read in the context of what Indigenous peoples are saying about the vital and mutually-constitutive relationships they have with their lands, this extensive loss takes on a deeper meaning. When settler colonial practices and structures target the relationships of Indigenous peoples to their lands, the impact is pervasive, constituting attacks on Indigenous political orders (Coulthard & Simpson, 2016), laws (McAdam, 2015), cultures (McAdam, 2015), health (Manuel & Derrickson, 2015), economic survival (Manuel & Derrickson, 2015), and lives (Coulthard & Simpson, 2016). Theses practices also have devastating ecological consequences, as “‘environmental damage to the land/animals (through resource extraction, animal extinction, land clearance, and pollution) [is inherently] intertwined with socio-cultural genocide of the Indigenous peoples of the land’” (Korteweg & Oakley, 2012; as cited in Tuck et al., 2014, p. 6). Circling back to Indigenous peoples’ relational understandings of land, Simpson (2013) poignantly sums up the impact of this profound loss: “The land, our mother, has largely been taken from us” (p. 51).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
52 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
Social Work and Settler Colonialism Although awareness of colonial realities is growing within social work, thanks largely to the efforts of Indigenous scholars, the profession as a whole remains slow to interrogate settler colonialism as an ongoing structure of dispossession in which social work itself is complicit. This complicity is manifested in myriad ways, including social work’s surveillance and pathologization of Indigenous peoples (Weaver, 2000), and its imposition of Eurocentric helping frameworks and practices that displace Indigenous traditional helping systems (Carlson, 2016a; Hart, 2003; Weaver, 2010; Yellow Bird & Gray, 2010). Many scholars also highlight social work’s implication in promoting agendas of assimilation: through administering ‘Indian welfare’ (Shewell, 2001, 2004); by participating in the forcible removal and transfer of Indigenous children to residential schools (Blackstock, 2009; Sinclair, 2004, 2007); and by orchestrating the separation of Indigenous children from their families and communities, through the 60s scoop (Sinclair, 2004) as well as on-going practices of child welfare and Indigenous child removal (Baskin, 2011; Blackstock, 2007, 2009; Sinclair, 2007, 2016; Waterfall, 2006).
In 2015, the Final Report of Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission highlighted this ongoing history of complicity, focusing its first four Calls to Action on the responsibility of social work as a profession, and of individual social workers, to root out colonizing practices, particularly in relation to Indigenous child welfare. The 2017 Statement of Complicity and Commitment to Change adopted by the Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE-ACFTS), with its first commitment to “acknowledge that colonizing narratives, policies, and practices have been, and continue to be, embedded in social work education, research, and practice,” represents an important initial response to these calls for accountability (CASWE-ACFTS, 2017). What remains marginal even in these analyses and declarations of complicity, however, is sustained attention to the role that social work processes and practices have played—and continue to play—in the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands.
Indigenous scholars render explicit the interweaving of social work and Indigenous land dispossession. Sinclair (2016), for example, contends that the child welfare system—in which social work has played such a pivotal role-—is part of a legal apparatus of assimilation that has been a “necessary precursor to land and resource acquisition” (p. 9) on the part of the Canadian state. Indeed, Mohawk scholar Marlene Brant Castellano (2009) states that the “link, as perceived by Aboriginal people, is pretty direct” (p. 6) between the colonial practices that social workers helped to implement and the broader colonial agenda to deal with Indigenous peoples as “an impediment to assertion of colonial authority over lands” (p. 6):
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 53
First responses were to deny that the original peoples were sufficiently evolved to have rights at all. When they mounted stiff resistance to dis- placement, treaties were introduced to pacify them and, in the view of colonial governments, to extinguish all rights. Just as Aboriginal claims to the land constituted a cloud on colonial jurisdiction, so the presence of peoples asserting those rights constituted an “Indian problem.” Official efforts to solve the Indian problem turned to eroding collective identity by aggressive assimilation, absorbing Indians into the body politic until there were no Indians. Since Aboriginal adults were likely to be too entrenched in their ways to be responsive, efforts were directed to their children. (p. 6)
Social workers also aligned with early social reformers in supporting policies of relocating Indigenous populations and promoting individual land ownership among Indigenous peoples as a means to assimilate them—policies which led to “approximately 2/3 of reservation land being lost to non-Native people” (Weaver, 2000, p. 8).
Yellow Bird and Gray (2010) argue as well that social work education colludes with settler colonial structures and agenda by failing to address the full range and extent of the atrocities perpetuated against Indigenous people, thus distorting and masking the true nature of settler-Indigenous relationships:
It is rare to find terms and readings that openly require social work stu- dents to undertake a serious and systematic investigation of how terms such as invasion, genocide, murder, occupation, takeover, imperialism, colonialism, decolonization, dispossession, reparation, apology, respons- ibility, justice, white supremacy, suppression, land and resource rights, spirituality, Aboriginal title, sovereignty and monetary compensation apply to Indigenous Peoples. (p. 64)
Thus, for us as social workers to fully take up and live up to the TRC’s Calls to Action, we need to begin by entering into deep and sustained learning about settler colonialism and its continuing “logic of elimination” (Wolfe, 2006, p. 388).
Environmentalism and Its Implication in Settler Colonial Practices
Before considering how settler colonial assumptions play out in or are contested by environmentally-oriented forms of social work theory and practice, it is important to briefly explore how these assumptions are embedded in environmentalism more broadly. Many scholars and activists have explored environmentalists’ own complicity in settler colonial relations. Kitossa (2000), for example, critiques the ‘biocentrism,’ paternalism, and white supremacy that informs the practice of many (predominantly white) animal rights activists, environmentalists, and conservationists. In their quest to protect the environment, Kitossa argues, such actors often cast Indigenous hunting practices as barbaric,
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
54 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
thereby positioning themselves as knowing better how to protect the environment—this, notwithstanding that Indigenous peoples have cultivated and maintained respectful and reciprocal relationships with the lands and beings of their territories since time immemorial. Recognizing the importance of keeping Indigenous peoples and their rights and aspirations in the environmental frame, Kitossa notes: “[I]f we are to seriously ‘put nature first, this must be done by also putting Aboriginal peoples and rights first” (p. 35).
Other scholars highlight the colonial narratives that circulate within mainstream environmental discourse in ways that frame settler environmentalists as rescuing saviours, or that enable them to claim ‘innocent’ ecological identities and forms of belonging to Indigenous lands through appropriations of stereotyped indigeneity (La Paperson, 2014). Simpson (2004) further notes the tendency among environmentally-oriented academics to co-opt traditional Indigenous ecological knowledge in ways that reify their privilege and marginalize Indigenous scholars and perspectives, all the while giving little attention to the wholistic contexts of this knowledge, based in Indigenous values, worldviews, spiritual understandings, and histories of dispossession, resistance and resurgence.
What’s more, Smith and Sterritt (2010) observe that settler environmental priorities and actions are often at odds with those of Indigenous peoples, noting the disparate goals between settler environmental organizations and Indigenous communities. Regarding the Great Bear Forest campaign, for example, mainstream environmental organizations “motivated by an aesthetic appreciation of nature” and a conservation ethic sought to “codify protection of remaining intact natural systems through mechanisms such as parks” (p. 145):
By contrast, the First Nations who have occupied the BC coast for at least 10,000 years, and have co-evolved with the ecosystems around them, held a more integrated view of nature. They carefully managed the abundant resources of both land and sea, relying on knowledge of seasonal cycles to harvest a wide variety of resources without depleting them. But while they had deep connections to—and concern for—the land, they also faced serious social and economic issues, many of them the legacies of coloniza- tion. First Nations’ vision of change thus involved both regaining control over their territories by asserting their title and rights, and addressing poverty by providing jobs for their communities. (p. 145)
As many scholars have noted, these divergent goals often provoke tensions between settler environmental activists and Indigenous communities regarding questions of authority, jurisdiction, and control (Davis, 2010). Without conscious efforts to interrogate and unsettle embedded colonial assumptions and relations, mainstream environmentalists can thus steamroll over the relationships of Indigenous peoples with their lands,
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC��������6 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 55
as well as Indigenous peoples’ efforts to repatriate their lands, maintain their ways of life, and disrupt and recover from colonial assaults.
Tracing Settler Colonial Relations within Environmental Social Work Discourse
As we now turn our attention to the ways these same settler colonial dynamics, assumptions, and agendas play out in, or are contested by, environmentally-oriented forms of social work theory and practice, we consider three frameworks of practice by examining how they are represented within prominent texts in the field. Specifically, we trace how each framework addresses settler colonialism and Indigenous dispossession as well as Indigenous sovereignty and rights and relations to land, as a contribution to ongoing efforts to uncover and disrupt the often unconscious ways in which we have been socialized to reify colonial relations. It is through listening closely to Indigenous peoples and reflecting together that we are able to move forward in this learning process and work together towards personal, collective, and structural decolonization.
Eco-social Approaches
We begin with eco-social work frameworks, which, in very broad strokes, seek to rework social work’s foundational ‘person-in-environment’ paradigm by offsetting its over-emphasis on psychosocial dimensions with a more holistic recognition of the physical environment. Matthies and Närhi (2016) note: “One of the central theses in the ecosocial paradigm is that an environmental crisis is a social crisis, as it increases social inequality and causes the highest level of problems for the most vulnerable citizens in societies” (p. 4). From addressing public health crises arising from national disasters, to advocating for the enforcement of environmental protections, to community practice involving community gardens and nature-based therapies, these approaches extend systems and ecological approaches and use social work’s typical tools of the trade to seek to bring about an “ecologically and socially balanced society at the global and local level” (Matthies & Närhi, 2016, p. 3) that fosters sustainable human and social development (Hoff & McNutt, 1994; Hoff & Polack, 1993; Matthies, Närhi, &Ward, 2001). Like other systems-oriented frameworks, eco-social approaches focus on the disproportionate negative impact of development on marginalized peoples and promote social action to amplify marginalized voices in order to effect policy change (Matthies, Närhi, &Ward, 2001). Eco-social scholarship also foreshadows the development of eco-spiritual social work approaches in their critique of modernity and embrace of ‘alternative’ eco-feminist and Indigenous value systems (Hoff & Polack, 1993).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
56 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
At first glance, given that Indigenous peoples have borne the brunt of the massive ecological degradation, poverty, and health and social impacts of unfettered hydroelectric, gas and oil, and extractive forms of development located in their territories—with Enbridge’s decision to re-route its pipeline near the Standing Rock Sioux reservation and away from the water supply of a nearby white setter community standing as but one startlingly clear example—eco-social work frameworks seem very pertinent to Indigenous realities and struggles. What stands out in reading key eco-social texts, however, is their limited engagement with Indigenous peoples’ land defense struggles. For example, a recent work by prominent eco-social scholars Matthies and Närhi, (2016) draws heavily from research in settler nations like Canada, the US, Finland, and Australia, but includes no Indigenous authors. These texts give little to no space to the specific struggles or perspectives of the Indigenous peoples, and no attention whatsoever to the particular processes of colonization that are unfolding in these contexts. Thus, borrowing from Lawrence and Dua’s (2005) analysis of the inattention of many forms of anti-racist activism to underlying dynamics of settler colonialism, eco-social frameworks also “fail to make Indigenous presence and ongoing colonization, particularly in the Americas, foundational to their analysis.” When Indigenous peoples do appear in these texts, they figure primarily as victims of environmental injustice—and thus as recipients of environmental social work interventions—or, as purveyors of cultural and spiritual knowledges that are framed as resources for dominant social workers. In sharp contrast to Indigenous cultures, knowledges, and philosophies, these approaches also remain solidly anthropocentric, with little focus on life systems apart from humans.
Eco-spiritual Approaches
By contrast, eco-spiritual approaches to social work practice arise in relation to mounting ecological crises as well as the growing sense of human disconnection from ‘nature’ and ‘place’ that results from rampant consumerism (Jeffery, 2014, p. 492; see also Besthorn, 2004). These forms of practice draw upon Western ecological thought, critiques of modernity, ecofeminism, and spiritual discourses to once again reconfigure social work’s foundational notions of ‘person-in-environment,’ this time building practice foundations that “assume an interdependence and relatedness of all life, connectedness to nature, and the importance of place” (Coates, Gray, & Hetherington, 2003, p. 389; Besthorn & Canda, 2002; Zapf, 2012). Coates, Gray, and Hetherington (2003) suggest that it is this convergence of spiritual, ecological, and social work discourses that challenges individualism and Eurocentrism in social work and promotes holistic understandings of place that are “akin to that of traditional and indigenous societies and cultures” (p. 388). In this way, eco-spiritual social
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 57
work imagines itself as opening up a “welcoming space” within mainstream social work literature and discourse: one “where Indigenous peoples are finally being given a voice” (p. 388), and where “the important contribution made by traditional indigenous beliefs and values” (p. 390)—in particular, their spirit-informed, holistic relationships to land and place—can be recognized and given credibility.4
In moving beyond conceptualizing ‘land’ solely in terms of space and resources, these frameworks do create room for acknowledging Indigenous understandings of land as spiritual, cultural, and ontological; they also take seriously the call of Indigenous social workers to engage concertedly with Indigenous epistemologies, knowledges, and worldviews as a means of decolonizing both the profession and the broader society (Baskin, 2011). At the same time, notions of non-Indigenous social work scholars ‘lending credibility’ and ‘giving voice’ to Indigenous traditional knowledge holders smack of paternalism; they also sideline the decades-long efforts on the part of Indigenous scholars to challenge the colonizing politics of knowledge production in the academy (Battiste, 2000; Battiste & Henderson, 2000; Simpson, 2014). Further, efforts to demonstrate a compatibility between, or perhaps to integrate, Western (ostensibly ‘modern’) and Indigenous (ostensibly ‘traditional’) ecological thought risk erasing the specificity and incommensurability of Indigenous knowledges (Tuck & Yang, 2012), and reflect an arrogance on the part of non-Indigenous people to presume to ‘know’ Indigenous knowledges enough to be able to judge such an affinity.
While eco-spiritual approaches do address colonialism, they do so most often through critiques of “professional imperialism,” (Midgely, 1981) which posit as a solution practices of ‘indigenization’ conceived in relation to international social work: that is, as processes of adapting western social work to local cultures or contexts. This framing of indigenization collapses Indigeneity with ‘the local,’ pitting both as forms of resistance against an encroaching globalization of capital and culture. This conceptualization differs markedly from that offered by Indigenous scholars like Yellow Bird (2010), who defines Indigenization as “the personal and collective process of decolonizing Indigenous life and restoring true self-determination based on traditional Indigenous values” (pp. 286-7). While later work by eco-spiritual scholars moves away from the language of indigenization, perhaps in recognition of this tension (Gray & Hetherington, 2013), little effort continues to be made to differentiate colonialisms occurring in Africa or Asia from settler colonialism, with the result that colonialism itself is often conjured as in the past.
We echo Jeffery’s (2014, 2015) concern about the depoliticizing effects of eco-spiritual approaches that challenge the separation of (generic) humans from the earth while failing to address the power relations that subordinate Indigenous identities, denigrate or disappear
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
58 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
Indigenous cultures, and render Indigenous lands open to extraction, pillage, and devastating forms of development.5 We particularly align with her critique of the ways in which eco-spiritual approaches circulate in social work classrooms, inviting students to imaginatively align themselves with the mythical ‘Ecological Indian’6 while “critical considerations of ongoing colonialism, and the racist, harmful environmental practices that affect the real Indigenous subject, are sidestepped” (Jeffery, 2015, p. 74). For settlers, these identifications involve extracting aspects of Indigeneity that allow us to reconnect emotionally and spiritually to the land while leaving unchallenged the power relations and practices that secure our own privileged claims to the land. Thus, eco-spiritual approaches risk feeding into broader settler desires for an ‘innocent’ belonging to the land, effecting what Tuck and Yang (2012) refer to as “settler moves to innocence” (p. 9).
Environmental Justice Approaches
By contrast, environmental justice frameworks in social work directly challenge this depoliticizing tendency. Hetherington and Boddy note that these approaches, drawing upon explicit human rights frameworks and building on and extending analyses of environmental racism (Bullard, 1993), analyze how “the devastation, trauma, and negative impacts [of industrial development and climate change] disproportionately affect the marginalized and oppressed populations that social workers serve—people in poverty, people of colour, women, Indigenous people, low-income urban neighbourhoods, rural communities, and older populations” (as cited in Melekis & Woodhouse, 2015, p. 574). Lena Dominelli (2012), one of the most prominent scholars in this field, adopts an explicitly anti- capitalist framework, attending to the ways in which neoliberal economics and the industrial forms of development that they precipitate lead to the destruction of ‘non-Industrial’ lifestyles and the Earth itself.
Dominelli’s (2012) foundational text, Green social work, traces the ways that environmental crises intersect with socioeconomic disparities, global interdependencies, and limited natural resources (Jeffery, 2014). It is also exemplary for the way that it attends to current colonial state practices, adopting an explicit Indigenous rights framework to consider the state agenda to collude with “those seeking the industrialization of wilderness lands, in the name of the greater good” (p. 333). In a refreshing turn, Dominelli highlights case studies of land defense movements led by Indigenous communities against mega-development projects on their territories. Thus, she positions Indigenous peoples not solely as victims but as leaders at the forefront of struggles to protect the land. Dominelli’s (2012) work also recognizes Indigenous relationships to their lands as simultaneously spiritual and political, specifying how spiritual connections to the land have sustained Indigenous peoples’ collective resistance to
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 59
“attacks on their ways of life and physical environment” (p. 313). What’s more, she considers “how Indigenous beliefs, particularly those of the First Nations in Canada and Maori in Aotearoa/New Zealand, have reframed social work practice as they sought to overcome colonialism, racism and genocide” (p. 314), offering lessons for practitioners. Her text situates social workers in a long line of activists and allies supporting Indigenous struggles, at the same time raising questions about Indigenous jurisdiction, the reiteration of colonial relations, and the critical importance of consultation to working with Indigenous communities.
And yet even Dominelli’s groundbreaking work reiterates settler colonial assumptions. At times, her text presents Indigenous knowledges reductively within a Western lens of sustainability, in ways that presuppose an unproblematic alignment with settler environmental efforts and aspirations. It also tends to frame Indigenous knowledges as ‘resources’ that non-Indigenous social workers can draw upon to “ensure that their practice is culturally aware and appropriate for use with particular diversities” (Dominelli, 2012, pp. 315-316).7 While Dominelli advocates for social work practice to include a macro-level analysis of its history, this assertion lacks context and development. There is only cursory reference made, for example, to specific histories of dispossession, to histories of ‘settlement,’ or to the Treaties; there is also relatively little attention paid to Indigenous sovereignty, and what that might mean for environmental justice practice at every level. Further, there is little analysis of how settler colonialism works as an ongoing structure and set of practices that privileges settler governments as well as settler peoples—including social workers—in the present.
Jeffery (2014, 2015) offers a critique of environmental social work that perhaps best aligns with our own, taking up an explicitly anti- racist and anti-colonial analysis in calling for attention to “scholarship on Indigenous struggles around land-based politics, particularly within neoliberal contexts, scholarship that concerns itself with the points of intersection of Indigenous identity, the environment, and neoliberalism” (Jeffery, 2015, p. 87). While we appreciate Jeffery’s (2015)‘cautionary tale’ about the appropriations of Indigenous subjectivities and knowledges that can happen when non-Indigenous social work students engage with Indigenous ecological knowledges, we are mindful too of calls on the part of Indigenous social work scholars for social work as a whole to be informed and transformed by Indigenous epistemologies, knowledges, worldviews, and pedagogies (Baskin, 2011); thus, we worry that Jeffery’s critique leaves little room for non-Indigenous social workers to engage with such knowledges as transformative frameworks for disrupting settler colonialism and its concomitant environmental destruction. Similarly, while Jeffery rightly calls for environmental social work to attend more closely to power relations tied to race, space, and Indigeneity as they play out in concrete conflicts over Indigenous lands, even this nuanced
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
60 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
analysis leaves unchallenged the legitimacy of Canada’s assumptions of sovereignty and the benefits that social workers derive as settlers from ongoing colonization of Indigenous lands and peoples. Jeffery’s analysis also gives little attention to the profound leadership of Indigenous peoples in protecting their territories and the planet as a whole.
Indeed, what remains missing within all of the environmentally- oriented social work frameworks we reviewed here is critical and sustained attention to two foundational realities: the pervasive imperative of settler colonialism to clear, claim, settle, and assert jurisdiction, control, and sovereignty over Indigenous lands, and Indigenous peoples’ enduring and multifaceted resistance to that imperative. And so what might it look like to place analyses of settler colonialism, Indigenous land dispossession, and Indigenous resistance, resurgence, and sovereignty at the centre of environmental social work theory and practice? It is to this pivotal question that we now turn.
Centring Indigenous Sovereignty and Settler Colonialism within Environmental Social Work
First, we must begin by recognizing that all efforts to address environmental injustice on lands occupied by the Canadian state occur on “territory that is Indigenous and which has been and continues to be subject to the forces of land-based settlement” (Tuck et al., 2014, p. 1). Recognizing Indigenous territory as an underlying principle implies challenging assumptions of ‘terra nullius’8 within environmental social work practice: in other words, it means asserting that in contexts of settler colonialism, there was no empty land prior to its ‘discovery’ and settlement, and hence there is no ‘environment’ that exists outside of the histories of colonization and Indigenous resistance and resurgence. All environmental social work practice must be viewed, then, as either disrupting or reifying dispossession.
Further, beyond simply expanding the environmental social work agenda to make more room for the perspectives and struggles of Indigenous peoples, centring Indigenous sovereignty calls for the centering of Indigenous cosmologies and their related concepts of land and land relationships in environmental practice (Tuck et al., 2014). It also demands a thorough soul-searching regarding social work’s implication in colonial practices (Baskin, 2011; Blackstock, 2009; Carlson, 2016a; Hart, 2003; Sinclair, 2007; Weaver, 2010; Yellow Bird & Gray, 2010), with special attention to rooting out social work discourses and practices that “justify settler occupation of stolen land, or encourage the replacement of Indigenous peoples and relations to land with settlers and relations of property” (Tuck et al., 2014, p. 8; see also Weaver, 2000, p. 8). Further, centring Indigenous sovereignty requires challenging colonial assumptions about who is in charge, who sets the terms and agenda, and who defines the discourse, narratives, and meanings around environmental work
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 61
(Davis & Shpuniarsky, 2010; Kitossa, 2000; La Paperson, 2014; Simpson, 2004; Smith & Sterritt, 2010; Weaver, 2000), and recognizing that settler and Indigenous aspirations and solidarities in land defence must always “be approached as incommensurable but not incompatible” (Snelgrove, Kaur Dhamoon, & Corntassel, 2014, p. 30). Thus, just as ecological social work models call for a reworking of social work’s foundational ‘person-in-environment’ framework to offset an over-emphasis upon the social with a fuller recognition of ecology and place, so too a centring of Indigenous sovereignty and relations to land within environmental social work requires a fundamental rethinking of our practice foundations. Beyond ‘person-in-environment’ or even ‘person-in-place,’ we are invited to consider what it might mean to imagine our practice as centred on ‘person-in-place-on-Indigenous-land-and-in-Indigenous-sovereignty.’
As a radical shifting of our accountabilities (Alfred, 2014, 40:30-41:08), centring Indigenous sovereignty also asks that we as social work scholars, educators, and practitioners reconsider the existential frameworks we hold for our lives and work, beginning by asking ourselves critical questions: “What are the colonial pathways that bring [us as settler] people into this land? …What is our relationship to settler colonialism, to Indigenous survivance and tribal sovereignty?” (La Paperson, 2014, p. 128). We are challenged to come to understand ourselves as living on Indigenous lands and within spaces of Indigenous sovereignty, and learn to behave in accordance with these beliefs (Carlson, 2016b; Hiller, 2013; see also Klein, 2016). As Mills (2016) contends, living this understanding entails “not merely making space for indigenous voices but acting, choosing, thinking, and feeling as if what those voices say about this land and how to live on it really matters” (para. 27). It involves a willingness to learn, engage with, and beholden ourselves to the calls we hear from Indigenous scholars and Knowledge Keepers to live in accordance with the law of the peoples on whose land we abide (Borrows, 2005; Johnson, 2007). McAdam (2015) emphasizes the necessity of non-Indigenous peoples following these laws, which include those instructing humans to avoid causing pain or suffering to animals, wasting animal products, over-harvesting trees, or polluting the environment.
To centre Indigenous sovereignty within environmental social work also entails recognizing that we live and work in treaty territories. Envisioned in light of Indigenous oral tradition,9 treaty relationships also entail responsibilities to learn to know and care for the land: “The treaties that gave your family the right to occupy this territory were also an opportunity for you to learn how to live in this territory” (Johnson, 2007, p. 21). Anishinaabe scholar Niigaan Sinclair (2014) elucidates these relations further, noting that when Anishinaabe peoples signed treaties, they often did so with their clan symbols, demonstrating that the newcomers were signing into responsibilities to those clan animals, and thereby to the natural world where they live. Thus, treaties reflect
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
62 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
obligations on the part of non-Indigenous people to also care for and relate to the waters, the land, and the animals. Further, reconfiguring environmental social work to disrupt settler colonialism and uphold Indigenous sovereignty entails foregrounding the incredible survivance and profound leadership of Indigenous peoples in the face of centuries of encroachment and environmental devastation. Coulthard and Simpson (2016) describe the “fierce and loving mobilization” of Indigenous peoples since the time of first contact:
Indigenous resistance and resurgence in response to the dispossessive forces of settler colonization, in both historical and current manifesta- tions, employ measures and tactics designed to protect Indigenous terri- tories and to reconnect Indigenous bodies to land through the practices and forms of knowledge that these practices continuously regenerate. (p. 254)
Not only does following and seeking to support this Indigenous leadership in land defense disrupt colonial dynamics and respect Indigenous sovereignty, but it may actually be our best hope for the planet’s survival. Indigenous rights—those recognized domestically through successive Supreme Court decisions and internationally through the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, as the result of decades of hard-fought battles in the courts and on the ground—remain some of the most significant legal mechanisms available for putting a brake on environmentally-damaging forms of resource development. In particular, the requirement under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that states gain the free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous nations before moving forward with major resource development projects has been successfully drawn upon by Indigenous peoples to forestall or halt such developments (Jones, 2016). Currently, 85 First Nations in Canada have come together to form their own treaty, committing to standing together to oppose new oil pipeline projects through their collective territories.
Lukacs (2013) notes that while Indigenous peoples attempting to retain control over resource extraction on their lands have long had the law on their side, it is Indigenous-led social movements like Idle No More that have forced a reluctant Canadian government to respect their territories and self-determination.10 Reflecting on the increasing range and efficacy of Indigenous resistance, Lukacs quotes Arthur Manuel: “The people on the land, the grassroots people fighting pipelines and industrial projects … will determine what governments can or cannot do on the land” (para. 10). Thus, Lukacs (2013) concludes, “First Nations people—and the decision of Canadians to stand alongside them—will determine the fate of the planet” (para. 14):
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 63
Implementing Indigenous rights on the ground, starting with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, could tilt the balance of stewardship over a vast geography: giving Indigenous peoples much more control, and paying off Canada’s enormous legal debt to First Nations: it is also our best chance to save entire territories from endless extraction and destruction. (para. 14)
Suzuki (2015) echoes Lukacs’s conclusion, but draws on a different line of reasoning. He argues that while settler environmentalism is informed by Western knowledges that exhort us to “work hard, fish, log, farm, mine, use the land to make money” (para. 7), exploit lands, and then move to new lands, Indigenous peoples’ efforts are most often grounded in Indigenous knowledges and cultures that allowed them to live within their means on their traditional lands for millennia. Given this grounding, Suzuki concludes, Indigenous peoples have what it takes to lead efforts to protect the planet.
Conclusion
Yellow Bird and Gray (2010) pointedly challenge social workers to move beyond forms of practice that tinker with—or worse, promote adaptation to—the settler colonial status quo; they call instead for forms of practice that unsettle settler privilege, address the fraudulence and injustice at the root of the settler state and its claims to land and sovereignty, and work concretely for the recognition of Indigenous sovereignty, self- determination, and return of Indigenous lands (Yellow Bird and Gray, 2010). Yellow Bird (2013) offers a stark choice to social workers which is particularly applicable to those who attend to the environment in their work and discourse:
Indigenous peoples have and will continue to survive and resist further incursions into their territories, natural resources, sacred sites, languages, beliefs, values, networks and systems of governance, intellectual property rights and sovereignty. Social workers have the opportunity either to sup- port Indigenous rights or to continue with practices that further erode them. (p. xxii)
Inspired and challenged by Yellow Bird and Gray, we conclude that settler colonialism and Indigenous sovereignty must be foregrounded and attended to as primary contexts for Canadian environmental social work. As social workers living and working in Indigenous territories, we cannot ethically engage with environmentalism without also understanding and resisting settler colonialism, how it contributes to ecological destruction, and our implication in upholding its structure and practices; nor can we work to address environmental issues unfolding on Indigenous lands— that is, all of the land currently occupied by the Canadian state—without
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
64 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
also engaging with and respecting Indigenous sovereignty and Indigenous relationships with their land. To do otherwise is to replicate and reproduce colonial relations in our very quest to engage with and protect the environment.
END NOTES
1 Alfred (2006), for one, worries about the colonizing effects of articulating Indigenous realities and aspirations using what he deems “an exclusionary concept rooted in an adversarial and coercive Western notion of power” (p. 325).
2 We refer here to “exploitation colonialism” or “external colonization,” which is characterized by “small numbers of colonizers go to a new place in order to dominate a local labor force to harvest resources to send back to the metropole” (Tuck et al., 2014, p. 6).
3 For a more extensive discussion of the ways that power relations constitutive of settler colonialism “include settler/Indigenous, but also the hegemony of [white] settlers over [racialized] non-Indigenous workers,” see Tuck et al., 2014, p. 7; Lawrence & Dua, 2005).
4 This imagined affinity between Indigenous thought and eco-spiritual social work is seen as opening up cross-cultural encounters that ultimately help social work respond differently to diversity (Coates et. al., 2003).
5 The effect of this depoliticization is evident in cursory comparison of the tables of content and indexes of two books produced by prominent scholars in the field of eco-spiritual social work. The first text (Gray, Coates, Yellow Bird, Hetherington, 2013) focusing on how the intersection of ecology and spirituality can inform the decolonization of social work practice, features many chapters by Indigenous authors; apart from a powerful preface offered by Yellow Bird (2013) and a few references to land rights cases, concrete and material land relations are largely omitted by this book. In a second text by these authors (Gray, Coates, & Hetherington, 2013) that aims to map the terrain of concrete practices under the rubric of ‘environmental social work,’ Indigenous people do not appear at all as authors; instead, they figure primarily either as victims of environmental injustice and as thus, recipients of environmental social work interventions, or as purveyors of cultural and spiritual knowledges that ultimately serve as resources to inform the practice of dominant social worker researchers and activists—those insidiously positioned as the real actors for environmental justice.
6 Jeffery (2014) draws upon the work of anthropologist and Native Studies professor Paul Nadasdy, who highlights the ways that non-Indigenous environmentalists across a wide political spectrum make use of notions of the “ecologically noble savage”—whether as “original conservationist” or as “subversive figure, one who holds the philosophical keys to environmental revolution”—in order to constitute and short up their own identities: “From whatever point on the environmental spectrum they hail, it seems, environmentalists invoking the image of ecological nobility seek to locate indigenous peoples beside themselves on the environmentalist spectrum’” (Nadasdy, 2005; cited p. 495).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 65
7 This commodification of knowledge is particularly problematic when it becomes detached from settler colonial frameworks, inadvertently supporting an uncritical “re-inhabitation” (Gruenewald, 2003) of Indigenous lands by non-Indigenous people who find themselves alienated from land and place in the wake of global capitalism:
[Indigenous peoples’] knowledge and insights can yield insights that might help social workers working in densely populated urban areas to: assist city dwellers in reconnecting to the physical world; enable people inhabiting rural settings to promote endeavours that modernize or industrialize agriculture in sustainable ways; and prevent the mass migration of young people from rural villages to the urban centres of large cities to earn their livelihoods. (Dominelli, 2012, p. 314)
8 According to Miller (Shawnee) (2016), “This Latin phrase means a land or earth that is vacant or empty. Under the Doctrine [of Discovery], if lands were not occupied by any person or nation, or even if they were occupied but they were not being used in a manner that European legal systems approved of, then the lands were vacant and available for discovery claims. Europeans often considered lands that were actually owned, occupied, and being used by Indigenous nations to be vacant and empty” (p. 24).
9 Here, in opposition to constructions of Treaties as land surrender documents, we adhere to Indigenous treaty perspectives informed by oral traditions, in which Elders indicate, “The land was to be shared with the newcomers but that did not mean a loss of ownership” (Office of the Treaty Commissioner, 2007, p. 18).
10 Idle No More, as one critical example, mounted the only large scale resistance to a suite of federal legislation that threatened to delimit Indigenous rights and dismantle environmental protections for hundreds of at-risk lakes and waterways nationwide and inspiring similar actions of solidarity around the globe (The Kino-Nda-Niimi Collective, 2014).
REFERENCES
Alfred, T. (2006). ‘Sovereignty’—An inappropriate concept. In R. Maaka & C. Anderson (Eds.), The Indigenous experience: Global perspectives (pp. 322-335). Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars Press Inc.
Alfred, T. (2014, October 1). What is Indigenous resurgence? Taiaiake. Retrieved from http://taiaiake.net/2014/10/01/presentation-on- indigenous-resurgence-fcss-calgary-2014/, November 21, 2016.
Andrews, M. (2015, July 2). Decolonizing the colonizer. [Video file]. Retrieved from https://vimeo.com/132494877
Baskin, C. (2011). Strong helpers’ teachings: The value of Indigenous knowledges in the helping professors. Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars’ Press Inc.
Battiste, M. (2000). Reclaiming Indigenous voice and vision. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press.
Battiste, M., & Henderson, J. Y. (2000). Protecting indigenous knowledge and heritage: A global challenge. Saskatoon, SK: Purich Publishing.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
66 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
Besthorn, F. H. (2004). Global consumer culture: Its implications for social justice and practice teaching in social work. Journal of Practice Teaching in Health and Social Work, 5(3), 20-39.
Besthorn, F. H. & Canda, E. R. (2002). Revisioning environment. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 22(1-2), 79-101. doi:10.1300/J067v22n01_07
Blackstock, C. (2007). Residential schools: Did they really close or just morph into child welfare? Indigenous Law Journal, 6(1), 71-78.
Blackstock, C. (2009). The occasional evil of angels: Learning from the experiences of Aboriginal people in social work. First People’s Child and Family Review, 4(1), 28–37.
Borrows, J. (2005). Indigenous legal traditions in Canada. Washington University Journal of Law & Policy, 19, 167-223. Retrieved from http://openscholarship. wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy/vol19/iss1/13
Brant Castellano, M. (2009, May). Terra Nullius: The enduring myth of Canada’s origins. Keynote address at the XXXVIIth Annual Conference of the Canadian Society for the Study of Education, Ottawa, ON.
Bullard, R. D. (1993). Anatomy of environmental racism and the environmental justice movement. In R. D. Bullard (Ed.), Confronting environmental racism: Voices from the grassroots (pp. 15–39). Boston, MA: South End Press.
Cajete, G. (1994). Look to the mountain: An ecology of Indigenous education. Skyland, NC: Kivaki Press.
Carlson, E. C. (2016a). Identifying and transforming white colonial settler epistemes in mainstream social work: Towards anti-colonial social work. In M. A. Hart, A. Burton, and K. Hart (Eds.), International Indigenous voices in social work (pp. 169-186). Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Carlson, E. C. C. (2016b). Living in Indigenous sovereignty: Relational accountability and the stories of white settler anti-colonial and decolonial activists. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Manitoba: Winnipeg, MB.
CASWE-ACFTS. (2017). Board of Directors endorses a statement of complicity and commits to change [Media release]. Retrieved from https://caswe-acfts.ca/ media-release-board-of-directors-endorses-a-statement-of-complicity-and- commits-to-change/
Chiefs of Ontario (n.d.). Understanding First Nation sovereignty. Retrieved from http://www.chiefs-of-ontario.org/faq, November 19, 2016.
Coates, J., Gray, M., & Hetherington, T. (2003). An ‘ecospiritual’ perspective: Finally, a place for Indigenous approaches. British Journal of Social Work, 36, 381-399.
Coulthard, G., & Simpson, L. B. (2016). Grounded normativity/Place- based solidarity. American Quarterly, 68(2), 249-255. doi: https://doi. org/10.1353/aq.2016.0038
Davis, L. (Ed.) (2010). Re/Envisioning relationships: Indigenous-non-Indigenous alliances and coalitions for social and environmental justice. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press.
Davis, L., & Shpuniarsky, H. Y. (2010). The spirit of relationships: What we have learned about Indigenous/Non-Indigenous alliances and coalitions. In L. Davis (Ed.), Re/Envisioning relationships: Indigenous-non-Indigenous alliances and coalitions for social and environmental justice (pp. 334-348). Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 67
Dominelli, L. (2012). Green social work: From environmental crises to environmental justice. Malden, MA: Polity Press.
Gray, M., Coates, J., & Hetherington, T. (Eds.) (2013). Environmental social work. New York, NY: Routledge.
Gray, M., Coates, J., Yellow Bird, M., & Hetherington, T. (Eds.) (2013). Decolonizing social work. Contemporary Social Work Studies series. New York, NY: Routledge.
Gray, M., & Hetherington, T. (2013). Indigenization, Indigenous social work and decolonization: Mapping the theoretical terrain. In M. Gray, J. Coates, M. Yellow Bird, & T. Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work (pp. 25-41). Contemporary Social Work Studies series. New York, NY: Routledge.
Gruenewald, D. A. (2003). The best of both worlds: A critical pedagogy of place. Educational Researcher, 32(4), 3–12.
Hart, M. A. (2003). Am I a modern day missionary? Reflections of a Cree social worker. Native Social Work Journal, 5, 299-313.
Hiller, C. L. (2013). Placing ourselves in relation: Euro-Canadian narratives of grappling with Indigenous sovereignty, title and territory. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, ON.
Hoff, M. D., & McNutt, J. G. (1994). The global environmental crisis: Implications for social welfare and social work. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Hoff, M. D., & Polack, R. J. (1993). Social dimensions of the environmental crisis: Challenges for social work. Social Work, 38(2), 204-211.
Jeffery, D. (2014). Environmentalism in social work: What shall we teach? Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 29(4), 492-498. doi: 10.1177/ 0886109914533697
Jeffery, D. (2015). Green encounters and Indigenous subjectivity: A cautionary tale. In C. Janzen, D. Jeffery, & K. Smith (Eds.), Unravelling ethical encounters: Ethics, knowledge, and resistance under neoliberalism (pp. 71-93). Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier Press.
Johnson, H. (2007). Two families: Treaties and government. Saskatoon, SK: Purich Publishing Ltd.
Jones, J. (2016, November 16). “Mohawk chief warns: Canada will face ‘20 Standing Rocks’ for ignoring native consent for ILLEGAL pipelines.” Counter Current News. Retrieved from http://countercurrentnews.com/2016/11/ mohawk-chief-warns-canada-will-face-20-standing-rocks-ignoring-native- consent-illegal-pipelines/#, November 18, 2016.
Kitossa, T. (2000, December). Same difference: Biocentric imperialism and the assault on indigenous culture and hunting. Environments, 28(2), 23- 36. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.uwaterloo.ca/ docview/207672455?accountid=14906
Klein, N. (2016, April 8). An evening with Naomi Klein: This changes everything [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TyVymaIe9EI
La Paperson (2014). A ghetto land pedagogy: An antidote for settler environmentalism. Environmental Education Research, 20(1), 115-130. doi:1 0.1080/13504622.2013.865115
LaRocque, E. (2010). When the other is me: Native resistance discourse, 1850-1990. Winnipeg, MB: University of Manitoba Press.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
68 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
Lawrence, B., & Dua, E. (2005). Decolonizing antiracism. Social Justice, 32(4), 120-143. Retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com.libproxy.wlu.ca/ ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=462aa2b8-a6a1-4ddd-94c4-a2db58ed84a2 %40sessionmgr11&vid=4&hid=21
Little Bear, L. (2000). Jagged worldviews colliding. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous voice and vision (pp. 77-85). Vancouver, BC: UBC Press.
Lukacs, M. (2013, April 26). Indigenous rights are the best defence against Canada’s resource rush. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www. theguardian.com/environment/true-north/2013/apr/26/indigenous- rights-defence-canadas-resource-rush, Accessed November 19, 2016.
Manuel, A., & Derrickson, R.M. (2015). Unsetting Canada: A national wake-up call. Toronto, ON: Between the Lines.
Matthies, A., & Närhi, K. (2016). Introduction. In A. Matthies & K. Närhi, The eco- social transition of societies: The contribution of social work and social policy (pp. 1-13). New York, NY: Routledge.
Matthies, A., Närhi, K., & Ward, D. (2001). Taking the eco-social approach to social work: Reflection on three European countries. In A. Matthies, K. Närhi, & D. Ward (Eds.), The eco-social approach in social work (pp. 5-15). Jyväskylä, Finland: SoPhi (University of Jyvaskyla).
McAdam, S. (2015). Nationhood interrupted: Revitalizing Nêhiyaw legal systems. Toronto, ON: Purich Publishing Ltd.
Melekis, K., & Woodhouse, V. (2015). Transforming social work curricula: Institutional supports for promoting sustainability. Social Work Education 34(5), 573-585. doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2015.1066325
Midgely, J. (1981). Professional imperialism: Social work in the third world. London, England Heinemann Educational Books.
Miller, R. J. (2016, Fall/Winter). The international law of colonialism. In C. Woelk & S. Heinrichs (Eds.), Yours, mine, ours: Unravelling the Doctrine of Discovery (pp. 21-25). Winnipeg, MB: Intotemak.
Mills, A. (2016, July 21). In lieu of justice: Thoughts on oppression, identity & earth. Waakoodiwin [Web log]. Retrieved from https://waakoodiwin. wordpress.com
Monture-Angus, P. (1999). Journeying forward: Dreaming First Nations’ independence. Halifax, NS: Fernwood Publishing.
Nii Gaani Aki Inini. (2016, August 2). Making an alliance with the earth. Keynote presentation at the Communication & Culture in a Sustainable World Conference. Retrieved from http://www.turtlelodge.org/2016/08/nii- gaani-aki-inini-keynote-making-an-alliance-with-the-earth-august-2-2016-at- communication-culture-in-a-sustainable-world-conference-2016/
Office of the Treaty Commissioner. (2007). Treaty implementation: Fulfilling the covenant. Saskatoon, SK: Office of the Treaty Commissioner.
Russell, P. (2010). Oka to Ipperwash: The necessity of flashpoint events. In L. Simpson & K. Ladner (Eds.), This is an honour song: Twenty years since the blockades (pp. 29-46). Winnipeg, MB: Arbeiter Ring Publishing.
Shewell, H. (2001). What makes the Indian tick? The influences of social sciences on Canada’s Indian policy, 1947–1964. Social History, 34, 133–167.
Shewell, H. E. (2004). ‘Enough to keep them alive’: Indian social welfare in Canada, 1873-1965 (1st ed.). Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 35, Number 1 69
Simpson, L. R. (2004). Strategies for the recovery and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge. American Indian Quarterly, 28(3/4), 373-384.
Simpson, L. (2013). Liberated peoples, liberated lands. In S. Heinrichs (Ed.), Buffalo shout, salmon cry: Conversations on creation, land justice, and life together (pp. 50-57). Herald Press: Waterloo, ON.
Simpson, L. B. (2014). Land as pedagogy: Nishnaabeg intelligence and rebellious transformation. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 3(3), 1-25.
Simpson, L. B. (2015). The place where we all live and work together: A gendered analysis of ‘sovereignty.’ In S. Nohelani Teves, A. Smith, & M. H. Raheja (Eds.), Native Studies Keywords (pp. 18-24). Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press.
Sinclair, N. J. (2014, January 31). The gift of treaties. [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KBp0-c0PIf4
Sinclair, R. (2004). Aboriginal social work education in Canada: Decolonizing pedagogy for the seventh generation. First People’s Child and Family Review, 1(1), 49–61.
Sinclair, R. (2007). Identity lost and found: Lessons from the sixties scoop. First Peoples Child & Family Review, 3(1), 65-82.
Sinclair, R. (2016). The Indigenous child removal system in Canada: An examination of legal decision-making and racial bias. First Peoples Child & Family Review 11(2), 8-18.
Smith, M. & Sterritt, A. (2010). Towards a shared vision: Lessons from collaboration between First Nations and environmental organizations to protect the Great Bear Rainforest and coastal First Nations. In L. Davis (Ed.), Re/Envisioning relationships: Indigenous-non-Indigenous alliances and coalitions for social and environmental justice (pp. 131-148). Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press.
Snelgrove, C., Kaur Dhamoon, R., & Corntassel, J. (2014). Unsettling settler colonialism: The discourse and politics of settlers, and solidarity with Indigenous nations. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 3(2), 1-32.
Suzuki, D. (2015). David Suzuki: Aboriginal people, not environmentalists, are our best bet for protecting the planet. Vancouver Sun, June 8, 2015, n.p. [online edition]. Retrieved from http://www.vancouversun.com/ technology/ Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015).
The Kino-Nda-Niimi Collective (2014). The winter we danced: Voices from the past, the future, and the Idle No More Movement. Winnipeg, MB: Arbeiter Ring Publishing.
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action. Winnipeg, MB: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Retrieved from http://www.trc.ca/websites/trcinstitution/File/2015/Findings/Calls_to_ Action_English2.pdf
Tuck, E., McKenzie, M., & McCoy, K. (2014). Land education: Indigenous, post-colonial, and decolonizing perspectives on place and environmental education research. Environmental Education Research, 20(1), 1-23. doi: 10.1080/13504622.2013.877708
Tuck, E., & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1). Retrieved from http:// decolonization.org/index.php/des/article/view/18630
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
70 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 35, numéro 1
Waterfall, B. (2006). Native peoples and child welfare practices: Implicating social work education. In A. Westhues (Ed.), Canadian social policy: Issues and perspectives (4th ed., pp. 223-244). Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
Weaver, H. N. (2000). Activism and American Indian issues: Opportunities and roles for social workers. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 11(1), 3-22. doi: 10.1300/J059v11n01_02
Weaver, H. N. (2010). Indigenous social work in the United States: Reflections on Indian tacos, Trojan horses and canoes filled with indigenous revolutionaries. In M. Gray, J. Coates, & M. Yellow Bird (Eds.), Indigenous social work around the world: Towards culturally relevant education and practice (pp. 71-82). Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Wolfe, P. (2006). Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native. Journal of Genocide Research, 8(4), 387-409. doi: 10.1080=14623520601056240
Yellow Bird, M. (2010). Postscript: Terms of endearment: A brief dictionary for decolonizing social work with Indigenous peoples. In M. Gray, J. Coates, and M. Yellow Bird (Eds.), Indigenous social work around the world: Towards culturally relevant education and practice (pp. 275–291). Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Limited.
Yellow Bird, M. (2013). Preface: United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples through Indigenous eyes. In M. Gray, J. Coates, M. Yellow Bird, & T. Hetherington (Eds.), Decolonizing social work (pp. xix- xxiii). Contemporary Social Work Studies series. New York, NY: Routledge.
Yellow Bird, M., & Gray, M. (2010). Indigenous Peoples and the language of social work. In M. Gray, J. Coates, & M. Yellow Bird (Eds.), Indigenous social work around the world: Towards culturally relevant education and practice (pp. 59–70). Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Limited.
Zapf, M. K. (2012).Profound connections between person and place: Exploring location, spirituality, and social work. In J. R. Graham, J. Coates, B. Swartzentruber, & B. Ouellette (Eds.), Spirituality and social work: Selected Canadian readings (pp. 229-242). Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 03:08:16 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
10.Brodie, J.(2018). Inequalities & Social Justice in Crisis Times. In J. Brodie (Ed.), Contemporary Inequalities and Social Justice in Canada (pp. 3-25). Toron.pdf
Contemporary inequalities and social justice in Canada
Author(s) Brodie, M. Janine
Imprint University of Toronto [Ontario] Press, 2018
ISBN 9781442634084, 9781442634091, 9781442634114
Permalink https://books.scholarsportal.info/en/read?id=/ ebooks/ebooks3/ utpress/2018-05-19/1/9781442634114
Pages 5 to 37
Downloaded from Scholars Portal Books on 2021-08-21 Téléchargé de Scholars Portal Books sur 2021-08-21
Copyright © University of Toronto Press 2018
utorontopress.com
All rights reserved. The use of any part of this publication reproduced, transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, or stored in a retrieval system, without prior written consent of the publisher—or in the case of photocopying, a licence from Access Copyright (the Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency) 320–56 Wellesley Street West, Toronto, Ontario, m5s 2s3—is an infringement of the copyright law.
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication
Contemporary inequalities and social justice in Canada / editor: Janine Brodie, University of Alberta.
Includes bibliographical references and index. Issued in print and electronic formats. isbn 978-1-4426-3408-4 (softcover).—isbn 978-1-4426-3409-1 (hardcover).— isbn 978-1-4426-3410-7 (epub).—isbn 978-1-4426-3411-4 (pdf)
1. Social justice—Canada. 2. Equality—Canada. 3. Canada—Social conditions. I. Brodie, M. Janine, 1952–, editor
hn110.s6c66 2018 303.3'720971 c2017-905827-4 c2017-905828-2
We welcome comments and suggestions regarding any aspect of our publications—please feel free to contact us at [email protected] or visit our Internet site at utorontopress.com.
North America UK, Ireland, and continental Europe 5201 Dufferin Street NBN International North York, Ontario, Canada, m3h 5t8 Estover Road, Plymouth, pl6 7py, uk
2250 Military Road orders phone: 44 (0) 1752 202301 Tonawanda, New York, USA, 14150 orders fax: 44 (0) 1752 202333 orders e-mail: [email protected] orders phone: 1–800–565–9523 orders fax: 1–800–221–9985 orders e-mail: [email protected]
Every effort has been made to contact copyright holders; in the event of an error or omission, please notify the publisher.
This book is printed on paper containing 100% post-consumer fibre.
The University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund.
Printed in the United States of America.
Funded by the Government
of Canada
Financé par le gouvernement
du Canada
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................ vii
PART I: CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL JUSTICE
1 JANINE BRODIE, INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES ............3
2 DAVID ROBICHAUD, SOCIAL JUSTICE AND THE EXTINCTION OF HOMO CRUSOECONOMICUS .............................................................................26
3 MALINDA SMITH, DIVERSITY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE: DIVIDENDS, DOWNSIDES, AND DEAD-ENDS ............................................................... 43
PART II: LIVING PRECARIOUSLY: SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR WHOM?
4 JUDY FUDGE, JUSTICE FOR WHOM? MIGRANT WORKERS IN CANADA ............ 69
5 GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI, POST-RACIALISM AND THE “EQUITY, DIVERSITY, AND INCLUSION” PROJECT .................................................... 87
6 HAYDEN KING, TREATY MAKING AND BREAKING IN SETTLER COLONIAL CANADA ............................................................................................. 107
PART III: ACTIVISM AND ALTERNATIVE FUTURES
7 MEENAL SHRIVASTAVA, PERILS OF PETROCULTURE IN A NEOLIBERAL RESOURCE ECONOMY ......................................................................... 127
8 ALEXA DEGAGNÉ, ON ANGER AND ITS USES FOR ACTIVISM ........................ 142
9 JUDY REBICK, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ON THE PATH TO ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL EQUALITY ............................................................................... 164
Bibliography ...................................................................................................177 Index ............................................................................................................205
CONTENTS
This page intentionally left blank
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The idea for this edited volume began to take shape at the Royal Society of Canada’s Annual Research Symposium, which I organized in Banff, Alberta, in late 2013. Attended by distinguished social science researchers and over 200 participants, the theme of the symposium was “Social Justice in the 21st Century: Toward a New Intergenerational Social Contract.” Many of the chapters in this volume began as presentations to this forum. This book project could not have been completed without the generous support of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, which awarded me a fellowship in 2010, and the Canada Research Chairs Program in which I hold a Tier 1 Chair in Political Economy and Social Governance. The contributors to this volume are grateful to the two anonymous reviewers that provided invalu- able comments to improve their chapters, as well as to Michael Harrison and Mat Buntin at University of Toronto Press, who have expertly and patiently guided this project to its completion. At various stages, exceptional doctoral students in the Department of Political Science at the University of Alberta have assisted in the production of this volume. We owe a big thank you to Chad Cowie, Janet Phillips, Brent Epperson, and Justin Leifso.
This page intentionally left blank
PART I
Contemporary Perspectives on
Social Justice
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction
The contributions to this volume explore the diverse and intersecting social inequalities that are shaping a renewed social justice agenda in twenty-first century Canada. For more than a generation, our daily horizons have been deeply configured by crisis-ridden neoliberal governing strategies, which have compounded the persistent disparities generated by racism, sexism, and colo- nialism. Initially injected into national and international political conversations and policy agendas in the late twentieth century under such aliases as restruc- turing, globalization, and austerity, the neoliberal project has rested on the foundational claim that “there is no alternative” to its ever-evolving prescrip- tions for market-focused governance and crisis management. This radical experiment in market fundamentalism promised to end what it condemned as unjust redistributive social policies and the “unnatural” social engineering of the welfare state, to free entrepreneurs from the smothering constraints of regulation, taxation, and national boundaries, and unleash a new era of global entrepreneurialism, consumer choice, and prosperity for all.
The realities of neoliberal governance, however, tell quite different and unsettling stories. Across its short and troubled history, neoliberal governance has often strayed from its neoclassical economic foundations, discarding some rationales that no longer fit with turbulent economic realities, and subvert- ing others with new and inventive strategies of crisis management (Brenner, Peck, and Theodore 2010, 184). Contrary to its core promises of self- regulating markets and trickle-down prosperity for all, the neoliberal governing formula has been implicated in a series of financial crises, which in turn have prompted severe recessions, uncompromising austerity programs, and even harsher real- ities for the most vulnerable and marginalized. Invariably, these crises have
C H A P T E R 1
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES
Janine Brodie
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES4
been interpreted as anomalies, the product of unanticipated market forces, or, more often, as the failure of national governments to curb spending and suppress public demands for social programs. The neoliberal model itself was rarely implicated in the regular (approximately every five years) and destruc- tive path of these successive financial implosions. However, as Dani Rodrik argues, these booms and busts are “hardly a sideshow or a minor blemish on international capital flows; they are the main story” (quoted in Ostry, Loungani, and Furceri 2016, 39).
The neoliberal project stands indicted for a long list of governing chal- lenges and outright policy failures, among them egregious inequalities in income, wealth, and life chances; precarious employment; underemployment and unemployment, especially among youth, women, and marginalized people; and political volatility, often fanned by racial, ethnic, and religious intolerance. Waves of right-wing populism, fuelled by xenophobia, nativism, misogyny, and outright racism, have spread across advanced democracies in recent years, but contemporary politics also is increasingly populated by broad-based social justice movements, seeking alternatives to the growing insecurities of daily life, environmental degradation, and the injuries of colonialism and racism. As this chapter explains, the neoliberal project has consistently aimed to decen- tre citizenship claims to redistribution, recognition, and representation, and to reshape popular understandings of the ideals of social equality and social justice (Fraser 2013). These ideas inspired social movements and progressive public policy for much of the twentieth century, and, as the contributions to this book describe, they have never been fully erased by decades of neoliberal assaults. In what follows, we explore why many social scientists use the term “crisis” to describe the contemporary moment, the origins of the idea of social justice, and the ways in which neoliberal theory and policy have positioned the market as the arbiter of what is just and fair. Finally, the chapter turns to the concept of diversity, which has emerged as a core theme in Canada’s national narrative in recent years. As the contributions to this volume explain in greater detail, however, the recognition of Canada’s growing diversity must be accompanied by tangible strategies that open avenues of inclusion and repre- sentation, begin to repair the damages of racism and colonization, and expand the idea of social justice beyond twentieth century redistributive frameworks. The social and political upheavals of the contemporary moment signal that neoliberalism has lost its hold on the public imagination. “Something new is brewing” (Lascelles 2016, A12), but it is far from certain whether a renewed social justice politics will prevail among the competing discourses and the political uncertainties of this moment. Canada needs an informed and honest conversation about what social justice should look like in the twenty-first century.
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 5
The Anatomy of Crisis
Social scientists and international policy networks increasingly use the term “crisis” to describe the complex and interdependent currents of instability, inequality, and insecurity that define contemporary neoliberal times (Fraser 2014; Bauman and Bordoni 2014; W. Brown 2015; Oxfam 2016; WEF 2016). The lingering consequences of the 2008 Great Recession, the longest and deepest global economic crisis since the 1930s, betrayed the gospel of self- regulating markets as a self-interested and privileged myth. But, contrary to many predictions at the time, this profound global crisis did not immediately sound a death-knell for neoliberal fundamentalism, or provoke a pronounced shift in political allegiances or governing practices. Some five years after the financial meltdown, Kahler and Lake remarked that the striking feature about the Great Recession was that “the economic crisis [provided] few signs of fundamental political realignment, policy experimentation (apart from central banks), or mobilization by new political actors in any of the most seriously affected economies” (2013, 1–2).
At the beginning of the crisis, G8 governments quickly coordinated strategies to restore the system and return to business as normal. Massive public bailouts of private financial institutions, substantial public borrowing for “shovel-ready” stimulus packages, unconventional monetary policies such as historically low interest rates of indeterminate duration and quantitative easing (QE), and public austerity were unveiled in quick succession. These extraordinary measures, while preventing a full-blown financial collapse, set in motion a chain reaction from which the global economy has yet to recover. The crisis unravelled European financial markets and the political cohesion of the European Union; nega- tive or tepid growth in combination with public austerity measures widened the gap between the rich and the rest, effectively denying a new generation a pathway to a good job and a secure future; emerging markets accumulated new debt as massive flows of capital scoured the globe for more promising investment sites and higher returns; and migrants pressed on borders to find some measure of economic and physical security.
In the view of many political economists, disequilibrium, economic stag- nation, indebtedness (both public and private), and unsustainable income and wealth disparities constitute the “new normal” in the post–Great Recession economy (Streeck, 2016; Piketty 2014; The Economist 2014). The cover page of The Economist on 14 November 2015 underlined the point that neoliberal- ism’s systemic crises were ongoing. The illustration showed three large books, entitled Volume I, The Great Subprime Crash (2007–2009); Volume 2, The Euro Crisis (2010–2012); and Volume 3, The Emerging Market Bust (2015–?). Volume 3 appeared poised to knock over an as yet untitled Volume 4. There was no
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES6
bookend in this illustration, no suggestion of containment, which would signal that the worst was over. Instead, there was only the uncertainty that a ques- tion mark can convey.
The decade of uncertainty since 2008, however, has ultimately transformed the political landscape. Both defenders of the status quo and twenty-first century social justice movements confront a wave of right-wing populism, which, rather than providing an alternative to market governance, promotes a toxic brew of xenophobia, racism, and nativism as a response to the ongoing crisis. Such populism masterfully converts private economic insecurities and social anxieties into public animosities toward others, among them, faceless elites, women, immigrants, refugees, equity-seekers, and the marginalized. It cultivates and feeds on fear and division rather than offering tangible policy roadmaps to alternative futures (Bauman and Donskis 2016). As a result, contemporary politics in many parts of the liberal democratic world has become increas- ingly fractious and volatile, devoid of a middle ground, fatalistic, and, for many, hauntingly reminiscent of the politics of the 1930s.
In a telling account of the 2008 Great Recession, John Clarke (2012) poses a singular but critical question for citizens and policy-makers alike: “What crisis is this?” This is a difficult question to answer in the midst of ongoing economic instability and still unfolding political uncertainty. Increasingly, however, analysts suggest that this is not one of many recurrent crises in neoliberalism, but instead, a crisis of neoliberalism, which is deeply lodged in the cumulative and corrosive legacies of market-driven governance (Streeck 2016). Social movements and international policy networks emphasize that this crisis is multidimensional, as economic instability overlaps and inter- locks with climate change, the growing precariousness of everyday life for so many, the legacies of colonialism and racism, the mounting frustrations of the marginalized, and growing strains of intolerance and extremism (Oxfam 2016; WEF 2016).
Wolfgang Streeck argues that the contemporary neoliberal regime of financialized capitalism has lost the capacity to “constitute a predictable order around which people could build stable identities and secure lives,” or indeed to “reproduce itself as the core of a stable political order” (Streeck and Roos 2015, n.p.). Echoing Karl Polanyi (2001), Nancy Fraser (2014) similarly explains that unregulated markets have progressively undermined the economic, ecolog- ical, and normative foundations of contemporary society, challenging our collective capacity to sustain livelihoods and communities, social solidarity, and the ecosystem upon which all life depends. The stakes, Fraser suggests, have never been so high or so unforgiving. Neoliberalism’s legacy, in short, is one of pervasive uncertainty and insecurity (Standing 2014; WEF 2016): we live in a “post-certainty” world (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 139).
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 7
In periods of relative calm, instabilities are understood as policy challenges that are responsive to tried and tested manoeuvres in the usual policy repertoire. In crisis times, in contrast, an unanticipated triggering event exposes incom- mensurates: things that simply do not fit or could not and should not have happened according to the tenets of the prevailing governing logic (Gourevitch 1986). Often the result of gradual, almost imperceptible shifts in economic and social organization, and the cumulative impact of the prevailing govern- ing model itself, these anomalies are initially misunderstood, misnamed, and misdiagnosed (Brenner, Peck, and Theodore 2010). Ultimately, they do not respond to the standard policy instruments. Policy-makers then scramble for inventive and experimental solutions that offer little certainty that the crisis will be resolved (Kahler and Lake 2013).
This feeling of uncertainty only intensifies as conventional and then experi- mental measures prove ineffective in the face of new realities. Antonio Gramsci, imprisoned by Italian fascists in the 1930s, referred to this time of groping for new solutions as an “interregnum.” Gramsci argued that a crisis consisted “precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born.” In an interregnum, he observed, “a great variety of morbid symptoms appear” (1971, 275–76). This in-between-ness is a time of “social nakedness . . . when we don’t know where we are heading” (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 83), when “several things might happen but only one actually does” (Gourevitch 1986, 9–10). In such times of pervasive uncertainty, citizens lose faith in the system, believing that it is rigged against them, in conventional political leadership, and in formal political institutions and processes. Alienated from the status quo and lacking clear alternatives, they become vulnerable to political scams, and the frenzied voices of demagogues with fantastic promises of greater tomor- rows. This too is an integral part of the anatomy of a crisis.
Stable times are identified as such principally because the prevailing govern- ing paradigm has successfully embedded itself in the popular political imaginary as “common sense”—as the way things are and should be—and because political aspirations and interests are “readily intelligible.” They conform to a discernable grammar that specifies what a political claim looks like, who legitimately can make a claim, and how claims should be addressed (Fraser 1996, 393). These “readily intelligible” claims, of course, are mediated by power imbalances and political grammars that undermine, delegitimize, and render invisible many residual, competing, and emergent forms of claims-making (R. Williams 1977). Politics in normal times is always already a site of potential contestation, not the least, as described below, because of expansive dynamics of social justice claims-making.
In crisis times, in contrast, political expression and organizations prolifer- ate outside of familiar political idioms, prevailing political organizations, and
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES8
formal institutional channels. As Karl Polanyi (2001) explains in his enduring analysis of the ultimate breakdown of laissez-faire capitalism in the 1930s, the social and political fissures opened up by this earlier experiment in market governance generated the “spontaneous eruption” of all manner of counter- movements—revolutionary, progressive, regressive, and pathological. These countermovements shared a common point of departure—the system was broken and political leaders either would not or could not fix “the problem” as they defined it (Brodie 2012). But the solutions they offered were contra- dictory and contentious. It took almost two decades of grinding despair, fascist genocide, and a world war before a new political and institutional order and new grammars of claims-making consolidated around the ideas of equity, shared fate, and social security programs, such as universal health care, unem- ployment insurance, and social welfare (Polanyi 2001; Brodie 2012).
Polanyi’s work reminds us that a governing paradigm in crisis unleashes myriad alternative political and social imaginaries, some built on the injuries of social inequalities, others focused on shoring up the crumbling edifices of common sense, and still others promoting transformative visons of more equi- table and sustainable futures. The contemporary age of uncertainty similarly has witnessed the “spontaneous eruption” of an array of countermovements across advanced democracies. These countermovements are diverse, reflect- ing local and national contexts and leadership styles, and their analyses of the crisis embody deeply divergent orientations to political change, ranging from malignant framings of difference (e.g., xenophobia, Islamophobia, anti-Black racism, and homophobia), to transformative agendas focused on redistribu- tion and environmental sustainability, to anti-racist and decolonized futures. Crisis times fuel social polarization and contentious politics.
It has become a familiar lament that neoliberalism’s consistent enforce- ment of the dictum that “there is no alternative” to market governance (the so-called TINA principle) has left little conceptual or political space for imag- ining or articulating alternative futures. Fraser, for example, observes that we are “living through a crisis of great severity,” but “we lack a conceptual frame- work with which to interpret it let alone to act in an emancipatory way” (2014, 541). Similarly, Leonidas Donskis explains that “we live in a world without alternatives. It’s a world that proposes a single reality and a world that labels as lunatics—or, at least, eccentrics—all those who believe that everything has an alternative, including even the very best models of governance and the most profound ideas” (Bauman and Donskis 2016, 2).
We are living through uncertain times, on this we can all agree. As the chap- ters in this volume variously explore, however, our crisis times are generating alternatives, especially in the form of renewed social justice thinking and orga- nizing that stretches beyond the redistributive focus of many twentieth-century
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 9
social movements. The social justice lexicon is “infinitely more common now than it was even a couple of years ago” (Kamier 2015), and promises to intensify in response to growing currents of authoritarianism and popu- lism. Contemporary grammars of social justice typically dissect pressing social issues such as income inequality and precariousness at the intersections of race, indigeneity, sexuality, gender, and ecology where they are often experi- enced most intensely (Kamier 2015). This emerging grammar of social justice is both inclusive and complex, opening possibilities for new coalitions, and demanding a broader societal, indeed, global debate about what social justice should look like in our times. As discussed later in this chapter, contemporary Canadian national narratives, unlike those, for example, in the United States and beyond, purport to recognize these complexities through the celebration of diversity. However, the idea of diversity, as the contributions to this volume underline, promises little to the marginalized unless it walks with substantive public policies that advance the goals of inclusion and social justice. The next section of this chapter explores the shifting parameters and potency of the idea of social justice.
The Idea of Social Justice
All societies, from the distant past to the present, rest on assumptions about fairness and just rules for living together, but these rules are also constantly chal- lenged. The idea of justice, and its political descendent, social justice, constitute what Walter Bryce Gallie (1956) called “essentially contested concepts.” These concepts have generated deeply invested political struggles over their meaning and have been differently institutionalized across time and cultures. Essentially contested concepts generate normative and political debates that cannot be settled with appeals to empirical evidence or deductive logics (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 53). Rather, they reach deeply into our perceptions of who we are, how we should govern ourselves, and what our obligations are to each other. The latter question takes on critical importance for settler societies such as Canada, which, until very recently, has typically suppressed or ignored ques- tions about its obligations to Indigenous peoples.
These formative questions about political collectivity are especially germane in crisis times. Indeed, the very idea of social justice, as we commonly under- stand it in Western political thought and practice, emerged out of the profound social upheavals and displacements that accompanied the protracted transition from feudalism to capitalism in Europe, and especially, the consolidation of the industrial revolution, which drew vast rural populations to urban factories and to the Americas in the early nineteenth century (Brodie 2007). During
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES10
these years, new waves of modernist thinking celebrated the idea of progress and improving the human condition, and as Polanyi recounts, “people began to explore the meaning of life in a complex society” (2001, 88–89). The abject destitution that characterized early industrialization “fixed attention on the incomprehensible fact that poverty seemed to go with plenty.” The growing realization that ordinary people need not and should not be preordained to a life of poverty and servitude, Polanyi argued, was “as powerful as the most spectacular events of history” (2001, 89).
As industrialization consolidated, so too did the idea that the unequal distribution of wealth, power, and well-being was a systemic problem—a social problem—that was rooted in unregulated capitalism, exploitation, and colonial dispossession. These early traces of a social way of thinking intensi- fied across the nineteenth century, and became a familiar rallying call for both revolutionary movements determined to overthrow capitalism, and workers’ collectives, trade unions, and social democratic parties that struggled to improve the lives and political representation of the burgeoning urban working class and the destitute. Whether revolutionary and reformist, these new political currents embodied a transformational shift in political literacy, which enabled people to evaluate foundational social institutions on the basis of their social justness and fairness, and to imagine alternatives (B. Jackson 2005, 360; Barry 2005). This significant shift in political thinking led Polanyi to conclude that “social not technical invention was the intellectual mainspring of the indus- trial revolution” (2001, 119).
Academics who have tracked the evolution of the idea of social justice emphasize that its transformative power grew out of two breaks with the governing logics of early capitalism. First, social institutions, including markets, were opened to critical assessment on the basis of their capacity to allocate resources more equitably across society. Second, glaring social problems, such as endemic poverty, were no longer seen primarily as a personal deficiency or moral failure, or as the exclusive responsibility of religious organizations or private charities. Instead, individuals and groups were empowered to seek redress for structural inequalities and unjust institutions on the basis of their social membership, which was increasingly expressed and implemented on the basis of national citizenship (B. Jackson 2005, 360). It also followed that those who were excluded from citizenship status—at various times, men without prop- erty, women, Indigenous peoples, the colonized, and the racialized—did not have claims-making status. Neither were their social justice claims to repre- sentation, redistribution, or recognition “readily intelligible” in dominant discourses. However, these exclusions and silences in early social justice think- ing were immediately (and continue to be) challenged and destabilized by the critique embedded in the concept of social justice itself. As Wendy Brown
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 11
explains, the idea of social justice has been inherently dynamic and expansive because it “harbours ideals in excess of itself ” (2015, 206). Social justice is not a stable state to be achieved, but instead is a way of thinking and governing that prioritizes the elusive and shifting goals of fairness, equality, and inclu- sion. The social justice lexicon has consistently provided a common grammar for identity formation and claims-making stemming from exclusions and inequalities, and social and political practices were challenged on the basis of equity and fairness. Across the twentieth century, the grammars of social justice became more inclusive and complex as the promise of social justice made ever- widening claims, not only intelligible, but morally and politically inescapable. From the anti-slavery movement, to women’s rights, to same-sex marriage, “social movements of every kind” have consistently emerged out of and used social critiques grounded in the logics of social justice (W. Brown 2015, 206).
Social Literacies The trajectory of social justice politics during the past century was generative, expansive, and contentious, especially after the collapse of laissez-faire think- ing in the 1930s. That decade witnessed an explosion of countermovements and experimentation with divergent alternatives, including “new deal” work- fare, fascism, communist central planning, and social democracy. After World War II, however, some variant of social liberalism took root in most advanced democracies. The architectures of some post-war social states were more elab- orate and inclusive than others. The Canadian social state, for example, was late to develop, with its major pillars only set in place in the 1960s, and was less expansive and generous than some of its European counterparts. All post-war social states, however, projected an understanding of social justice that broke with prior logics of laissez-faire and market-friendly governance. As Bauman explains, the social state aspired to insure all citizens “against the vagaries of fate, individual fear of indignity in any of its many forms (as fear of poverty, exclusion and negative discrimination, ill health and unemployment, home- lessness, ignorance) that haunted pre-war generations” (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 8). As important, the social state cultivated new social literacies—ways of thinking and talking about social organization, which understood that markets were inherently unstable and inequitable, and that governments should cush- ion hardships, reduce poverty and insecurity, and create opportunities for the systemically disadvantaged (Brodie 2012, 129–30). Post-war social literacies also rested on the principles of shared fate—an understanding that anyone could fall on hard times through no fault of their own, and that no one should be resigned to a life of abject poverty or oppression.
There is always a yawning gap between the imaginable horizons of an ideal and what is tangibly achieved through public policies. Government, as
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES12
Peter Miller and Nikolas Rose remind us, “is a congenitally failing opera- tion” (2008, 71), in which ideals consistently run up against entrenched power, rival discourses, and emergent claims. Such was the case with the social state. As feminist, critical race, and Indigenous scholars have long underscored, the social state opened discursive and institutional spaces for some forms of social justice claims-making and ignored or actively suppressed others. These regimes were built on the unpaid reproductive work of women, the exploi- tation and marginalization of racialized minorities and immigrants, and in settler societies such as Canada, the ongoing oppression of Indigenous peoples. Indigenous claims-making, grounded in the injuries of dispossession, assimila- tion, and cultural genocide, were unintelligible to the post-war social justice project, not the least because these claims challenged the very foundations of the settler state (Coulthard 2014).
Yet, in many ways, these vital critiques of the post-war social state were part of the broader dynamics of social justice politics, which invariably gener- ate deeper and different understandings of social justice, more inclusive social literacies, and often resistance and backlash. The politics of the 1960s and 1970s reverberated with waves of social justice claims-making on the state and on society more broadly for recognition, representation, redistribution, and self- determination. Anti-racist, feminist, LGBTQ2s, environmental, and Indigenous claims-makers mobilized to push against the biases and limits of the post-war social state with more expansive visions of social justice. The explosion of so-called identity politics during these years challenged both dominant fram- ings of the social justice project, and political and economic interests that were deeply invested in the maintenance of social hierarchies of inequality. Some in the traditional left, for example, lamented that “identity politics” was a distrac- tion from the redistributive ambitions of the post-war social justice project (Fraser 2009). Making claims about gender discrimination or systemic racism, they argued, were second-order questions that diverted attention and energy away from the universal goal of redistributing wealth and providing social security for all. This argument, however, was met with allegations of white, heterosexual, and settler privilege. The social injustices endured by people of colour, women, Indigenous peoples, sexual minorities, and marginalized ethno-cultural groups, detractors rightly argued, could not be so easily catego- rized as either a matter of redistribution or recognition (Malinda Smith 2003, 2008). Misrecognition through discriminatory legislation or corrosive cultural stereotypes and discrimination, dispossession, and exclusion from centres of social and political prestige and power, and invisibility in dominant discourses, they argued, were inseparable from poverty, social marginality, and economic insecurity. The intensification of social justice claims-making during these years, however, also threatened entrenched political and economic interests.
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 13
Business-funded think tanks warned that liberal democracies were stagger- ing under the weight of excessive claims-making, and were rapidly becoming ungovernable (Crozier, Huntington, and Watanuki 1975). Twentieth-century expressions of social justice would thus fall into the crosshairs of neoliberal social imaginaries as the century drew to a close.
Social Justice in Neoliberal Times The story of the ascendency of neoliberal governing strategies in Western democracies, and, indeed, around the globe, has been often told. This govern- ing formula was initially conceived in crisis, during World War II, by a small group of theoretical economists who raged against the dangers they saw in growing strains of collectivism that differently informed communism, socialism, and social democracy (Brodie 2010a). Key figures in this intellectual movement such as Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich von Hayek, and later Milton Friedman argued that government planning and redistribution threatened individual liberty and freedom, distorted the capacities of markets to promote innova- tion, competitiveness, and choice, punished entrepreneurs with unnecessary regulations and wrong-headed confiscation of private profit, and expanded the state and its many bureaucracies at the expense of free enterprise. These themes were progressively fine-tuned by small groups of like-minded academ- ics, journalists, and businessmen, and broadcast by a blossoming network of business-funded think tanks. But, their “neo” liberal message did not gain much traction with governments or voters in the mid-twentieth century who saw the role of governments and markets quite differently (Monbiot 2016). By the late 1970s, however, amidst the compounding tremors of two global oil price shocks, stagnant economies and mounting inflation (stagflation), and growing talk of ungovernability, confidence in the post-war social state began to crumble. Typical of crisis periods, uncertainty and ignorance about how to respond soon prompted an urge to intervene in new ways and with different governing logics (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 7). This pivotal moment was well understood by Friedman, who recounted the shift to neoliberal ways of thinking in the preface to the second edition of Capitalism and Freedom. Originally published in relative obscurity 20 years earlier, it is widely consid- ered a canon of contemporary neoliberal thought. Friedman writes, “Only a crisis—actual or perceived—produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable” (1982, ix).
Neoliberal prescriptions for a new era of market-friendly governance were multifaceted and ambitious. New governing strategies such as the privatization
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES14
of state-owned enterprises and services, the relaxation of regulations on financial markets and industry, expanded international trade through constitution-like trade agreements (Gill 1995), so-called active social welfare programs (work- fare), and massive tax reductions for corporations and the very rich were embraced by major global economies and core international financial insti- tutions. These were imposed on developing countries through debt reduction (structural adjustment) programs or new and encompassing international trade agreements. Underpinning all of these changes, however, was a concerted campaign to dismantle and transform the social literacies of the post-war era.
The dismantling of post-war social literacies took many forms, beginning with the social state. Neoliberal theorists identified state intervention as a threat to individual freedom, a constraint on innovation and consumer choice, and as a distortion to otherwise self-governing markets. Popularizing these proposi- tions, Margaret Thatcher would famously repeat, “There can be no liberty unless there is economic liberty,” while Ronald Reagan oft-repeated in his down- home style, “Government is not the solution to our problem. Government IS the problem.” As Bauman recounts, “In popular perception, aided and abetted by the chorus of a growing part of the learned and opinion-making public, the state was downgraded from the rank of the most powerful engine of univer- sal well-being to that of a most obnoxious, perfidious and annoying obstacle to economic progress” (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 9).
The battery of policies most commonly associated with neoliberal- ism eroded public rationales and capacities to provide social protection and advance social equity. State services were eliminated or “shifted side- ways” (through outsourcing and partnerships) to the market (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 9), while “large scale problems . . . were sent down the pipe- line to small and weak units unable to cope with them technically, politically or financially” (W. Brown 2015, 132). In Canada, for example, federal social spending was progressively reduced to levels not seen since the 1940s, before Canada’s post-war social architecture was set in place. At the same time, discursive and political spaces for social justice claims-making were system- atically eroded, if not closed. Equality-seeking groups were discredited as “special interests,” institutional hubs in government and civil society were defunded and dismantled, and equity-based political grammars and activ- ists progressively disappeared from the political stage (Brodie 2010b). This disappearing act unfolded gradually and unevenly with respect to different equity-seeking groups and across jurisdictions. Over the course of a genera- tion, however, “political discourse [was] ‘cleansed,’ so that the public interest, public ownership, common goods, equality, the redistribution of wealth, the stubborn facts about poverty and inequality, etc., all became ‘unspeakable’” (Hall and Massey 2012, 59).
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 15
In part, social issues became unspeakable because equity-seeking groups were systematically excluded from policy-making processes, but, more impor- tant, neoliberals advanced their own definitions of social justice that turned post-war social literacies upside down. According to this contentious refram- ing of the concept, the role of the state was not to cushion citizens from the vagaries of the market, or to dismantle entrenched gendered, racialized, and colonial hierarchies. Instead, the state was charged with facilitating and creat- ing markets so they could distribute rewards to those deemed most deserving. Von Hayek, for example, argued that market forces were impersonal—they operated according to the inexorable nature of supply and demand and thus could not be implicated in subjective decisions about fairness and social justice. He insisted that redistribution of income, security, and opportunity through political mechanisms such as social security programs was, in fact, decidedly unjust because it undermined the symbiotic relationship between reward and contribution that free markets purportedly achieved (UNCTAD 2012, 33). In this reframing, justice demanded that those who made greater contributions to society, which viewed through a market-affirming lens meant economic entre- preneurs and so-called job creators, should be rewarded with a bigger piece of the pie. Justice not only demanded that people get to keep what they produce (Nozick 1974) but also that “neutral” market mechanisms ensure that every- one get what they deserve (Monbiot 2016). The legacies of inherited wealth or the many vectors of structural inequality that preoccupied post-war social movements were ruled inadmissible in this reformulation of social justice. Equity-seekers, in the neoliberal formulation, were undeserving.
Economic inequality, which has reached previously unimaginable levels in recent decades, also was entirely consistent with neoliberal ideas about the generation of economic growth. Neoclassical economics dressed up inequal- ity with the fineries of marginal productivity theory, which pronounced that higher incomes for some merely reflected their greater contributions to the success of an enterprise and, since economic growth was the new barometer of progress, to broader society (Stiglitz 2012, 29; W. Brown 2015). Among other things, this rationale justified an outrageous and rapid escalation in corporate executive compensation since the 1990s, which Thomas Piketty (2014, 2016) identifies as a significant factor underlying the sharp escalation in income inequalities in the neoliberal era.
Trickle-down theory was another innovation in the neoliberal toolkit that justified and celebrated income inequality. Market fundamentalists asserted that in a free society inequality fuelled entrepreneurialism. Markets rightly paid an entrepreneurial risk premium for those who dared to innovate, to invest in an idea, to find efficiencies, and to open new markets—all of which had broader social and economic benefits. Trickle-down theory painted a win-win scenario
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES16
for governments, investors, workers, and consumers. If governments freed up entrepreneurs by cutting red tape, reducing taxation rates, and dismantling collective bargaining and employee benefits, they would create more jobs, enhance competitiveness, provide cheaper consumer goods, and grow the economy. Ultimately, accelerated economic growth would generate more revenue for governments to provide better public services and build more robust infrastructures. The tax cuts, as the trickle-down cheerleaders remain convinced, would pay for themselves many times over. Taxes, especially on the rich and the corporate sector, and regulation were thus recast as deter- rents to economic growth, while the legitimacy of the state increasingly hinged on its capacity to “grow the economy” rather than protect citizens from either market failures or predictable life risks such as illness or aging (W. Brown 2015, 40).
This foundational reframing of the relationship between the state and markets gradually but surely transformed the social literacies and gram- mars of post-war social citizenship. As Carlo Bordoni describes, citizens and equity-seeking groups were subjected to incessant processes of “demassifi- cation,” which is to say, left to fend for themselves. Social guarantees, once “the backbone of individual existence,” were “phased-out, diminished, and emptied of meaning” (Bauman and Bordoni 2014, 16, 56), public goods and services were progressively commodified, available only to those with the money to purchase them, and individuals were “cajoled to become entre- preneurs of the self ”—to take risks and self-invest in skills that markets valued and demanded (W. Brown 2015, 40). This neoliberal individualiza- tion dictated that individuals be self-sufficient market actors and assume full responsibility for themselves, their families, and their personal fortunes and failures—in effect, to find “biographic solutions” to the dictates of the market and other risks beyond their personal control (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002, 22–26).
The problem with this formulation is not that individuals do not work hard to find personal solutions to the daily challenges of the contemporary (dis)order, not the least, paying for school, securing a job, arranging for child or elder care, investing in a home, saving for a rainy day or skills-upgrading, or planning for retirement. Rather, the problem with individualization is that the knowledge and resources we bring to these life choices are “not themselves a matter of choice” (Bauman 2002, 69). In a highly unequal society, many people simply do not have the money, resources, connections, or information to find personal solutions to the multifaceted problems generated by a highly vola- tile global environment. Neither do singular individuals have the power to change the rules of the game. Yet neoliberal discourses over the years have been highly successful in “bundling agency and blame” (W. Brown 2015, 134). The neoliberal moral tale configures the rich as self-made and deserving winners
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 17
(witness Donald Trump), the ones who made the right choices in a compet- itive global economy, and the vast majority of others as struggling to make ends meet and personally responsible for their failure to thrive and get ahead.
The powerful narratives of trickle-down, entrepreneurialism, and individ- ualization have progressively lost their sway, however, since the 2008 Great Recession and the decade of uncertainty that it has left in its wake. Then, global leaders had argued that there was no alternative to the unconditional and massive public bailouts of financial and corporate entities: they were simply too big to fail. The contradictions of this moment in the short history of neoliberal governance were palpable, even to the most disinterested observer. Corporate entities, both responsible for the crisis and fundamentally antago- nistic to government intervention and the social state, were thrown a lifeline by governments and largely unprotected taxpayers, many of whom saw their jobs, savings, pensions, and home equity vanish into thin air. The resuscita- tion of purportedly self-regulating markets, or as Chris Hedges (2013) puts it more pointedly, this “insidious affirmative action for the rich,” strained public finances and ballooned public debt, which soon was reframed as the core obstacle to global recovery. In 2010, G8 countries abruptly shifted course from fiscal stimulus to “fiscal consolidation”—put simply, public austerity (Brodie 2014). Ordinary folks, still reeling from the aftershocks of the 2008 crisis, were set up to pay for the corporate bailouts with their government services, social programs, and opportunities for public sector employment (Blyth 2010). Again, the public was told that there was no alternative to the wave of austerity that swept across advanced democracies. And, not surprisingly, precarious economies stagnated, others fell into recession, and unemployment and underemployment, especially among youth, grew to levels reminiscent of the Great Depression.
In these post-crisis years, citizens are no longer cajoled to be entrepre- neurs of the self—this idealized neoliberal subject who had been betrayed by the miracles of the market. The market consistently benefited only top income earners while the rest, regardless of their self-investments and other biographic solutions, found themselves falling behind and implored to sacri- fice their personal security and futures in order to help the market recover. The “sacrificial” subject of neoliberalism in crisis endures cuts to wages, work- ing hours and benefits, precarious employment, currency devaluations, and the further erosion of social programs and state investment in public services in order to help revive the global economy, replete with its uncertainties and inequalities. The whole community, as Wendy Brown explains, is called upon to sacrifice “in order to save particular elements within it” (2015, 213, 210–16).
In the intervening years, neoliberalism’s familiar refrain that “there is no alternative” to the latest market-affirming experiment has been increasingly rebuked by international policy networks, volatile electorates, and a broad
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES18
spectrum of emergent countermovements that challenge the foundational assumptions of the neoliberal model. In an ongoing environment of economic fragility and political contestation, neoliberalism finds itself on the discursive ropes, with all but a handful of its long-time advocates expressing dissatisfac- tion with its legacy and future. In 2016, senior International Monetary Fund (IMF) economists analysed decades of economic data to answer the question of whether the promises of neoliberalism had been oversold to governments and broader publics. They concluded that the alleged benefits of neoliberal policies “in terms of increased growth seem fairly difficult to establish when looking at a broad range of countries,” “the costs in terms of increased inequality are prominent,” and “increased inequality in turns hurts the level and sustainabil- ity of growth” (Ostry, Loungani, and Furceri 2016, n.p.).
Inequality, whether measured in terms of income, wealth, well-being, or life opportunities, has been the defining legacy of neoliberal market- affirming discourses, policies, and practices. Reversing the moderate but sustained reduction in income inequalities realized by the social state, the past three decades have witnessed an unprecedented transfer of income and wealth from the vast majority of humanity to a small global plutoc- racy, a process that has intensified since the 2008 Great Recession. Statistical evidence that globalization was producing a few winners and many losers first emerged in the 1990s, but so-called inequality apologizers “brushed aside the yawning gap between the rich and the rest” as a brief and tran- sitory phase in the relentless unfolding of global markets—an unfortunate consequence of the restructuring of supply chains, new production and information technologies, and the formation of high-income dual-earner families (Stiglitz 2013, 29). In the wake of the Great Recession, however, income inequality became the rallying call for a growing wave of social justice movements from the Indignados in Spain to the Occupy Wall Street movement (OWS), which, in 2012–13, spread from New York City to 900 cities around the world. Although OWS faded from the headlines within a few months, its powerful narrative of an unjust neoliberal global order, which is divided between an extremely privileged 1 per cent and everyone else, is a core theme informing both contemporary social justice claims- making and, increasingly, international policy missives. By 2016, leading international policy networks such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the IMF, and Oxfam conceded that we are “living through an inequality crisis” that has reached unsus- tainable extremes (Oxfam 2016, 1, 6). To better appreciate the depth of this crisis, Oxfam reported in 2017 that 62 of the world’s richest people own as much as 3.6 billion of the world’s poorest people: 8 men own more than the poorest one-half of the world.
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 19
The social justice implications of these unsustainable disparities are as obvious as they are immediate, especially for the millennial generation and the marginalized, who, unable to secure a good job, save for the future, or get ahead, will carry the scars of the contemporary crisis of inequality for decades to come. This crisis, however, is unique and demands more complex interven- tions than the redistributive strategies deployed by the post-war social state, although income redistribution and the renewal of social security policies is clearly part of the solution. The post-war social architecture was constructed on and sustained by the transfer of social income (i.e., welfare, family, and unemployment benefits, social programs, public services) from working and middle-class workers with stable (often lifetime) employment and employment benefits (i.e., collective bargaining, paid vacation, disability benefits, private pensions) to those temporarily or permanently marginalized in labour markets due to unemployment and underemployment, age, illness, ability, or caring responsibilities. Contemporary labour markets and the broader social terrain, however, have been profoundly altered by decades of neoliberal policy inter- ventions, the globalization of production, and technological change. Well-paying manufacturing jobs have moved offshore, only to be replaced by low-paid or part-time positions in the retail or service sectors; employment has become more “flexible” and contractually limited with few, if any, employment bene- fits or opportunities for advancement; and the social safety net has been rolled back or put out of reach for those who need it the most. Most workers in Canada, for example, pay unemployment premiums, but less than half actu- ally qualify for benefits when they lose their jobs.
Guy Standing argues that a new social hierarchy has emerged from decades of neoliberal governance and the globalization of production, which has been superimposed on the twentieth century industrial model of owners and direc- tors, white-collar workers and professionals, and industrial workers. According to Standing, the contemporary social terrain consists of a global plutocracy (the 1 per cent), a diminishing salariat (white-collar workers with long-term contracts and employment benefits such as private pensions and extended health care), a small cadre of proficians (young, project-oriented self-entrepreneurs), and a mushrooming precariat (with low-paying and insecure jobs and few private or public benefits) (Standing 2011, 2014).
The precariat, Standing argues, is not meaningfully captured in the old political grammars of a squeezed or declining middle class, an underclass, or even a lower class. The precariat is a diverse social group, which includes the young and educated who are unable to find a place in their chosen profes- sion, remnants of the old industrial working class whose jobs have disappeared through globalization or technological change, and those who have been consis- tently marginalized in labour markets—the low-skilled, women, migrants,
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES20
racial minorities, Indigenous peoples, and the differently abled (Standing 2011). Many among the ranks of the precariat cannot get into or have been pushed out of the salariat and the security and social mobility that it has traditionally provided. Professions in the health, education, and public sectors that were once secure have been made flexible and contractual, and stripped of employ- ment benefits. Some in the precariat cobble together several part-time jobs to survive, while others engage in serial employment, moving from one limited- term contract to another, from one indeterminate period of unemployment or underemployment to another, and from one pay cheque to another. Still others live in poverty at the margins of the labour force with little hope that life will change for the better.
What coheres this burgeoning group of so-called losers in the global economy is profound uncertainty, insecurity, and anger. They are confined to dead end, career-less, part-time, and unfulfilling jobs; they have insecure social incomes, often deemed ineligible to participate in or benefit from exist- ing social welfare and social security programs; and they have no roadmap to a better future or hope of social mobility (Standing 2014, 386). They are the embodiment of successive neoliberal policy failures and the incessant individ- ualization of systemic injustices. Regardless of how individuals in the precariat might build their personal portfolios of human capital, becoming “entrepre- neurs of the self,” they are expected to sacrifice their well-being and futures for a fragile, inequitable, and crisis-ridden governing formula, which by most measures is simply unsustainable (W. Brown 2015, 214; Fraser 2014).
The precariat is defined by diverse biographies of insecurity, frustration, and increasingly anger, among them the former unionized industrial worker resigned to part-time employment in the service sector, the newly minted college graduate unable to find a path into his or her chosen field, the immi- grant trapped at the margins of the labour market, and the single mother unable to secure child care and a full-time job. These biographies of uncertainty also intersect with and weave through persistent exclusions grounded in the cumu- lative legacies of colonialism, racism, and ableism. These are distinctive bundles of frustration and insecurity; the precariat does not speak from a shared loca- tion, or with a single voice. This diversity, Standing (2014) argues, also makes the precariat a “dangerous” class that is vulnerable to extremist voices, offer- ing simplistic solutions and blaming the “other” for their insecurity. Similar to the experience of the 1930s, these crisis times have witnessed the widespread repudiation of political elites and core political institutions, and the growth of populist movements, leaders, and political parties that point their accusatory finger at globalization, intellectualism, racial minorities, multiculturalism, femi- nism, and, especially, refugees and immigrants as being responsible for the very real insecurities of daily life in contemporary times. These increasingly racist
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 21
and illiberal discourses have moved from the margins to the centre of politi- cal debates in many Western democracies, all the while veiling the profound inequalities that put the vast majority in the same precarious boat. As the contemporary social order becomes evermore deeply divided by the politics of “us versus them,” fear and recrimination, and racism and violence, the spec- tre of political failure haunts our collective future (Monbiot 2016). Our times call out for alternative political imaginaries and necessary, if difficult, conver- sations about inequalities and social justice in Canada.
Diversity and Social Justice
Many Canadians can readily identify with the insecurities of the precar- iat, even if they do not use this term when they talk about themselves, their families, or their fears for the future. Secure jobs have disappeared, nearly half of Canadians live from pay cheque to pay cheque, and many others (40 per cent) feel overwhelmed by debt (Chevreau 2016). Canadians also have been subjected to the politics of ethnic and racial division, which, in more intense forms, are unsettling politics in many European democracies, and especially in the United States. For a decade, the Harper government quietly cultivated the antagonistic politics of “us versus them,” not the least by disavowing Canada’s history of colonialism, marginalizing Indigenous voices, increasing restric- tions on immigrants and refugees, raising the bar for citizenship, referencing so-called old stock (white) Canadians, banning the hijab during citizenship ceremonies, and proposing hotlines to identify “the barbarians” in our midst.
Prime Minister Harper was defeated at the polls in 2015, in part because his opponents provided voters with a clear alternative to the politics of divi- sion. Justin Trudeau, in particular, celebrated Canadian citizenship equality and diversity. Diversity clearly is not a new theme in Canadian politics: in fact, it is hard-wired into its settler-colonial foundations, depending as it does on already existing diversity among Indigenous peoples, as well as successive waves of new immigrants who are also increasingly visible minorities. For the past half-century, however, this diversity typically has been viewed through the lens of culture rather than through the lenses of race and colonialism. Canada has imagined itself as a bicultural and bilingual community, and as a multicul- tural community, which not only tolerates, respects, and celebrates different cultural traditions and practices but also identifies cultural difference as a defin- ing feature of Canadian identity. In recent years, Canada also has represented itself as having three founding cultures—Indigenous, French, and English.
Scholars and activists alike have been critical of these cultural (whether bi-, tri-, or multi-) formulations of identity and difference, because they gloss
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES22
the heaviness of difference, whether experienced as racialization, racism, colo- nialism, xenophobia, marginalization, or exclusion. It is significant, then, that Canada’s federal government has reframed the way it talks about differences among Canadians by emphasizing diversity rather than multiculturalism. The claim that “Diversity is Canada’s strength” echoed throughout the 2015 federal election campaign, which elected more visible minorities, Indigenous peoples, and women than ever before, and resulted in a uniquely diverse federal cabi- net with gender parity. Justin Trudeau proudly announced, “This is what Canada looks like,” and has consistently elaborated on this diversity narrative since his election. As an example, Trudeau explains that “Canada has learned to be strong not in spite of our differences, but because of them” and that “Canadians understand that diversity is our strength. We know that Canada has succeeded—culturally, politically and economically—because of our diversity, not in spite of it” (Trudeau 2015). Canada has also been celebrated in the inter- national press for its approach to diversity, especially after it opened its doors to Syrian refugees, while its southern neighbours took steps to close theirs. An Economist headline proclaimed, “Liberty Moves North” (29 October 2016).
Canada is an increasingly diverse country: this is an irrefutable axis in contemporary Canadian politics. The language of diversity, thus, is fundamental to a renewed social justice project, because it stretches our political imagina- tions and policy agendas beyond mosaic multiculturalism to take into account all kinds of perceived differences among Canadians, including those grounded in race, colonization, religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, and ability. However, the contributors to this volume ask: What work is the idea of diver- sity actually doing in contemporary Canadian politics?
Critical race and equity scholars who have studied diversity programs in various organizational settings find that the term’s meaning shifts substantially depending on who is talking. Diversity, many argue, is simply a euphemism— a cliché that gestures at recognition, representation, and inclusion, but actually works to obscure and reproduce deep and historically entrenched inequalities. Sara Ahmed, for example, assigns the term “diversity” to a class of words that she calls “non-performative” (2007b). These are words that imply an action that does not follow—words that reproduce social hierarchies by appearing to transform them. Many ideas and words gain force and content only when they travel with other words that give them a mandate to advance social and political change. Consider, for example, the different meanings and actions that are implied when the word “social” walks with words like justice, solidar- ity, equality, responsibility, sustainability, and inclusion. Each of these pairings prescribe particular forms of claims-making and policy-making. Diversity, in and of itself, is only a descriptor, a way of describing a group, organization, or population. Left standing alone without a walking partner to give it substance
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 23
and direction, the term can generate anti-diversity counter-narratives that attempt to reassert racial and social hierarchies by, for example, promising to test immigrants for “Canadian values,” or to “Make America Great Again.” Our task is to animate non-performative words like “diversity” by linking them to robust strategies of recognition, reparation, and redistribution.
In settler societies such as Canada, however, the challenge of diversity also necessarily demands stretching social justice imaginaries to long-neglected and uncharted territories. A social justice agenda, which I have just argued must be attached to diversity discourses, is always already imagined and enacted on the tenuous and fragile foundations of the pre-emptive sovereignty of settler societies. These forms of political imaginaries also are in crisis, not the least because of ever-stronger assertions of Indigenous self-determination, and grow- ing conflicts about land, water, and the environment. These conflicts demand more from a diversity imaginary than can be provided by either conventional social justice politics or, even, a politics of reconciliation that focuses primar- ily on the restoration of mutuality and respectful relationships between settler and Indigenous peoples. Instead, these conflicts invite us to expand our under- standing of diversity itself, beyond compositional markers of diverse groups, to include different forms of governance, different political geographies, and different obligations to the environment as foundational pillars in our collec- tive project (A. Simpson 2014; Coulthard 2014).
This Volume
Crisis times, as noted earlier in this chapter, are spaces of in-between-ness when multiple and conflicting visions of the future compete to shape public discourses, political allegiances, and policy outcomes. The contributions to this book advance the case that these crisis times call for a renewed and expan- sive social justice agenda, which addresses the multiple challenges of the early twenty-first century in progressive and sustainable ways. As David Robichaud discusses in Chapter 2, a renewed social justice politics necessarily begins with a critical interrogation of common notions of fairness and justice that have dominated political thinking in recent decades. Using the analogy of Robinson Crusoe, he argues that neoliberal prescriptions for individual reward inaccu- rately depict the ways societies actually work and progress. Robichaud makes the case that redistribution is both necessary and just because every member of society contributes to “individual” success stories. All of these contributions should be recognized and valued. In Chapter 3, Malinda Smith examines the “great experiment” that has fundamentally transformed the Canadian social landscape in the past four decades. The Canadian population has become
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES24
increasingly racially and ethnically diverse, while statistical projections antici- pate that within a generation, one-half of Canadians will be either immigrants or children of immigrants. Considering this shift as well as existing diversity among Indigenous peoples, Smith recounts the ways “diversity stories” have been deployed in contemporary political discourses and policies. She provides stark empirical evidence, which clearly demonstrates that Canada’s core insti- tutions are failing to embrace the advantages of diversity by continuing to under-represent Indigenous peoples, visible minorities, and women in key decision-making and authoritative roles. Diversity policies, she concludes, only appear to “diversify whiteness.”
The three chapters in Part 2 of this volume provide case studies in precar- iousness by differently posing the question “social justice for whom?” In Chapter 4, Judy Fudge explores shifting regulatory regimes that have been applied to migrant workers in Canada in recent years. Migrant workers, she explains, have been represented as threats who take jobs away from resident workers, but, as Fudge explains, these discourses divert attention away from the erosion of wages and employment conditions for everyone. In Chapter 5, Grace-Edward Galabuzi focuses on the case of Canadian universities to assess the impacts of equity, diversity, and inclusion initiatives. He argues that so-called post-racial and colour-blind policies do not reflect the lived expe- riences of Indigenous or racialized students and faculty, but instead, often reinforce “whiteness” and the inherently colonial foundations of these insti- tutions. He concludes that a renewed social justice politics must reach beyond dominant norms of Eurocentrism, and pursue transformative strategies to indi- genize and decolonize the academy. In Chapter 6, Hayden King argues that a renewed social justice politics in settler societies such as Canada necessarily requires a new social covenant with Indigenous peoples. King explains that settler colonial models of governance are in crisis, not the least because of the profound precariousness and inequalities that define the daily lives of so many Indigenous peoples, broken treaty relationships, and an unprecedented surge in Indigenous activism that is focused on land claims, land use, and our rela- tionship with the environment. King outlines several principles of Indigenous political economy, including reciprocity, sustainability, and mutual autonomy, which could form the foundations to begin to meaningfully decolonize social relations in Canada.
The contributions to Part 3 of this volume focus on the critical role of activism in shaping new futures in Canadian politics. In Chapter 7, Meenal Shrivastava demonstrates that, despite the election of new governments both federally and in Alberta, Canada continues to manifest many of the key markers of a “petroculture.” These markers include inordinate reliance on resource extraction (especially oil), income inequalities, democratic deficits,
INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN CRISIS TIMES 25
and environmental degradation. Shrivastava points to the emergence of polit- ical alliances between Indigenous peoples and the environmental movement as a potentially powerful point of resistance to the seemingly relentless expan- sion of resource extractive practices. Alexa Degagné, in Chapter 8, reflects on the history of lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, and trans politics in Canada as examples of “anger activism.” She argues that, confronted with social injus- tice, discrimination, and violence, anger activism can help forge new alliances, build communities, empower previously silenced voices, and challenge hierar- chies of social and political power. Her case study emphasizes that our personal anger and the anger of others can be channelled to realize more just and inclu- sive social outcomes. Finally, in Chapter 9, Judy Rebick reflects on both her long and distinguished history of social justice activism in Canada, and the emergence of what she terms “21st-century social justice movements” in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. Rebick applauds the bottom-up and inclu- sive strategies of these new movements, and argues that these new forces are progressively reshaping the perspectives and politics that are necessary to meet the multiple challenges of these crisis times. All of the contributors to this book invite us to think, act, and talk openly about what social justice should look like in contemporary Canada.
Further Readings
Bauman, Zygmunt, and Carlo Bordoni. 2014. State of Crisis. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Brodie, Janine. 2014. “Elusive Equalities and the Great Recession: Restora- tion, Retrenchment and Redistribution.” International Journal of Law in Context 10 (4): 427–41.
Brown, Wendy. 2015. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution. New York: Zone Books.
C H A P T E R 2
SOCIAL JUSTICE AND THE EXTINCTION OF HOMO CRUSOECONOMICUS
David Robichaud
Introduction
Never before have inequalities of wealth been so huge either within our soci- eties or between rich and poor societies. A 2016 Oxfam briefing paper argues forcefully that the global inequality crisis, which it has documented in recent years, “is reaching new extremes.” Data obtained from Credit Suisse indi- cate that the richest 1 per cent of the world’s population have more wealth than the rest of the world combined. In 2015, the richest 62 individuals in the world, down from 388 individuals in 2010, had wealth equivalent to the bottom half of humanity (Oxfam 2016, 1–2). In Canada, the top 10 per cent own almost half of all wealth, while the top 1 per cent of income earners receive 12 per cent of all taxable income (A. Jackson 2013, 1). These statistics are not simply shocking to our sense of fairness and economic justice, but they flag important economic and social problems that might span generations. More and more economists are warning us of the problems we will face if we do not put an end to this accelerating enrichment of the wealthy (Stiglitz 2012; Piketty 2014). Less economic growth, more financial volatility, increas- ing indebtedness among the middle class, and chronic poverty are among the many contemporary challenges that have been attributed to the growing gap in income, wealth, and life chances. Epidemiologists also have bad news for us all: societies with higher levels of inequality appear less healthy on a broad range of indicators, including obesity and drug and alcohol abuse (Wilkinson and Pickett 2009). It is important to stress the most amazing element of their findings: it is not poorer societies that face more problems, but instead, soci- eties with higher levels of economic inequalities.
This situation did not happen suddenly. For decades, neoliberal politicians fed on the discourse of right-wing economists and encouraged us to modify
SOCIAL JUSTICE AND THE EXTINCTION OF HOMO CRUSOECONOMICUS 27
our fiscal structures and to decrease taxes on the wealthy, under the assump- tion that this windfall would be reinvested in the economy, create jobs, and fuel growth. According to this optimistic story, it does not matter who gets the resources at first, since consumption and investments trickle all the way down to the poorest people, raising living standards for everyone. Unfortunately, despite impressive economic growth in the 1990s and massive increases in the earnings of the wealthiest of our societies, the average North American has lost purchasing power since the 1980s.
In the past three decades, neoliberal politicians have relied heavily on libertarian philosophy and political objections to distributive justice and their intuitively attractive arguments to justify rising inequalities. The liber- tarians argue that individuals are entitled to everything they produce, that we need incentives to produce wealth, and that giving money to unemployed or unproductive individuals will decrease their motivation to work. These ideas weave through public discourses and informal conversations about social and redistributive policies. The poor are represented as lazy, negligent, and undeserving of social transfers from the state. Lazy teenagers playing video- games, undeclared workers, and immigrants abusing social programs are for many the new representations of those getting help from the state. More and more people feel that it is unjust to have to pay high taxes for social programs for people who, according to this view of undeserving poor, basi- cally choose to become dependent on the state. Libertarian ideas also inform everyday conversations about taking money from hardworking and successful members of our society. We value hard work and productivity, so the argu- ment goes, and people who work harder should receive more than others. They create goods and produce wealth, and thus should get all the benefits from what they produce. A worker is entitled to every cent he or she receives for his or her economic activity.
These popular arguments for rejecting redistributive policies are in large part grounded on a misunderstanding of how individuals create and acquire wealth. Our understanding of wealth production is based on the myth of homo crusoeconomicus. According to this myth, each individual is like a Robinson Crusoe on an isolated island. We each produce, in relative isolation from others and within the limits of our capacity, different goods with different values in different quantities. People choose freely to make the most of their unequal talents in different contexts, and what they make out of these talents should legitimately belong to them, without consideration for how others are faring. The most talented produce more than the less talented, and therefore should obtain higher compensations. According to this picture, it is just for hardwork- ing and talented people to have more than untalented and lazy people; it is unjust for the state to arbitrarily take money legitimately earned by the wealthy
CONTEMPORARY INEQUALITIES28
to redistribute it to the least well-off. The assumption underlying this posi- tion is that justice relates to individual contribution: contributing a lot entitles one to a large share of the collective wealth; contributing nothing entitles one to … nothing. From here, it is easy to criticize distributive justice and the redistribution of resources as taking too much from the deserving rich to give to the undeserving poor.
In this chapter I do not challenge the idea that we are entitled to the goods we produce in isolation from others, using only our talents. Rather, I challenge the idea that such an argument can justify the level of inequal- ities observed today. By looking at the libertarians’ rejection of distributive justice, I will show that they are right when they consider that the distribu- tion of wealth should reflect individual contributions, but that they are wrong in their understanding of what should count as “relevant contributions” to the production of wealth. By focusing solely on individuals producing wealth and by explaining success and failure by reference to hard work, talent, and virtues, we miss the background that makes these individual contributions possible. We also fail to appreciate that this background is made possible only by a thick web of subtle but complex contributions from every single member of society. I will try to highlight the thickness of these contributions to soci- ety and to collective wealth in order to show that they are much more equal among individuals than we may believe, and therefore that the distribution of wealth should legitimately, for reasons of justice as libertarians understand it, be made much more equal as well.
Libertarianism in Contemporary Debates on Justice
In normative philosophy, many theories have tried to demonstrate that economic inequalities are not justified and that we have a moral duty to redistribute wealth. The mid-twentieth century was dominated by a debate between utilitarians and liberal egalitarians over the proper justification for a just distri- bution of wealth. According to utilitarians, a more equal distribution of wealth is required due to the decreasing marginal utility of some goods, including money. The idea is quite simple. If I give you a coffee, you will get some bene- fits and obtain some well-being from it. If I give you a second, then a third, then a fourth, each additional coffee will produce less well-being than the previous one, to the point where it will produce no well-being at all or even create harm. Many goods are subject to this phenomenon and money is one of them. According to utilitarians, the reason why we should aim for a more equal distribution of wealth is that it is the best way to produce a maximum of well-being and happiness in a given society. It follows then that if one is
11.Gherardi, S. (2017). The Social Worker's Dilemma Empathy and Progress in the Trump Era. Social Work, 1-1..pdf
LETTERS
The Social Worker’s Dilemma: Empathy and Progress in the Trump Era
It is official. The president of the United Statesis Donald Trump. I am, as I imagine many ofyou are, surprised to say the least. The uncer- tainty of what a Trump presidency will mean is deeply unsettling, especially for those of us who have celebrated the slow but steady progress on many pressing social issues over the last eight years. It is difficult in this moment to comprehend how the same America I celebrated eight years ago elected Mr. Trump, and I cannot escape the notion that I have somehow managed to isolate myself from reality. As I watched the election results, I found myself standing in judgment of vast numbers of my fellow Americans. For a social worker, judg- ment is not a comfortable place in which to stand.
Processing this election is a study in contrasts. Clearly the nation is divided. Reconciliation and mutual understanding are deeply needed. And yet, the rhetoric that has emerged this year cannot be accepted in a society that professes to be founded on equity and justice. I read tweets from my liberal friends aghast that the country they thought they loved turned out to be a racist, misogynist beast. I read posts from my conservative family celebrating a triumph over institutions that had been hijacked by interests that were not their own. Neither per- spective provides insight into what progress in the Trump era might look like.
Those of us who devote ourselves to addressing the concerns of the marginalized have a daunting task ahead of us. We must continue work against the potential devastation of policies that serve to target, exclude, or unjustly punish those groups we have always worked to protect. However, we can- not continue to do it alone. We must find a way to do this work alongside the many for whom a Trump vote was a vote for self-preservation. Call- ing out and fighting injustice and the “othering” of America without engaging in our own acts of demonization: this is the social worker’s dilemma in the age of Trump.
Today, many of us are looking for a way for- ward. It would be easy to retreat to where we are
comfortable, to dismiss concerns of those who dis- agree and continue addressing injustice as we have in the past. Yet, the reality of a system of majority rule within the electoral college calls us to take a more challenging path, a path that must begin with empathy. This suggestion troubles many. “We can- not empathize with racists/misogynists/(fill in the blank),” they argue. I submit that we can and we must. The inherent dignity and worth of the person is not compromised by his or her flaws. Empathy is not an excuse for or ignorance of wrongdoing. It is also not an expression of pity or sympathy. It is a deep understanding, a shared sense of identification, with the experiences of others. It is a prerequisite for a therapeutic alliance that works toward change. Right now, many social workers are struggling to reconcile their desire for change with perceptions of their compatriots.
As we continue to advance our social justice agenda, we need to devote attention to building new coalitions to support it. We need to ask Trump’s America to tell us more about their ex- periences, their pain, and their fears. We need to understand why those feelings have led many to accept what we once thought unacceptable. We need to consider real options for addressing these concerns in ways that do not perpetuate the pain and suffering of others. At the same time, we need to take action on our personal and political com- mitment to those for whom the election has pro- voked justified fear and vulnerability. In balancing these tasks, we need to present a new potential reality in which progress is not a zero-sum game. Every day, social workers use empathy and engage- ment to bring about change in the most unlikely places. Now is the time for us to use these skills in pursuit of reconciliation where possible, a shared path forward, and a united resistance to forces of oppression and marginalization wherever they exist. SW
Stacy Gherardi Las Cruces, NM
Advance Access Publication May 5, 2017
doi: 10.1093/sw/swx028
doi: 10.1093/sw/swx028 © 2017 National Association of Social Workers 285
- The Social Worker’s Dilemma: Empathy and Progress in the Trump Era
- Political Social Work
13.Collins, P. H. (2015). Intersectionality's definitional dilemmas. Annual Review of Sociology, 41, 1-20.pdf
Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas Author(s): Patricia Hill Collins Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 41 (2015), pp. 1-20 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24807587 Accessed: 21-08-2021 01:59 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual Review of Sociology
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Patricia Hill Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas
Patricia Hill Collins
Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland 20742-1315; email: [email protected]
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2015. 41:1-20 Keywords
First published onlme as a Review in Advance on race/class/gender studies, social inequality, racial formation theory, Black March 23,2015 r . .
feminism
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
soc.annualreviews.org Abstract
This article's doi: 'Hie term intersectionality references the critical insight that race, class, gen 10.1146/annurev-soc-073014-112142 . , . . . . ... .
der, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, ability, and age operate not as unitary, mu
Copyright© 2015 by Annual Reviews. tually exclusive entities, but rather as reciprocally constructing phenomena. All rights reserved
Despite this general consensus, definitions of what counts as intersectionality are far from clear. In this article, I analyze intersectionality as a knowledge
project whose raison d'etre lies in its attentiveness to power relations and social inequalities. I examine three interdependent sets of concerns: {a) inter
sectionality as a field of study that is situated within the power relations that
it studies; (b) intersectionality as an analytical strategy that provides new an gles of vision on social phenomena; and (c) intersectionality as critical praxis
that informs social justice projects.
Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas
Patricia Hill Collins
Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland 20742-1315; email: [email protected]
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2015. 41:1-20
First published online as a Review in Advance on March 23, 2015
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
soc.annualreviews.org
This article's doi: 10.1146/annurev-soc-07 3014-112142
Copyright © 2015 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Keywords
race/class/gender studies, social inequality, racial formation theory, Black feminism
Abstract
The term intersectionality references the critical insight that race, class, gen
der, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, ability, and age operate not as unitary, mu
tually exclusive entities, but rather as reciprocally constructing phenomena.
Despite this general consensus, definitions of what counts as intersectionality are far from clear. In this article, I analyze intersectionality as a knowledge
project whose raison d'être lies in its attentiveness to power relations and social inequalities. I examine three interdependent sets of concerns: {a) inter
sectionality as a field of study that is situated within the power relations that
it studies; (b) intersectionality as an analytical strategy that provides new an gles of vision on social phenomena; and (c) intersectionality as critical praxis
that informs social justice projects.
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
INTRODUCTION
By 1997, when I was asked to organize a session on "Race, Class and Gender" for the American
Sociological Association's (ASA's) annual meetings, interest in the field of race/class/gender studies
had grown dramatically. As I read through approximately 30 paper submissions, only a handful seemed to fit the session's theme. Most papers mentioned race or class or gender in various combinations, yet papers submitted to the "Race, Class and Gender" session differed litde from those submitted to other sessions on either race or class or gender. What criteria characterized the
papers that I selected? The and seemed to matter, but how? My initial response to these questions was much like that of US Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart's dilemma when asked to define
pornography. Acknowledging that he had no definitive definition, Stewart proclaimed, "I know
it when I see it." I shared Stewart's dilemma concerning the papers—I "knew" the appropriate papers for the race, class, and gender session when I saw them. Yet I was less clear about my standards for selection.
Planning my 2012 graduate seminar on "Intersectionality" raised similar issues. Because so much intersectional scholarship had been published by then, I anticipated that selecting readings
for the course would be easy. Not so. Faced with the absence of guidelines, I setded on exploring intersectionality's definitions as our collective project for the course. The syllabus contained the following charge:
What exacdy is intersectionality? Is it a concept, a paradigm, a heuristic device, a methodology, or
a theory? If it is a theory, what kind of theory is it? Because intersectionality constitutes a new term
applied to a diverse set of practices, interpretations, methodologies and political orientations, we cannot
assume that we are studying a fixed body of knowledge. Instead, our course will investigate the question
of the interpretive frames of intersectionality itself.
Despite our best efforts, by the end of the course my students and I both seemed stuck in Stewart's dilemma—we thought we "knew" intersectionality when we saw it but couldn't quite define what it was.
These two experiences constitute two instances where I encountered intersectionality's defi nitional dilemma of defining the field neither so narrowly that it reflects the interests of any one segment nor so broadly that its very popularity causes it to lose meaning. Casting a self-reflexive
eye not only on the substance of intersectional scholarship but also on the processes that legiti mated it constituted one important step in seeing the interconnections between what counted as
intersectionality and the processes that upheld changing and various definitions of it. Activities
such as selecting papers for an ASA session, choosing readings for a graduate syllabus, or deter mining which citations to include in journal articles such as this one may seem objective. Yet, collectively, these practices suggest that the significance of conference papers, syllabi, publica
tions, and citation patterns fies less in the content of individual documents than in processes of selection themselves. When it comes to addressing intersectionality's definitional dilemma, the devil is in the details.
By now, a general consensus exists about intersectionality's general contours. The term in tersectionality references the critical insight that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation,
ability, and age operate not as unitary, mutually exclusive entities, but as reciprocally constructing
phenomena that in turn shape complex social inequalities. Variations of intersectional scholarship
can now be found across interdisciplinary fields as well as within more traditional disciplinary endeavors (Collins & Chepp 2013). Variations of intersectional practice can also be found within and outside the academy. Teachers, social workers, parents, policy advocates, university support
Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
staff, community organizers, clergy, lawyers, graduate students, nurses, and other practitioners
find themselves upholding and challenging social inequalities. Practitioners both search for and
propose ideas that will explain their experiences with the social problems around them. Given these wide-ranging approaches and concerns, intersectionality's current definitional state still re sembles Stewart's dilemma: Scholars and practitioners think they know intersectionality when
they see it. More importantly, they conceptualize intersectionality in dramatically different ways
when they use it.
To explore this definitional fluidity, this article addresses one fundamental question: What is
intersectionality? I am not trying to prematurely tame intersectionality's unruliness by imposing
an imperial definition from above. Definitions constitute starting points for investigation rather than end points of analysis. Presenting a finished definition of intersectionality that can be used to
determine whether a given book, article, law, or practice fits within a preconceived intersectional
framework misreads both intersectionality's complexity and this article's intent. Most people
consult dictionaries to find such quick, concise ways of categorizing social phenomena, forgetting
that ideas, fields of study, set of practices, or definitions themselves are never finished. Instead, definitions emerge from more iterative, grassroots processes that enable intellectual and political
consensus to emerge through everyday practices such as organizing sessions, developing syllabi, or choosing citations.
By now, enough evidence exists to categorize focal points within intersectionality's burgeoning
scholarly literature and the actions of its practitioners. My goal is to provide navigational tools for thinking about intersectionality rather than coverage of intersectionality writ large. In the next section, I identify a set of conceptual tools that provide an intellectual and political context for intersectionality. Drawing upon racial formation theory, I suggest that because intersectionality's raison d'être fies in its attentiveness to power relations and social inequalities, it
constitutes a broad-based knowledge project. Intersectionality also houses a dynamic assemblage
of interpretive communities, each of which has its own understanding of intersectionality and advances corresponding knowledge projects. In the remaining sections, I examine three interdependent sets of concerns that characterize intersectionality as a broad-based knowledge project: (a) intersectionality as a field of study, e.g., its history, themes, boundaries, debates, and direction; (b) intersectionality as an analytical strategy, e.g., how intersectional frameworks provide new angles of vision on social institutions, practices, social problems, and other social phenomena associated with social inequality; and (c) intersectionality as critical praxis, e.g., how social actors use intersectionality for social justice projects.
RACIAL FORMATION THEORY, KNOWLEDGE PROJECTS, AND INTERSECTIONALITY
Intersectionality faces a particular definitional dilemma—it participates in the very power rela
tions that it examines and, as a result, must pay special attention to the conditions that make its
knowledge claims comprehensible. Because analyzing the relations between knowledge and power is the traditional bailiwick of the sociology of knowledge, this field provides important theoretical
vocabulary for conceptualizing intersectionality as both reflecting and shaping the power relations
that house it. A sociology of knowledge framework suggests that knowledge—including knowledge
aimed at better understanding intersectionality—is socially constructed and transmitted, legiti
mated, and reproduced. Yet within this core tenet, scholars have placed various emphases on the
types of knowledge deemed worthy of study, the conceptions of social structure that house and/or
are shaped by knowledge, and the influence of knowledge itself in shaping power relations (Balibar
2007, Berger & Luckmann 1966, Foucault 1980, Mannheim 1954, Swidler & Arditi 1994).
www.annualreviews.org • intersectionality''s Definitional Dilemmas 5
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Within a broader critical race theory landscape (Delgado & Stefancic 2013), racial forma tion theory shows special promise for addressing intersectionality's definitional dilemma [Omi & Winant 2014 (1994)]. Because it conceptualizes race as situated within the recursive relationship between social structures and cultural representations, racial formation theory conflates neither
discourses about race (e.g., racial meanings, representations, and social identities) nor the power
relations in which racial meanings are situated. Both are held separate yet interconnected. Histori cally constructed, ever-changing racial formations organize racialized groups, the specific patterns
of racial inequality that link racialized populations, and social problems that ensue. For example, in
the United States, the racial formation of color-conscious racism has relied on a deep-seated logic
of segregation that was applied to all aspects of social structures and cultural representations. In contrast, contemporary color-blind racism constitutes a differendy organized yet equally powerful
racial formation that manages to replicate racial hierarchies, often without overt attention to race
itself (Bonilla-Silva 2003, Brown et al. 2003). Despite being more visible in different historical periods or across cross-national settings—both South Africa's racial apartheid and Brazil's racial democracy established racial hierarchies that persist—color-conscious and color-blind racial for mations do not displace one another. As structural forms of power, one or the other racial formation
may predominate, yet typically they coexist.
Racial formations have distinctive configurations of racial projects for which interest groups advance various interpretations of racial inequality. Within racial formation theory, ideas matter,
not simply as hegemonic ideologies produced by elites but also as tangible, multiple knowledge projects that are advanced by specific interpretive communities. Because groups aim to have their
interpretations of racial inequality prevail, knowledge lies at the heart of racial projects.
The question is less whether race is real or whether racial projects exist, but rather what kinds
of racial projects appear and disappear across specific racial formations and why. For example, African American intellectual production has a storied history of protesting both the social struc tural dimensions of racism and the cultural representations of people of African descent (Kelley 2002). Yet despite these efforts, the richness of these knowledge projects rarely make it into the legitimated canon of established fields. Similarly, the eugenics projects that advanced widely ac cepted scientific knowledge about race had significant impact on the public policies of the United States, Germany, and many nation-states. Eugenics arguments fell out of favor in the post-World
War II era, suggesting that counterarguments claiming that race was socially constructed with no connections to biology had prevailed. Yet in a postgenomic age, the resurgence of race in science,
law, and medicine points to the resiliency of biological understandings of race within contempo
rary racial projects of science itself, typically without racially discriminatory intent (Duster 2015).
The word "eugenics" fell out of favor, but ideas about the centrality of biology, newly defined in determining various aspects of human social behavior, have been more difficult to uproot. Just
as racial formations change in response to racial projects, racial projects change in relation to changing racial formations.
Racial formation theory offers one additional benefit for intersectionality. Through its analysis
of racial projects, racial formation theory can account for change in ways that retain the agency
of individual human actors and group-based action. In contrast to the sociology of knowledge's traditional emphasis on individual intellectuals as superior if not the sole producers of knowledge—
whether Mannheim's intelligentsia or Gramsci's organic intellectuals—this theory makes room for multiple interpretive communities. Because understanding racial inequality remains central to
racial formation theory, it provides intellectual and political space for subordinated social groups such as African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and indigenous peoples. Such groups find intellectual
and political space within racial formation theory for the group-based knowledge of racial projects
that oppose racial hierarchy and racial inequality (Collins 1998a, pp. 201-28). Racial formation
Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
theory offers social actors guidance as to how their individual and collective actions matter in shaping racial inequality.
The strength of racial formation theory lies in how it links specific knowledge projects (racial
projects) with historically constructed power relations (racial formations). Intersectionality can build on this foundation by moving beyond a mono-categorical focus on racial inequality to en compass multiple forms of inequality that are organized via a similar logic. As an initial step, tbis framework can be applied to other social formations and knowledge projects that reproduce inequality, for example, social formations of patriarchy, capitalism, heterosexism, and their char
acteristic knowledge projects. Yet intersectionality goes farther than this mono-system analysis,
introducing a greater level of complexity into conceptualizing inequality. Whereas racial for mation theory (ironically, itself a knowledge project) focuses on racism as a mono-categorical system of power, intersectionality examines social formations of multiple, complex social inequal
ities. In order to build on racial formation theory's promise, however, intersectionality would need to flesh out a more nuanced sociological understanding of how social structures and cul tural representations interconnect. Knowledge projects are not free-floating phenomena; they are
grounded in specific sociological processes experienced by actual people. Here a robust analysis of the new politics of community provides a way of grounding the more theoretical arguments in
both racial formation theory and intersectionality (Collins 2010). Linking power with knowledge,
the construct of community provides an important framework for understanding the interpretive
communities that advance intersectionality's many knowledge projects. Intersectionality can be conceptualized as an overarching knowledge project whose changing
contours grow from and respond to social formations of complex social inequalities; within this overarching umbrella, intersectionality can also be profitably conceptualized as a constellation of knowledge projects that change in relation to one another in tandem with changes in the interpre
tive communities that advance them. The broader knowledge project provides a set of ideas that
provide moments of definitional consensus. Overarching intersectional frameworks have been so successful because they remain broad and unspecified. They provide the illusion that the constella
tion of smaller knowledge projects can be uncritically categorized under intersectionality's big tent
umbrella. Yet the sets of practitioners that lay claim to intersectionality via multiple cross-cutting and competitive intersectional knowledge projects reveal a lack of consensus about intersectional
ity's history, current organization, and future directions. Intersectionality's definitional dilemma occurs in this intellectual and political space.
In consideration of this framework, intersectional knowledge projects typically focus on three
interdependent concerns. The first focal point makes intersectionality as a field of study the object
of investigation. Examining the content and themes that characterize the field constitutes the main task. Why does this field exist? How is this field of study situated within prevailing power
relations? How does this social location shape the kinds of themes and approaches that characterize
intersectionality as a field of study?
The second focal point of intersectional knowledge projects examines intersectionality as an
analytical strategy. These projects rely upon intersectional frameworks to produce new knowledge
about the social world. Garnering the lion's share of attention within intersectionality as a field of
study, this approach uses intersectional frameworks to investigate social phenomena, e.g., social institutions, practices, social problems, and the epistemological concerns of the field itself.
The third focal point emphasizes intersectionality as a form of critical praxis, especially its
connections with social justice. This praxis perspective does not separate scholarship from practice,
with scholarship providing theoretical frameworks that people are encouraged to apply to practice.
Instead, both scholarship and practice are recursively linked, with practice being foundational to intersectional analysis.
■www.annualreviavs.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas 5
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
TRAVELING LIGHT? INTERSECTIONALITY AS A FIELD OF STUDY
Intersectionality's increasing acceptance as a field of study within the academy is clearly evident.
By the early 2000s, heightened interest in intersectionality fostered a blizzard of journal articles,
special editions to journals, edited volumes, and undergraduate anthologies. For example, the Consortium on Race, Gender and Ethnicity at the University of Maryland manages the search able Intersectional Research Database, which contains an extensive collection of bibliographical resources on intersectional scholarship. Several special editions of journals have also been devoted to various aspects of intersectionality as a field of study. Between 2008 and 2013, the following journals published special editions on intersectionality: Journal of Sex Roles, volume 59, issues 5
and 6, in 2008; Race, Ethnicity and Education, volume 12, issue 1, in 2009;Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, volume 54, issue 1, in 2010; Social Politics, volume 19, issue 4, Winter, and Gender
and Society, volume 26, issue 1, February, in 2012; Signs, volume 38, issue 4 (Cho et al. 2013), in 2013; and Du Bois Review, volume 10, issue 2 (Carbado et al. 2013), in 2013. Monographs too numerous to cite here use the term intersectionality, as well as various combinations of the terms
race, class, gender, ethnicity, sexuality, and ability in their tides (Berger & Guidroz 2009, Dill & Zambrana 2009, Lutz et al. 2011). The growth and institutionalization of intersectionality can also be measured by the arrival of undergraduate readers whose purpose is to introduce intersec
tionality to students and the lay public. In this regard, publications such as Race, Class and Gender, an anthology that I edited with Margaret Andersen (Andersen & Collins 2012); Intersectionality: A Foundations and Frontiers Reader (Grzanka 2014); and Intersectionality: Key Concepts (P.H. Collins
& S. Bilge, unpublished manuscript) illustrate the institutionalization of intersectionality.
Intersectionality's rapid growth and seemingly quick acceptance come with their own set of benefits and challenges. On the one hand, intersectionality's rapid expansion has fostered a dy namism that has encouraged creativity within and across academic disciplines. From various van tage points, scholars claim the language of intersectionality (Carbado et al. 2013, Cho et al. 2013). For example, intersectionality has been strongly associated with women's studies, gender studies, cultural studies, media studies, and other interdisciplinary fields, as well as within the humanities,
history, and similar disciplines with strong narrative traditions. Intersectionality has also traveled,
albeit unevenly, throughout the social sciences for which intersectional frameworks have catalyzed
productive avenues of investigation (Dill & Zambrana 2009). Scholars within traditional social science disciplines, as well as those working within more applied fields such as public policy, criminology, and education, have found intersectionality to be of value. Sociology has been at the
forefront of these developments, investigating intersectionality's theoretical and methodological
contributions to understanding social inequalities (Anderson 1996, Choo & Ferree 2010, Collins 2007).
On the other hand, the seemingly positive reception of intersectionality as a field of study raises the question of which aspects of intersectionality are finding acceptance and which are not.
In his now-classic 1983 essay on traveling theory, Edward Said (1983, pp. 31-53) claimed that theories can lose their originality and critical stance as they travel from one domain to another. Several authors have taken up Said's framework to discuss intersectionality's travels. For example,
Rnapp (2005) examines how fast traveling theories such as intersectionality often gain acceptance by distilling the complexity of its arguments in ways that often misrepresent its initial intent.
Alexander-Floyd (2012) explains how critical intellectual projects such as Black feminism and intersectionality have been weakened within the contemporary academy. In a retrospective piece, Chandra Mohanty (2013), a groundbreaking leader within transnational feminism, describes how
her own work on feminism and intersectionality has been misrecognized and misappropriated within contemporary academic politics. Said did revisit his earlier ideas about traveling theory
Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
to articulate another possibility, namely, that theories can become changed in positive ways as they travel (Carbado 2013). The contemporary legitimation of intersectionality may be one such
benefit Intersectionality's visibility in these venues provides scholars and laypeople alike access
to its ideas. Legitimation invites heterogeneous users to take up its ideas.
Because power relations and social inequality have been so central to intersectional knowledge
projects, too much is at stake to ignore the implications of intersectionality's travels. Like similar
knowledge projects that set out to address social inequalities by reforming and transforming the academy, intersectionality's travels constitute a contested space (Parker & Samantrai 2010). In particular, intersectionality's travels from social movements into the academy enable some dimensions of intersectionality to flourish, leaving others to languish, if not disappear.
The Case of US Black Feminism
US Black feminism has been an especially visible site for the emergence of race/class/gender and
its incorporation into the academy. As such, it provides an important lens on intersectionality as a
traveling knowledge project. US Black feminism in the 1960s and 1970s constituted one site of a much broader array of cross-cultural, cross-national, and historically specific social justice projects
that aimed to dismantle multiple social inequalities. African American women were part of broader social movements of which Chicanas and other Latinas, indigenous women, and Asian American
women (who subsequently became redefined as women of color) were at the forefront, raising
claims about the interconnectedness of race, class, gender, and sexuality in their everyday lived
experience. Latinas, for example, were engaged in similar intellectual and political struggles to create space for their empowerment within the confines of social movement politics that, similar
to Black politics, were shaped by a patriarchal nationalism. Latina feminism, generated by the radical writings of women of color (Anzaldua & Moraga 1983), also came of age in the 1970s and 1980s (Roth 2004).
Beyond the specificity of women of color as social actors in the US context, similar ideas that
neither have been acknowledged as intersectional nor have experienced the widespread visibility
and influence currently enjoyed by intersectionality as a field of study also exist. Place and time matter. For example, because intersecting power relations that foster complex social inequalities take various forms across national contexts, race, class, and gender are not equally salient. In the United Kingdom, Stuart Hall's pioneering work within cultural studies analyzed how com plex social inequalities of class, nation, race, and ethnicity are linked to immigrant experiences and British multiculturalism (Morley & Chen 1996). Gender was not initially central to cultural studies, entering the field through feminist critiques that moved cultural studies in intersectional
directions. As part of this unnamed intersectional intellectual and political context, Nira Yuval
Davis, Floya Anthias, and other European feminists introduced similar ideas that, in hindsight,
constituted intersectional knowledge projects (Yuval-Davis 2011, pp. 3-5). Despite these impor tant interventions, their work is neither identified as foundational to intersectionality nor valorized
within contemporary intersectionality origin stories. Historical specificity also matters. Within
the tight intellectual and political space of early-twentieth-century color-conscious racism, Anna
Julia Cooper and Ida Wells-Barnett launched similar arguments. For Cooper and Wells-Barnett, African American women's subordination relied on race/gender ideologies that explained practices
as diverse as eugenics and lynching. In this context, African American women's empowerment re
quired knowledge projects that were up to the task of contesting both racism and sexism (Cooper 1892, Wells-Barnett 2002).
Collectively, these knowledge projects foreshadowed the incorporation of race/class/gender studies into the academy. A closer look at the US Black feminist projects of the 1960s and 1970s
www.annmlreviews.org • lntersecüonality's Definitional Dilemmas 7
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
illustrates how interpretive communities within social movement settings set the stage for intersec
tional analysis. The bulk of US Black feminism remained grassroots, local, and tighdy interwoven with multiple forms of community organizing (Schutz & Sandy 2011). Historian Anne Valk's study
of how second-wave feminism and Black liberation took shape within Washington, DC, provides a rigorous rendering of how heterogeneous interpretive communities hammered out a collective
feminist knowledge project. Valk uses community organizing as a framework to situate women from across various races, social classes, and sexualities as intellectual and political actors. Local community organizing projects on welfare rights, reproductive freedom, Black liberation, lesbian
feminism, and sexual violence produced cross-cutting and consensus agendas that linked African American identity politics with those of white women across class and sexual orientation. Casting
a trained eye on the conflicts and consensus among the various organizations, Valk (2008) details how various grassroots organizations came to see over time how they needed to work together to build a broad-based coalitional politics. The challenges they faced within interlocking systems of
oppression of race, class, gender, and sexuality could not be solved by mono-categorical solutions. Valk's study is not about Black feminism per se, yet it introduces selected main ideas of social
justice projects of the time that foreshadow both race/class/gender studies and intersectionality.
Several themes permeated this particular case: (a) community organizing as foundational to po litical engagement of oppressed groups; (b) the centrality of identity politics to empower African
American women and similarly subordinated groups; (c) coalitional politics as essential for working
across differences of race, class, gender, and sexuality; (d) interlocking oppressions of race, class, and gender as a structural frame for understanding multiple social inequalities; and (e) an ethos
of social justice as fundamental to understanding and challenging social inequality. Valk's study also indicates how these ideas reflect the actions of specific interpretive communities that were responding to particular social contexts.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, through an outpouring of pamphlets, poetry, essays, edited
volumes, art, and other creative endeavors, African American women working in community organizing developed various aspects of these main ideas. One document from this period stands out as a touchstone for the convergence of these core ideas. In 1982, the Combahee River Collective, a community organizing initiative of a small group of African American women in Boston, circulated the position paper "A Black Feminist Statement," which laid out a more comprehensive statement of the framework that had permeated Black feminism as a social justice project (Combahee River Collective 1995). This groundbreaking document argued that race-only or gender-only frameworks advanced partial and incomplete analyses of the social injustices that characterize African American women's lives, and that race, gender, social class, and sexuality all shaped Black women's experiences. The Statement proposed that allegedly separate systems of oppression were interlocking. Because racism, class exploitation, patriarchy,
and homophobia collectively shaped African American women's experiences, their liberation required a comprehensive response to multiple systems of oppression. The work of the Collective
foreshadows important ideas within intersectional knowledge projects, namely, viewing the task of understanding complex social inequalities as inextricably finked to social justice, or the intersections not just of ideas themselves, but of ideas and actions.
The goal of US Black feminist thought was neither a search for truth or the latest theoretical innovation nor even a quest to desegregate colleges and universities. Instead, Black feminism's immediate concern in the United States was to empower African American women through critical analyses of how mutually constructing systems of oppression of race, class, gender, and
sexuality framed the social issues and social inequalities that Black women faced. African American
women were not alone in this endeavor to develop new forms of knowledge that would empower
Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
people within what was clearly a global system of social injustice. Their intersectional framework
suggested provocative links that might ground social justice projects, initially, of civil rights and feminism, the movements most direcdy affecting African American women, but also of other movements with a shared goal of transforming society. This analysis of how intersecting power relations of race, class, gender, and sexuality affected African American women thus provided a provocative new framework for analyzing the social, political, and cultural realities of other
groups (Collins 2000). In this regard, Black feminism as a knowledge project was both situated within the specific context of the United States and connected to broader, global social justice concerns (Collins 2000, pp. 227-50).
When public protests waned in the 1970s and 1980s, it appeared that social movement activism
had died off. More accurately, these decades marked a change in location but not necessarily in
substance (Taylor 1989). As students, faculty, and administrative support staff, African American women who had been involved with Black feminism brought their understandings of intellectual
activism with them into the academy. In the United States, the intellectual production of African
American women and Latinas in particular established the groundwork for various aspects of subsequent intersectional scholarship. Audre Lorde's (1984) analysis of oppositional and relational difference, as well as her sustained focus on power relations in "the master's tools will never dismande the master's house," speaks to the use of poetry and analytical essays as important sites
for theory. Gloria Anzaldua's (1987) groundbreaking work Borderlands/La Frontera not only made
an important contribution in framing studies of race, class, gender, and sexuality, it foreshadowed
important themes such as border crossing, border space, boundaries, and relationality, which have
subsequently become so prominent within contemporary intersectionality. Angela Davis (1981) began her sustained path of scholar-activism both by establishing an intellectual foundation for race, class, and gender and by calling for greater attention to social problems that were associated
with the growth of the prison industry. Toni Morrison's (1971, 1987, 1992) books The Bluest Eye
and Beloved examined the interior space of internalized oppression, raising entirely new questions
about the ability of knowledge to oppress or empower.
Works such as these show how Black women's intellectual production and that of women of color engage different dimensions of the themes of community organizing, identity politics, coalitional politics, analyses of interlocking systems of oppression, and social justice. Other inter
pretive communities brought similar sensibilities. Yet the emphasis on interlocking oppressions constituted women of color's most visible and sustainable knowledge claim. It not only contained
an explicit analysis of the interconnectedness of race, class, gender, and sexuality as systems of power, but also constituted one defining moment for the emergence of race/class/gender studies and its subsequent renaming as intersectionality (Collins 2000).
From Race/Class/Gender Studies to Intersectionality
Intersectionality as a knowledge project remained unnamed as such during the 1980s, the major
decade when its ideas but not its name were incorporated into the US academy. During this period,
the phrase "race, class, and gender" emerged as a placeholder umbrella term into which ideas from
several social justice movements coalesced. In this context, scholar-activists who shared similar
albeit differently expressed sensibilities concerning community organizing, identity politics, coali
tional politics, interlocking oppressions, and social justice introduced a lively set of ideas into the
curricular and programmatic aspects of the academy. Their struggles were both intellectual, e.g.,
bringing new analyses to the research process, publishing new scholarship, and criticizing their
own ideas and practices, and political, namely, changing the social organization of the academy
www.annualrevtews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas p
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
itself, an idea encapsulated by the concept of institutional transformation (Dill 2009). In essence, practitioners within race/class/gender studies created the conditions that made this knowledge project possible by building a malleable framework for future growth (Andersen & Collins 2012).
Scholar-activists who traveled into the academy in the 1980s and 1990s faced the challenge of having their ideas translated within and by interpretive communities within academia that
were very different from those outside its boundaries. Their responses often lay in founding new
interdisciplinary fields that became conduits for social movement sensibilities regarding social justice and race/class/gender (Parker & Samantrai 2010). Women's studies assumed an important leadership role by enabling gender scholars who were spread across various disciplines to gather,
compare, and contrast the study of women within their distinctive disciplines, and then migrate back into those very same disciplines with this new knowledge. Lynn Weber (1998, p. 14), an early leader within race/class/gender studies, summarizes the significance of women's studies: "It is in Women's Studies - not in racial or ethnic studies, not in social stratification (class)
studies in sociology, not in psychology or in other traditional disciplines - that race, class, gender,
and sexuality studies first emerged." In essence, women's studies practitioners participated in a form of Anzaldtia's border crossing that desegregated both the symbolic boundaries of bodies of knowledge and the actual structural boundaries of established academic disciplines (Lamont & Molnâr 2002). Given the size and breath of the community of women's studies practitioners, the acceptance of race/class/gender studies within women's studies also explains the rapid spread of race/class/gender studies across disparate disciplines.
Despite the centrality of both Black feminism and race/class/gender studies to social justice projects both inside and outside the academy, contemporary narratives concerning the emergence of intersectionality increasingly situate its origins as a field of study within academia. Prevailing stories of the emergence of intersectionality routinely grant naming rights to Kimberlé Crenshaw
(1991), citing her Stanford Law Review article "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color." This article contains a well-argued analysis that develops important connections among the core ideas of community organizing, identity politics, coalitional politics, interlocking oppressions, and social justice. Yet these ideas remain overlooked in favor of a common practice across contemporary intersectional scholarship of mentioning Crenshaw's "coining" of the term intersectionality as the point of origin for intersectionality itself. This rhetorical strategy of mentioning one African American woman as intersectionality's foremother fosters a collective ritual that legitimates this particular origin story. Intersectionality
seemingly was not of value until Crenshaw both discovered it and, through the recognition that
her Stanford Law Review article received, aligned it more closely with, in Audre Lorde's words, the "master's tools" in the "master's house."
My sense is that intersectional research that mentions Crenshaw in this fashion has not thoroughly read her scholarship. Crenshaw herself has taken issue with this rendition of her own
work, claiming that it is returned to her in forms that are often unrecognizable (Guidroz & Berger
2009). Yet despite this widespread practice of recasting Crenshaw's work to resemble colonial discoveries, "Mapping the Margins" is useful for marking a juncture when the ideas of social movement politics became named and subsequently incorporated into the academy. Crenshaw's article illustrates the finks between social movement and community organizing sensibilities, the claim that intersectional frameworks were needed to address the social problem of violence
against women of color, and the call for an identity politics to empower women of color. Within critical race studies, Crenshaw's scholarship also reflects key tenets of racial formation theory,
in particular situating her analysis within the recursive relationship between social structures and
cultural representations. Despite the intellectual richness of Crenshaw's work, contemporary narratives of the emergence of intersectionality rarely situate her work within this crucial
10 Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
historical juncture linking knowledge projects from social movements advanced by women of color with the institutionalization of race/class/gender studies.
The baggage intersectionality now carries differs from the baggage it carried during these decades of academic incorporation (Parker et al. 2010). Intersectionality now garners its share of self-proclaimed experts and critics of its ideas and potential, many of whom demonstrate un settling degrees of amnesia and/or ignorance concerning the scope of intersectional knowledge
projects writ large. In her survey of the rhetorical devices used across articles that critique in tersectionality, Tomlinson (2013) points out, "Many critics approach intersectionality carelessly,
however, through meta-commentary and complaint and through recommendations to bring its radical critique under control by advocating recourse to specific disciplinary methods—without
acknowledging that such methods may have long been criticized for their service to dominant dis
course. Critics assume that their task is to critique intersectionality, not to foster intersectionality's
ability to critique subordination" (p. 996). As Bilge (2013) points out, the contemporary challenge
for intersectionality as a field of study may lie in "saving intersectionality from intersectionality studies."
PRODUCING NEW KNOWLEDGE: INTERSECT!ONALIIT AS AN ANALYTICAL STRATEGY
Despite intersectionality's ongoing definitional ambiguities, intersectionality as a field of study
has catalyzed a copious outpouring of new knowledge, much of it produced by researchers, faculty
members, and students who use intersectionality as an analytical strategy. Cho et al. (2013) view intersectionality as an analytical sensibility, arguing "what makes an analysis intersectional is not
its use of the term 'intersectionality,' nor its being situated in a familiar genealogy, nor its drawing
on lists of standard citations. Rather, what makes an analysis intersectional.. .is its adoption of an
intersectional way of thinking about the problem of sameness and difference and its relation to power" (p. 795). Although the claim of an "analytic sensibility" is an improvement over merely "mentioning" intersectionality, both understandings resemble the "we know it when we see it" definitional approach.
Here I propose a way of proceeding that pushes beyond mere sensibility. Just as using Crenshaw
to set intersectionality's canonical boundaries may be premature, designating selected theories and
methods, especially one's own, as intersectional using an amorphous and perhaps idiosyncratic sensibility may be similarly shortsighted. Instead, examining patterns in the new knowledge that
has been produced under the rubric of intersectionality as an analytical strategy may be more productive. The books, articles, conference papers, pamphlets, syllabi, and other products that claim intersectionality constitute data points that lend themselves to discourse analysis. Surveying
the corpus of scholarship that draws upon intersectionality as an analytical strategy is daunting
because intersectional publications are vast and growing exponentially (Collins & Chepp 2013). Because the field itself is dynamic, here I draw from my long-standing involvement within Black
feminism, race/class/gender studies, and intersectionality to identify six selected focal points within
intersectional literature that stand out for me. I present two questions: What themes characterize
intersectional scholarship, and what assumptions might this disparate work share?
One important area of intersectional scholarship rethinks work, family, identity, the media,
and similar core constructs. Work constitutes one important concept that contains highly nuanced
scholarship on how labor market organization, occupational segregation, work-family balance, and other aspects of paid and unpaid reproductive labor underpin complex social inequalities. These topics have provided an especially rich terrain for intersectional scholarship from the race/class/gender period through contemporary analyses of global capitalism. Reflecting the social
www.annualreviews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas n
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
movement origins of race/class/gender studies, early intersectional scholarship on work examined
segmented labor markets and the ways in which women and people of color were shunted to bad jobs and dirty work (Amott & Matthaei 1991). Building on analyses of capitalism that examined how the good jobs and bad jobs of labor markets were organized using social inequalities of gender, race, and economic class, studies of domestic work in particular showed how work was central to the exploitation of women and men of color (Glenn 2002, Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001). This foundational scholarship on work foreshadowed important directions within contemporary social science research, such as Browne & Misra's (2003) intersection of race and gender in the labor market, Tomaskovic-Devey's (2014) analysis of the relational nature of workplace inequalities, Wingfield & Alston's (2012) intersectional work on African American professional men, and Duffy's (2007) work on paid reproductive labor.
A second area expands the focus on race, class, and gender to incorporate sexuality, nation, ethnicity, age, and ability as similar categories of analysis (Kim-Puri 2005). Specifically, a sustained
attention to the themes of nation, nationalism, nation-state, and national identity has aimed to
align the power relations of nation with structural analyses of racism, capitalism, and patriarchy (Yuval-Davis 1997). Literature on the nation-state and its citizenship policies has benefited from
intersectional frameworks, e.g., the case of Goldberg's (2002) analysis of the racial state or Glenn's
(2002) study of work, American citizenship, and nation-state power. Intersectional frameworks have also deepened our understanding of nationalist ideologies, as evidenced in Nagel's (1998) analysis of masculinity and nationalism or Mosse's (1985) classic work on nationalism and sexu ality. The political behavior of subordinated groups as they aim to empower themselves has also
garnered intersectional analysis; for example, Ramos-Zayas's (2003) ethnographic study of Puerto Rican identity within a Chicago neighborhood illustrates the benefits of incorporating national ism into studies of local politics. Intersectional analyses of nation-state power have expanded to consider transnational processes, for example, placing analyses of tourism in the Bahamas within intersectional processes of erotic autonomy, decolonization, and nationalism (Alexander 1997, 2005).
A third area uses intersectional frameworks to rethink violence and similar social problems. Recasting violence as a social problem for many groups has catalyzed a broader conception of complex social inequalities and how heterogeneous forms of violence are essential in maintaining them (Collins 1998b). Because violence against women has been such a powerful catalyst for inter sectionality itself, intersectional analyses of this topic not only are widespread but have informed
political activism and public policy. Solutions to violence against women remain unlikely if vio lence against women is imagined through mono-categorical lenses such as gender lenses of male perpetrators and female victims or racial lenses that elevate police violence against Black men over
domestic violence against Black women. Intersectional frameworks that analyze violence reappear
across a wide array of topics such as violence against women in Iraqi Kurdistan (Alinia 2013), nation-state violence of militarism and war (Peterson 2007), the treatment of sexual violence and
ethnicity in international criminal law (Buss 2009), and hate speech itself as part of relations of violence (Matsuda et al. 1993).
A fourth area emphasizes identity. Identity has garnered considerable scholarly attention, rang
ing from a strong interest in the theme of studying how intersecting identities produce distinctive
social experiences for specific individuals and social groups, to claims that intersectionality consti
tutes a feminist theory that deals with issues of identity (Goldberg 2009). In contrast, scholarship
that examines identity in relation to social inequality, such as the possibilities of identity cate
gories as potential coalitions (Carastathis 2013) or case studies on how attending to intersecting identities creates solidarity and cohesion for cross-movement mobilization (Roberts & Jesudason
2013), remains in the minority.
12 Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The fifth area critiques the epistemological workings of intersectionality itself. Here con ceptualizations of intersectionality seem to be as varied as the individual scholars themselves. Intersectionality has been conceptualized as a perspective (Browne & Misra 2003, Steinbugler et al. 2006), a concept (Knapp 2005), a type of analysis (Nash 2008, Yuval-Davis 2006), or as a "nodal point" for feminist theorizing (Lykke 2011). Other scholars emphasize intersectionality's placement in the research process, with some approaching intersectionality as a methodological approach (Steinbugler et al. 2006, Yuval-Davis 2006), a research paradigm (Hancock 2007b), or a measurable variable and a type of data (Bowleg 2008). Still, others draw upon existing social theo
ries, aiming to deepen intersectionality's analysis of inequality by bringing the field in alignment
with complexity theory (Walby 2007).
Last, researchers remain preoccupied with questions of methodology. Because of the vacuum in scholarship that explicitly examines how intersectionality's emphasis on relational thinking af
fects research methodology, McCall's (2005) taxonomy of intersectional categorization has been
widely taken up within the field. Similarly, extant literature on intersectionality, methodology,
and empirical validity (see, e.g., Bowleg 2008; Hancock 2007a,b) is likely a response to the cri tique that intersectionality scholarship lacks a precise and diverse methodological approach (Nash 2008). When it comes to intersectionality and methodology, the core question concerns how in tersectionality can be conceptualized within a particular research design that is attentive to the contradictions that characterize intersectional knowledge projects and that makes a good faith ef
fort to deploy appropriate theories and methods in the face of such uncertainty. Looking beyond
intersectionality's mainstream, however, yields other epistemological insights. Feminist scholar Chela Sandoval (2000) contends that methodology is not politically impartial, proposing instead
a "methodology of the oppressed." Fonow & Cook's (2005) analysis of feminist methodology remains especially useful in parsing out the distinctions among epistemology, methodology, and
methods that might inform intersectionality as an analytical strategy.
Collectively, the patterns of emphasis (and the patterns of absence) within intersectional schol
arship provide a template for seeing the benefits and costs of legitimation for intersectionality as
a field of study. The benefits may be visible, but the costs are more difficult to identify without
assessing how these particular focal points advance not only the interests and careers of particular scholars, but also intersectionality as a broader knowledge project Seeing patterns of emphasis and absence can be difficult for a field with a constellation of knowledge projects that reflect the power relations that they study. For example, in the US context, intersectional scholarship on work and labor markets has the potential to influence public policy, yet doing so requires claiming particular perspectives on stratification and class. Class is routinely mentioned across in
tersectional scholarship, yet it remains underutilized as an analytical category to explain complex
social inequalities. Writing in 1999, Acker (1999, p. 44) suggested that, with the development of postmodern/poststructuralist feminism, several leading feminist theorists turned to issues of
culture, representation, and identity, in effect abandoning class as a central theoretical construct.
By overemphasizing class as a descriptive category of economic stratification and underempha sizing class as an analytical category of economic relations, empirical scholarship that relies on
descriptive analyses of class inadvertently elevates race and gender as explanatory categories while
appearing to treat class in a similar fashion.
The European context reads race, class, and gender quite differently. In the European context
of engagement with Marxist social thought, class analyses have long explained social inequality, leaving race and gender as descriptive interlopers. Yet reducing race to a descriptive identity category that is important to racial/ethnic minorities but not to mainstream scholarship leaves
intersectional scholarship that privileges class incomplete. Elevating intersectionality sans race as
a more theoretical and therefore preferred discourse on inequality erases racism, displacing its
www.annualreviews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas 13
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
effects onto the United States, South Africa, and similar color-conscious racial formations (Lewis 2013).
Epistemological Challenges
Neither the new knowledge created within these areas ofintersectional scholarship nor the research
methodologies used to produce it stand outside power relations; both are deeply embedded in what
they aim to study. Philosopher Kristie Dotson's (2 013 ) analysis of epistemic oppression claims that
knowledge is not politically neutral. Intersectionality would do well to consider how epistemic oppression might play out against and within its own parameters. When empirical work that claims
to be using intersectionality fails to consider the epistemological assumptions of its own practice,
such work can unwittingly uphold the same complex social inequalities that it aims to understand.
Proceeding as though intersectionality, as much as any other theoretical framework, is already a social theory that can be used and critiqued within prevailing academic norms misreads this field.
In the same way that my earlier discussion of Black feminism and its shift to race/class/gender studies provided a context for the themes that characterized these projects, my selective rendition
of how scholars use intersectionality as an analytical strategy constitutes a comparable preliminary
entry point into similar epistemological terrain. The thematic emphases described above—(a) at tending to social institutions such as work, (b) expanding systems of power beyond race, class, and
gender, (c) applying an intersectional lens to social problems, (d) giving considerable attention to identity, and (e) casting a self-reflexive eye on intersectionality's epistemological and method ological issues—produce a loose set of guiding assumptions or guiding themes. Stated differendy,
based on a cursory survey of publications as data for analysis, these guiding assumptions may flesh
out intersectionality's analytical sensibility discussed above. These guiding themes need not be present simultaneously, nor is each theme unique to intersectionality.
My reading of intersectional knowledge projects is that they embrace one, some combination, or all of the following provisional list of guiding assumptions:
■ Race, class, gender, sexuality, age, ability, nation, ethnicity, and similar categories of analysis are best understood in relational terms rather than in isolation from one another.
■ These mutually constructing categories underlie and shape intersecting systems of power; the power relations of racism and sexism, for example, are interrelated.
■ Intersecting systems of power catalyze social formations of complex social inequalities that are organized via unequal material realities and distinctive social experiences for people who live within them.
■ Because social formations of complex social inequalities are historically contingent and cross
culturally specific, unequal material realities and social experiences vary across time and space.
■ Individuals and groups differentially placed within intersecting systems of power have dif ferent points of view on their own and others' experiences with complex social inequali ties, typically advancing knowledge projects that reflect their social locations within power relations.
■ The complex social inequalities fostered by intersecting systems of power are fundamentally unjust, shaping knowledge projects and/or political engagements that uphold or contest the
status quo.
The current unevenness across how scholars use intersectionality as an analytical strategy reflects differing degrees of emphasis on specific guiding assumptions. Some themes are definitely
more popular than others. For example, work and identity constitute popular topics, whereas sustained attention to the connections between complex social inequalities and social justice is less
Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
prominent. Overall, this provisional list of guiding assumptions is far from a working definition, but it does elucidate how intersectionality as an analytical strategy is unfolding.
But this all begs the underlying epistemological question of how these emerging patterns contribute to clarifying intersectionality's definitional dilemmas. One way to understand intersec
tionality as an analytical strategy is to place the earlier themes of community organizing, identity
politics, coalitional politics, interlocking oppressions, and social justice in dialogue with the guid ing assumptions of contemporary intersectional scholarship. Stuart Hall's construct of articulation
may prove highly useful in examining the dynamic patterns of how scholars use intersectionality
as an analytical strategy. Hall posits that a theory of articulation is "both a way of understanding
how ideological elements come, under certain conditions, to cohere together within a discourse, and a way of asking how they do or do not become articulated, at specific conjunctures, to certain
political struggles" (Grossberg 1996, pp. 141-42). Stated differently, how do and how might these
two sets of ideas articulate to shape intersectionality's emerging canonical knowledge?
With hindsight, I see how this unanswered (and, some would say, unanswerable) question of
how to articulate multiple points of view on intersectionality frames its definitional dilemmas. Yet the epistemological issues that affect any use of intersectionality as an analytical strategy may take a different form outside the scholarly requirements of the academy. When it comes to
intersectionality as critical praxis, practitioners might use both sets of ideas differendy.
WHAT'S AT STAKE? INTERSECTIONALITY AS A FORM OF CRITICAL PRAXIS
In 2013,1 delivered a keynote address on US Black feminism and intersectionality at the Afro Latin and Afro-Caribbean Women's Festival in Brasilia, Brazil. A small group of Afro-Brazilian women scholar-activists approached me after my talk (Collins 2012). They were surprised by my argument that US Black feminism and intersectionality were interconnected knowledge projects,
stating bluntly, "We thought intersectionality was for white feminists and that it had nothing to
do with us." In our discussion, I learned how their experiences resonated not just with the guiding
assumptions that shape contemporary intersectional scholarship on work, social issues such as violence, and the significance of identity politics, but also with the broader themes from US Black
feminism as a social justice project. They seemed to be working within one particular space of articulation between, on the one hand, the core ideas that I have attributed to US Black feminism
and race/class/gender studies and, on the other hand, the guiding assumptions that I identified via a
preliminary content analysis of intersectional scholarship. Ironically, their interpretive community
advanced an intersectional knowledge project that did not claim the term intersectionality. For these scholar-activists, intersectionality as a form of critical praxis made sense for their
social justice projects aimed at remedying complex social inequalities. Despite their suspicions of
intersectionality, they understood how using a more expansive understanding of intersectionality
potentially constituted an important tool for political engagement. This connection between social
justice and remedying complex social inequalities seems more prominent outside academic settings
than within them. Once I became more mindful of how practitioners were using intersectionality,
even when, as in this case, it was not called intersectionality, I encountered different patterns of
articulation between understandings of intersectionality.
Practitioners are often ffondine actors for solving social problems that are clearly linked to
complex social inequalities, a social location that predisposes them to respond to intersectionality as critical praxis. Teachers, social workers, parents, policy advocates, university support staff,
community organizers, clergy, lawyers, graduate students, and nurses often have an up close and
personal relationship to violence, homelessness, hunger, illiteracy, poverty, sexual assault, and
www.annualreviews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas 15
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
similar phenomena. Intersectionality is not simply a field of study to be mastered or an analytical
strategy for understanding; rather, intersectionality as critical praxis sheds light on the doing of social justice work. As was the case for intersectional scholarship, the types of actions that charac
terize intersectionality as critical praxis are vast. Again, I offer suggestive avenues of investigation.
Local, grassroots, small-scale, and/or temporary groups that draw upon intersectionality to guide their critical praxis can often escape public notice. Typically, these groups are composed of society's overlooked populations, specifically the young, women, people of color, and poor people. Yet groups such as these have a vested interest in drawing upon intersectional frameworks
to address social inequalities. For example, Clay's (2012) study of youth activism in Oakland, California, shows how young people of color draw upon intersectional frameworks to confront the persisting inequalities in schooling that face them. Similarly, Harrison's (2009) research on the
hip-hop underground in San Francisco reveals how a multiethnic group of youth renegotiate racial
identifications within a performative place of poetry and politics. Both studies show how young
people engage intersectionality as critical praxis in venues that often escape scholarly scrutiny.
In some cases, social institutions do aim to make intersectionality as critical praxis central to their
organizational mission and practice. For example, Simon Fraser University's Intersectionality Based Policy Analysis (IBPA) initiative, housed at the Institute for Intersectionality Research and
Policy, aims to generate research with direct applicability to Canadian health policy. Because public health remains connected to the practices of health care professionals, the challenge for this field lies in integrating intersectional frameworks into both health care delivery practices and public policies. Aiming to make their materials user friendly to stakeholders in health policy arenas, the IBPA organizers developed an iterative, participatory process that involves researchers,
practitioners, and consumers. The mission statements from the IBPA illustrate the aspirations of social actors who wish to bring intersectionality into public policy areas: "IBPA provides a new and effective method for understanding the varied equity-relevant implications of policy and for promoting equity-based improvements and social justice within an increasingly diverse and complex population base" (Hankivsky 2012, p. 33).
Human rights is another vitally important area for intersectionality as critical praxis. The ideas
expressed in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights bear a strong family resemblance to strands of intersectionality that are aligned with social justice initiatives. Article 1 affirms that
all human beings "are born free and equal in dignity and rights"; Article 2 states everyone "is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status" (Freeman 2011, p. 5). Yet because the protected categories
gain meaning only in relation to one another, actualizing human rights means transcending the
limitations of a stricdy legal statement of human rights. Intersectionality potentially helps address
three main concerns. First, human rights requires more effective tools for identifying the kinds of
distinctions that constitute discrimination. In a world where petitions for human rights violations
could be brought under various categories, conceptualizing discrimination becomes important. When discrimination is legally framed either by sex or gender or race, how does one best serve
people who bring claims that touch on more than one area? Second, there is the need for better assessments of pain, suffering, and injury. Wffiat types of pain and suffering are appropriate for
bringing forth a human rights claim? In what ways do questions of human dignity matter? The
third concern is the search for appropriate reparations and remedies to victims of human rights
abuses. Wffiat are state responsibilities if harm has been documented and suffering has occurred?
Despite its ubiquity, intersectionality as critical praxis remains underemphasized within inter sectionality as a field of study and within scholarship that draws on intersectionality as an analytical
strategy. This underemphasis may be due in part because these areas valorize studying or writing
16 Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
about intersectionality over practicing it. In addition, the underemphasis on intersectionality as critical praxiswithin academia most likely reflects efforts to avoid the implicit political implications
of intersectionality itself. The qualifier critical is important. Practitioners who would be drawn to
intersectionality as critical praxis seek knowledge projects that take a stand; such projects would critique social injustices that characterize complex social inequalities, imagine alternatives, and/or
propose viable action strategies for change. The value of critical praxis reflects the norms of any given interpretive community. For exam
ple, from her pathbreaking work on women, race, and class to her sustained attention to prison abolition, the storied career of Angela Davis (1981, 2012) speaks to a sustained engagement with
intersectionality as critical praxis. Yet on the basis of their respective agendas, activist and scholarly
circles can interpret Davis's intellectual production differently. In scholarly settings, the critical
dimensions of Davis's work open her up to accusations of bias—her analyses of capitalism, neolib eralism, racism, and prisons can read as too polemical and therefore unscholarly. In contrast, in
activist venues searching for a critical analysis of social inequality, these same ideas remain well received, precisely because her work remains critical. Davis's stature as a public intellectual has pro
vided a platform for her ideas, making it difficult if not impossible to exclude them from academic
venues. Increasingly, intersectionality's ideas can travel across diverse interpretive communities, a
shift that has important implications for intersectionality as critical praxis. The changing political
economy of publishing and social media provides new venues for circulating intersectional analyses
both outside and inside academia. For example, Canadian activist Harsha Walia's (2013) analysis of border imperialism is written for, not about, activists. Her book is unlikely to be selected for
ASA sessions on "Intersectionality" or to appear as assigned reading on course syllabi. Yet critical scholarship linked to critical practice such as this is also part of a broader intersectional knowledge
^project that increasingly transcends the traditional boundaries of academic projects. Scholars may know less about intersectionality as critical praxis simply because they fail to look for it.
When it comes to intersectionality's definitional dilemmas, much is at stake. As Carbado (2013)
points out, "Scholars across the globe regularly invoke and draw upon intersectionality, as do hu man rights activists, community organizers, political figures and lawyers. Any theory that traverses
such transdemographic terrains is bound to generate controversy and contestation" (p. 811). De spite the visibility of scholars as the public face of intersectionality, practitioners such as hip-hop
poets, Afro-Brazilian feminists, IBPA scholar-activists, and intellectual activists such as Angela Davis and Harsha Walia may be equally if not more likely to put forth the innovative, cutting-edge
intersectional analyses that will advance the field. In this context, intersectionality as a knowledge
project faces the fundamental challenge of sustaining its critical edge. Holding fast to the creativity
of this dynamic area of inquiry and practice yet finding a common language that will be useful to
its practitioners is the cutting-edge definitional dilemma for intersectionality.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
LITERATURE CITED
Acker J. 1999. Rewriting class, race, and gender: problems in feminist rethinking. In Revisiming Gender, ed.
MM Ferree, J Lorber, BB Hess, pp. 44-69. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Alexander MJ. 1997. Erotic autonomy as a politics of decolonization: an anatomy of feminist and state practice
in the Bahamas tourist industry. In Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures, ed. MJ
Alexander, CT Mohanty, pp. 63-100. New York: Routledge
www.annnalreviews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas 17
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Alexander MJ. 2005. Imperial desire/sexual Utopias: white gay capital and transnational tourism. In Pedagogies
of Crossing: Meditations on Feminism, Sexual Politics, Memory, and the Sacred, ed. MJ Alexander, pp. 66-88.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press
Alexander-Floyd NG. 2012. Disappearing acts: reclaiming intersectionality in the social sciences in a post black feminist era. Fern. Formations 24:1-25
Alinia M. 2013. Honor and Violence Against Women in Iraqi Kurdistan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan
Amott TL, MatthaeiJ. 1991. Race, Gender, and Work: A Multicultural Economic History of Women in the United States. Boston: South End
Andersen ML, Collins PH, eds. 2012. Race, Class and Gender: An Anthology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth
Anderson CD. 1996. Understanding the inequality problematic: from scholarly rhetoric to theoretical recon struction. Gender Soc. 10:729-46
Anzaldüa G. 1987. Borderlands/La Frontera. San Francisco: Spinsters/Aunt Lute Press
Anzaldûa G, Moraga C, eds. 198 3. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. Watertown, MA: Kitchen Table
Balibar E. 2007. The Philosophy of Marx. New York: Verso
Berger M, Guidroz K, eds. 2009. The Intersectional Approach: Transforming the Academy Through Race, Class,
and Gender. Chapel Hill, NC: Univ. North Carolina Press
Berger PL, Luckmann T. 1966. The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. New York: Anchor
Bilge S. 2013. Intersectionality undone: saving intersectionality from feminist intersectionality studies. Du Bois Rev. 10:405-24
Bonilla-Silva E. 2003. Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States. Lantham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield
Bowleg L. 2008. When black + lesbian 4- woman f black lesbian woman: the methodological challenges of qualitative and quantitative intersectionality research. Sex Roles 59:312-25
Brown MI, Carnoy M, Currie E, Duster T, Oppenheimer DB, et al. 2003. Whitewashing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind Society. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
Browne L Misra J. 2003. The intersection of gender and race in the labor market. Annu. Rev. Sociol. 29:48 7-513
Buss D. 2009. Sexual violence, ethnicity, and intersectionality in international criminal law. In Intersectionality
and Beyond: Law, Power and the Politics of Location, ed. D Cooper, pp. 105-23. New York: Routledge
Carastathis A. 2013. Identity categories as potential coalitions. Signs 38:941-65
Carbado DW. 2013. Colorblind intersectionality. Signs 38:811-45 Carbado DW, Crenshaw K, Mays VM, Tomlinson B. 2013. Intersectionality: mapping the movements of a
theory. Du Bois Rev. 10:302-12
Cho S, Crenshaw K, McCall L. 2013. Toward a field of intersectionality studies: theory, applications, and praxis. Signs 38:785-810
Choo HY, Ferree MM. 2010. Practicing intersectionality in sociological research: a critical analysis of inclu
sions, interactions, and institutions in the study of inequalities. Sociol. Theory 28:129-49
Clay A. 2012. The Hip-Hop Generation Fights Back: Youth, Activism, and Post-Civil Rights Politics. New York: New York Univ. Press
Collins PH. 1998a. Fighting Words: Black Women and the Search for Justice. Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press
Collins PH. 1998b. The tie that binds: race, gender and U.S. violence. Ethn. Racial Stud. 21:918-38
Collins PH. 2000. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. New York:
Routledge Collins PH. 2007. Pushing the boundaries or business as usual? Race, class, and gender studies and sociological
inquiry. In Sociology in America: A History, ed. C Calhoun, pp. 572-604. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
Collins PH. 2010. The new politics of community. Am. Sociol. Rev. 75:7-30
Collins PH. 2012. On Intellectual Activism. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press
Collins PH, Chepp V. 2013. Intersectionality. In Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, ed. L Weldon, pp. 31-61. New York: Oxford
Combahee River Collective. 1995. A black feminist statement. In Words of Fire: An Anthology of African American Feminist Thought, ed. B Guy-Sheftall, pp. 232-40. New York: The New Press
i S Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Cooper AJ. 1892. A Voice from the South; By a Black Woman of the South. Xenia, OH: Aldine
Crenshaw KW. 1991. Mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women
of color. Stanford Law Rev. 43:1241-99 Davis AY. 1981. Women, Race, and Class. New York: Random House
Davis AY. 2012. The Meaning of Freedom and Other Difficult Dialogues. San Francisco: City Lights Books
Delgado R, StefancicJ, eds. 2013. Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press Dill BT. 2009. Intersections, identities, and inequalities in higher education. See Dill & Zambrana 2009,
pp.229-52 Dill BT, Zambrana R, eds. 2009. Emerging Intersections: Race, Class, and Gender in Theory, Policy, and Practice.
New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press
Dotson K. 2013. Conceptualizing epistemic oppression. Soc. Epistemol. 14:1-23 Duffy M. 2007. Doing the dirty work: gender, race and reproductive labor in historical perspective. Gender
Soc. 21:313-36
Duster T. 2015. A post-genomic surprise: the molecular reinscription of race in science, law and medicine. Br. J. Social. 66:1-27
Fonow MM, Cook JA. 2005. Feminist methodology: new applications in the academy and public policy. Signs 30:2211-30
Foucault M. 1980. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977. New York: Pantheon
Freeman M. 2011. Human Rights. London: Polity Glenn EN. 2002. Unequal Freedom: How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard Univ. Press
Goldberg DT. 2002. The Racial State. Maiden, MA: Blackwell Goldberg SB. 2009. Intersectionality in theory and practice. In Intersectionality and Beyond: Law, Power and the
Politics of Location, ed. D Cooper, pp. 124-58. New York: Routledge Grossberg L. 1996. On postmodernism and articulation: an interview with Stuart Hall. In Critical Dialogues
in Cultural Studies, ed. D Morley, K-H Chen, pp. 131-50. New York: Routledge Grzanka PR, ed. 2014. Intersectionality: A Foundations and Frontiers Reader. Boulder, CO: Westview
GuidrozK, Berger MT. 2009. A conversation with founding scholars of intersectionality: Kimberlé Crenshaw,
Nira Yuval-Davis, and Michelle Fine. In The Intersectional Approach: Transforming the Academy Through
Race, Class and Gender, ed. K Guidroz, M Berger, pp. 61-78. Chapel Hill, NC: Univ. North Carolina Press
Hancock A-M. 2007a. Intersectionality as a normative and empirical paradigm. Polit. Gender 3:248-55 Hancock A-M. 2007b. When multiplication doesn't equal quick addition: examining intersectionality as a
research paradigm. Perspect. Polit. 5:63-79
Hankivsky O, ed. 2012. An Intersectionality-Based Policy Analysis Framework. Vancouver, BC: Inst. Intersect.
Res. Policy, Simon Fraser Univ. Harrison AK. 2009. Hip Hop Underground: The Integrity and Ethics of Racial Identification. Philadelphia: Temple
Univ. Press
Hondagneu-Sotelo P. 2001. Domestica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence.
Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
Kelley RDG. 2002. Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination. Boston: Beacon Kim-PuriHJ. 2005. Concepmalizing gender-sexuality-state-nation : an introduction. Gender Soc. 19:137-59
Knapp G-A. 2005. Race, class, gender: reclaiming baggage in fast travelling theories. Eur. J. Women's Stud. 12:249-65
Lamont M, Molnâr V. 2002. The study of boundaries in the social sciences. Annu. Rev. Sociol. 28:167-95
Lewis G. 2013. Unsafe travel: experiencing intersectionality and feminist displacements. Signs 38:869-92
Lorde A. 1984. Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches. Freedom, CA: Crossing Press
Lutz H, Vivar MTH, SupikL, eds. 2011. Framing Intersectionality: Debates on a Multi-Faceted Concept in Gender
Studies. Surrey, UK: Ashgate
Lykke N. 2011. Intersectional analysis: black box or useful critical feminist thinking technology? See Lutz
et al. 2011, pp. 207-20
Mannheim K. 1954. Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World
www.annualreviews.org • Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemrttas ip
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Matsuda MJ, Lawrence C lit, Delgado R, Crenshaw K. 1993. Words that Wound: Critical Race Theory, Assaultive Speech, and the First Amendment. Boulder, CO: Westview
McCall L. 2005. The complexity of intersectionality. Signs 30:1771-800 Mohanty CT. 2013. Transnational feminist crossings: on neoliberalism and radical critique. Signs 38:967-91 Morley D, Chen K-H, eds. 1996. Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. New York: Routledge Morrison T. 1970. The Bluest Eye. New York: Vintage Books Morrison T. 1987. Beloved. New York: Knopf Morrison T. 1992. Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ.
Press
Mosse GL. 1985. Nationalism and Sexuality: Middle-Class Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe. New
York: H. Fertig Nagel J. 1998. Masculinity and nationalism: gender and sexuality in the making of nations. Ethn. Racial Stud.
21:242-69
NashJC. 2008. Rethinking intersectionality. Fern. Rev. 89:1-15
Omi M, Winant H. 2014 (1994). Racial Formation in the United States. New York: Routledge
Parker J, Samantrai R. 2010. Interdisciplinarity and social justice: an introduction. See Parker et al. 2010, pp. 1-33
Parker J, Samantrai R, Romero M, eds. 2010. Interdisciplinarity and Social Justice: Revisioning Academic Account
ability. Albany: SUNY Press
Peterson VS. 2007. Thinking through intersectionality and war. Race Gender Class 14:10-27 Ramos-Zayas 2003. National Performances: The Politics of Class, Race, and Space in Puerto Rican Chicago. Chicago:
Univ. Chicago Press Roberts D, Jesudason S. 2013. Movement intersectionality: the case of race, gender, disability, and genetic
technologies. Du Bois Rev. 10:313-28 Roth B. 2004. Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America's Second
Wave. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press Said EW. 1983. The World, the Text, and the Critic. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press
Sandoval C. 2000. Methodology of the Oppressed. Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press
Schutz A, Sandy MG. 2011. Collective Action fir Social Change: An Introduction to Community Organizing. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan Steinbugler AC, Press JE, Dias JJ. 2006. Gender, race and affirmative action: operationalizing intersectionality
in survey research. Gender Soc. 20:805-25
Swidler A, Arditi J. 1994. The new sociology of knowledge. Annu. Rev. Soäol. 20:305-29 Taylor V. 1989. Social movement continuity: the women's movements in abeyance. Tot. Social. Rev. 54:761-75
Tomaskovic-Devey D. 2014. The relational generation of workplace inequalities. Soc. Curr. 1:51-73 Tomlinson B. 2013. To tell the truth and not get trapped: desire, distance, and intersectionality at the scene
of argument. Signs 38:993-1017 Valk AM. 2008. Radical Sisters: Second-Wave Feminism and Black Liberation in Washington, D.C. Urbana: Univ.
Illinois Press
Walby S. 2007. Complexity theory, systems theory, and multiple intersecting social inequalities. Philos. Soc. Sei. 37:449-70
Walia H. 2013. Undoing Border Imperialism. Oakland, CA: AK Press
Weber L. 1998. A conceptual framework for understanding race, class, gender, and sexuality. Psychol. Women Q. 22:13-32
Wells-Barnett IB. 2002. On Lynchings. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books Wingfield AH, Alston RS. 2012. The understudied case of black professional men: advocating an intersectional
approach. Sociol. Compass 6:728-39
Yuval-Davis N. 1997. Gender and Nation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Yuval-Davis N. 2006. Intersectionality and feminist politics. Eur. J. Women's Stud. 13:193-210
Yuval-Davis N. 2011. The Politics of Belonging: Intersectional Contestations. London: Sage
20 Collins
This content downloaded from 137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 01:59:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
- Contents
- [unnumbered]
- p. 1
- p. 2
- p. 3
- p. 4
- p. 5
- p. 6
- p. 7
- p. 8
- p. 9
- p. 10
- p. 11
- p. 12
- p. 13
- p. 14
- p. 15
- p. 16
- p. 17
- p. 18
- p. 19
- p. 20
- Issue Table of Contents
- Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 41 (2015) pp. i-xii, 1-508
- Front Matter
- Prefatory Chapter
- Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas [pp. 1-20]
- Theory and Methods
- What Sociologists Should Know About Complexity [pp. 21-41]
- Social Processes
- Beyond Altruism: Sociological Foundations of Cooperation and Prosocial Behavior [pp. 43-63]
- The Emergence of Global Systemic Risk [pp. 65-85]
- The Stigma Complex [pp. 87-116]
- Institutions and Culture
- The Sociology of Consumption: Its Recent Development [pp. 117-134]
- Formal Organizations
- Punishment Regimes and the Multilevel Effects of Parental Incarceration: Intergenerational, Intersectional, and Interinstitutional Models of Social Inequality and Systemic Exclusion [pp. 135-158]
- Sociology and School Choice: What We Know After Two Decades of Charter Schools [pp. 159-180]
- Political and Economic Sociology
- Effects of the Great Recession: Health and Well-Being [pp. 181-201]
- Financialization of the Economy [pp. 203-221]
- Human Trafficking and Contemporary Slavery [pp. 223-242]
- New Directions for the Sociology of Development [pp. 243-269]
- Differentiation and Stratification
- Empire, Health, and Health Care: Perspectives at the End of Empire as We Have Known It [pp. 271-290]
- Incarceration and Health [pp. 291-310]
- Is Racism a Fundamental Cause of Inequalities in Health? [pp. 311-330]
- STEM Education [pp. 331-357]
- The Far-Reaching Impact of Job Loss and Unemployment [pp. 359-375]
- Demography
- Environmental Dimensions of Migration [pp. 377-397]
- Intraregional Migration in South America: Trends and a Research Agenda [pp. 399-421]
- Reproduction [pp. 423-442]
- Policy
- Does Schooling Increase or Reduce Social Inequality? [pp. 443-470]
- Sociology and World Regions
- Marriage and Family in East Asia: Continuity and Change [pp. 471-492]
- Cumulative Indexes [pp. 493-508]
14.Asakura,K., & Maurer, K. (2018). Attending to Social Justice in Clinical Social Work Supervision as a Pedagogical Space. Clinical Social Work Journal, 46(4),.pdf
Vol.:(0123456789)1 3
Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10615-018-0667-4
O R I G I N A L PA P E R
Attending to Social Justice in Clinical Social Work: Supervision as a Pedagogical Space
Kenta Asakura1 · Katherine Maurer2
Published online: 29 June 2018 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018
Abstract Although social justice is a central professional value of social work articulated in ethics codes, clinical social workers have been long criticized for not clearly incorporating this professed commitment into practice. Supervision is an optimal space within which clinicians can develop knowledge and skills to attend to the issues related to social justice in their practice. A growing body of literature emphasizes social justice in the delivery of clinical services, yet there is a death of literature on how clinical supervision can promote social justice seeking clinical work. In this paper, we draw from existing literature to identify key elements involved in social justice seeking clinical supervision. Using Goodyear’s (Clin Superv 33:82–99, 2014) learning mechanisms of clinical supervision, which consists of modeling, feedback, direct instruction, and self-directed learning, we discuss a case composite to illustrate ways in which clinical supervision can serve as a pedagogical space to advance clinical social workers’ commitment to social justice.
Keywords Clinical supervision · Social justice · Teaching and learning
Introduction
Social justice is a central professional value of social work (Marsh 2005; National Association of Social Workers [NASW] 2017), defined in the Social Work Dictionary as:
An ideal condition in which all members of a society have the same rights, protection, opportunities, obli- gations, and social benefits … historical inequalities should be acknowledged and remedied through spe- cific measures … social justice entails advocacy to confront discrimination, oppression, and institutional inequalities. (Barker 2003, p. 405)
There has, however been a long-standing debate about whether and how clinical social work practice, with its focus on individual-level problems, can also be social justice seeking (Specht and Courtney 1994; Wakefield 1998). The individual-level problems presented by many social work
clients are deeply rooted in and/or affected by social injustice (i.e., oppression and marginalization), such as discrimina- tion, violence, poverty, and other structurally rooted prob- lems (Berzoff 2011). Clinical social workers are called on to address the ways in which structural inequalities affect the clients’ everyday lives, mitigate further harm, and promote social justice within the clinical space. A growing body of literature emphasizes social justice in the delivery of clini- cal services (e.g., Baines 2011; Fook 2012; Larson 2008), yet there is a paucity of literature on how to address social justice in clinical supervision.
The purpose of this paper is to suggest clinical super- vision as a pedagogical space to promote social justice in clinical practice. Supervision aims to address three levels of function, namely administrative, supportive, and educa- tional (Bogo and McKnight 2005; Kadushin and Harkness 2014). In this paper, we will focus primarily on the edu- cational aspect of supervision, which “aims to develop the professional capacity of supervisees through enhancing their knowledge and skills” (Bogo and McKnight 2005, p. 52). In discussing a case composite, we will illustrate ways in which clinical supervision may serve as a pedagogical space to enhance clinical social workers’ ability to enact social justice principles in practice (Hair 2015).
* Kenta Asakura [email protected]
1 Carleton University School of Social Work, Ottawa, ON, Canada
2 McGill University School of Social Work, Montreal, QC, Canada
290 Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
Social Justice and Clinical Social Work
Despite social work’s mission to promote social justice (NASW 2017), several scholars, notably Margolin (1997) and Specht and Courtney (1994), previously asserted the incompatibility of clinical social work and social justice. In rebuttal, Wakefield (1998) suggested that the purpose of clinical social work is to assist clients in restoring or build- ing a minimally acceptable level of emotional wellbeing, so that they can better engage other aspects of their lives (e.g., social and work lives). Swenson (1998) proposed the following definition of social justice-focused clinical practice by explicating its specific elements:
… profound appreciation for a client’s strengths, contexts, and resources. Experiences of race, gen- der, class, religion, sexual orientation, and ability, because these shape clients’ worlds and meaning- making, are seen as central … we engage in thorough analyses of professional and organizational power and actively work to increase client power … We engage in the work of exploring our own experiences of oppression, and of privilege and power … We assess clients’ ‘relative deprivation’ and ‘minimally acceptable levels of resources’ in the economic, political, physical, social, spiritual, and psychologi- cal domains. (p. 534)
Maschi et al. (2011) conducted a content analysis of the literature (n = 36) addressing the debate on the compatibil- ity of clinical social work and social justice. Their study found that although there had been considerable scholarship addressing the topic, (1) only a quarter of the articles pro- vided definitions of social justice, (2) most of the reviewed articles (80%) engaged theories and frameworks, such as empowerment, the strengths perspectives, and postmodern- ism, to conceptualize integrating both psychological and external resources as a mechanism to enact social justice work. The lack of agreed upon definitions of social justice continue to plague its integration into clinical practice, the authors note. The content analysis summarized key concepts in social justice seeking clinical practice: critical reflection on power, privilege and oppression, transparent use of eth- ics and values (e.g., client’s right to self-determination), the use of assessment and interventions that account for the impacts of political, social and cultural factors on the client’s presenting problems, and client advocacy for resources and social or policy change. Importantly, Maschi et al. (2011) note at several points in their analysis the dearth of literature representing the lived experiences of clinical social work practitioners of social justice seeking practice.
Recent empirical research corroborates and substan- tiates the centrality of the concepts of social justice in
clinical practice identified by Maschi et al. (2011). Advo- cacy work was an important element of social justice prac- tice in O’Brien’s (2010) study of 191 New Zealand social workers. In Morgaine’s (2014) study, though there was a lack of a unified definition, most social workers (n = 17) defined social justice as individual rights-based (i.e., every person has the right to be treated fairly and access to goods). Yet, the participants shared their frustrations about the difficulties in enacting change due to workload and time constraints. McLaughlin et al. (2015) conducted a study with child protection workers, using individual inter- views (n = 25) and focus groups (n = 19 across groups). The workers conceptualized social justice as both a goal and a process of their practice. Social justice is equality, fairness and rights to aim for, while they also saw it as a relational process grounded in empowerment and respect within a therapeutic relationship.
Social Justice and Clinical Supervision
The existing literature on social justice and clinical super- vision remains largely conceptual and commonly suggests that supervision is an optimal space for the clinicians to address the issues of social justice (e.g., Chang et al. 2009; Hair and O’Donoghue 2009). This sentiment is supported by a Canadian survey (Hair 2015) of registered social work- ers (n = 636). Participants expressed interest in supervisors engaging them in discussing various aspects of social justice during supervision, such as cultural diversity, challenging unjust policies and practices, and the impacts of oppres- sion and privilege on clients. When asked if “a purpose of supervision is to help social workers promote social justice and change,” a majority (70.1%) agreed, 13.5% disagreed and another 13.1% reported “not sure.” The 26% who did not agree may be hampered by the definitional ambiguity of social justice (Reisch 2002) or lack of clear operationaliza- tion into specific practice elements and actions.
In thematically reviewing the literature on clinical super- vision, we identified that social justice is broadly opera- tionalized into the following three specific elements and discussed from these themes: (1) attending to power rela- tions in a supervisory dyad, (2) promoting the supervisee’s reflective practice, and (3) cultivating advocacy skills among supervisees.
Attending to Power Relations in Supervisory Relationship
There is an inherent power differential in a supervisory rela- tionship (Bernard and Goodyear 2014) due to the supervi- sor’s expert knowledge and workplace position (De Stefano et al. 2017) and a greater focus on risk management and
291Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
administrative aspect of supervision (Beddoe 2010; Hair 2014). Both the supervisor and the supervisee carry unique socio-cultural experiences and identities, and the intersection of these identities contribute to particular power dynamics and impact the process and outcomes of supervision (Berger et al. 2017; Falender et al. 2014; Jernigan et al. 2010). For instance, research has documented white supervisors’ lack of comfort and competence in addressing racial differences and dynamics with supervisees of color (Burkard et al. 2006; Hird et al. 2001). Furthermore, even when the supervisor and the supervisee were both people of color, the discussion of race and culture did not always occur with ease, and the supervisees of color reported negative feelings about them- selves as practitioners when the supervisors were not open to discussion on the topic of race and culture in supervision (Jernigan et al. 2010).
As with the clinical therapeutic alliance, safety within a supervisory relationship is essential for the supervisees’ effective clinical work, especially when discussing social justice issues (ChenFeng et al. 2017). There is general con- sensus that the supervision dyad (supervisor and supervi- see) should each attend to their own respective socio-cultural identities (Berger et al. 2017; Hernández and McDowell 2010) and the associated oppression and power, such as racism and white privilege (Adams 2009; Hays and Chang 2003; Hernández and McDowell 2010). These authors advocated for dialogue about socio-cultural identities and power relations within the supervisor–supervisee dyad as an essential practice to promote the supervisees’ clini- cal competences. Hair and O’Donoghue (2009) critiqued a modernist notion of “cultural competence,” in which the supervisor, often influenced by Euro-Western worldviews, guides the supervisee to understand about the client’s socio- cultural background, they instead advocated for “culturally relevant” supervision. Using a social constructionist epis- temology, they recommended that the supervisors examine their own socio-cultural assumptions about their knowledge and collaboratively engage the supervisees and other key stakeholders (e.g., community members) in co-developing culturally-informed knowledge. ChenFeng et al. (2017) similarly suggested that the supervisors and the supervisees together explore and discuss each other’s socio-cultural iden- tities. They also outlined specific strategies for these tasks, such as the supervisor’s role-modeling of sharing personal biases and validation of supervisees’ experience.
Promoting Supervisee’s Reflective Practice
Reflection, a commonly known practice of introspection of self knowledge and experience that can lead to a new under- standing, is considered a key mode of learning in clinical supervision (Carroll 2010). Social work has embraced the role of reflection, a concept initially developed in education
(Schön 1983), which has evolved over time. Using the term “the use of self,” the original focus of social workers’ reflective practice was countertransference (the clinician’s unconscious response to the client materials) from a psycho- analytic tradition (Mandell 2007; McTighe 2011). A more contemporary view of countertransference or the use of self accounts for broader aspects of the clinician’s subjectivities, not only past experiences, personality structures, but also social identities (e.g., race, gender); these inevitably enter the therapeutic relationship with the client and must be used intentionally to benefit the client’s treatment (Goldstein et al. 2009; McTighe 2011). Critical social work literature has emphasized the clinician’s intrapsychic processes less and the social processes involved in the use of self more (Fook 2012; Mandell 2007). Although various terms are used, such as critical reflection (Fook 2012), critical conscious- ness (Sakamoto and Pitner 2005), and reflexivity (D’Cruz et al. 2007), this critical version of the use of self demands that the clinician uncover how the structural dominance and power relations might impact the client as well as the clini- cian–client relationship. Given the overlapping nature of the use of self and various types of reflection, we will use the term reflective practice as an overarching term.
Relevant literature on social justice and clinical supervi- sion draws from a critical version of reflection (e.g., criti- cal reflection, critical consciousness). Discussing supervi- sion from a feminist lens, Poole (2010) suggested that the supervision function as a space where the supervisor and the supervisee deconstruct the socio-cultural factors involved in the supervisee’s clinical work. In discussing family therapy supervision, Garcia et al. (2009) suggested that the supervisor set aside time and space to discuss issues of sys- temic privilege and oppression involved in the supervisee’s practice. These “critical conversations” (p. 29) should take place on an ongoing basis and are essential in facilitating the supervisees’ abilities to understand the interplay between the client issues and larger social structures and challenging the supervisee’s own biases and stereotypes. Similarly, Glosoff and Durham (2010) suggested that the supervisor encourage the supervisees to reflect on the roles of power and power dynamics involved in their relationships with clients. Strate- gies employed were the supervisor’s use of reflective ques- tioning, mapping social capital (of not only the client’s but also their own), and critical appraisal of existing treatment and forms.
Cultivating Advocacy Skills
Advocacy is a form of social work practice defined as “the exclusive and mutual representation of clients or a cause in a forum attempting to systematically influence decision making in an unjust or unresponsive system” (Schneider and Lester 2001, p. 65). Very little, however, was found in the
292 Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
literature describing how social workers cultivate knowledge and skills about advocacy through supervision. In fact, the Best Practice Standards in Social Work Supervision (NASW 2013) did not mention advocacy or any other similar practice concepts. Advocacy, however, is discussed as an imperative element of social justice work by other allied professions, such as counseling psychologists (Chang et al. 2009) and marriage and family therapists (ChenFeng et al. 2017).
Chang et al. (2009) suggested that it is the supervisor’s responsibility to promote the supervisee’s skills development to become an effective advocate. They proposed a model of supervision to promote advocacy skills among clinicians. In this model of supervision, supervisees develop a deeper understanding of their own biases in relation to the client’s socio-cultural contexts (self-awareness), assist clients in accessing resources more easily (client issue), and engage in lobbying efforts to make the resources more accessible to those in need (community collaboration). Similarly, Chen- Feng et al. (2017) stressed clinicians’ professional identity as advocates and suggested that supervisees go outside the therapy room and challenge institutional practices that per- petuate the marginalization of their clients.
Clinical Supervision as a Pedagogical Space for Social Justice
There is general consensus that it is the supervisor’s respon- sibility to initiate conversations about social justice in clini- cal supervision (Glosoff and Durham 2010; Hays and Chang 2003). Goodyear (2014) conceptualized clinical supervision as an essential pedagogical process consisting of four mech- anisms: modeling, feedback, direct instruction, and self- directed learning. In modeling, the supervisor intentionally uses the self to provide the supervisee opportunities to vicar- iously learn appropriate interpersonal and practice behaviors through the supervisory relationship. Providing performance feedback is an essential teaching and learning mechanism in supervision. Feedback may have several dimensions, includ- ing specificity (direct, clear, and specific feedback), valence (positive feedback), and formality (formal performance
evaluation). Direct instruction is the most frequently used pedagogical process in supervision, in which the supervi- sor teaches supervisees specific skills and then provides them with feedback. Using Van de Pol et al.’s work (2010), Goodyear suggests scaffolding as a key strategy for direct instruction. In providing a structure around the supervisees’ skill development, the supervisor seeks to develop an indi- vidualized approach that caters to each supervisee’s unique needs and styles. The supervisor might gradually step back from direct instruction and expect the supervisees to engage in the task independently. Finally, self-directed learning is an essential pedagogical process that occurs when the super- visee engages in reflective practice. While the supervisor might actively engage modeling, feedback giving, and direct instruction, supervisees use supervision to learn and develop their capacity to become a reflective practitioner.
Case Illustration and Discussion
The following case composite is designed to illustrate ways in which clinical supervisors might engage Goodyear’s (2014) four learning mechanisms of supervision inter- sectionally with the three social justice elements of clini- cal practice previously identified: power relations, reflec- tive practice, and advocacy skills. Table 1 illustrates our approach to integrating the supervisory pedagogy and social justice promotion in clinical practice.
Case Composite: Carole, Sylvie, & Dianne
Carole, the supervisee, is a 29-year-old white cisgender, het- erosexual woman and a new Master of Social Work gradu- ate. She has been working for the past 2 years in an adult mental health outpatient clinic, located in a metropolitan city in Northeast U.S.A. The supervisor, Sylvie, is a 46-year-old Afro-Caribbean cisgender, heterosexual woman. She has several decades of supervisory experience. The client in this case composite is Dianne, an African-American cisgender, heterosexual woman, age 54, widowed for 10 years.
Table 1 Principles of social justice informed clinical supervision
a Goodyear (2014)
Pedagogical processa Attend to supervisory power relations Promote reflective practice Cultivate advocacy skills
Modeling Modeling on supervisory power relations Modeling for reflective practice Modeling advocacy Feedback Feedback on supervisory power relations Feedback for reflective practice Feedback on advocacy Direct instruction Direct instruction on supervisory power
relations Direct instruction for reflective practice Direct instruction on advocacy
Self-directed learning Self-directed learning on supervisory power relations
Self-directed learning for reflective practice
Self-directed learning on advocacy
293Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
Dianne’s husband died suddenly of a heart attack in his late 40 s. She receives some income from his pension and social security. She is unemployed due to a back injury as the result of a car accident around the time of her husband’s death. She experiences intermittent moderate physical pain. She is seeking support because she is currently raising her 14-month old grandson, Jevon. Her son, Marcus, is Jevon’s father and is currently in jail following a confrontation with neighbors in which police were involved and Marcus assaulted the police officers when they tried to calm him down. Marcus is experiencing complicated grief due to the death of his partner, Nicole, during childbirth. He blames his son for Nicole’s death and is not able to engage with him. Nicole’s family lives in another state and they blame Marcus for her death. They have never had any contact with Dianne or Jevon. Marcus and Nicole lived with Dianne and paid the bulk of her rent and utilities.
Dianne is concerned about being able to keep her apart- ment and take care of Jevon, with her son no longer con- tributing to the household expenses. She is very anxious that child protective services may become involved if she misses a rent payment. She does not have a formal custody arrangement with her son. She has confided in Carole that she sometimes leaves Jevon with a neighbor while she goes to underground gambling venues. She is very successful and has been able to generate enough income this way to keep her bills paid. Carole, the clinician, has expressed con- cern about this behavior both that it is illegal and whether this behavior might be early stages of gambling addiction. Dianne dismissed Carole’s concerns, sharing that she does not understand how things work for “poor folk.” Dianne fre- quently brings her grandson, despite the clinician’s assertion that she come alone, as therapy should be “her time.” Some- times, Jevon is fussy and most of the session is focused on him. Dianne has started to arrive late and even miss sessions. Carole is seeking guidance from her supervisor, Sylvie, on how to address the gambling behaviors, the continued pres- ence of the grandson in sessions, and what she perceives to be a therapeutic impasse with Dianne.
Case Discussion
In the scenario, Carole has related her concerns to Sylvie about Dianne’s reliance on gambling to generate the income needed to pay her bills, a discussion about which she worries led to a therapeutic impasse with Dianne. Sylvie noted that the exchange between Dianne and Carole involved several different components related to social justice seeking clini- cal practice. In order to take advantage of the opportunity for learning (Bogo and McKnight 2005), Sylvie suggested to Carole that together they explore each element of the encounter and in doing so disaggregate different features of
the encounter to facilitate a reflective discussion (scaffolding for supervision).
As a starting point, Sylvie asked Carole to explain her concerns about Dianne’s gambling to supplement her income (direct instruction for reflective practice). Carole explained that she felt conflicted in thinking about her ethical obliga- tions versus Dianne’s right of self-determination. On the one hand, Carole felt that if she did not acknowledge that the gambling was illegal, she would be endorsing or validating the behavior. Further, although she was not legally obligated to report Dianne for criminal activity, she did feel that she might need to be “on record” as having expressed concern. Yet, she expressed discomfort with “policing” the client’s behavior especially given Dianne’s considerable economic vulnerability (i.e., female, unemployed, over 50, physical disability, single caregiver). Carole added that she wondered if Dianne’s behavior was putting her grandson at risk in a way that could be construed as neglect (e.g., exposure to crime or individuals engaged in crime). As such, was Carole obligated to report child protection services?
Sylvie suggested that she and Carole explore the value tensions (Mattison 2000) that informed the ethical dilemma articulated in the role of monitoring or surveilling the criminal behavior of clients (direct instruction or feedback for reflective practice). Using reflective modeling, Sylvie engaged Carole in a discussion of the power dynamics of therapeutic relationship (Fook 2012). Carole articulated that although she had participated in theoretical discus- sions about the role of social workers historically (Specht and Courtney 1994) and currently (Lee and Ferrer 2014) as agents of social control, this was her first experience of iden- tifying with the desire to enact control over a client. Through discussing this tension with Sylvie (feedback for reflective practice), Carole was able to identify that although she rec- ognized that Dianne was making an informed choice in the context of her multiple vulnerabilities, Carole was concerned about Dianne’s grandson and how her behavior might affect him. She felt ambivalent about being a mandated reporter and the consideration of involving child welfare services (e.g., McLaughlin et al. 2015; self-directed learning through reflective practice).
Sylvie validated Carole’s experience of uncertainty and ambivalence through direct feedback. Sylvie reflected back on her own lack of experience regarding child welfare reporting when she began as a practitioner (modeling and feedback for reflective practice). She, like Carole, had taken a required mandated reporter training but knew little else about child protection (modeling on the supervisory power relations). They discussed the importance, in accordance with the Code of Ethics (NASW 2017), of not engaging in practice without training or expertise. Thus, Sylvie provided instructions for Carole to engage in self-directed learning on the definition and the operationalization of neglect in their
294 Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
jurisdiction. With this instruction, Sylvie’s aim was to guide Carole to interrogate her quick and unexamined anxiety that Jevon was possibly subject to neglect.
In a subsequent supervisory session, Sylvie and Carole engaged in a collaborative dialogue to discuss critically the research that Carole had conducted to better inform herself about local child welfare regulations (feedback for and self- directed learning through reflective practice). Following a summary of her research, Carole noted that her focus had shifted from looking at Dianne’s gambling as a behavior that might put Jevon at risk to understanding it as part of her adaptation to a drastic loss of resources with which to meet caregiving needs. This led into a discussion of class, which was then linked to race, as evidenced in the strong associa- tion between child neglect, low family income, and racializa- tion found in the literature (Besharov and Laumann 1997; Child Welfare Information Gateway 2011). Sylvie engaged with Carole in exploring how cultural values inform “appro- priate” childcare (feedback and self-directed learning for reflective practice) and how values and perspectives link to individual- and community-embedded resources and social capital (feedback and self-directed learning for advocacy work). The two discussed the historical and present ways in which these value-laden perspectives construe behaviors borne of lack of resources as child neglect. Carole remarked that, for example, she now understood Dianne’s bringing Jevon to therapy sessions as a matter of equitable access to affordable child care, not just as Dianne’s intrapsychic resistance to therapy (self-directed learning through reflec- tive practice for advocacy work). Sylvie noted that these are not mutually exclusive but could be explored with Dianne to better understand her access to non-income resources (e.g., babysitting help from neighbors; feedback for reflective practice and advocacy work).
Sylvie additionally provided instructions that Car- ole might look into the literature on kinship care (Testa 2017). Research shows that typically the majority of kin- ship caregivers are female, low-income, and over the age of 50 (e.g., Ehrle and Geen 2002), similar to Dianne. Sylvie remarked that informal kinship care has a long tradition in African–origin communities (Brown et al. 2002) such as the one in which she grew up, which is not dissimilar to Dianne’s (modeling for reflective practice). Sylvie noted, however, that while she and Dianne are both Black women, she is from a very different culture (Afro-Caribbean rather than African-American) and a different community (upper middle class, suburban) than that in which Dianne lives. In fact, Sylvie had done much work on the intersection of class and race in her own life and how that influenced her clini- cal thinking and practice (modeling for reflective practice). Although she did not share this extensively with Carole, she did share that having grown up in a very well-resourced mid- dle class environment and coming to work in a low-income,
resource-poor community necessitates her engagement in ongoing reflective practice; she has to be aware of not only her biases but also those within her own culture who are critical of both low-income and middle-class individuals (Pattillo-McCoy 1999). Sylvie’s intentional self-disclosure (modeling for reflective practice) facilitated a conversation around low- and high-resourced communities and how the differential access to opportunities affects the community in which the clinic was situated, as well as the broader societal level in structural barriers that reproduce social and eco- nomic oppression and discrimination (Loury 2002).
Carole shared with Sylvie that kinship care is also a tra- dition in her community. Sharing her struggles with the intersectionality of her racial identity (White) and class (working class upbringing), Carole reported that she is still learning how to express her lived experience without enact- ing oppression on her clients of color when she is afforded de facto middle-class status that goes hand-in-hand with the power dynamics of whiteness in social work practice (Lee and Ferrer 2014). Carole’s social justice conceptualization of her work with Dianne started to shift only when she engaged in critically reflecting upon the intersectionality of her own race and class.
Sylvie observed how socio-cultural identity and power relations within the client–clinician relationship and the supervisory relationship mirror each other (Hernández and McDowell 2010). She noted that the three women involved in the case composite represent overlapping yet distinct socio-cultural identities (e.g., race, class, professional posi- tions) and hence, power dynamics are complex even when social location appears shared (e.g., cisgender, heterosexual, Black). As this example shows, interpreting power dynamics within clinical dyads—supervisory or client–clinician—is best done critically with careful consideration of the inter- sectionalities of gender, race, and class (Cho et al. 2013). Once trust was established in this supervision dyad (Chen- Feng et al. 2017), Sylvie explored collaboratively with Car- ole their racial differences (modeling on supervisory power relations), while discussing marginalization, oppression, and historical and current power dynamics in play for the Black woman client (modeling for reflective practice). The overlapping yet distinct socio-cultural identities presented opportunities for Sylvie to explore with Carole the inversion of the power balance due to Sylvie as supervisor being in the dominant position, which is normally afforded to the white- identified person in relationship with a racialized individual (Hernández and McDowell 2010; modeling on supervisory power relation and reflective practice).
In further conversations with Dianne, aided by the reflective work that she and Sylvie had undertaken, Carole explored collaboratively with Dianne options for augmenting her income sustainably (self-directed learning on advocacy). Based on the discussions of the intersectionality of race and
295Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
income (e.g., Loury 2002), Carole brought this language and understanding with her into conversations with Dianne about her experiences (self-directed learning for reflective practice). Dianne became more open about discussing the endless micro-aggressions and blatant racism she experi- enced when accessing governmental subsidies for which she qualified. For example, food purchasing assistance was available as food stamps—substitute currency—at the time of this case study, and Dianne reported that this brought unwanted scrutiny when shopping. Dianne explained that this stigmatizing experience, at least partly, led her to gam- bling whenever she needed additional income. She did not have to be subjected to abuse, stereotyping, and disrespect, nor was she beholden to surveillance of her purchases (not all food items qualify for the subsidy and those must be paid for separately). This discussion of macro-level factors served as an entrée to discussing advocacy (e.g., ChenFeng et al. 2017) to improve access to resources for Dianne and Jevon focused on specific actions within and outside of the clinic.
Carole had developed a new understanding of Dianne’s motivations for gambling in the broader context of social injustice and barriers to access to services. By engaging in reflective practice around her own biases and stereotyping of Dianne’s behavior, Carole’s orientation shifted from an individual-level focus to a systems focus, and she began to engage in social justice oriented advocacy for Dianne and for systemic change (ChenFeng et al. 2017; self-directed learning through reflective practice on advocacy work). Carole discussed specific actions with Dianne for accessing resources, such as income supplements for disability and unemployment, as well as possibly entering into a formal kinship care agreement to stabilize her income, protect her rights as the caregiver to Jevon, and reduce the risk of home- lessness (ChenFeng et al. 2017; self-directed learning on advocacy). Carole also contacted key stakeholders in the community to seek funding to subsidize daycare services for low social and economic resourced caregivers such as Dianne (ChenFeng et al. 2017; self-directed learning on advocacy).
Conclusion
The purpose of this article was to illuminate clinical super- vision as a pedagogical space that might allow clinicians to integrate social justice in clinical practice. The case-based discussion illustrated how supervisors might address issues specific to social justice seeking clinical practice through Goodyear’s (2014) learning mechanisms (modeling, feed- back, direct instruction, and self-directed learning). Carole, Sylvie, and Dianne all shared identification as cisgender and heterosexual women. In relation to power dynamics, how- ever, they carried differential experiences of marginalization,
oppression, and privilege based on race, class, and social positions. Using her personal and professional reflective practice as a Black woman, Sylvie effectively supported Carole in addressing the impasse with Dianne, focusing on power relations, reflective practice, and advocacy.
Our model (Table 1), however, does not signify a fixed or procedural approach and should be used flexibly to guide the supervisor when engaging social justice issues that arise in clinical practice. The supervisor–supervisee–client triad varies case by case, and this model should be applied to each situation contextually. Discussion of social justice requires a strong relational context in which the supervisee feels safe enough to do so with the supervisor (ChenFeng et al. 2017; Hernández and McDowell 2010; Inman 2006). In addition to their teaching responsibilities, supervisors must first and foremost focus on developing a strong learning relationship with their supervisees before they engage in this type of supervision. Collaborative engagement, rather than a uni- directional approach, is an essential element of this work, to ensure that those of marginalized social identities (e.g., a queer woman of color) in the triad do not have to carry all the burden of initiating and engaging in the discussions of social justice.
Our model of supervision aims to facilitate transforma- tion learning, in which the supervisee interrogates habitual patterns and uncovers new ways of thinking, knowing, and engaging in practice (Carroll 2010). Given that many, if not all, clinical issues are not only biological or psychologi- cal but also social and structural in nature (e.g., depression perpetuated by homelessness or unemployment), clinical social workers must hold social (in)justice in mind when conceptualizing the client case and treatment (Baines 2011; Berzoff 2011). In specifying the foci of discussion about social justice and teaching and learning processes, we hope that this article provides a guiding framework to transform the supervisee’s conceptualization of and engagement with their clients. After all, supervision is a process designed to facilitate one’s “super-vision—new eyes, new perceptions, new visions” (Carroll 2010, p. 13).
Cautions must be given to our model of supervision. First, although our model was grounded in relevant literature from social justice, clinical social work, supervision, and educa- tion, there is a need for further empirical research to dem- onstrate its applicability to actual practice. Second, although the model is organized as a grid, there is no hierarchy to the pairings of Goodyear’s (2014) pedagogical processes and the social justice principles (i.e., all processes and principles are essential for the teaching and learning of social justice informed clinical supervision). Further, though we have presented the material in pairings, it is possible to have an aggregate process such as self-directed learning on super- visory power relations with modeling for reflective practice. Third, despite social work’s professed commitment to social
296 Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
justice (Marsh 2005), today’s neoliberal workplace and prac- tice cultures might prohibit supervisors from having time for this type of reflective supervision. Rather than prioritiz- ing the supervisee’s learning needs or commitment to social justice, supervision in new managerialism is a powerful surveillance vehicle used to audit the worker performance and avoid agency liability (Beddoe 2010). In fact, Durham and Glosoff (2010) argued that some supervisors might not believe that addressing social justice issues is a part of their role responsibilities, while others worry that doing so might be perceived as problematic by others (e.g., managers) in the workplace. Although this is the reality of current practice and is certainly a prohibiting factor when engaging in the model of supervision proposed in this paper, we nonetheless argue that we as a professional collective must push against and go beyond the discourse of supervision as “surveillance” (Beddoe 2010) and find ways to navigate the neoliberal cul- ture of supervision. Social justice is social work’s central professional value (Marsh 2005). Clinical supervision is an ideal pedagogical space to promote and reinforce social jus- tice as a value and an action, to develop relevant knowledge and skills to enact social justice principles within clinical work practice with supervisees, especially new practitioners.
References
Adams, D. M. (2009). Multicultural pedagogy in the supervision and education of psychotherapists. Women & Therapy, 33(1/2), 42–54.
Baines, D. (Ed.). (2011). Doing anti-oppressive practice: Social justice social work (2nd ed.). Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.
Barker, R. L. (2003). The social work dictionary (5th ed.). Washington, D.C.: National Association of Social Workers.
Beddoe, L. (2010). Surveillance or reflection: Professional supervi- sion in ‘the risk society.’. British Journal of Social Work, 40, 1279–1296.
Berger, R., Quiros, L., & Benavidez-Hatzis, J. R. (2017). The inter- section of identities in supervision for trauma-informed practice: Challenges and strategies. The Clinical Supervisor. https ://doi. org/10.1080/07325 223.2017.13762 99.
Bernard, J. M., & Goodyear, R. K. (2014). Fundamentals of clinical supervision (5th ed.). Upper Saddle River: Pearson.
Berzoff, J. (2011). Why we need a biopsychosocial perspective with vulnerable, oppressed and at-risk clients. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 81, 132–166.
Besharov, D. J., & Laumann, L. A. (1997). Don’t call it child abuse if it’s really poverty. Journal of Children and Poverty, 3(1), 5–36. https ://doi.org/10.1080/10796 12970 84122 03.
Bogo, M., & McKnight, K. (2005). Clinical supervision in social work: A review of the research literature. The Clinical Supervi- sor, 24(1/2), 49–67.
Brown, S., Cohon, D., & Wheeler, R. (2002). African American extended families and kinship care: How relevant is the foster care model for kinship care? Children and Youth Services Review, 24(1), 53–77.
Burkard, A. W., Johnson, A. J., Madson, M. B., Pruitt, N. T., Contreras-Tadych, A., Kozlowski, J. M., Hess, S. A., & Knox, S. (2006). Supervisor cultural responsiveness and
unresponsiveness in cross-cultural supervision. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 53, 288–301.
Carroll, M. (2010). Supervision: Critical reflection for transforma- tional learning (part 2). The Clinical Supervisor, 29, 1–19.
Chang, C. Y., Hays, D. G., & Milliken, T. (2009). Addressing social justice issues in supervision: A call for client and professional advocacy. The Clinical Supervisor, 28, 20–35.
ChenFeng, J., Castronova, M., & Zimmerman, T. (2017). Safety and social justice in the supervisory relationship. In R. Allan & S. Singh Poulsen (Eds.), Creating cultural safety in couple and family therapy: Supervision and training. New York: Springer.
Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2011). Addressing racial disproportionality in child welfare. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Children’s Bureau.
Cho, S., Crenshaw, K. W., & McCall, L. (2013). Toward a field of intersectionality studies: Theory, applications, and praxis. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 38(4), 785–810.
D’Cruz, H., Gillingham, P., & Melendez, S. (2007). Reflexivity, its meanings and relevance for social work: A critical review of the literature. British Journal of Social Work, 37(1), 73–90.
De Stefano, J., Hutman, H., & Gazzola, N. (2017). Putting on the face: A qualitative study of power dynamics in clinical supervision. The Clinical Supervisor, 36(2), 223–240.
Durham, J. C., & Glosoff, H. L. (2010). From passion to action: Inte- grating the advocacy competencies and social justice into coun- selor education and supervision. In M. J. Ratts, J. A. Lewis & R. L. Toporek (Eds.), ACA advocacy competencies: A social justice framework for counselors (pp. 139–150). Alexandria: American Counseling Association.
Ehrle, J., & Geen, R. (2002). Children cared for by relatives: What ser- vices do they need? The Urban Institute, Series B, No. B-47, 1–8.
Falender, C. A., Shafranske, E. P., & Falicov, C. J. (2014). Multicul- turalism and diversity in clinical supervision: A competency based approach. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association.
Fook, J. (2012). Social work: A critical approach to practice (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
Garcia, M., Kosutic, I., McDowell, T., & Anderson, S. A. (2009). Rais- ing critical consciousness in family therapy supervision. Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, 21, 18–38.
Glosoff, H. L., & Durham, J. C. (2010). Using supervision to pre- pare social justice counseling advocates. Counselor Education & Supervision, 50, 116–129.
Goldstein, E. G., Miehls, D., & Ringel, S. (2009). Advanced clinical social work practice: Relational principles and techniques. New York: Columbia University Press.
Goodyear, R. K. (2014). Supervision as pedagogy: Attending to its essential instructional and learning processes. The Clinical Super- visor, 33, 82–99.
Hair, H. J. (2014). Power relations in supervision: Preferred practices according to social workers. Families in Society, 95(2), 107–114.
Hair, H. J. (2015). Supervision conversations about social justice and social work practice. Journal of Social Work, 15(4), 349–370.
Hair, H. J., & O’Donoghue, K. (2009). Culturally relevant, socially just social work supervision: Becoming visible through a social constructionist lens. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 18, 70–88.
Hays, D. C., & Chang, C. Y. (2003). White privilege, oppression, and racial identity development: Implications for supervision. Coun- selor Education and Supervision, 43, 134–145.
Hernández, P., & McDowell, T. (2010). Intersectionality, power, and relational safety in context: Key concepts in clinical supervision. Training and Education in Professional Psychology, 4(1), 29–35.
Hird, J. S., Cavalieri, C. E., Dulko, J. P., Felice, A. A. D., & Ho, T. A. (2001). Visions and realities: Supervisee perspectives of
297Clinical Social Work Journal (2018) 46:289–297
1 3
multicultural supervision. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 29, 114–130.
Inman, A. G. (2006). Supervisor multicultural competence and its rela- tion to supervisory process and outcome. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 32(1), 73–85.
Jernigan, M. M., Green, C. E., Helms, J. E., Perez-Gualdron, L., & Henze, K. (2010). An examination of people of color supervi- sion dyads: Racial identity matters as much as race. Training and Educational in Professional Psychology, 4(1), 62–73.
Kadushin, A., & Harkness, D. (2014). Supervision in social work (5th ed.). New York: Columbia University Press.
Larson, G. (2008). Anti-oppressive practice in mental health. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 19(1), 39–54.
Lee, E. O., & Ferrer, I. (2014). Examining social work as a Canadian settler colonial project: Colonial continuities of circles of reform, civilization, and in/visibility. Journal of Critical AntiOppressive Social Inquiry, 1(1), 1–20.
Loury, G. (2002). The anatomy of racial inequality. Cambridge: Har- vard University Press.
Mandell, D. (2007). Use of self: Contexts and dimensions. In D. Man- dell (Ed.), Revisiting the use of self: Questioning professional identities (pp. 1–19). Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Margolin, L. (1997). Under the cover of kindness: The invention of social work. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.
Marsh, J. C. (2005). Social justice: Social work’s organizing values. Social Work, 50(4), 293–294.
Maschi, T., Baer, J., & Turner, S. G. (2011). The psychological goods on clinical social work: A content analysis of the clinical social work and social justice literature. Journal of Social Work Practice, 25(2), 233–252.
Mattison, M. (2000). Ethical decision-making: The person in the pro- cess. Social Work, 45(3), 201–212.
McLaughlin, A. M., Gray, E., & Wilson, M. (2015). Child welfare workers and social justice: Mending the disconnect. Children and Youth Services Review, 59, 177–183.
McTighe, J. P. (2011). Teaching the use of self through the process of clinical supervision. Clinical Social Work Journal, 39, 301–307.
Morgaine, K. (2014). Conceptualizing social justice in social work: Are social workers “too bogged down in the trees?” Journal of Social Justice, 4, 1–18.
National Association of Social Workers. (2013). Best practice stand- ards in social work supervision. Washington, D.C.: Author.
National Association of Social Workers. (2017). Code of ethics. Wash- ington, D.C.: Author.
O’Brien, M. (2010). Social justice: Alive and well (partly) in social work practice? International Social Work, 54(2), 174–190.
Pattillo-McCoy, M. (1999). Black picket fences: Privilege and peril among the Black middle class. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Poole, J. (2010). Perspectives on supervision in human services: Gaz- ing through critical and feminist lenses. Michigan Family Review. https ://doi.org/10.3998/mfr.49190 87.0014.107.
Reisch, M. (2002). Defining social justice in a socially unjust world. Families in Society, 83(4), 343–354.
Sakamoto, I., & Pitner, R. O. (2005). Use of critical consciousness in anti-oppressive social work practice: Disentangling power dynam- ics at personal and structural levels. British Journal of Social Work, 35, 435–452.
Schneider, R., & Lester, L. (2001). Social work advocacy: A new framework for action. Belmont: Brooks Cole.
Schön, D. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York: Basic Books. Specht, H., & Courtney, M. E. (1994). Unfaithful angels: How social
work has abandoned its mission. New York: The Free Press. Swenson, C. (1998). Clinical social work’s contribution to a social
justice perspective. Social Work, 43(6), 527–537. Testa, M. F. (2017). Introduction: Kinship care policy and practice:
(First issue). Child Welfare, 95(3), 13–39. Van de Pol, J., Volman, M., & Beishuizen, J. (2010). Scaffolding in
teacher-student interaction: A decade of research. Educational Psychology Review, 22, 271–296.
Wakefield, J. C. (1998). Psychotherapy, distributive justice, and social work revisited. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 69(1), 25–57.
Kenta Asakura is an Assistant Professor at the Carleton University School of Social Work in Ottawa, Ontario. He is also the Director of Integrative Simulation-Based Research Lab that aims to advance clini- cal social work education and practice. He maintains clinical consulta- tion practice in Ottawa.
Katherine Maurer is an Assistant Professor in the McGill University School of Social Work and member of the Centre for Child and Family Research. She practiced trauma-focused clinical social work in NYC. She studies the physiological impact of exposure to extreme stressors on self-regulation capacities in adolescence and adults.
- Attending to Social Justice in Clinical Social Work: Supervision as a Pedagogical Space
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Social Justice and Clinical Social Work
- Social Justice and Clinical Supervision
- Attending to Power Relations in Supervisory Relationship
- Promoting Supervisee’s Reflective Practice
- Cultivating Advocacy Skills
- Clinical Supervision as a Pedagogical Space for Social Justice
- Case Illustration and Discussion
- Case Composite: Carole, Sylvie, & Dianne
- Case Discussion
- Conclusion
- References
15.Burnes,T. R.,& Ross, K. L. (2010).Applying social justice to oppression and marginalization in group process Interventions and strategies for group counselor.pdf
Applying Social Justice to Oppression and Marginalization in Group Process:
Interventions and Strategies for Group Counselors
Theodore R. Burnes Katherine L. Ross
University of Pennsylvania
A call from the group counseling literature (Brown, 2009) recognizes the need for theoretical and empirical writings that explore the intersection of social justice and counseling practice, as many counselors are unprepared to address the impact of oppression and privilege on group process. The authors explore these issues by making recommendations and offering five strategies to assist in group discus- sions of marginalization, privilege, and oppression into group theory. These strategies include ways to assist counselors in recognizing how group members may oppress one another as well as specific recommendations from two current group counselors who practice social justice.
Keywords: group counseling; group process; oppression; privilege; social justice
An analysis of current group counseling practice and training suggests that traditional group theory (e.g., Brabender, 2002; Yalom, 1995) often does not address how group counselors should work with oppression and marginalization that occurs between group members within group counseling settings (Smith & Shin, 2008). Specifically, how counselors advocate for equality and use the group counseling modality to promote social justice has not been addressed in the litera- ture, and there is a clear need for theories and techniques of group process that are designed to incorporate social justice-based
Manuscript submitted May 15, 2009; final revision accepted February 1, 2010. Theodore R. Burnes, Ph.D., is Associate Director and Coordinator of Training, Pro- fessional Counseling & Applied Psychology Programs, University of Pennsylvania. Katherine L. Ross, M.S.Ed., is now a Learning Skills Specialist, Academic Resource Center, Georgetown University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Theodore R. Burnes, Department of Applied Psychology and Human Devel- opment, University of Pennsylvania, 3700 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104. E-mail: [email protected]
THE JOURNAL FOR SPECIALISTS IN GROUP WORK, Vol. 35 No. 2, June 2010, 169–176
DOI: 10.1080/01933921003706014
# 2010 ASGW
169
approaches to group theory (Fambrough & Comerford, 2006; Macnair-Semands, 2007; Smith & Shin, 2008).
Such a need is deeply rooted in counselors’ personal and professional commitments to multicultural competence (Arredondo et al., 2006). As social justice is rooted in multicultural competence (Lee, 2007; Speight & Vera, 2003), group counselors need to develop a consistent definition of multicultural competence as such knowledge, attitudes, and skills encourage social justice in the group counseling process. Brown (2009) identified specific suggestions for how to work with groups of a given cultural background such as helping clients to explore within-group differences and group counselors gaining specific training on diversity issues. However, the above writings high- light a lack of conceptual framework and empirical research address- ing how to work with multicultural, heterogeneous groups. In answer to the dearth of literature on the intersection of social justice in group work, this article addresses inter-group oppression and marginaliza- tion in the group counseling setting.
LANGUAGE AND DEFINITIONS USED IN SOCIAL JUSTICE-FOCUSED GROUP PROCESS
Some scholars have documented that oppression is often allowed to occur in group settings because group members’ privilege is left unchecked and unchallenged (Black & Stone, 2005). Many people believe attention to social justice concerns is not within their roles as group counselors (McCabe & Rubinson, 2008), so they may not address issues of member oppression and marginalization as they facilitate intrapersonal and interpersonal learning. The lack of this facilitation and attention to group process with regard to group members’ diversity and privilege statuses in the group may be re-traumatizing to members who have survived sociocultural oppression in their worlds outside the group (Wright, 2000). Before addressing issues of privilege, marginali- zation, and oppression within a group counseling experience, it is important to define these terms so readers will have working defini- tions and a framework for their work, thereby facilitating interrup- tion of privilege and oppression more effectively in group settings. Prilleltensky and Nelson (2002) defined oppression as ‘‘a state of domination where the oppressed suffer the consequences of depri- vation, exclusion, discrimination, exploitation, control of culture, and sometimes even violence’’ (p. 12). Historically, some examinations of privilege have focused on gender and race as single social identities; however, it is important for group counselors to examine and discuss privilege within the context of multiple oppressions in order to include
170 THE JOURNAL FOR SPECIALISTS IN GROUP WORK / June 2010
issues surrounding sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, age, differing degrees of ability, and religious affiliation (Brown, 2009).
Social privilege and the resulting oppression can be counteracted through the group leader’s social justice work. In contrast to individual counseling, group counseling represents a microcosm of society (Yalom, 2005); therefore, group facilitators may use social justice principles within this microcosm to provide the most successful and empowering experience for each of its members. In order to achieve social justice, group counselors must acknowledge the reality of the social injustices that are bound to permeate the group experience, just as they permeate society. It is also important to note that before group counselors can begin to engage their clients in group process that focuses on the social justice tenets of empowerment, resilience, and equality of members, they also must begin their own process of consciousness development (Lee, 2007). Counselors have noted the importance of teaching self-examination to trainees in developing their clinical skills (Toporek, Lewis, & Crethar, 2009). Kiselica (2004) also noted the importance of self-disclosure in teaching social justice principles to trainees in mental health services: ‘‘When we share our struggles, we become coping role models with whom others can easily identify’’ (p. 847).
INTERSECTIONS OF SOCIAL JUSTICE AND GROUP PROCESS: SUGGESTIONS AND STRATEGIES
For this article, we interviewed three group counselors who work in three different settings to provide perspectives about their work. Their work settings included a college counseling center, a crisis counseling center for survivors of sexual violence, and a private practice. These counselors provided perspectives on their experiences of oppression, marginalization, and related interventions in their provision of group counseling services. We identified common themes across our con- versations with them. Below are the results of our personal communi- cations with the three professionals. Pseudonyms are used when referring to these group counselors.
Be Intentional About Having Diversity of Group Membership and Avoid Representation/ Token Members of a Marginalized Community
Having token members from a particular marginalized group often creates an inability to relate to others, which may increase those members’ feelings of marginalization (Clark, 2002). With less diversity of membership, it is more difficult to create a safe and welcoming space
Burnes and Ross/SOCIAL JUSTICE IN GROUP PROCESS 171
for the discussion of issues like racial discrimination or homoprejudice. The responsibility then falls on the group leader; however, the leader should aspire to create a diverse group through the selection process so that he or she does not need to jump in to mediate conflict based on issues of within-group marginalization. It is preferable to have social justice issues be raised and mediated by group members them- selves. Not only is this strategy a preventative measure, it also indicates that individuals who cannot conduct themselves in a way that is welcoming to all members might not be appropriate for a group counseling setting. These individuals might be better served in individ- ual counseling. Although the group leader should not deny potential members entry into a group if they are a token member of a culturally marginalized group, the leader should aspire to have as diverse a group as possible.
Assess the Group’s Ability to Handle Discussions of Oppression Before Processing Issues of Social Justice—But Always Process These Issues
Group counselors should use pre-screening sessions and the first few sessions of group to assess the degree to which clients can handle discussions of oppression. This assessment can include open-ended questions (e.g., ‘‘How do you feel when there are conversations about racism in a group of people?’’) and a process observation. As an African-American female counselor, Keisha decides how much she wants to process her minority status to validate feelings of oppression and concurrently start a conversation. For example, she often will vali- date clients’ experiences by saying, ‘‘as a woman of color, I can imagine that in that situation you might have been feeling alone or hurt . . .’’ Keisha decides whether or not to do this by gauging the group members’ readiness to validate their own experiences without her intervention. Her preference is to have group members validate one another’s experiences. However, she finds that using her own experi- ences can be helpful for members who might otherwise feel margina- lized because they can feel connected to at least one person in the group and understand they are not alone in their experience.
SEPARATE PSYCHOLOGICAL ISSUES FROM SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED BIASES THAT PLAY OUT IN THE GROUP
Traditional group theory (e.g., Yalom, 1995, 2005) has often patholo- gized particular relational styles of clients in a group based on European, hierarchical ways of connecting and relationships. For
172 THE JOURNAL FOR SPECIALISTS IN GROUP WORK / June 2010
example, specific ways of relating to others (e.g., silence, avoidance of certain topics, not sharing emotion and inner thought processes) have been conceptualized as problematic. However, such ways of relating may also become coping strategies to deal with oppression experienced from other members. Rather than focusing solely on roles that are specific to group process and dynamics, a group counselor with a social justice lens can endeavor to see group members’ roles as shaped by issues of privilege and oppression in addition to the role they have as a group member. Using such a lens can help the group counselor to notice the many roles clients bring into a group that may shape how a client relates in group and how oppression may occur between group members largely based on their experiences of cultural dynamics outside the group. Roysircar (2008) argued for advocacy against patho- logizing relational patterns of group members without understanding members’ larger contexts, noting that counselors, ‘‘[need] to advocate against counseling dynamics that marginalize and oppress group therapy members who are different from other group members as well as from the leader’’ (p. 377). For example, group members who are privileged by virtue of gender, social class, race, or other identity status, may exert privilege by pathologizing ways of relating that are foreign to them, resulting in the creation of a member who acts as ‘‘the scapegoat’’ for the group (Chen, Kakkhad, & Balzano, 2008).
Facilitate Consciousness Raising and Create Awareness of Social Justice in Group Members by Processing Issues of Oppression in the Moment
Mya, a woman group counselor of color, remarks, ‘‘Process in the moment, call it out, talk about what’s happening.’’ Such process can often look like the group leader stopping the content of the group ses- sion and assessing group members’ feelings in reaction to oppressive comments made in the group. Sometimes, group members might discuss an issue of oppression that is more comfortable or familiar to them rather than addressing the type of discrimination that was actually presented by another group member. As counselors are concerned with the success of all group members, group leaders also should remember cohesiveness can be established in a way that benefits all members, and may look different for certain groups. In a culturally or experientially diverse group, certain members may not understand what it means to be oppressed based on a culturally marginalized identity, due to their identification with groups that hold various types of cultural privilege in the larger society. Therefore, true cohesiveness may not be achievable by having these members strive for complete understanding of other, marginalized group members; such
Burnes and Ross/SOCIAL JUSTICE IN GROUP PROCESS 173
‘‘understanding’’ may feel patronizing and further oppressive to already marginalized members. Rather, group counselors should model that some members may not fully understand the experiences of others but can instead validate those experiences and own their own privilege. Less obvious or intentional forms of aggression toward group members can also be damaging, such as the use of heteronorma- tive language or assumptions that all group members come from similar socioeconomic, educational, racial, or religious backgrounds. Similar to above, group counselors can facilitate understanding of how group members’ assumptions about other members may be an application of privilege.
Use Structured Activities to Talk About Issues of Privilege and Oppression
Counselors’ acceptance of silence surrounding issues of privilege and oppression can reinforce and perpetuate members’ social identity privilege (Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008), particularly within the group setting. Instead, we urge counselors to bring exercises into the group process (e.g., thought prompts, questions in which the leader asks all group members to respond) that they can use to bring up issues of privilege and oppression. Asking questions such as, ‘‘How do you think we often marginalize each other in our space together?’’ ‘‘Who do you believe has power in our group today?’’ and ‘‘Why do you believe that this person has power?’’ can help initiate a dialogue about such issues. Further, it is important for group counselors to encourage discussion that is respectful and supportive, as they have an ethical responsibility to create a supportive environment and respect the emotional needs of all group members (Rapin, 2004), including those identified as holding power. As they help all members to acknowledge their roles in the group, counselors can facilitate an authentic, respect- ful discussion about power. Such discussion can help those members who hold power recognize how acknowledging their own privilege and using privilege as a tool to create equality can serve as a catalyst to create social change. Further, this dialogue can help other members to engage in self-examination of their own privilege at their own level of readiness. For example, some group members may acknowledge their privilege in session and brainstorm ways to fight oppression that affect themselves or others in their communities. By listening to these members, other members may use the dialogue as a tool to examine and reflect on their own roles of privilege, oppression and marginaliza- tion. These group members may not yet be ready to fight for equality outside session but have started the process of recognizing their own biases.
174 THE JOURNAL FOR SPECIALISTS IN GROUP WORK / June 2010
CONCLUSION
As advocates for social justice, counselors have a specific call to recognize and address issues of marginalization and resilience as part of the counseling process. Not only do issues of oppression play out in interactions and relationships between and among group members and leaders; counselors also can work within a social justice frame- work to process these dynamics. The strategies communicated by prac- titioners in the field are applicable to all types of group work, including brief groups, psychoeducation, psychotherapy groups, and counseling groups. The limitations of these strategies will depend on the makeup of the individual group. Although this article offers some concrete stra- tegies for practitioners to use, further knowledge of how the constructs of social justice and group counseling process intersect will aid in the conceptualization, practice, and research of multiculturally sensitive, social justice-focused strategies for use in group practice that are supported and validated by research. As the counseling literature does not always make explicit whether or not empirically supported group counseling strategies also promote social justice, practitioners and researchers should seek strategies that are effective both in facilitat- ing positive group counseling outcomes and promoting social justice.
Further, we do not believe that counselors’ social justice practice requires validation in order to be considered effective, as it may not be quantifiable in Eurocentric, reductionistic ways such as traditional methods of measuring counseling outcomes. We urge researchers and counselor educators to continue to explore and investigate intersec- tions between group counseling and social justice to learn more about the ways in which privilege and oppression play a part in the group process and how findings about this phenomenon, whether supported by empirical research or collective understanding, can be incorporated into counselor education programs.
REFERENCES
Arredondo, P., Toporek, R., Brown, S. P., Jones, J., Locke, D. C., Sanchez, J., & Stadler, H. (1996). Operationalization of the multicultural counseling competencies. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 24, 42–78.
Black, L., & Stone, D. (2005). Expanding the definition of privilege: The concept of social privilege. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 33, 243–255.
Brabender, V. (2002). Introduction to group therapy. New York, NY: Wiley. Brown, N. W. (2009). Becoming a group leader. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill=
Pearson. Chen, E. C., Kakkad, D., & Balzano, J. (2008). Multicultural competence and evidence-
based practice in group therapy. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 64, 1261–1278. doi: 10.1002=jclp.20533
Burnes and Ross/SOCIAL JUSTICE IN GROUP PROCESS 175
Clark, A. (2002). Scapegoating: Dynamics and interventions in group counseling. Journal of Counseling & Development, 80, 271–276.
Duran, E., Firehammer, J., & Gonzalez, J. (2008). Liberation psychology as the path toward healing cultural soul wounds. Journal of Counseling and Development, 86, 288–295.
Fambrough, M., & Comerford, S. (2006). The changing epistemological assumptions of group theory. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 42, 330–349.
Kiselica, M. S. (2004). When duty calls: The implications of social justice work for policy, research, education, and practice in the mental health professions. The Counseling Psychologist, 32, 838–854.
Lee, C. C. (Ed.) (2007). Counseling for social justice (2nd ed.). Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association.
Macnair-Semands, R. (2007). Attending to the spirit of social justice as an ethical approach in group therapy. International Journal of Group Psychotherapy, 57, 61–66.
McCabe, P. C., & Rubinson, F. (2008). Committing to social justice: The behavioral intention of school psychology and education trainees to advocate for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered youth. School Psychology Review. Special Issue: Promot- ing Social Justice, 37, 469–486.
Prilleltensky, I., & Nelson, G. (2002). Doing psychology critically: Making a difference in diverse settings. New York, NY: Palgrave-McMillan.
Rapin, L. S. (2004). Guidelines for ethical and legal practice in counseling and psycho- therapy groups. Handbook of group counseling and psychotherapy, 151–165.
Roysircar, G. (2008). A response to ‘‘social privilege, social justice, and group counseling: An inquiry’’: Social privilege: Counselors’ competence with systemically determined inequalities. The Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 33, 377–384. doi: 10.1080=01933920802424456
Smith, L. C., & Shin, R. Q. (2008). Social privilege, social justice, and group counseling: An inquiry. The Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 33, 351–366. doi: 10.1080=01933920802424415
Speight, S., & Vera, E. (2003). Multicultural competence, social justice, and counseling psychology: Expanding our roles. The Counseling Psychologist, 31, 253–272. doi: 10.1177=0011000003031003001
Toporek, R. L., Lewis, J. A., & Crethar, H. C. (2009). Promoting systemic change through the ACA advocacy competencies. Journal of Counseling & Development, 87, 260–268.
Wright, D. J. (2000). College counseling and the needs of multicultural students. In D. C. Davis & K. M. Humphrey (Eds.), College counseling: Issues and strategies for a new millennium (pp. 153–168). Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association.
Yalom, I. D. (1995). The theory and practice of group psychotherapy (4th ed.). New York: Basic.
Yalom, I. D. (2005). The theory and practice of group psychotherapy (5th ed.). New York: Basic.
176 THE JOURNAL FOR SPECIALISTS IN GROUP WORK / June 2010
16.Knight, C.,& Gitterman, A.(2018).Merging Micro and Macro Intervention Social Work Practice with Groups in the Community. Journal of Social Work Education, 54.pdf
Merging Micro and Macro Intervention: Social Work Practice With Groups in the Community Carolyn Knight and Alex Gitterman
ABSTRACT Clinical or micro intervention predominates in social work education and practice. The prevailing assumption in social work practice and education is that one engages in either micro or macro intervention. In this article, we describe how these interventions may be merged into an integrated whole through social work practice with groups. The conceptual and evidence base of community work is summarized, as are efforts to identify practice skills that overlap both approaches. We assert that group work is ideally suited to promote individual empowerment and community change. Case examples illustrate the relative ease with which tasks and skills of group work at the micro level can be used in group work practice in the commu- nity. Implications for social work education are discussed.
ARTICLE HISTORY Accepted: January 2017
Given the intransigent social problems that continue to plague contemporary American society, mobilizing disenfranchised clients has never been more important. This underscores the need for social workers to embrace and engage in macro practice interventions, of which group work in the community is a mainstay. Yet, most social work students and professionals limit themselves to micro or clinical practice. The perspective that predominates in social work education is that students must choose a macro or a micro orientation.
The bifurcation of social work practice results in clinical practitioners and students feeling overwhelmed and powerless to effect change in the social environment, even when they understand the broader social forces that negatively influence clients (Anakwenze & Zuberi, 2013; Dudziak & Profitt, 2012; Essex & Massat, 2005; McLaughlin, 2009). In contrast, social workers who practice at the macro level often lack the requisite skills typically taught in clinical practice courses that are needed to engage and mobilize clients for social change (Netting, 2005; Weiss, 2006). Donaldson (2004) observes,
The profession needs to improve how it marries clinical and macro approaches to social work practice. Social work advocates strengthen their skills and enhance their credibility when they ground their advocacy in direct practice experience. Social work clinicians have a responsibility to advocate for public policy changes that would alleviate the suffering experienced by clients they serve. (p. 160)
In this article we focus on the intervention that readily lends itself to the integration of micro and macro practice: group work in a community context. Case examples are used to illustrate this intersection by identifying tasks and skills that overlap clinical and macro practice.
Community practice: Conceptual foundation and evidence base
Community practice is not the unique purview of social work (Brady & O’Connor, 2014). This may partially explain why a unifying conceptual foundation continues to be debated in the social work literature and is still evolving. Community organizing is the term most commonly used when discussing community practice and is most closely associated with group work in the community
CONTACT Carolyn Knight [email protected] School of Social Work, UMBC, 1000 Hilltop Circle, Baltimore, MD 21250. © 2018 Council on Social Work Education
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 2018, VOL. 54, NO. 1, 3–17 https://doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2017.1404521
(Christens & Speer, 2015). We use the terms community organizing and community practice or intervention interchangeably in this article.
A common theme in the social work literature is the pursuit of social justice and the empower- ment of clients, consistent with the values, ethics, and mission of the profession. Johnson (1998) emphasized the integration of individual, community, and social change when he said that commu- nity change has “multiple meanings, including various types of approaches relating to individuals, families, and groups within neighborhoods, including traditional community organization approaches, community development, social change, and advocacy” (p. 40). Austin, Coombs, and Barr (2005) observed that community practice involves “increasing civic involvement, assisting groups and communities in advocating for their needs, and organizing for social justice to improve the responsiveness of human service systems” (p. 20). Both definitions suggest the role of the social worker is to mobilize clients to work together to effect change within their environment.
Rothman’s (2008) typology has played an instrumental role in conceptualizing macro practice in social work. He identified three modalities: social planning, locality development, and social advo- cacy. Thomas, O’Connor, and Netting (2011) expanded on Rothman’s conceptualization, tying it specifically to community practice:
(1) Traditional. The goal is to “sustain and strengthen the existing community structure” (p. 345). Change strategies are data driven, planned, and deliberative and incremental in nature akin to a social planning approach.
(2) Collaborative. The goal is to “develop community through diverse participation and deci- sion making” and to “promote … understanding within the community” (p. 346). Change strategies include encouraging consensus and compromise, are incremental in nature and are analogous to locality development.
(3) Radical. The goal is to “liberate groups marginalized by oppressive systemic structures [through] radical structural transformation” (p. 347). Change strategies involve mobilizing disenfranchised individuals and challenging systems of oppression and reflect social advocacy.
The traditional and radical approaches are an attempt to make social institutions more respon- sive, but they differ in change strategies. These approaches need not be mutually exclusive. Collaborative practice focuses on the community itself. Brady and O’Connor (2014) noted that community intervention, “has been used to refer to various purposeful activities aimed at helping develop communities, challenge unjust systems and policies, and promote interconnectedness among members” (p. 212).
Because so many perspectives exist on community organizing, developing an evidence base has been difficult (Netting & O’Connor, 2008). The social work literature is replete with anecdotal descriptions of community intervention. Research assessing the effectiveness of specific practice behaviors is scant (Brady & O’Connor, 2014). Available research focuses on two interrelated topics: the impact of organizing efforts on individuals and communities and the outcomes of such efforts.
Christens and Speer (2015) summarized findings relevant to the first topic: “Community organiz- ing can be hypothesized to have ripple effects on community well-being as participants radiate its influences through their institutions and networks” (p. 211). Participation in community organizing initiatives has been found to be positively associated with enhanced feelings of self-efficacy and empowerment, community cohesion, civic engagement, and mental and physical well-being (Christens & Speer, 2015; East & Roll, 2015; Jarrett, Sullivan, & Watkins, 2005; Maton, 2008; Ohmer, 2007; Speer, Peterson, Armstead, & Allen, 2013; Speer, Peterson, Zippay, & Christens, 2010).
Community work also is positively associated with improved social capital and community relationships, enhanced understanding among diverse groups of individuals, and increased commu- nity involvement in local decision making (Christens & Speer, 2011; Doe & Lowery, 2004; Walker & Stepick, 2014). Research that examines the outcomes of community organizing efforts suggests that
4 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
gains are modest and centered primarily on enhanced responsiveness of local institutions and policies (Bezboruah, 2013; Cheezum et al., 2013; Foster-Fishman et al., 2006; Speer & Christens, 2012).
The limited research available on practice skills highlights the importance of the following: forming alliances and coalitions, identifying and nurturing indigenous leaders, creating a leadership structure that can be sustained over time, and helping community members identify and make strategic use of change strategies (Christens, 2010; Christens & Speer, 2011; Foster-Fishman et al., 2006; Mizrahi & Rosenthal, 2001). Findings also point to the challenges associated with these tasks, particularly easing tensions and mistrust among constituencies, sustaining motivation to engage in change strategies over time, and challenging unresponsive institutions (Bezboruah, 2013; Campbell, Cornish, Gibbs, & Scott, 2010; Walker & Stepick, 2014).
Community practice in the social work curriculum
The decline in coverage in macro content specifically and community work particularly has been documented (Deal, Hopkins, Fisher, & Hartin, 2007; Grodofsky & Bakun-Mazor, 2012; Hill, Ferguson, & Erickson, 2010; Koeske, Lichtenwalter, & Koeske, 2005; Weiss, 2006). Students’ pre- paration for community practice has been further compromised by limited opportunities to engage in this intervention in the field practicum (Deal et al., 2007; Ezell, Chernesky, & Healy, 2004; Mendes, 2008; Mor Barak, Travis, & Bess, 2004; Thomas et al., 2011).
This trend is compounded by the focus of the BSW generalist and MSW first-year foundation curricula. In theory, each arena of social work practice receives equal attention, but clinical practice prevails in most schools and programs of social work (Netting, 2005; Sather, Weitz, & Carlson, 2007). Research indicates that community organizers often identify first with this role and second as social workers (Hill et al., 2010). These individuals appear to be less interested in developing competence in practice skills and strategies, preferring instead to focus on the outcomes of their efforts (Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009; et al., 2012). These findings reflect the impact that limited education and training, coupled with the lack of a comprehensive theoretical framework, has for community practice in social work (Dooley, Seller, & Gordon-Hempe, 2009; Netting, 2005).
The confluence of micro and macro practice skills
Efforts have been undertaken to identify skill sets that overlap macro and clinical practice (Austin, Anthony, Knee, & Mathias, 2016). Austin et al. (2005) identified practice skills that are common to clinical and macro practice, which include
● relationship building, including engagement, establishing trust and a partnership with the client/ or community members;
● assessment of interactions between client and community and the environment; ● contracting, including identifying and monitoring change strategies; ● use of self to promote client and community member empowerment; ● use of empathy; and ● cultural sensitivity.
Gutierrez, Alvarez, Nemon, and Lewis (1996) expanded on the importance of cultural sensitivity in the context of community practice. They asserted that this involves the ability to “learn from the community, which involves understanding one’s own and the community’s culture and social location, recognizing and building from community strengths, working as a partner, and dealing with conflict in and between groups” (p. 503). They further noted that the practitioner must identify “areas of positive functioning, particularly those that have been unnoticed or unrewarded, and using them as a basis for the organizing effort” (p. 503).
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 5
Hardina and Obel-Jorgensen (2009) identified eight skill sets necessary for macro practice and parallel them with those that are used in clinical practice:
● self-awareness and cultural competence ● engagement ● problem identification and assessment ● facilitating self-determination and empowerment ● verbal and written communication ● weighing the ethical implications of strategies ● evaluating outcomes
These efforts show great promise, but they have yet to be incorporated in a systematic way into the social work curriculum or as the subject of empirical inquiry (Austin et al., 2016; Mertz, Fortune, & Zendell, 2007). The case examples presented later in this article demonstrate the overlap of clinical and macro skills in the modality that is particularly well suited to micro and macro integration— group work.
Group work practice in the community
Group work is a powerful modality for promoting community improvement, individual empower- ment, and social justice (Hays, Arredondo, Gladding, & Toporek, 2010; Ratts, Anthony, & Santos, 2010; Staples, 2012). It exemplifies how clinical and macro practice may be merged into a seamless whole.
The model of community group work proposed in this article reflects what has been referred to as a “bottom-up approach” (Bezboruah, 2013, p. 15). The need and impetus for change originates in the community. It reflects a mix of Rothman’s (2008) locality development and social change and includes elements of traditional, collaborative, and radical approaches to community intervention (Thomas et al., 2011).
Analogous to the transformation of social work practice, generally contemporary group work primarily focuses on promoting change in individual members. Group work scholars have bemoaned the fact that the modality has lost its way, focusing more on individuals than on environmental and social forces that negatively affect them (Breton, 2012; Cohen & Mullender, 2006; Gitterman & Knight, 2016; Hays et al., 2010).
Increasing attention has been focused on identifying ways that group work can be used to move beyond the personal to the political (Dudziak & Profitt, 2012; Gitterman & Knight, 2016; Mullender, Ward, & Fleming, 2013; Ratts et al., 2010; Shin et al., 2010). The concept of mutual aid is central to understanding the role that group participation plays in promoting individual functioning and improving community life.
Theoretical underpinnings: Mutual aid
In social work practice with groups, members’ relationships with one another are the primary source of growth and assistance. This takes several forms, including normalizing and validating members’ experiences, members supporting and making demands for change from one another, and enhanced feelings of esteem that come from being accepted and understood by others “in the same boat” (Shulman, 2016, p. 347). In most cases, these benefits are associated with improvement in individual functioning, but they are equally relevant to groups formed for community improvement (Donaldson, 2004; Hays et al., 2010; Ratts et al., 2010).
Group work in the community has the distinct advantage reflected in the adage that there is power in numbers. Individuals working in partnership with one another are better able to improve their social environments than if they worked alone (Breton, 2012; Staples, 2012). Consistent with
6 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
what community organizers argue, the mutual aid model of group work assumes that working in partnership with others is empowering in and of itself and has the added benefit of promoting social change.
The following case example reveals the consequences of not recognizing the importance of individual empowerment through collective action. One of co-author Carolyn Knight’s students was placed in a day program for homeless men. Agencies in the region were organizing a rally at the state capital to advocate for increased funding for homeless services. The director of the student’s agency decided that all clients in the program should be part of the rally to provide a face for homelessness. If clients refused to attend, they would be unable to receive any services at the agency the day of the rally. Many of the clients had their assistance checks sent to the agency because they had no fixed address. Clients’ checks would be distributed only after clients attended the rally or, for those who did not attend, when the clients and staff returned from the rally.
Most clients attended but did little more than stand around talking among themselves. No attempt was made to involve them in the lobbying and advocacy activities that took place. The rally was successful in increasing funding in the state budget. But, the experience did not enhance feelings of empowerment among the homeless individuals; rather, it further disempowered and alienated them. The student’s clients, whom she met in a weekly drop-in group, expressed anger at having been forced to attend the event. The predominant sentiment was a feeling of being exploited.
This illustration serves as a cautionary tale to social workers engaged in community group work. Members must feel a sense of we-ness, a sense of belonging and of being in it together. This shared perspective drives and is the foundation of collective action. Members must feel they have a stake in the work, whether directed at improvements in themselves, in their social environment, or both.
Tasks and skills in community group work
Groups formed for community change exist on a continuum (Austin et al., 2005; Bhat, 2010; Cohen & Mullender, 2006; Staples, 2012). They range from those focused on improving community life for members to those that attempt to effect broader sociopolitical change beyond the members’ com- munity. Regardless of where community group work falls on the continuum, the social worker attends to six tasks, which are identified through case examples in this article, as are the skills that integrate clinical and macro practice (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009; Mertz et al., 2007).
Recruiting and mobilizing individuals for collective action
Although not all community group work involves disadvantaged clients, this is often the case, and these groups most clearly reflect the mission and purpose of social work. Community group work can be quite challenging, as the research on community organizing reveals (Bezboruah, 2013; Campbell et al., 2010; Walker & Stepick, 2014).
Clients from disadvantaged and impoverished circumstances have learned through repeated experiences with socioeconomic barriers that efforts to improve their circumstances are unlikely to be successful. In response, they often adopt a worldview characterized by an external locus of control (Cohen, 2009; Sullivan & Larrison, 2003). This is exemplified in the following statement of a client one of us worked with in a homeless shelter when she was talking about finding affordable housing: “Why bother? What’s the point of me looking? Nothing has ever worked out for me before. Why should I think that it would work out now?”
This frame of reference often is misunderstood and viewed as a lack of motivation or apathy. An external locus of control, also known as psychological impotence, is a coping mechanism that reflects an individual’s experiences with economic disadvantage, oppression, and discrimination (Black & Stone, 2005; Smith & Shin, 2008). If the social worker is going to be successful in recruiting individuals to work together, she or he must be prepared to directly address members’ core beliefs
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 7
about their powerlessness. Before members can engage in collective action, their frustration, skepti- cism, and anger must be acknowledged. As Austin et al. (2005) noted, this requires the use of a basic skill that bridges clinical and macro practice—empathy.
In some cases, members’ feelings of hopelessness may be directed at the social worker. The following occurred in a group co-author Carolyn Knight facilitates in a residential shelter for homeless families. One of the members, Shirley, announced that she had secured employment and had already found housing for her and her three children. Two weeks later, Shirley came in to the group angry and upset, saying that the job had fallen through and that she was back to square one. Shirley angrily confronted co-author Knight: “I knew it was too good to be true! You keep telling us that we can make things better for ourselves, but that’s just bullshit! Ain’t nothing going to change.” Other members loudly voiced their agreement. The members’ anger reflected deeply ingrained beliefs that they could not make a difference in their lives, a belief borne out in their past and current experiences.
Addressing members’ concerns about the worker
The members’ anger toward co-author Carolyn Knight reflected a second task of the social worker, that is, acknowledging questions about the worker’s ability to understand and be helpful, given his or her very different social realities. This requires use of relationship building skills and cultural competence, skills that overlap in clinical and macro practice (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel- Jorgensen, 2009).
The social worker’s contribution stems from an understanding of how group membership can harness the collective power that members possess, even when they don’t themselves believe this. Members will question the social worker’s credibility as well as whether they will be judged for the situations in which they find themselves. The social worker must be prepared to address privilege and how this affects members’ views of her or him and their willingness to engage in a working relationship (Hays et al., 2010). When members voice their concerns about the social worker’s credibility and trustworthiness, this fosters engagement among members and between members and the worker.
In the following example, the social worker anticipates potential members’ reservations about her and about the possibility that they can make a difference. As she engages in “anticipatory empathy” (Gitterman, 2005, p. 78), she is poised to address these concerns when they surface. The setting is a residential program for homeless male veterans. The typical resident is an African American man who has had significant problems with substance abuse; a number have been incarcerated, typically for drug-related offenses. The goal of the program is to help residents find gainful employment as well as independent housing. The paucity of affordable housing, coupled with the resistance many employers have toward hiring ex-convicts, made it difficult for many of the men to leave the shelter.
Joanne, a young White woman, decided to organize one group session for men who have served time in jail to brainstorm what they could do to address the concerns of local employers about hiring them. Joanne distributed flyers to all residents inviting them to attend the session and personally invited as many men as she knew who might benefit from attending the group meeting. Most expressed skepticism and disinterest, but 10 men showed up.
Joanne opened the session with the following statement,
Thanks so much for coming. I bet many of you are wondering what you can possibly do to make a difference, to get an employer to give you a chance. And I also bet that some, maybe all, of you wonder what the hell I am doing here! The reality is that by yourselves, you haven’t gotten very far when it comes to getting hired. What I am thinking is that if we all band together, we can come up with ideas about how to persuade employers to give you a chance. And that’s how I can be helpful: helping you to work together to find a solution to the challenges you face.
The student’s introduction reflects the intersection of four micro and macro practice skills: self- awareness, cultural competency, empathy, and relationship building (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina &
8 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
Obel-Jorgensen, 2009). Joanne’s acknowledgment of members’ reservations fostered trust and set the tone for creating a partnership with them.
Joanne’s comments were initially met with silence and side conversations in which the men laughed and joked with one another. In response, she said,
I get that what I am saying sounds like bullshit, particularly coming from me—this young White girl who has a job and who has never been arrested, much less served time in jail. But, I truly believe that if you guys work together you can make a difference. Maybe the place to start is with your honest thoughts and feelings about what I am saying.
Joanne’s comments prompted a heated discussion of the men’s pessimism and their beliefs that their efforts would be wasted. Joanne suggested, “At least think about what you could do to convince people to give you a chance.” After two more meetings, and input from administrative staff, the members settled on a plan to invite potential employers to the agency to meet with them firsthand.
Two additional meetings preceded the planned job fair in which members practiced their interviewing skills, learned how to conduct themselves during this process, discussed ways to persuade employers to give them a chance, and worked on their résumés. Members of the group personally contacted potential employers and invited them to the shelter for the event. The group members also made up flyers that described the job fair and distributed them to businesses and organizations in the local area. From the perspective of staff and clients alike, the job fair was a success. It resulted in the creation of ongoing partnerships between employers and the shelter, and several of the members did in fact secure employment. These additional clinical and macro skills are reflected in Joanne’s actions: contracting, identifying problems and change strategies, and facilitating self-determination and empowerment (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009). Her ability to “monitor the group” (Knight, 2014, p. 30), a basic group work skill, allowed her to observe members’ initial reactions to her and to her proposal and respond directly to them. She understood the concept of the “two-client paradigm” (Shulman, 2016, p. 345). Joanne had two clients: each individual member of the group and the group as a whole.
Joanne anticipated and tuned in to her own assumptions about her clients’ dilemmas, reflecting the clinical or macro skill of self-awareness (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009). If the social worker is going to be successful at engaging individuals who are caught up in a cycle of self-defeating thinking and behaving, she or he must be able to see the broader socioeconomic forces that have created the challenges they face. The group social worker does not ignore the bad choices members may have made; rather, she or he is attuned to the political nature of clients’ personal struggles. Joanne admitted that she found herself getting frustrated and exasperated at members’ bad choices and their “lack of motivation,” even as she understood the underlying forces that were at play. The members themselves must appreciate the sociopolitical context of their challenges if they are going to be motivated to act.
Enhancing members’ critical consciousness
The social worker’s tasks make the transition from helping members see the potential for change to recognizing their underlying similarities. The social worker helps members engage in what has been referred to as “critical-consciousness raising” as a way of “liberat[ing] clients from self-blame” (Hays et al., 2010, p. 182). This allows members of groups to consider the ways their common struggles can be addressed through collective action (Burnes & Ross, 2010). Members are helped to develop a “universal perspective” (Shulman, 2016, p. 348), whereby they see that their personal struggles, which may appear to be different on the surface, reflect underlying common experiences with oppression, discrimination, and limited opportunities (Burnes & Ross, 2010; Itzhaky & Bustin, 2002). This task is evident in the following scenario.
One of our students was placed in an elementary school in an impoverished area of the inner city. His work involved working with children identified as having behavioral and emotional problems. A
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 9
significant problem that the school staff had reported was the state of the school’s playground. Despite efforts to keep it safe, staff members were continually picking up trash, discarded needles, bullet casings, and the like. James observed that in his meetings with several parents, similar concerns were expressed. The parents and guardians were reluctant to let their children play on the playground for safety reasons. Tanya, James’s field instructor, tasked him with coming up with a strategy to involve parents in a cleanup effort at the playground and ensure that it stayed that way.
James contacted parents of his clients and explained the school’s concerns about the playground and asked if they would be interested in finding a solution. A meeting was planned at the school at a time that suited most of the individuals who expressed interest. Twelve parents and guardians attended. James and Tanya began by reiterating the school’s concerns about the playground and explaining the purpose of the meeting. They were immediately interrupted by parents’ angry exchanges with one another. James and Tanya quickly discovered that long-simmering tensions existed among some of the parents over drug dealing in the neighborhood, loud music, out-of- control youths, and discarded trash and debris. Two members were targeted because they were viewed as the cause of the neighborhood’s problems.
Tanya acknowledged the anger but said,
You all live in very tough circumstances. It sounds like you want to make your homes and your neighborhood safe for yourselves and your children, but it’s an uphill battle. It’s easy to just blame your neighbors, to turn on each other. But the reality is that the City has basically abandoned you. Think about why you are here … the unsafe nature of the playground. Your children have a right to a safe space to play. If the City isn’t going to do anything about it, then maybe it’s up to you guys to work together to make things better. We’re hoping that you can put your differences aside to tackle something you all care about.
Tanya’s intervention is consistent with research in community organizing that suggests the need for the professional to bridge differences and promote mutual understanding (Christens & Speer, 2011; Doe & Lowery, 2004). Her comments also reflect the clinical and macro skills of empathizing with members’ frustration, identifying problems of mutual concern, and assisting them in establish- ing partnerships among the members and between the members and the social worker (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009). Tanya also employed a basic group work skill: She directly addressed the scapegoating that members’ actions reflected. She understood that if the parents were to work together, they needed to recognize that all of them, including the two women who had been targeted, were in the same boat. Tanya accomplished this through the group work skills of pointing out commonalities and linking the individual to the group and the group to the individual.
Helping members identify strategies for community change
Groups engaged in community change may only meet for one time; others may meet for a specified number of sessions, and others may go on indefinitely. In all cases, the group social worker is tasked with helping members of the group identify collective strategies that are likely to be successful and simultaneously empowering to them. Research in successful community organizing underscores the importance of this task (Foster-Fishman et al., 2006).
As group members come to see the broader forces that shape their lives, their anger can fuel a desire to act but may lead to proposals that are unrealistic and beyond the abilities of members to achieve. Social workers and clients alike must recognize that change is typically piecemeal, consistent with the research findings in community organizing (Cheezum et al., 2013; Speer & Christens, 2012). However, small changes lead to more significant ones. “Organizing for social justice entails ‘looking at the big picture’ and then ‘connecting the dots’ to immediate, specific and realistic goals and objectives that can make concrete improvements in the lives of members of marginalized and oppressed groups” (Staples, 2012, p. 294).
In the example of the parents’ group, James and Tanya assisted members in putting aside their differences to begin to work together to do something about the playground. In a subsequent
10 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
meeting, attended by even more parents and caregivers, members directed their anger at city leaders, including the mayor, city council, and law enforcement. They became animated and put forward a range ideas such as taking photos of the playground and sending them to city officials and the media, organizing a protest at city hall, petitioning their local councilwoman, and picking up trash in the playground and dumping in on the steps of city hall.
Each of these strategies has merit, but James and Tanya worried that none would make a difference or lead to an immediate improvement in the playground. They also worried that if one or more of these strategies were followed and none were successful, the parents would become discouraged and lose interest. As previously noted by others, there here are challenges associated with maintaining momentum (Alinsky, 1971; Bhat, 2010; Staples, 2012). Research in community organizing reinforces the need to sustain motivation over time (Bezboruah, 2013; Campbell et al., 2010).
Consistent with locality development, James and Tanya suggested that members consider taking on the task of cleaning up and monitoring the status of the playground, encouraging them to discuss how this could be done, and determining what resources would be needed to make this happen. By locating the solution to the problem in the group members themselves, the workers were promoting self-empowerment as well as collective action (Donaldson, 2004; Hays et al., 2010). Findings of community organizing efforts support the importance of these outcomes (East & Roll, 2015; Speer et al., 2010; Speer et al., 2013).
An essential skill in clinical and macro practice is working in partnership with clients to identify strategies that are realistic and likely to be successful (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009). The challenge for the social worker is to balance respect for members’ ideas and contributions with helping them settle on actions that have the potential to be effective. The group social worker offers, but does not dictate, the direction members choose to take. “When community members are actively involved in decision-making processes, there usually will be greater ‘buy-in’ and coopera- tion….The lived expertise and local knowledge that [members] bring to the problem-solving process usually result in better ideas and solutions” (Staples, 2012, p. 288). The worker needs to be persistent in encouraging members to come up with ideas, given deeply held views that they cannot make a difference.
The parents and caregivers group illustrates what members bring to any community intervention. The group decided to hold a cleanup day at the playground that ended with a block party. Group members solicited donations of food, drinks, and supplies from local business owners and a large grocery chain. The nephew of another group member was a deejay who donated his time to the event, and a corner grocery provided large trash bags and gloves for the cleanup. A collection was taken up in the school itself, and staff contributed more than $150.00. Several group members solicited donations of cash and goods from their churches and other community leaders.
Enhancing the likelihood that members’ efforts will be successful
The social worker must take steps to ensure that members are prepared for the undertaking they have decided on. Joanne assisted her group’s members with developing their interviewing skills and writing their résumés, emphasizing how their military experience prepared them for employ- ment. In the case of the parents and caregivers group, once members got on board with the effort, James and Tanya spent time in group sessions working out the details of the cleanup and block party to follow. In doing so, they enhanced the likelihood that the community effort would be successful.
Sustaining the group’s efforts over time
Groups in the community may be limited to addressing a specific social problem or may continue over time to address future challenges or sustain changes that have already occurred. The veterans’
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 11
group in the shelter is an example of the first type. The parents and caregivers group reflects a variation on the second type.
Initially, Tanya and James and the members themselves envisioned the group as solely focused on cleaning up the playground. However, the workers and members quickly realized that it wasn’t enough to engage in a one-time cleanup; within a week, trash once again appeared. The members themselves asked to meet again with James and Tanya to see what could be done about keeping the playground clean over time. With their assistance, the group set up a network of volunteers to check the playground on a regular basis, recruiting other neighbors to participate in this endeavor.
A goal that is emphasized in the community and locality development literature is the creation of a leadership structure that grows out of the collective action of individuals and becomes self- sustaining (Grodofsky & Bakun-Mazor, 2012; Ohmer, 2010; Staples, 2009). Research on community organizing underscores the importance of this goal (Foster-Fishman, et. al., Mizrahi & Rosenthal, 2001). Although it is a worthy objective, it may not always be possible, particularly in those instances when the social worker practices at the micro level. At a minimum, the worker assists members in recognizing the gains they have made collectively and individually, reflect on what went right and what went wrong, and identify further work, consistent with the clinical and macro skill of evaluating outcomes (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009).
In their last session with the group, James and Tanya pointed out the group’s accomplishments, which extended well beyond the clean playground. At the end of the school year, a fun fair took place, which resulted in community residents becoming better acquainted with one another and participation in school activities improving as more parents and caregivers demonstrated greater interest in what their children were doing and learning. The workers also assisted members in identifying resources in their community they could call on to assist with future projects, including many of the individuals who contributed to the initial block party like clergy, local shopkeepers, a family-owned funeral home, and a large chain grocery store. The results of this effort are consistent with research findings in community organizing that demonstrate its positive impact on self- empowerment and collective empowerment, community cohesion, and civic engagement (Christens & Speer, 2011; Doe & Lowery, 2004; Walker & Stepick, 2014).
Implications for social work education
Many social workers, including those skilled in and practicing group work, have failed to see how they can integrate micro and macro interventions. We have demonstrated how easily this can be done using the group modality in a community context. Attention must be devoted to each of the following three considerations if the profession’s mission to pursue social justice is to be fully realized.
Decrease the micro/macro divide
Social work educators must eradicate the either-or perspective that has come to define social work practice: One either practices clinical work or engages in macro intervention. We argue that this is an artificial distinction and have begun to identify teaching strategies that help students see the how they can blend micro and macro interventions (Dooley et al., 2009; Dudziak & Profitt, 2012; Gitterman, 2005).
Student competencies that reflect an integration of both arenas of social work practice have yet to be clearly articulated (Austin et al., 2016; Gamble, 2011; Regehr et al., 2012), although others have identified overlapping skill sets for micro and macro interventions (Austin et al., 2005; Hardina & Obel-Jorgensen, 2009; Mertz et al., 2007). The case examples in this article illustrate the relative ease of merging these skill sets through social work practice with groups. Highlighting skills that are relevant for both arenas of practice provides an effective starting point for developing competencies.
12 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
Classroom education must be complemented by field opportunities that help students merge clinical and macro practice. Evidence suggests that even among students who intend to practice at the macro level, their practicum experiences often fall short, possibly because of the lack of preparation of the field instructor (Deal et al., 2007; Mor Barak et al., 2004). This research suggests that field instructors will need guidance in how to merge clinical and macro practice activities. Continuing education workshops hosted by social work schools and programs would be one way to assist these individuals.
Additional attention must be directed at evaluating the effectiveness of interventions primarily oriented toward the macro environment like community practice. Some have noted that efforts to develop an evidence base for macro practice lags far beyond that of clinical practice (Coulton, 2005; Ohmer & Korr, 2006; Shapiro et al., 2013). As educators and practitioners work to integrate core skills of clinical and macro practice, this should lead to a greater focus on assessing the effectiveness of interventions that are associated with the wider social environment.
Enhance teaching of social work practice with groups
In this article and elsewhere (Gitterman & Knight, 2016), we assert that group work is an ideal modality for improving social functioning at the individual and community levels. There is abundant evidence that relative to other areas of practice, most notably casework, the group modality is receiving far less attention in the social work classroom and field practicum (Goodman, Knight, & Khuododov, 2014; Simon & Kilbane, 2014; Sweifach, 2014).
If group work is to achieve its full potential as a vehicle for change, the social worker must have a firm grasp of group work principles, methods, and skills. Resources such as the practice standards of the International Association for Social Work With Groups (2015) provide educators with valuable guidance in this area. Field instructors also will need assistance because research indicates that like their students, their understanding of the modality is limited (Goodman, Knight, & Khuododov, 2014).
Develop university–community partnerships
The community organizing literature includes examples of community outreach partnership centers (COPC). Most of the programs described in the literature do not originate in schools of social work but rather are housed in nursing, public health, and medical schools. This might reflect the health- related goals of many of these efforts and the availability of federal funding to support them.
University–community partnerships focus on engaging “in the struggle for social change … to challenge social inequalities and oppressive power” (Fisher & Shragge, 2000, p. 2). These partner- ships have different bureaucratic structures, missions, and goals, but they share a commitment to using the resources of the academic institution to improve local communities (Baiardi, Brush, & Lapides, 2010; Carney, Maltby, Mackin, & Maksym, 2011). Communities avail themselves of the knowledge, expertise, and material resources housed in a university setting (Ibanez-Carrasco & Riano-Alcala, 2011). Emphasis is placed on developing collaborative, egalitarian relationships with community representatives, consistent with the mission and purpose of the social work profession (Cherry & Shefner, 2004).
The COPCs often include a research component, designed to assess community needs and strengths and evaluate outcomes of collaborative efforts (Doe & Lowery, 2004; Stoecker, 2012). Emphasis is placed on participatory, action-based research that enhances individual and community well-being (Bilodeau et al., 2009; Israel et al., 2010; Ross et al., 2010). Some also emphasize the role that action-based research can play in informing and modifying social policy (Petersen et al., 2006).
The COPCs sponsored by schools and programs of social work would be an ideal way of providing students with opportunities to merge clinical practice and macro interventions and to train field instructors in how to do this. Student involvement in community-based action research
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 13
would enhance their appreciation for the role research plays in practice (Ibanez-Carrasco & Riano- Alcala, 2011). Sponsoring a COPC has the added advantage of modeling the profession’s goal of promoting social justice.
The COPCs are not without their challenges. Faculty involvement is critical to their success, which must be reflected in tenure and promotion decisions (Seifer & Calleson, 2004). In theory, the COPCs are designed to empower communities and the citizens who live in them. However, examples abound where the academic institution maintained overall control, reinforcing the very disenfranchisement that such programs are designed to eradicate (Breslin et al., 2011; Drahota et al., 2016).
Conclusion
Group work is ideally suited to promote client empowerment and community change. As the case material in this article reveals, the modality serves as an instructive model for how clinical and macro practice can be merged and integrated into a cohesive whole. The challenge to social work educators is twofold. First, far greater attention must be devoted to identifying and emphasizing practice skills that define micro and macro practice. Second, group work must once again become an integral component of the generalist, foundation, and advanced social work curricula. Social work schools and programs have the added responsibility of developing partnerships with disadvantaged com- munities to provide learning opportunities for students and field instructors and further the mission of the profession.
Notes on contributors
Carolyn Knight is Professor of Social Work at University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Alex Gitterman is Professor of Social Work at University of Connecticut.
References
Alinsky, S. (1971). Rules for radicals. New York, NY: Random House. Anakwenze, U., & Zuberi, D. (2013). Mental health and poverty in the inner city. Health and Social Work, 38, 147–157. Austin, M., Anthony, E., Knee, R. T., & Mathias, J. (2016). Revisiting the relationship between micro and macro social
work practice. Families in Society, 97, 270–277. doi:10.1606/1044-3894.2016.97.33 Austin, M., Coombs, M., & Barr, B. (2005). Community-centered clinical practice: Is the integration of micro and
macro social work practice possible? Journal of Community Practice, 13, 9–30. doi:10.1300/J125v13n04_02 Baiardi, J. M., Brush, B. L., & Lapides, S. (2010). Common issues, different approaches: Strategies for
community-academic partnership development. Nursing Inquiry, 17, 289–296. doi:10.1111/nin.2010.17.issue-4 Bezboruah, K. C. (2013). Community organizing for health care: An analysis of the process. Journal of Community
Practice, 21, 9–27. doi:10.1080/10705422.2013.788328 Bhat, C. S. (2010). Assisting unemployed adults find suitable work: A group intervention embedded in community and
grounded in social action. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 246–254. doi:10.1080/01933922.2010.492898 Bilodeau, R., Gilmore, J., Jones, L., Palmisano, G., Banks, T., Tinney, B., & Lucas, G. I. (2009). Putting the “commu-
nity” into community-based participatory research: A commentary. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 37, S192–S194. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2009.08.019
Black, L. L., & Stone, D. (2005). Expanding the definition of privilege: The concept of social privilege. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 33, 243–255. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1912.2005.tb00020.x
Brady, S., & O’Connor, M. K. (2014). Understanding how community organizing leads to social change: The beginning development of formal practice theory. Journal of Community Practice, 22, 210–228. doi:10.1080/ 10705422.2014.901263
Breslin, E., Stefl, M., Yarbrough, S., Frazor, D., Bullard, K., Light, K., … Lowe, A. (2011). Creating and sustaining academic–practice partnerships: Lessons learned. Journal of Professional Nursing, 27, 33–40. doi:10.1016/j. profnurs.2011.08.008
Breton, M. (2012). Small steps toward social justice. Social Work With Groups, 35, 205–217. doi:10.1080/ 01609513.2011.624369
14 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
Burnes, T. R., & Ross, K. L. (2010). Applying social justice to oppression and marginalization in group process: Interventions and strategies for group counselors. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 169–176. doi:10.1080/ 01933921003706014
Campbell, C., Cornish, F., Gibbs, A., & Scott, K. (2010). Heeding the push from below: How do social movements persuade the rich to listen to the poor? Journal of Health Psychology, 15, 962–971. doi:10.1177/1359105310372815
Carney, J. K., Maltby, H. J., Mackin, K. A., & Maksym, M. E. (2011). Community–Academic partnerships: How can communities benefit? American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 41(Suppl. 4), S206–S213. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2011.05.020
Cheezum, R. R., Coombe, C. M., Israel, B. A., McGranaghan, R. J., Burris, A. N., Grant-White, S., … Anderson, M. (2013). Building community capacity to advocate for policy change: An outcome evaluation of the neighborhoods working in partnership project in Detroit. Journal of Community Practice, 21, 228–247. doi:10.1080/ 10705422.2013.811624
Cherry, D. J., & Shefner, J. (2004). Addressing barriers to university-community collaboration: Organizing by experts or organizing the experts? Journal of Community Practice, 12, 219–233. doi:10.1300/J125v12n03_13
Christens, B. (2010). Public relationship building in grassroots community organizing: Relational intervention for individual and systems change. Journal of Community Psychology, 38, 886–900. doi:10.1002/jcop.20403
Christens, B., & Speer, P. (2011). Contextual influences on participation in community organizing: A multilevel longitudinal study. American Journal of Community Psychology, 47, 253–263. doi:10.1007/s10464-010-9393-y
Christens, B., & Speer, P. (2015). Community organizing: Practice, research, and policy implications. Social Issues and Policy Review, 9, 193–222. doi:10.1111/sipr.2015.9.issue-1
Cohen, A. (2009). Welfare clients’ volunteering as a means of empowerment. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 38, 522–534. doi:10.1177/0899764008320196
Cohen, M. B,, & Mullender, A. (2006). The personal in the political: Exploring the group work continuum from individual to social change goals. Social Work With Groups, 28, 187–204. doi:10.1300/J009v28n03_13
Coulton, C. (2005). The place of community in social work practice research: Conceptual and methodological developments. Social Work Research, 29, 73–86. doi:10.1093/swr/29.2.73
Deal, K. H., Hopkins, K. M., Fisher, L., & Hartin, J. (2007). Field practicum experiences of macro-oriented graduate students: Are we doing them justice? Administration in Social Work, 31, 41–58. doi:10.1300/J147v31n04_05
Doe, S. S. J., & Lowery, D. (2004). The role of evaluation in developing community-based interventions: A COPC project. Journal of Community Practice, 12, 71–88. doi:10.1300/J125v12n03_05
Donaldson, L. P. (2004). Toward validating the therapeutic benefits of empowerment-oriented social action groups. Social Work With Groups, 27, 159–175. doi:10.1300/J009v27n02_11
Dooley, J., Seller, S., & Gordon-Hempe, C. (2009). Lemons to lemonade: How five challenges in teaching macro practice helped to strengthen our course. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 29, 431–448. doi:10.1080/ 08841230903249760
Drahota, A., Meza, R. D., Brikho, B., Naaf, M., Estabillo, J. A., Gomez, E. D., … Aarons, G. A. (2016). Community- academic partnerships: A systematic review of the state of the literature and recommendations for future research. Milbank Quarterly, 94, 163–214. doi:10.1111/1468-0009.12184
Dudziak, S., & Profitt, N. (2012). Group work and social justice: Designing pedagogy for social change. Social Work With Groups, 35, 235–252. doi:10.1080/01609513.2011.624370
East, J. F., & Roll, S. (2015). Women, poverty, and trauma: An empowerment practice approach. Social Work, 60, 279–286. doi:10.1093/sw/swv030
Essex, E., & Massat, C. (2005). Preparing school social workers for their wider role: Policy as practice. School Social Work Journal, 29, 25–39.
Ezell, M., Chernesky, R. H., & Healy, L. M. (2004). The learning climate for administration students. Administration in Social Work, 28, 57–76. doi:10.1300/J147v28n01_05
Fisher, R., & Shragge, E. (2000). Challenging community organizing: Facing the 21st century. Journal of Community Practice, 8, 1–19. doi:10.1300/J125v08n03_01
Foster-Fishman, P., Fitzgerald, K., Brandell, C., Nowell, B., Chavis, D., & Van Egeren, L. (2006). Mobilizing residents for action: The role of small wins and strategic supports. Journal of Community Psychology, 38, 143–152.
Gamble, D. N. (2011). Advanced concentration macro competencies for social work practitioners: Identifying knowl- edge, values, judgment, and skills to promote human well-being. Journal of Community Practice, 19, 369–402. doi:10.1080/10705422.2011.625914
Gitterman, A. (2005). Group formation: Tasks, methods, and skills. In A. Gitterman & L. Shulman (Eds.), Mutual aid groups, vulnerable & resilient populations, and the life cycle (3rd ed., pp. 73–110). New York: Columbia University Press.
Gitterman, A., & Knight, C. (2016). Empowering clients to have an impact on their environment: Social work practice with groups. Families in Society, 97, 278–286.
Goodman, H., Knight, C., & Khuododov, K. (2014). Graduate social work students’ involvement in group work in the field and classroom. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 34, 60–78.
Grodofsky, M. M., & Bakun-Mazor, H. (2012). Teaching community organizing in a BSW curriculum. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 32, 174–189. doi:10.1080/08841233.2012.667751
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 15
Gutierrez, L., Alvarez, A., Nemon, H., & Lewis, E. (1996). Multicultural community organizing: A strategy for change. Social Work, 41, 501–508.
Hardina, D., & Obel-Jorgensen, R. (2009). Increasing social action competency: A framework for supervision. Journal of Policy Practice, 8, 89–109. doi:10.1080/15588740902740074
Hays, D. G., Arredondo, P., Gladding, S. T., & Toporek, R. L. (2010). Integrating social justice in group work: The next decade. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 177–206. doi:10.1080/01933921003706022
Hill, K. M., Ferguson, S. M., & Erickson, C. (2010). Sustaining and strengthening a macro identity: The association of macro practice social work. Journal of Community Practice, 18, 513–527. doi:10.1080/10705422.2010.519684
Ibanez-Carrasco, F., & Riano-Alcala, P. (2011). Organizing community-based research knowledge between universities and communities: Lessons learned. Community Development Journal, 46, 72–88. doi:10.1093/cdj/bsp041
International Association for Social Work With Groups. (2015). Standards for social work practice with groups. Retrieved from http://www.iaswg.org/standards
Israel, B. A., Coombe, C. M., Cheezum, R. R., Schulz, A. J., McGranaghan, R. J., Lichtenstein, R., … Burris, A. (2010). Community-based participatory research: A capacity-building approach for policy advocacy aimed at eliminating health disparities. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 2094–2102. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2009.170506
Itzhaky, H., & Bustin, E. (2002). Strengths and pathological perspectives in community social work. Journal of Community Practice, 10, 61–73. doi:10.1300/J125v10n03_04
Jarrett, R., Sullivan, P., & Watkins, N. (2005). Developing social capital through participation in organized youth programs: Qualitative insights from three programs. Journal of Community Psychology, 33, 41–55. doi:10.1002/ jcop.20038
Johnson, A. (1998). The revitalization of community practice: Characteristics, competencies, and curricula for community-based services. Journal of Community Practice, 5, 37–62. doi:10.1300/J125v05n03_03
Knight, C. (2014). Teaching group work in the generalist practice curriculum: Core concepts and principles. Social Work with Groups, 37, 23–35.
Koeske, G. F., Lichtenwalter, S., & Koeske, R. D. (2005). Social workers’ current and desired involvement in various practice activities: Expectations and implications. Administration in Social Work, 29, 63–84. doi:10.1300/J147v29n02_05
Maton, K. I. (2008). Empowering community settings: Agents of individual development, community betterment, and positive social change. American Journal of Community Psychology, 41, 4–21. doi:10.1007/s10464-007-9148-6
McLaughlin, A. (2009). Clinical social workers: Advocates for social justice. Advances in Social Work, 10, 51–68. Mendes, P. (2008). Teaching community development to social work students: A critical reflection. Community
Development Journal, 44, 248–262. doi:10.1093/cdj/bsn001 Mertz, L. K. P., Fortune, A. E., & Zendell, A. L. (2007). Promoting leadership skills in field education: A
university-community partnership to bring macro and micro together in gerontological field placements. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 50, 173–186. doi:10.1300/J083v50n01_12
Mizrahi, T., & Rosenthal, B. B. (2001). Complexities of coalition building: Leaders’ successes, strategies, struggles, and solutions. Social Work, 46, 63–78. doi:10.1093/sw/46.1.63
Mor Barak, M. E., Travis, D., & Bess, G. (2004). Exploring managers’ and administrators’ retrospective perceptions of their MSW fieldwork experience: A national study. Administration in Social Work, 28, 21–44. doi:10.1300/ J147v28n01_03
Mullender, A., Ward, D., & Fleming, J. (2013). Empowerment in action: Self-directed group work. New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan.
Netting, F. E. (2005). The future of macro social work. Advances in Social Work, 6, 51–59. Netting, F. E., & O’Connor, M. (2008). Recognizing the need for evidence-based macro practices in organizational and
community settings. Journal of Evidence-Based Social Work, 5, 473–496. doi:10.1080/15433710802084219 Ohmer, M. L. (2007). Citizen participation in neighborhood organizations and its relationship to volunteers‘ self- and
collective efficacy and sense of community. Social Work Research, 31, 109–120. doi:10.1093/swr/31.2.109 Ohmer, M. L. (2010). How theory and research inform citizen participation in poor communities: The ecological
perspective and theories on self- and collective efficacy and sense of community. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 20, 1–19. doi:10.1080/10911350903126999
Ohmer, M. L., & Korr, W. S. (2006). The effectiveness of community practice interventions: A review of the literature. Research on Social Work Practice, 16, 132–145. doi:10.1177/1049731505282204
Petersen, D., Minkler, M., Vasquez, V. B., & Baden, A. C. (2006). Community-based participatory research as a tool for policy change: A case study of the Southern California environmental justice collaborative. Review of Policy Research, 23, 339–354. doi:10.1111/ropr.2006.23.issue-2
Ratts, M. J., Anthony, L., & Santos, K. N. T. (2010). The dimensions of social justice model: Transforming traditional group work into a socially just framework. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 160–168. doi:10.1080/ 01933921003705974
Regehr, C., Bogo, M., Donovan, K., Anstice, S., & Lim, A. (2012). Identifying student competencies in macro practice: Articulating the practice wisdom of field instructors. Journal of Social Work Education, 48, 307–319. doi:10.5175/ JSWE.2012.201000114
16 C. KNIGHT AND A. GITTERMAN
Ross, L. F., Loup, A., Nelson, R. M., Botkin, J. R., Kost, R., Smith, G. R., & Gehlert, S. (2010). The challenges of collaboration for academic and community partners in a research partnership: Points to consider. Journal of Empirical Research on Human Research Ethics, 5, 19–31. doi:10.1525/jer.2010.5.1.19
Rothman, J. (2008). Multi modes of intervention at the macro level. Journal of Community Practice, 15, 11–40. doi:10.1300/J125v15n04_02
Sather, P., Weitz, B., & Carlson, P. (2007). Engaging students in macro issues through community-based learning: The policy, practice and research sequence. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 27, 61–79. doi:10.1300/J067v27n03_05
Seifer, S., & Calleson, D. (2004). Health professional faculty perspectives on community-based research: Implications for policy and practice. Journal of Interprofessional Care, 18, 416–427. doi:10.1080/13561820400011719
Shapiro, V. B., Oesterle, S., Abbott, R. D., Arthur, M. W., & Hawkin, J. D. (2013). Measuring dimensions of coalition functioning for effective and participatory community practice. Social Work Research, 37, 349–359. doi:10.1093/swr/svt028
Shin, R., Rogers, J., Stanciu, A., Silas, M., Brown-Smythe, C., & Austin, B. (2010). Advancing social justice in urban schools through the implementation of transformative groups for youth of color. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 230–235. doi:10.1080/01933922.2010.492899
Shulman, L. (2016). The skills of helping individuals, families, groups, and communities (8th ed.). Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning.
Simon, S. R., & Kilbane, T. (2014). The current state of group work education in U.S. graduate schools of social work. Social Work With Groups, 37, 243–256. doi:10.1080/01609513.2013.840821
Smith, L., & Shin, R. (2008). Social privilege social justice, and group counseling: An inquiry. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 33, 351–366. doi:10.1080/01933920802424415
Speer, P., & Christens, B. (2012). Local community organizing and change: Altering policy in he housing and community development system in Kansas City. Journal of Community Psychology, 25, 19–33.
Speer, P., Peterson, N., Zippay, A., & Christens, B. (2010). Participation in congregation-based organizing: Mixed method study of civic engagement. In M. Roberts-Gennaro, & S. Fogel (Eds.), Using evidence to inform practice for community and organizational change (pp. 200–217). Chicago, IL: Lyceum.
Speer, P. W., Peterson, N. A., Armstead, T. L., & Allen, C. T. (2013). The influence of participation, gender, and organizational sense of community on psychological empowerment: The moderating effects of income. American Journal of Community Psychology, 51, 103–113. doi:10.1007/s10464-012-9547-1
Staples, L. (2009). In praise of community organizers. Social Work With Groups, 32, 270–273. doi:10.1080/ 01609510902943803
Staples, L. (2012). Community organizing for social justice: Grassroots groups for power. Social Work With Groups, 35, 287–296. doi:10.1080/01609513.2012.656233
Stoecker, R. (2012). Community-based research and the two forms of social change. Journal of Rural Social Sciences, 27, 83–98.
Sullivan, M. K., & Larrison, C. R. (2003). Income barriers faced by individuals in receipt of temporary assistance for needy families (TANF). Journal of Health & Social Policy, 17, 15–35. doi:10.1300/J045v17n04_02
Sweifach, J. (2014). Group work education today: A content analysis of MSW group work course syllabi. Social Work With Groups, 37, 8–22. doi:10.1080/01609513.2013.816920
Thomas, M. L., O’Connor, M. K., & Netting, F. E. (2011). A framework for teaching community practice. Journal of Social Work Education, 47, 337–355. doi:10.5175/JSWE.2011.200900081
Walker, E. T., & Stepick, L. M. (2014). Strength in diversity? Group heterogeneity in the mobilization of grassroots organizations. Sociology Compass, 8, 959–975. doi:10.1111/soc4.12191
Weiss, I. (2006). Modes of practice and the dual mission of social work. Journal of Social Service Research, 32, 135–151. doi:10.1300/J079v32n03_08
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION 17
- Abstract
- Community practice: Conceptual foundation and evidence base
- Community practice in the social work curriculum
- The confluence of micro and macro practice skills
- Group work practice in the community
- Theoretical underpinnings: Mutual aid
- Tasks and skills in community group work
- Recruiting and mobilizing individuals for collective action
- Addressing members’ concerns about the worker
- Enhancing members’ critical consciousness
- Helping members identify strategies for community change
- Enhancing the likelihood that members’ efforts will be successful
- Sustaining the group’s efforts over time
- Implications for social work education
- Decrease the micro/macro divide
- Enhance teaching of social work practice with groups
- Develop university–community partnerships
- Conclusion
- Notes on contributor
- References
17.Weinberg, M., & Banks, S. (2019). Practising Ethically in Unethical Times Everyday Resistance in Social Work. Ethics and Social Welfare, 1-16..pdf
Practising Ethically in Unethical Times: Everyday Resistance in Social Work Merlinda Weinberg a and Sarah Banks b
aSchool of Social Work, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada; bDepartment of Sociology, Durham University, Durham, UK
ABSTRACT This article considers the challenges faced by social workers struggling to act ethically in what we characterise as the ‘unethical climate’ of neoliberalism. We offer a brief account of the current context, including the increasing managerialism and marketisation of welfare services, exacerbated by cuts in welfare provision following the 2008 financial crisis. We discuss the concepts of ‘ethical resistance’ and ‘ethics work’. We illustrate this with three case examples drawn from accounts given by social workers in Canada and England in the context of two research studies. These accounts feature social workers struggling to be ethically good and to do what they consider to be the right actions in difficult circumstances. We interpret their accounts of their actions largely in terms of everyday ethical resistance to organisational pressures of regulation of practice and rationing of resources. We conclude that everyday ethical resistance is not enough to ‘make good’ the unethical climate, but is an important precursor to social and political resistance.
KEYWORDS Social work; ethics; ethics work; resistance; neoliberalism; managerialism
Introduction
I think there was a lot of pressure put on me to prove that I was a good mum. … everything felt like it needed … analysing and putting on paper.
… And the worker who was assigned to the children actually said to me: ‘I do not care about you, I am here for them’.
The more you’re unwell, the more obviously social services have got to see some results, but the relationship was slowly breaking down. And we had a family group conference and for about the fiftieth time, I brought my borderline personality disorder sheet, and I handed it to what must have been our fourth social worker, because I appreciate turnover of staff is high. People go on sick themselves … it’s a stressful job. It’s hard work. Workloads mean that things have to be spread out differently and … as cases change … people with different specialities get involved. But when you’re a service user, losing that relationship and having to start from scratch, and having to explain yourself, and having to rebuild all that trust is so hard. … and it does make you feel like you’re just not cared about. You’re
© 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
CONTACT Merlinda Weinberg [email protected] School of Social Work, Dalhousie University, 3201-1459 LeMarchant Street, P.O. Box 15000, Halifax, NS B3H 4R2, Canada; Sarah Banks [email protected] Department of Sociology, Durham University, 29 Old Elvet, Durham, DH1 3HN, UK
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 2019, VOL. 13, NO. 4, 361–376 https://doi.org/10.1080/17496535.2019.1597141
just another bit of paperwork. … I felt like I was just a huge inconvenience. And that does stop you getting engaged with things. … . I’m so desperate—not to get answers, but just a bit of empathy. … it costs nothing.
(Sally, service user, UK, 2017)
These quotations are from a woman diagnosed with borderline personality disorder, with whom social workers had been in contact over several years in connection with the safety of her children. This service user, whom we will call Sally, gave a talk to a group of social workers at a meeting organised by a trade union in a UK city, which we audio-recorded (with permission). In one sense, her dissatisfaction with her treatment by social workers is unsurprising – such sentiments have long been expressed by people using social work services. They encapsulate the perennial challenge social workers face when they intervene in families’ lives on behalf of children’s interests. However, if we delve more deeply behind Sally’s account, we can see it also draws attention to some features of the present climate in social work in many countries, particularly in the global North, illustrating:
. Pressure to show results. This is experienced by Sally, but also by social workers required to provide evidence to back up their decisions.
. Lack of empathy and care felt by Sally.
. Lack of continuity of long-term relationships.
. Heavy caseloads, stress, high turnover and shortage of staff in social work.
In this article we consider the challenges faced by social workers working with people like Sally, as the workers struggle to ‘act ethically’ in what we describe as an ‘unethical climate’.
The unethical climate: neoliberalism and managerialism
The impacts of neoliberalism as a market-based philosophy and policy agenda, alongside managerialism as a de-personalising practice, are well-documented trends in social work in the global North from the 1990s onwards (Banks 2004; Clarke 1995, 1998, 2004; Fergu- son 2008; Flynn 2000; Harris 2003; Harvey 2005). Reductions in state-provided services, a rise in private-sector provision, a focus on achieving measurable outcomes, efficiency and cost effectiveness, and the promotion of standardised procedures and processes have led to professional dissatisfaction, hardship for service users and a culture of victim-blaming. Following the global financial crisis from 2008, cuts in services and activating service users to take more responsibility for their own care and daily lives (‘responsibilisation’) are very noticeable in many countries (Juhila, Raitakari, and Hall 2017). With austerity measures added into the mix, some of the greatest stresses are around lack of resources (pro- fessional time, services and money) to meet ever-growing needs. In this article we focus on the ethical implications of these trends for practitioners, with a particular focus on Canada and the UK.
In Canada, the welfare state is a hybrid, with programmes such as health care and elementary and secondary education being universal, while others designed ‘to protect citizens from labour-market failures’ are more likely to be targeted with means tests (Brietkreuz 2005, 150). Beginning in the mid-1990s, a depoliticising of the public arena and spending cuts at all levels of government (Aronson and Sammon 2000) led to a
362 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
restructuring of Canadian social services (Aronson and Smith 2010), and a residual model of welfare. Reductions in spending for social programmes have resulted in increased income inequality and high rates of poverty with one in seven Canadians living in poverty in 2017 (Chappell 2014; Citizens for Public Justice 2017). Demands on workers to do more with less are increasing, whilst accountability, regulation and surveillance by managers and external organisations are escalating.
Similar trends have been at work in the UK, as services traditionally offered by local gov- ernment have been contracted to, or commissioned from, private agencies and non-gov- ernmental organisations, with contracts designed to ensure low cost services, with highly specified targets and outcomes measures (Lowe and Wilson 2017). Welfare benefits for those in need, including allowances for people with disabilities, children and those seeking work, have been reduced and tighter eligibility criteria introduced. This has resulted in an estimated 13 million people in poverty in the UK (Armstrong 2017), increas- ing pressures on already stretched social services.
Implications for ethical practice in social work
According to Dean, neoliberalism is viewed as ‘more an ethos or an ethical ideal, than a set of completed or established institutions’ (quoted in Larner 2000, 20). It permeates every- day discourse and has profound ethical implications for social work practice. With the attendant restructuring of the welfare state, current political and structural processes are at odds with the value base of the profession, which gives high priority to principles such as respecting and promoting human dignity and worth, equality and social justice. Since neoliberal philosophy emphasises individual self-sufficiency, people experiencing marginalisation are blamed for their troubles, rather than structural disadvantage, and expectations are placed on family and volunteer resources rather than state services for meeting needs of citizens (Lonne, McDonald, and Fox 2004). Neoliberalism constitutes people as ‘free, enterprising individuals who govern themselves and, consequently, require only limited direct control by the state’ (Sugarman 2015, 104). Furthermore, the commodification of the helping relationship, with its narrowed focus on recipients of care as consumers, contradicts the idea of social work as relationship-based and not easily reduced to concrete, short-term and measurable indicators. Most significantly, ‘neo- liberalism conflates economic and moral behaviour’ not just for service users but also for providers, using benchmarks of ‘rational deliberation over profitability, costs, risks and consequences’ (Sugarman 2015, 114) in the actions of practitioners. Profit and expediency become the primary criteria for policy development (Brown 2003).
The changing landscape of neoliberal restructuring leads to a narrowed range of prac- tice and deskilling of workers. Social work risks becoming more a rational technical activity than moral and practical (Parton and O’Byrne 2000). At the same time, social workers are exhorted to live up to ethical principles that require them to challenge ‘institutional oppression’ and ‘unjust policies and practices’, and ensure ‘access to equitable resources’ (International Federation of Social Workers 2018). These contradictory demands contribute to considerable ethical tensions for practitioners and result in everyday practice being a landmine of conflicting loyalties and pressures, putting ethical practice under serious threat (Baines et al. 2012; Banks 2011).
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 363
Social work practitioners adopt a range of responses to the challenges posed by neo- liberalism and managerialism. These include enthusiastic engagement, compliance, resigned acceptance, quitting the job, passive resistance through bending rules, or active resistance through challenging institutions or joining campaigns (Banks 2004; Banks and Nøhr 2013; Weinberg and Taylor 2014). In this article we will focus in particular on ‘ethical resistance’ and the ‘ethics work’ in which practitioners engage as part of the processes of undertaking and justifying their opposition to some of the negative effects of neoliberalism on social work practice.
Resistance
Resistance is about opposing or withstanding something. According to Hoy (2005, 9) ‘resistance is both an activity and an attitude. It is the activity of refusal. It is also an attitude that refuses to give in to resignation’. On a post-structural analysis, resistance is a dimen- sion in power relations that is always in opposition to power. As Foucault commented, ‘Where there is power, there is resistance, and yet, or rather consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority in relation to power’ (1978, 95). By this he meant that there is no ‘outside’ to power that can check it (Hoy 2005, 9). Nevertheless, on this view, power is always relational and never total, hence allowing space for resistances. Resist- ance, unlike resignation, can lead to hope that a better world is possible, even if we do not necessarily know exactly what this might look like.
In the context of social work, resistance has been characterised as involving opposition to policies, laws, or practices viewed as unjust that leads to some kind of action (including refusal to act) on the part of practitioners (Strier and Breshtling 2016). There is a growing literature on resistance by social workers, particularly in the context of neoliberal welfare regimes, ranging from macro- to micro-level, overt to covert, and individual to collective (see Strier and Breshtling 2016). In this article we are particularly interested in what Hoy calls ‘ethical resistance’. Hoy (2005, 6ff) identifies three forms of resistance: political, social and ethical. We suggest that all three are relevant and inter-related in social work. Political resistance includes opposition to unjust regimes, wars, foreign policies or phenomena such as globalisation or capitalism. Social resistance involves opposition to social norms, exemplified through social movements that challenge the ways institutions shape individuals and populations (examples include Black Lives Matter, or campaigns to end violence against women). Ethical resistance focuses more on the individual and is characterised by Hoy (2005, 8), following Levinas, as ‘the resistance of the powerless’. He gives the example of someone with a serious disability, who resists decline through persevering in meaningful activities. This resistance shows up in the person’s ‘ethos’ (or character). Ethical resistance is closely related to social resistance, and may be the basis on which a person engages in political or social resistance, but according to Hoy (2005, 8), it requires a different explanation.
We refer to this distinction between political, social and ethical resistance as it helps demarcate the focus of this article, which is on the ethical dimensions of resistance in everyday social work practice. However, it is important to note that Hoy’s characterisation of ethical resistance is based on a specific understanding of ethics linked with philoso- phers Levinas and Derrida. For Levinas (1989), ethics springs from the primordial relation- ship of one human being to another, and the sense of infinite responsibility this generates.
364 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
This focus on the face-to-face encounter between two people as the starting point for ethics has been criticised for its emphasis on the dyadic (two-person) relationship (Bauman 1997), which can leave ethics dissociated from the social and political dimensions of life. Hence while we use the term ‘ethical resistance’ to refer to the work of opposition that people enact as part of their infinite responsibility to others, and the accompanying work they do on their ethical selves (in the Foucauldian sense of ‘care of the self’), we stress that ethical resistance always takes place in a social and political context. It is important that this resistance is based on a critical analysis (or ‘deconstruction’) of the norms and power it opposes and is also self-critical of its position within current systems of power and domination. Ethical resistance by an individual at the micro-level of daily practice may, and should be, a basis for further collective social and political resistance at mezzo and macro-levels.
Ethical resistance and ethics work
Inthis article weseek toexplore inmoredetailwhat might countasethicalresistance inevery- daysocialworkpractice,howitismanifestedandhowwecanunderstandit.Weareinterested in how social workers construct themselves as ethical actors and account for their actions and attitudes. In doing ‘ethical resistance’ arguably social workers work on their ethical selves in response to what they see as unjust situations, they deliberate about what roles they should play and how to justify their actions, they handle moral distress and other emotions, and work on building trusting relationships with colleagues and service users. This entails doing what Banks (2016) calls ‘ethics work’, which refers to the effort social workers put into being good practitioners, noticing infringements of rights and responsibilities, and actinginrelationtosituationsin which injusticesorharmsareatplay.Thereareseveral dimen- sions of ethics work described by Banks (2016, 37) as follows:
. Framing work – identifying and focusing on the ethically salient features of a situation; placing oneself and the situations encountered in political and social contexts (reflex- ivity and criticality).
. Role work – playing a role in relation to others (advocate, carer, critic); taking a position (partial/impartial; close/distant).
. Emotion work – being caring, compassionate, empathic; managing emotions.
. Identity work – working on one’s ethical self; creating an identity as an ethically good professional; maintaining professional integrity.
. Reason work – making moral judgements and decisions; justifying judgments and decisions.
. Relationship work – engaging in dialogue; working on relationships.
. Performance work – making visible aspects of this work to others; demonstrating oneself at work (accountability work).
This account of ethics work captures the cognitive and emotional processing and per- formative work undertaken by moral agents in their daily professional lives. In the context of neoliberalism and austerity, we are particularly interested in social workers’ responses to injustices and harms as these are manifest in the micro-practices of resistance in everyday practice.
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 365
We now turn to three case examples that can be analysed in terms of ethics work and illustrate both overt and covert acts of resistance by social workers, including subversion of the systems in which they work. We offer case examples, as we wish to focus on the micro resistances that practitioners perform in their daily practice, giving a flavour of their accounts of their attitudes, actions and reasons for resisting, situated in the contexts in which they occur.
Sources of the case examples
The three cases in this article are drawn from research interviews with social workers in Canada, and a ‘dilemmas café’ and interviews with social workers in England. The Cana- dian research from which Cases 1 and 2 are drawn comprised a large-scale exploratory study on ethics in social work conducted by Weinberg and colleagues during 2009– 2013, focusing on the question: ‘In attempts to act ethically, how do social workers from diverse subjective positions experience and address the constraints and paradoxes in their day to day practice?’ That study included focus groups and one to four individual interviews with 26 direct service qualified social workers (52 interviews total). Case 3 is drawn from a small piece of exploratory research in England, conducted by Weinberg and Banks in 2017, comprising two dilemmas cafés with social workers, one recorded talk and one interview with a service user (whose words open this article) and two individ- ual interviews with social workers. A dilemmas café is a facilitated gathering that invites participants to share ethical dilemmas from their practice (see Centre for Social Justice and Community Action 2015). The focus of this research was: ‘What are some of the ethical challenges facing social workers in the UK; what examples are there of such chal- lenges and how do practitioners respond?’ The case chosen for discussion in this article was one of the cases presented and discussed in detail at a dilemmas café.
Ethical approval was gained from Durham University for the UK study and from both Dalhousie University and Wilfrid Laurier University for the Canadian study. Participants gave permission for data from anonymised transcripts to be used for research. The names used here are pseudonyms.
Case 1: Susie’s struggles with administrative pressures
Susie was a qualified social worker with a Masters in Social Work. She had been in the field, in a city in Ontario, Canada, for 10 years. Her job entailed intake and counselling with families and children in the mental health sector.
Susie’s ethical struggles centred around excessive paperwork, the priority given to this over relationships with service users, and the short-term nature of treatment. Susie stated: ‘we have all those policies and procedures about deadlines and how quickly you have to do your documentation after visits … so I got a little bit behind on that’. However, her rationale was: ‘I’m interested in the involvement with the families, not if my notes are up [to date].’
The emphasis on documentation is often burdensome to families, especially when they are required to navigate between systems. Susie described a scenario when a family required a different service: ‘So now the family’s going have to tell their whole story
366 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
over twice and fill out all of our forms … you have a family that’s stressed out and … is needing assistance and then they get the run-around’. Susie found that when a family was ‘involved with so many other service providers, that might take almost one of our meetings [to deal with the documentation]. I think that’s a real waste of time’.
The emphasis on evidence-based practice to justify an agency’s existence escalated when her agency was preparing for accreditation. She felt that ‘it’s just taking precedence over the service we’re providing to the family. And I just think we, in this day and age, we’re losing sight of that’. Susie had had additional training in safety protocols and risk assessment. Given that 50% of their population was at risk for suicide, her manager wanted Susie to write a protocol. Susie was prepared to forward information, and give input, but her response was ‘I don’t write up protocols. I’m the frontline worker. … I said no, I said that would be the role of management.’
Besides outright refusal, Susie also found she needed to bend the rules in order to provide what she considered to be adequate support. In her organisation, she was expected to terminate after six meetings. But Susie reported that she kept families on longer than she should. Her supervisor would exhort, ‘wrap it up, why are you still seeing that family?’ and Susie’s response would be ‘because they didn’t get picked up yet by the other service provider. And … . I’m not comfortable leaving them with nobody’. Her solution to this problem was ‘not seeing them all the time’ but ‘checking in with them.’ And because her supervisor would ‘lose track after a while’ and let her do ‘fairly much’ what she wanted, even though the agency was ‘not getting funded for that family anymore,’ she felt ‘it doesn’t matter … I can’t just leave people hanging if there [are] concerns and they’re waiting for service.’
Susie would also shape her language to convince administrators and obtain services. Given concerns about liability, she would ‘kind of focus on that side of it … even though [she did not] necessarily think that [was] the case.’ She would say there were ‘risks associated with ending with those families’ and in talking with management she would ‘really emphasise that … “I think we’re at risk and … we could be held liable.”’ To move families up the queue, she would ‘make it sound as bad as we can.’ For instance, if a child had come in with suicidal ideation ‘but that was a few months ago and now we’re feeling … the child is … stable’, because the family ‘came in with that concern’ she would ‘check it off as a factor’ in her referral paperwork. When the family had concerns about this strategy, she would convince them by sharing the way service provision func- tioned, stating ‘you could wait a year and a half for service and we can’t. That’s not accep- table.’ Families might want a ‘child care subsidy’ but Susie would explain, ‘you can’t call for that’, and she would ‘guide them’ on ‘how to … access those supports and resources.’
Susie managed to maintain her stance, stating she was:
just being strong and saying to the rest of the team members, well that’s the way it is. … we’re providing a different service … . I’m not going to just … rush them through and send them on … because it looks better for statistical purposes.
She thought being part-time allowed her to be less embroiled in agency politics: ‘I can kind of step away from it. Remove myself.’ Susie handled some of her frustrations through ‘venting’ to another social worker. Her evaluations from management had always been ‘great.’ She thought she had managed to walk that tightrope of being ‘always respectful and polite but … probably [pushing] the boundaries.’ The fact that her supervisor
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 367
seemed to respect her opinion contributed to her being able to push those boundaries. Nonetheless, by the second interview, Susie had left the non-profit agency to start her own private practice due to frustrations about the job. She commented that in her exit interview: ‘I just very strongly advocated for my co-workers and the families … I really encouraged my team to also keep that rolling … so since I did that, then they went down to the executive director one by one and then to the HR head as well a couple of times’.
Commentary
Susie has a clear idea of what the role of the good social worker should be, resisting the commodification of relationships, maintaining her priority on face-to-face and continued contact with service users. She gives an account of herself doing ethically-inspired role work, including not only prioritising relationships with service users over documentation, but also playing a role as advocate for co-workers and families in her exit interview. One strategy for resistance employed by Susie was outright refusal to undertake work requested by her manager. In addition, operating in the neoliberal context requires under- standing the motivations and values of those in management positions and finding the congruence between these and those of service users. Susie presents herself as skilful in doing the work of ethical reasoning, utilising an understanding of fears of risk and legal action to advocate with managers for continuing service for service users. She gives an account of herself as adept at understanding what language was needed both to obtain services for service users and propel timely action, exemplifying everyday resist- ance through both her attitudes and activities. Yet by the second interview, she has quit her job. This is, perhaps, unsurprising, as the hard work of everyday ethical resistance by individual practitioners can be both depressing and draining, especially if it is not possible to escalate it to the collective level of social and political resistance.
Case 2: Hannah’s concerns about discharge to nursing homes based on financial considerations
Hannah was a hospital social worker in Nova Scotia, Canada. She had spent 21 years in her current job at the regional hospital. She was interviewed twice for the research. She had a BSW and an incomplete MSW degree.
In this segment of interview, she was discussing the fact that when patients were ready for discharge from the hospital there were several unethical practices adopted, from her perspective. Firstly, when they were leaving the hospital for a nursing home, patients were required to go to the first bed within a hundred kilometres regardless of its location in relation to their home because ‘the hospital wants to get the beds emptied’. Hannah stated, ‘the hospital is worried about people getting discharged. Like that whole place- ment process is unethical.’
Secondly, from the time a patient was ready for a nursing home and awaiting a bed, the hospital ‘charge[d] people for being in hospital as if they were in a nursing home’, even though the movement to a nursing home was not in the patient’s control. According to Hannah, this policy existed across the province. She understood the rationale for this policy as being ‘revenue generating for the hospital.’
368 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
Hannah took her concerns to the hospital’s ethics committee. When she complained to the medical director about this policy, he responded, ‘it’s the law.’ She retorted: ‘the law’s written by middle-aged white men’. During the interview Hannah added a comment addressed to the interviewer: ‘it’s a good thing I’m unionised’.
Hannah said ‘the hospital wanted social workers to be responsible’ for collecting this revenue. However, Hannah and her colleagues stated, ‘we don’t do that’. Referring to the people who wanted her to fill out the forms, she commented: ‘it’s amazing how mad they were because I kept losing the paperwork’. She also involved a manager who was a social worker and ‘an extraordinary woman’ who supported her and the powers- that-be listened to her, at least temporarily. However, apparently, the practice continued, so another strategy was to use her ‘leeway’ to ‘delay’ the paperwork so that patients had money to pay their month’s notice for rent, outstanding bills or a funeral. She would post- pone it for another month. She did not justify this to the hospital, merely submitting a date. Since her manager was a social worker and supportive, no one was the wiser and ‘it work[ed] out very well.’
Hannah said she ‘had no compunction about screwing around with the systems’, adding ‘if everybody’s mad at you, you’re doing a really good job’. Her self-described theoretical position as a social worker was feminist, and she believed that this, and having gone to a radical school of social work at the point when its focus was community organising, were factors that allowed her to take a stance of resistance.
Commentary
During the interview Hannah works on framing the situation relating to patient discharge as ‘unethical’, characterising it as harmful for patients and revenue-generating for the hos- pital. She thus places the practice in a bigger economic context. She describes herself as playing a role as advocate and critic in raising the matter with the hospital ethics commit- tee and the Medical Director. In describing her strategies for subverting hospital policy she provides evidence of herself performing the role of a good social worker and putting into practice her values. Her resistances were both direct and overt as refusals, as well as covert, taking the form of planned incompetence.
Case 3: Edward’s account of supporting a mother against the advice of his manager
Edward was a children’s services social worker in a local authority (municipality) in an English city. His role centred on child protection, but he also worked with children who were ‘looked after’ by the local authority and children ‘in need’ (requiring support, but not child protection). He qualified as a social worker 18 months previously, having changed careers after working for 10 years in another field.
In the dilemmas café, he presented a case about a single parent mother for whom he had responsibility as a social worker. The mother was diagnosed with a personality dis- order and was agoraphobic. However, she was not receiving any mental health services and did not meet the criteria for high levels of support from children’s services. She struggled with managing her finances and keeping appointments. At one point she needed to appeal against a decision to withhold some of her government-funded
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 369
welfare benefits and Edward felt it was important to support her with this. However, his manager did not share this view, advising him in supervision that:
it’s not part of my child protection role to support a parent with a benefit appeal, even though I know that the financial impact that will have on the family and on mum’s mental health will be significant. So it’s the debate around, as a social worker, being a case manager or a case- worker. And increasingly I’m being encouraged back to that old position of case management – so working with families from afar rather than being hands on, offering practical support.
Disregarding his manager’s advice, Edward decided to support the mother with her benefits appeal, as he saw the success of the appeal as directly related to the welfare of the children and his child protection role. He also judged that she should have access to support with her appeal, as ‘it’s almost her human rights’ and there was nobody else who would take on this role:
The family … have been in and out of children’s services for some time. We’ve seen cycles of improvement and drop off … I knew that all it took is a trigger such as loss of family finance or deterioration in mum’s mental health and we may well have seen a significant deterioration … I think my experience of child protection is that when we see parents who have been on plans more than twice, and they’ve been involved with us for a couple of years, the system seems to question that and seems to question the capacity to change. That’s when we’re talking about removal of children.
Edward therefore supported the mother at her advice interview, accompanied her to the doctor to get a letter, wrote letter of support and took her to the appeal. However, he com- mented: ‘I just didn’t tell anybody’.
While Edward could see his manager’s point of view, he regarded her approach as managerialist:
I think she was concerned that … the way I was describing my role was too closely aligned to what she might see a family support worker doing. So in the UK we have a very clear distinc- tion between social work and family support … So really it was her saying that you need to concentrate on the basics of social work, doing your statutory visits, getting your recording up to date, facilitating the meetings and … the added value stuff, should be referred out to other agencies or other support staff.
… it’s about managerialism. It’s about her thinking about what she needs to get from me, I suppose. She needs to make sure that that system is fed and that I’m doing what I’m employed to do and all the other stuff that isn’t quantifiable, it gets lost, doesn’t it?
He confirmed that he felt his action was right: ‘sometimes, as practitioners … we have to just do the right thing because there was no one else that was going to do the right thing in this case’. He further justified his action:
Part of my role would be to do work with mum and to support her. So I just took it as part of that. So I suppose it was, for me, doing the right thing and working between the gaps. Some- times you’ve got to respectfully challenge I suppose. I did have a challenging conversation with my manager. I didn’t just say, ‘I agree with you,’ because I strongly disagree. I think social workers [doing] case management isn’t good social work, is it? We all know that. We’ve got to be hands on with families.
Other participants in the dilemmas café were generally supportive of Edward’s action, empathising with his predicament. Yet they did ask challenging questions, including
370 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
whether he was worried that putting in extra time with this family meant other cases would suffer, or even that he might be taking time from his own young family. He agreed that this was problematic, but also commented: ‘it’s all about managing risk but you’re constantly spinning plates and juggling which family to focus on and which family to maybe give that extra little bit more’.
Edward did not directly tell his manager that he had supported the mother with her appeal, although he said the case notes recorded what he did and there was a copy of the letters he had written in the file.
In a follow-up interview, Edward reflected more broadly on the stresses of his work and his feeling of ‘guilt’ that as a trade union representative he was not making more visible the difficulties of the work nor making alliances with other social workers to change at least some of the practices.
Commentary
Edward clearly regards his role as supporting the mother and he works hard to undertake and justify this, despite his manager’s advice. He gives an account of himself as going through a process of ethical reasoning, both consequentialist in terms of benefits to the employing agency, mother and family, as well as expressing a concern for the mother’s ‘human rights’. He presents himself as a responsible professional, allocating his time to service users according to their needs. In Edward’s case he is not just performing to an interviewer, but in the dilemmas café to a group of peers, to whom he makes visible his detailed reasoning processes, many of which were hidden from his manager. He took a covert strategy of resistance, following what he thought was the right course of action, but without telling his manager.
Unlike some of Susie’s and Hannah’s responses, Edward’s is not a case of overt resist- ance. His ‘counter-conduct’ largely remained hidden, becoming visible and subject to interrogation perhaps for the first time in the dilemmas café. He knows this is not serving the cause of other families and workers, but the implication is that he did not have the resources or energy to take the matter further, in the way Susie and Hannah pursued some of their issues. The extent of the welfare cuts in the UK and the extremely difficult daily working conditions for social workers make it very hard for them to lift their heads from their daily tasks and instigate collective resistance.
Summary and discussion
The following quotation comes from Sally, the person with experience as a service user we quoted at the start of the article. However, this time she made the comments as a partici- pant in the dilemmas café when discussing Edward’s case:
I was once told by a social worker in a meeting, ‘I’m here for your children, I’m not here for you. I don’t care what your issues are.’ I wondered, for the longest time, when I stopped being angry, if the system had just beaten them into that particular view, that they’d heard it so many times from managers that that probably wasn’t how this person started out. They prob- ably wanted to help both. But when I hear stories like your’s [Edward’s] about management telling you, ‘No, this is your role,’ this [is a] very narrow place … maybe there are wider things going on.
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 371
Given social workers’ societal positioning as both agents of liberation and discipline, prac- titioners will always be caught in a nexus of ambiguity (Roose, Roets, and Bouverne-De Bie 2012) and complexity. Social workers are implicated in these processes and, like Edward, both succumb but also resist, as Aronson and Smith found in their study of managers in social services (2010). Workers must use discretion in order to manage demands (Evans 2013; George and George 2013; Gilbert and Powell 2010). The contradictions in policies and procedures, for instance, make it impossible to manage all organisational require- ments for even the most ‘rule-abiding’ of practitioners. Workers may find that they cannot always cope without bending the rules (Banks and Nøhr 2013) and acting as ‘rogue’ social workers (Weinberg and Taylor 2014). These internal contradictions can be a breeding ground for resistance (Ferguson and Lavalette 2006; Gilbert and Powell 2010) as exemplified in the three cases presented here. While our research focused on practitioners from the UK and Canada, there is evidence that everyday ethical resistance occurs in other countries as well (e.g. Ferguson and Lavalette 2006; Greenslade, McAuliffe, and Chenoweth 2015; Wallace and Pease 2011).
Although some researchers have identified occurrences of ‘deviant’ social work action that were not motivated by social justice concerns (Carey and Foster 2011; Greenslade, McAuliffe, and Chenoweth 2015), others found that serving the best interests of service users and ameliorating the austerity measures imposed by neoliberalism were primary motivations for workers (Aronson and Smith 2010; Fine and Teram 2013; Greenslade, McAuliffe, and Chenoweth 2015). In our case examples, these seem to be the major reasons for social workers’ conduct. The actions of Hannah, Susie and Edward took the form of both direct, overt resistance as well as more indirect, subtle and subversive approaches. Those methods included outright refusals, maintaining the priority of relationships and service over short-term solutions, shaping language for both referrals and to convince managers of needs, finding allies, using formal structures such as ethics committees to express concerns, and planned ‘incompetence.’
Every action undertaken by practitioners has the potential to be both helpful and dama- ging, at times simultaneously. This is due to the fact that decisions regarding one service user have effects on other people with potentially diverging needs and interests. What may be good for one individual may be injurious to others individually or collectively. No action is without these tensions and contradictions (Weinberg 2016). Consequently, it is necessary to recognise the likelihood of ethical trespass, namely, the ‘harmful effects that inevitably follow not from our intentions or malevolence but from our partici- pation in social processes and identities’ (Orlie 1997, 5). Arguably covert resistance can be harmful in this way as it leaves the structural problems intact, failing to contribute to undoing the unethical effects of neoliberalism (Weinberg and Taylor 2014). Indeed, such actions may perpetuate problematic policies by smoothing over deficiencies, masking ambiguities towards the vulnerable, and ‘preventing public debate’ (Fine and Teram 2013, 11). Acting on the micro level purely in terms of ethical resistance may divert atten- tion from structural inadequacies. Fine and Teram also perceived covert actions as coming at the cost of ‘fear of discovery, isolation, condemnation’ (2013, 14) and potentially job loss.
At the same time, the forces of neoliberalism are very powerful and workers are often caught in a dilemma between short-term fixes required to respond to the immediate needs of a living human being sitting in front of them, versus very time consuming and potentially unsuccessful efforts to overhaul a turgid and unresponsive
372 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
system without it immediately affecting service users. If they put energy into political resistance through activism, this may result in the needs of service users being unmet. Indeed, the need for more politically-oriented activism and advocacy is occurring at the same time as increasing pressures result in workers having less time and energy to engage in such activities. This creates a cost of a different sort. In order to manage the demands, some workers in our studies spoke about their practice of over- working. Susie found that ‘it cut into [her] home time a little bit.’ In a follow-up inter- view Edward described the common practice of taking paperwork home in order to complete assessments for deadlines. Working above and beyond the prescribed hours is one way workers cope with the pressures of austerity. The problem of exploi- tation of workers has been identified in research (Kosny and Eakin 2008; Weinberg 2014). Indeed, the gendered nature of the profession, with women historically being expected to be nurturers, contributes to abuse in terms of work demands. Neolib- eral-oriented organisations can depend on the basic value of altruism and sense of vocation, which underlies some of the values in social work, to contribute to workers feeling obliged to put in more than the prescribed hours of work to ensure that service users do not get short-shrift.
Concluding comments
This article has explored the concept and realities of everyday ethical resistance in social work, illustrated with reference to three case studies based on accounts given by social workers in Canada and the UK. We framed these case studies between quota- tions from a UK service user, Sally, who graphically describes how it feels to be on the receiving end of social work. Sally’s story illustrates both why many social workers feel compelled as individuals to resist being implicated in inhumane treatment of people using social work services, and the difficulties of social and political resistance to chal- lenge institutions, societal norms and social policy. Doing ‘ethics work’ is second nature to social workers. They are educated and socialised to see moral injuries and social injustices and are generally motivated to be people of integrity, who care for others and work for social change. Yet for those who are not brow-beaten and conformist, the burden of ethical resistance at the micro-level of working with individual service users is both cumulatively overwhelming and potentially counter-productive. If social workers do not make the links between ethics and politics and turn to overt and col- lective resistance, then social work’s mission as a social justice profession is seriously undermined.
While these challenges are inevitable and perennial, and debates about whether social work and social workers can be a force for progressive, radical social change are well- rehearsed (e.g. Corrigan and Leonard 1978; Ferguson 2008), they are issues that each gen- eration needs to re-visit afresh as economic and social contexts for social welfare shift. As spaces for discretion narrow, so scope for resistance also narrows, pushing social workers towards small-scale and covert actions. Neoliberalism and managerialism create their own ethical vocabularies based on utilitarian philosophies of outcome measures and efficien- cies. Hence the prevailing discourses exclude care, compassion, collective responsibility and the macro-ethical concerns that connect ethical infringements experienced by service users individually and collectively to public issues in the arena of policy and
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 373
politics. Therefore it is never enough to focus solely on everyday individual ethical resist- ance in social work, but always important to do the work of ethical framing to locate and act on issues through social and political resistance.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Funding
We are very grateful to the service user and social workers who participated in interviews and dilem- mas cafés. Merlinda Weinberg’s research in Canada was supported by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council under grant #410-2009-0101. The collaboration between Merlinda Weinberg and Sarah Banks was funded by a Durham University Institute of Advanced Study Co-Fund Fellowship, which enabled Merlinda Weinberg to spend a term at Durham in 2017.
Notes on contributors
Merlinda Weinberg is a professor in the School of Social Work at Dalhousie University, in Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. Research interests include ethics in social work practice, and the impacts of neoliber- alism and diversity on professional ethics. She was short-listed in 2008 as the top new researcher in Canada and she was awarded a Senior Fellowship at Durham University in 2017.
Sarah Banks is Professor of Applied Social Sciences, Department of Sociology and Co-Director of the Centre for Social Justice and Community Action, Durham University, UK. She teaches and researches in the fields of professional ethics, community development and participatory action research.
ORCID
Merlinda Weinberg http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2587-0227 Sarah Banks http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2529-6413
References
Armstrong, S. 2017. The New Poverty. London: Verso. Aronson, J., and S. Sammon. 2000. “Practice Amid Service Cuts and Restructuring. Working with the
Contradictions of ‘Small Victories’.” Canadian Social Work Review 17 (2): 167–187. Aronson, J., and K. Smith. 2010. “Managing Restructured Social Services: Expanding the Social?”
British Journal of Social Work 40: 530–547. Baines, D., S. Charlesworth, I. Cunningham, and J. Dassinger. 2012. “Self-Monitoring, Self-Blaming,
Self-Sacrificing Workers: Gendered Managerialism in the Non-Profit Sector.” Women’s Studies International Forum 35: 362–371.
Banks, S. 2004. Ethics, Accountability and the Social Professions. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Banks, S. 2011. “Ethics in an Age of Austerity: Social Work and the Evolving New Public Management.”
Journal of Social Intervention: Theory and Practice 20 (2): 5–23. Banks, S. 2016. “Everyday Ethics in Professional Life: Social Work as Ethics Work.” Ethics and Social
Welfare 10 (1): 35–52. Banks, S., and K. Nøhr. 2013. “Creative Practice: Organisational and Ethical Issues in Working Outside
the Rules.” In Global Social Transformation and Social Action: The Role of Social Workers: Social Work Social Development Volume III, edited by S. Hessle, 186–190. London: Routledge.
374 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
Bauman, Z. 1997. “Morality Begins at Home – Or: Can There Be a Levinasian Macro-Ethics?” In Closeness: An Ethics, edited by H. Jodalen and A. Vetlesen, 218–244. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press.
Brietkreuz, R. S. 2005. “Engendering Citizenship? A Critical Feminist Analysis of Canadian Welfare-To- Work Policies and the Employment Experiences of Lone Mothers.” Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare 32 (2): 147–165.
Brown, W. 2003. “Neoliberalism and the End of Liberal Democracy.” Theory & Event 7 (1). Accessed December 24, 2017. http://muse-jhu-edu.ezproxy.library.dal.ca/article/48659.
Carey, M., and V. Foster. 2011. “Introducing ‘Deviant’ Social Work: Contextualising the Limits of Radical Social Work whilst Understanding (Fragmented) Resistance within the Social Work Labour Process.” British Journal of Social Work 41: 576–593.
Chappell, R. 2014. Social Welfare in Canadian Society. 5th ed. Toronto: Nelson Education. Clarke, J. 1995. “After Social Work?” In Social Theory, Social Change and Social Work, edited by N.
Parton, 36–60. London: Routledge. Clarke, J. 1998. “Managerialism and Social Welfare.” In The Sociology of the Caring Professions, 2nd ed.,
edited by P. Abbott and L. Meerabeau, 234–254. London: UCL Press. Clarke, J. 2004. Changing Welfare Changing States: New Directions in Social Policy. London: Sage. Corrigan, P., and P. Leonard. 1978. Social Work Practice Under Capitalism: A Marxist Approach. London:
Macmillan. CPJ (Citizens for Public Justice). 2017. Poverty Trends 2017. Accessed April 15, 2018. https://www.cpj.
ca/sites/default/files/docs/files/PovertyTrendsReport2017.pdf. CSJCA (Centre for Social Justice and Community Action). 2015. Dilemmas Cafés: A Guide for
Facilitators. Durham: Centre for Social Justice and Community Action, Durham University. www. dur.ac.uk/socialjustice/ethics_consultation/dilemmas/.
Evans, T. 2013. “Organisational Rules and Discretion in Adult Social Work.” British Journal of Social Work 43 (4): 739–758.
Ferguson, I. 2008. Reclaiming Social Work: Challenging Neo-Liberalism and Promoting Social Justice. London: Sage.
Ferguson, I., and M. Lavalette. 2006. “Globalization and Global Justice. Towards a Social Work of Resistance.” International Social Work 49 (3): 309–318.
Fine, M., and E. Teram. 2013. “Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustice in Social Work Practice: Heroes and Mild-Mannered Social Work Bipeds.” British Journal of Social Work 43 (7): 1312–1329.
Flynn, N. 2000. “Managerialism and Public Services: Some International Trends.” In New Managerialism, New Welfare?, edited by J. Clarke, S. Gewirtz, and E. McLaughlin, 27–44. London: Open University/Sage.
Foucault, M. 1978. The History of Sexuality. An Introduction. Vol. 1. [In French, translated by R. Hurley]. New York: Vintage Books.
George, P., and J. George. 2013. “Interrogating the Neoliberal Governmentality of the Old Age Security Act. The Case of Sponsored Immigrant Seniors.” Canadian Social Work Review 30 (1): 65–81.
Gilbert, T., and J. L. Powell. 2010. “Power and Social Work in the United Kingdom. A Foucauldian Excursion.” Journal of Social Work 10 (1): 3–22.
Greenslade, L., D. McAuliffe, and L. Chenoweth. 2015. “Social Workers’ Experiences of Covert Workplace Activism.” Australian Social Work 68 (4): 422–437.
Harris, J. 2003. The Social Work Business. London: Routledge. Harvey, D. 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hoy, D. 2005. Critical Resistance: From Poststructuralism to Post-Critique. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. International Federation of Social Workers. 2018. “Global Social Work Statement of Ethical Principles.”
Accessed February 27, 2019. https://www.ifsw.org/global-social-work-statement-of-ethical- principles/.
Juhila, K., S. Raitakari, and C. Hall, eds. 2017. Responsibilisation at the Margins of Welfare Services. London: Routledge.
Kosny, A. A., and J. M. Eakin. 2008. “The Hazards of Helping: Work, Mission and Risk in Non-Profit Social Service Organizations.” Health, Risk and Society 10 (2): 149–166.
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE 375
Larner, W. 2000. “Neo-liberalism: Policy, Ideology, Governmentality.” Studies in Political Economy 63 (1): 5–25.
Levinas, E. 1989. “Ethics as First Philosophy.” In The Levinas Reader edited by S. Hand, 75–87. Oxford: Blackwell.
Lonne, R. L., C. McDonald, and T. A. Fox. 2004. “Ethical Practice in the Contemporary Human Services.” Journal of Social Work 4 (3): 345–367.
Lowe, T., and R. Wilson. 2017. “Playing the Game of Outcomes-Based Performance Management. Is Gamesmanship Inevitable? Evidence from Theory and Practice.” Social Policy and Administration 51 (7): 981–1001.
Orlie, M. A. 1997. Living Ethically. Acting Politically. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Parton, N., and P. O’Byrne. 2000. Constructive Social Work. Towards a New Practice. London: MacMillan. Roose, R., G. Roets, and M. Bouverne-De Bie. 2012. “Irony and Social Work: In Search of the Happy
Sisyphus.” British Journal of Social Work 42 (8): 1592–1607. Strier, R., and O. Breshtling. 2016. “Professional Resistance in Social Work: Counterpractice
Assemblages.” Social Work 61 (2): 111–118. Sugarman, J. 2015. “Neoliberalism and Psychological Ethics.” Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical
Psychology 35 (2): 103–116. Wallace, M., and B. Pease. 2011. “Neoliberalism and Australian Social Work: Accommodation or
Resistance?” Journal of Social Work 11: 132–142. Weinberg, M. 2014. “The Ideological Dilemma of Subordination of Self Versus Self-Care: Identity
Construction of the ‘Ethical Social Worker’.” Discourse and Society 25 (1): 84–99. Weinberg, M. 2016. Paradoxes in Social Work Practice: Mitigating Ethical Trespass. New York:
Routledge. Weinberg, M., and S. Taylor. 2014. “‘Rogue’ Social Workers: The Problem with Rules for Ethical
Behaviour.” Critical Social Work 15 (1): 74–86.
376 M. WEINBERG AND S. BANKS
- Abstract
- Introduction
- The unethical climate: neoliberalism and managerialism
- Implications for ethical practice in social work
- Resistance
- Ethical resistance and ethics work
- Sources of the case examples
- Case 1: Susie’s struggles with administrative pressures
- Commentary
- Case 2: Hannah’s concerns about discharge to nursing homes based on financial considerations
- Commentary
- Case 3: Edward’s account of supporting a mother against the advice of his manager
- Commentary
- Summary and discussion
- Concluding comments
- Disclosure statement
- Notes on contributors
- ORCID
- References
<< /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles false /AutoRotatePages /PageByPage /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile () /CalRGBProfile (Adobe RGB \0501998\051) /CalCMYKProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Error /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default /DetectBlends true /DetectCurves 0.1000 /ColorConversionStrategy /sRGB /DoThumbnails true /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedOpenType false /ParseICCProfilesInComments true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 524288 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 100 /Optimize true /OPM 1 /ParseDSCComments false /ParseDSCCommentsForDocInfo true /PreserveCopyPage true /PreserveDICMYKValues true /PreserveEPSInfo false /PreserveFlatness true /PreserveHalftoneInfo false /PreserveOPIComments false /PreserveOverprintSettings false /StartPage 1 /SubsetFonts true /TransferFunctionInfo /Remove /UCRandBGInfo /Remove /UsePrologue false /ColorSettingsFile () /AlwaysEmbed [ true ] /NeverEmbed [ true ] /AntiAliasColorImages false /CropColorImages true /ColorImageMinResolution 150 /ColorImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleColorImages true /ColorImageDownsampleType /Bicubic /ColorImageResolution 300 /ColorImageDepth -1 /ColorImageMinDownsampleDepth 1 /ColorImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeColorImages true /ColorImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterColorImages false /ColorImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /ColorACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.90 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /ColorImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /JPEG2000ColorACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 15 >> /JPEG2000ColorImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 15 >> /AntiAliasGrayImages false /CropGrayImages true /GrayImageMinResolution 150 /GrayImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleGrayImages true /GrayImageDownsampleType /Bicubic /GrayImageResolution 300 /GrayImageDepth -1 /GrayImageMinDownsampleDepth 2 /GrayImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeGrayImages true /GrayImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterGrayImages false /GrayImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /GrayACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.90 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /GrayImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /JPEG2000GrayACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 15 >> /JPEG2000GrayImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 15 >> /AntiAliasMonoImages false /CropMonoImages true /MonoImageMinResolution 1200 /MonoImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleMonoImages true /MonoImageDownsampleType /Average /MonoImageResolution 300 /MonoImageDepth -1 /MonoImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeMonoImages true /MonoImageFilter /CCITTFaxEncode /MonoImageDict << /K -1 >> /AllowPSXObjects true /CheckCompliance [ /None ] /PDFX1aCheck false /PDFX3Check false /PDFXCompliantPDFOnly false /PDFXNoTrimBoxError true /PDFXTrimBoxToMediaBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXSetBleedBoxToMediaBox true /PDFXBleedBoxToTrimBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfile (None) /PDFXOutputConditionIdentifier () /PDFXOutputCondition () /PDFXRegistryName () /PDFXTrapped /False /Description << /ENU () >> >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [600 600] /PageSize [595.245 841.846] >> setpagedevice
18.Fine, M.,& Teram,E.(2013). Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice Heroes and Mild-Mannered Social Work Bipeds. The B.pdf
Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice: Heroes and Mild-Mannered Social Work Bipeds
Author(s): Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
Source: The British Journal of Social Work , OCTOBER 2013, Vol. 43, No. 7 (OCTOBER 2013), pp. 1312-1329
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23723086
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms
Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The British Journal of Social Work
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
British Journal of Social Work (2013) 43, 1312-1329 doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcs056 Advance Access publication April 26, 2012
Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice: Heroes and Mild-Mannered
Social Work Bipeds Marshall Fine* and Eli Teram
Marshall Fine, Ed.D, is a Professor at the Faculty of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. His research interests are in social work ethics, family experiences with child welfare systems, couple and family therapy, and family therapy/social work supervision. Eli Teram is Professor at the Faculty of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. His main research interests relate to the organisational, interprofessional and inter-organisational contexts of social work practice.
* Correspondence to Marshall Fine, Professor, Faculty of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University, 120 Duke Street West, Kitchener, Ontario, Canada, N2H 3W8. E-mail: mfine@ wlu.ca
Abstract
This article explores overt and covert actions taken by social workers against perceived moral injustices in their work organisations. Covert and overt actions are defined and examples of these actions from a research study of social work ethics are presented. The paper argues that both covert and overt actions ought to be considered heroic in light of what appears to be timidity on the part of many social workers to act against perceived moral injustice in their workplaces. The concepts of multiple institutional logics and embedded agency are used as a means of moderating and contextualising the concerns social workers might have about acting in either covert or overt ways to address moral injustices, and to examine the potential pitfalls and merits of each type of action. The article concludes by encouraging social workers to consider more system atically avenues for overt actions to address perceived moral injustice, as basic social work values of client care can be paradoxically found even in the logics of dominantly neo-liberal organisations. If overt action is not possible or may have the potential of causing more harm to the client, covert actions can be morally justified.
Keywords: Covert and overt actions, ethics, heroism, moral injustice, multiple institutional logics, resistance
Accepted: March 2012
The Author 2012. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The British Association of Social Workers. All rights reserved.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1313
Introduction
I think it's very important to know what you consider to be right and very important to speak up when you think something is not right and to explore it and to be willing to sort of be one of the few voices and not just go with the flow because everyone else is comfortable with it... (aa3a).
While social work is expected to stand up for social justice, little is known about the actions and motivations of social workers' attempting to address what they observe as moral injustices related to their organisation's policies and practices (Musil et al., 2004; Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008). Based on a study of the ethical issues experienced by social workers in their everyday practices, this paper examines the courage required to take particular actions, and analyses the different types of risk faced by social workers choosing to act in the face of moral injustice. The different risks depend, in part, on whether their actions to address perceived moral injustice in the workplace are carried out in an overt or covert manner. To facilitate informed comparisons between the potential risks and requisite courage related to involvement in these two types of actions, we integrate in our analysis of philosophical writings on heroism with current thinking about the institutional pluralism that characterises human service organisations.
This integration is intended to expand the analytical frameworks used by those who consider action to correct the perceived harm caused by their organisations. Since the analysis of the situation is one of the determinants for ethical action/inaction by individual social workers (Banks, 2004), we hope that this paper will improve the quality of this analysis by critically and reflexively considering the contexts in which their contemplated actions might happen. To act against moral injustice is a principle clearly expressed in many social work Codes of Ethics: for example, 'Social workers promote social fairness and the equitable distribution of resources, and act to reduce barriers and expand choice for all persons, with special regard for those who are marginalized, disadvantaged, vulnerable, and/or have exceptional needs' (Canadian Association of Social Workers, 2005, p. 5). However, it is naive to expect that social workers will act unquestion ably to confront the organisation and right the perceived wrongs produced by its policies and practices. For workers in the helping professions, acting against moral injustices perpetuated against clients can be complicated and risky (Stanford, 2011). Banks (2004) suggests that the decision for action/ inaction is complex and is determined by considerations that go beyond the analysis of the situation; these considerations include courage, commit ment to certain ideals, career stage, family circumstances, type of job and employment agency, and the availability of support. Thus, contemplating such action can involve going through a period of moral distress, which, according to Austin et al. (2005), 'is experienced when, as humans, we
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1314 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
believe we know how we should act, know what the right thing to do is, but find we cannot do it' (Austin et al., 2005, p. 199).
Although we know little about what social workers do when confronted with moral injustice, with a few exceptions (e.g. Aronson and Smith, 2010; Baines, 2007; Stanford, 2010, 2011), the scant research literature tends to imply that many social workers choose not to address injustices in their places of work (Musil et al., 2004; Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008). There may be a number of reasons for this. Stanford (2010), for example, referring to neo-liberal risk-based societies, notes that:
It appears that fear, the undermining of trust and the need to control have overtaken and undermined discussions about the creative impetus and courage required to take risks in practice (Parton, 2001; Alaszewski and Alaszewski, 2002; Titterton, 2006). Hence, the argument of the critical social work risk literature is that social workers have adopted a more defen sive and morally timid position in response to the pervasive and insidious political and moral conservatism of neo-liberal risk society (Stanford, 2010, p. 1067).
Papadaki and Papadaki (2008) note a similarity in their findings with those of Musil et al. (2004) in that 'social workers who try to change conditions that cause the dilemmas in social service organizations are rare' (Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008, p. 176). This reluctance to change conditions is what we refer to as inert action and we, along with others, primarily view inert action as attempts to refrain from making decisions that would pit the professional against the workplace (Lipsky, 1980; Musil et al., 2004; Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008). These actions do not respond to the needs of clients, but attempt to shelter the social worker from potential sanction, because such 'pitting' could, for example, have pragmatic repercussions on their future statuses and livelihoods. Whereas inert actions might imply an absence of moral courage, actions directed towards dealing with moral injustice, imply a presence of such courage (Austin et al., 2005; Hugman, 2005; Strom-Gottfried, 2007), particularly in light of the potentially negative con sequences for those who take action (Fine and Teram, 2009; Lonne et al., 2004; McAuliffe and Sudbery, 2005; Musil et al., 2004; Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008).
With respect to our current study and in contrast to the concern regarding inert actions, a number of study participants talked specifically about taking actions to address perceived moral injustices in the work setting. We distin guished between two primary types of action: overt and covert. Whereas overt actions dealt with the perceived injustice directly and openly, covert actions addressed the contested issue through less visible means that subverted agency policies by taking actions not sanctioned by the or ganisation in order to achieve what social workers considered an ethically preferred outcome for their clients.
The distinction between covert and overt actions provides a means to gain a nuanced understanding of the respective risks associated with each
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1315
type of action through the lenses of institutional pluralism. Specifically, we will argue that, under certain conditions, taking overt actions such as chal lenging the organisation's deviations from its mission through personal or lobbying activities, while seemingly heroic, may be less risky than taking covert actions. Since such identity conflicts are typically within the consti tutional framework of the organisation and are 'for' it (Kraatz and Block, 2008, p. 255), they can be defended as something done for the good of the organisation. Covert actions, which are implicitly outside the constitu tional framework of the organisation, can hardly be defended on this ground. A proper understanding of these distinctions is a good starting point for encouraging overt actions, which are more likely to lead to organ isational change than covert actions, which, notwithstanding their benefits for individual clients, tend to mask and smooth organisational inadequacies. Refined analyses of the complex choice between overt and covert actions will also help us generate ideas with respect to how professionals can be encouraged and supported to act as advocates in the institutional settings that encompass much of social work practice.
The advocate role is important, for two primary and related reasons:
(1) The social service environment appears to become increasingly neo liberal and managerial in perspective, which, by its nature, does not ne cessarily cater to social work values (Lonne et al., 2004; Noble and Irwin, 2009; Pollack and Rossiter, 2010).
(2) Institutions tend to have different purposes from practitioners, as noted by Maclntyre (1985, p. 194, cited in Banks and Gallagher, 2009), such that the 'common goods of the practice is always vulnerable to the com petitiveness of the institution' (Maclntyre, 1985, p. 47).
Methodology
The findings presented herein are from a study exploring social workers' experiences of ethical issues in their practices (Fine and Teram, 2009). Aspects of this section are taken from Fine and Teram (2009), in which we focus on how the participants related to the code of ethics. Based on a different subset of the study's database, this article explores a different theme.
The study received approval from the authors' university as being ethic ally sound. Prior to submitting any paper from our study for journal review, participants are e-mailed a copy of the paper for feedback.
Grounded theory was employed to conduct the study and analyse the data (Greenwood and Levin, 2000; Teram et al., 2005). Thus, there were two steps to the project. The first step involved the collection of data
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1316 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
through in-depth interviews followed by data analysis. The second step con sisted of five group consultation sessions with social work stakeholders in various cities in Ontario, representing a broad range of practice settings. The stakeholders were members of various regional social work associa tions in Ontario. The researchers presented the findings to the stakeholders and they were asked to comment and offer practice suggestions based on the findings.
The interview data were analysed using the constant comparative method that fits the discovery-based and in-depth nature of the study (Bogdan and Taylor, 1975; Denzin and Lincoln, 1998). All data were coded using Nvivo 6™. The first author initially coded six interviews to develop a tentative list of open codes for subsequent coders. Three additional coders, the primary one being the project co-ordinator, then continued the open coding process, adding new codes as they became apparent. Regular meetings were held with coders to review the evolving codes and refine and modify the process over time. After the interviews were open coded, we reduced, refined, combined and organised the codes. For a detailed explanation of the methodology, see Fine and Teram (2009).
The sample
Social work participants were recruited from a list provided by the Ontario Association of Social Workers (OASW). Five hundred and sixty-three letters and/or e-mails of invitation were sent to all OASW members living in five cities within Ontario. The cities were chosen as they represent a range of social-geographical factors such as: rural-urban, diversity of population, closeness to the USA, Francophone and Indigenous influences. Ninety-three individuals responded to the invitation and fifty-six social workers agreed to, and participated in, individual interviews. Two focus groups within south-central Ontario consisting of fifteen participants were also conducted and those data are included in this study. The total social work participant sample composed fifty-one women and twenty men. Sixteen participants identified themselves as members of a minority group. Years of social work practice experience ranged from two to forty three and the average social work years of experience was 18.5. Participants in individual interviews worked in hospital and health services (A = 12), private practice (A = 12), mental health (A = 8), child welfare (A = 8), community development (A = 5), addictions (A = 4), family services (A = 3), academia (A = 2), sexual assault services (A = 1) and correction services (A = 1). One focus group consisted of children's mental health resi dential social workers and the second group consisted of hospital social workers.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1317
Overt ethical responses to perceived moral injustices
As a starting point for our discussion, we offer examples of overt and covert ethical actions at the managerial and front line levels that emerged from the interviews with participants. These participant examples and others will serve to support our positions related to addressing moral injustices.
Managerial-level action
[I] was being asked to do something and take over an agency, which I did not agree with because I thought it would undermine the whole child welfare system in a community. Umm, because the Minister wanted to take over an agency. Umm... I said no and I could have lost my job over that... I mean it was really overt when you've got a Minister saying I want you to do something that you really believe ethically is wrong in terms of best practices or services for a community (Et7u).
Even though this participant considered his job to be at stake, he stood up to the government minister who was 'explicitly' asking him to take over a community agency. He refused to act in a way that he thought would result in an injustice. He did not, in the end, lose his job, but was prepared to do so.
Front line-level action
Administrators, of course, are not alone with regard to ethical challenges. The following front line worker opted to speak out about what she saw as a moral injustice in her work setting:
... when you're talking with a manager who's made a decision ... they don't always react kindly when you're sort of saying, 'well, first of all, you're vio lating the law, and second of all... is that really appropriate to be doing to this individual [not informing him of his rights]?' (aa3a).
This participant was speaking out about the fact that, because of the local public outcry and notoriety regarding one adult offender who had just come to live in the residence, another offender, who was at the time unable to fully understand his rights, was not informed of and, in one in stance, was denied his legal rights to leave the premises unaccompanied. To add salt to the wound, he was even denied the right to go on an outing accompanied by a guard. As in the above takeover example, the moral issue in this instance might not have been viewed as compelling in the public eye. Indeed, as it turns out, the situation was not even a concern for some professionals who worked in the residence:
And I had quite a few staff members... saying, 'He's just an offender, why are you so concerned about his rights and his, y'know, the limitations, like, who cares?' (aa3a).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1318 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
In both the managerial and front line situations, the social workers were addressing openly the persons/systems seen as potentially responsible for the perceived injustices. In the former situation, the participant refused to act in a way he saw as unjust. He was straightforward and able to con vince the minister to back down from a takeover. In the latter situation, the participant had approached her superior openly, but to no avail. She also talked with the offender whose rights she felt were being violated. By using such overt ethical actions to address injustices, these professionals lived knowing that their jobs, or at least their comfort within their jobs, might have been placed in some jeopardy.
Covert responses to perceived ethical injustices
Managerial-level action
I always found many ways to manipulate the formal rules so that the money was spent on children in order to provide support that they needed... there were many, many other managers who simply wouldn't do that... (cf2a).
This particular manager considered that funds were not always allocated to services he thought would benefit clients—in fact, he determined that some funds were misallocated. He viewed this as a moral issue and would reallo
cate money in areas that he thought would benefit, in an ethical way, the well-being of clients. His superiors were not informed of his actions. He sus pected that he would have to pay a price if his superiors found out.
Front line-level action
In a similar covert manner, a front line social work participant attended to what she perceived as unjust. The participant was asked quite some years ago to work with a young woman identified as being lesbian. Two issues concerned the participant. The first was that she knew very little about the lesbian community and experience. The second was that she worried that the goal of the hospital was for her to 'cure [the client] of her homo sexuality', which was particularly problematic for the participant, who at first did not know how to proceed:
... but I knew a former student at the School of Social Work who was
lesbian, who was very active and was now a social worker and I asked her if she would come to meet with this client and me. Which she did and I
sneaked her in because I wasn't the least bit sure the hospital would be the least bit comfortable with me having a social worker from someplace else come in and tell this underage client how to make connections with other young lesbians in the community. So I didn't like that feeling that I'm, that I could get in trouble that I might be doing something here that wasn't what the higher ups thought I should be doing and that I would be forced to be practicing in ways that didn't feel right, [as] that is a major reason I am here (mOc).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1319
Given the attitudes towards homosexuality at the time this event oc curred, we strongly suspect that the participant was taking a significant risk by attempting to prevent harm to the client. The harm could have come from two sources: the fact that the participant knew little about the lesbian community or 'lesbianism', which relates to an issue of cultural awareness; and the treatment of the day that aimed at 'curing' homosexual clients from what was then considered a form of psychiatric disorder. Asking the institution to attend to her concerns would have been question able particularly given the institutionalised psychiatric/medical logics at that time and the power difference between social workers and medical pro fessionals. As with the other participants in our study who took covert action, she thought she would have suffered serious consequences if discovered.
The two participants in these examples of covert ethical actions did not address openly the persons/systems they considered responsible for the perceived injustice, but acted in ways that diminished the unjust impact of current practices. They acted in a manner that Aronson and Smith (2010) would term 'expanding entitlements', through which they 'sought to stretch or disorganize narrow definitions of need and eligibility in order to move forward what they saw as the proper social objectives of their organizations' activities' (Aronson and Smith, 2010, p. 540). Nonethe less, the participants in our study tended to feel isolated in that there was no safety and formal support for open talk about their concerns and actions. In addition, the possibility of discovery constrained them from divulging and discussing their actions, which is consistent with the findings of McAuliffe and Sudbery (2005).
Will the real morally responsible professional please stand up!
Since there are many individual and systemic 'enticements' to avoid overt or covert actions that address moral injustices (Fine and Teram, 2009), we wondered what attitudes the participants might have held that led them to act courageously. The article's opening quote, and the following participants, provide some general sense about their constitutions in rela tion to standing up:
And a manager has to do more than just pay lip service, a manager has to be willing to challenge rules and break rules that are simply wrong because they are motivated by a system need or whatever,... the manager needs to bring to the workers' attention these contradictions and these sorts of dif ficulties and say, really, I'll support you to do work in this way (cf2a).
Our responsibility is to stand up and tell the truth; you stand up and tell the truth (aa8a).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1320 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
... I think maybe I'm pretty severe on that issue when I see another col league doing something that's out of line, I don't turn the other way (mf8n).
We observe as common among all of the participants above what seems to be a very robust sense of knowing what ought to be done and a drive to act accordingly. It is almost as if there is simply no question about any avoid ance. That is not to say that the participants are blind to the pitfalls:
There is always a cost. Always estimating the cost. Always. There is an eco nomic cost and there is personal cost.... When you're dealing with princi ples and ethics ... when you're facing a dilemma, either side of the coin there is always a personal and economic cost (cfla).
Although the costs articulated by this participant may be masked by the conviction and firmness of the participants' narratives, it would be naive to suggest that their actions are clear-cut and the process to reach their deci sions painless:
I really didn't like even being an employee of an organization that was con ducting themselves illegally. Really, you know, and I had to do a lot of soul searching, you know, like,... should I just quit? And, you know, when you have bills to pay and whatnot, it's really difficult to just quit without having something else and as well, in fact, my colleague is a psychologist, he said, actually,... if you quit, you're not going to be able to help this guy, whereas if you stay, you're more likely to be more help, because you can continue to advocate (Aa3a).
The above quote highlights one final aspect that appears to be at the core for all of the above participants: the welfare of the client. The following par ticipant, a manager who went to arbitration in order to try and prevent a worker whom he felt was not competent from being promoted, brings this point home:
I literally took it off the wall, and went through arbitration and the whole bit and it was because if I let it go by, it would make that person a case manager. I wouldn't wish that person a case manager on anyone and I would not do that to our clients. So that one I took right to the mat, we took it to arbitra tion. You know, that one I wouldn't give up on because it related to clients and client service (et7u).
Unfortunately, our data do not provide an opportunity to look more closely at whom these people are. We can only say that they seem to defy the norm and speak out based on courage that appears to come from a conviction to be truthful and faithful to what they perceive as moral justice for clients (see Stanford (2011) for other observations on likeminded social workers). Maclntyre's (2007) reflections on courage describe this virtue well:
We hold courage to be a virtue because the care and concerns for indivi duals, communities and causes which is so crucial to so much in practices requires the existence of such a virtue. If someone says that he cares for some individual, community or cause, but is unwilling to risk harm or danger on his, her or its own behalf, he puts in question the genuineness
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1321
of his care and concern. Courage, the capacity to risk harm or danger to oneself, has its role in human life because of this connection with care and concern (Maclntyre, 2007, p. 192).
On superheroes and heroes
If reporting and acting upon moral injustices, as noted above, is rare (Papadaki and Papadaki, 2008; Musil et al., 2004) and the consequences for those who do are potentially serious (Bauman, 1993), we agree with Austin et al. (2005), Hugman (2005) and Strom-Gottfried (2007) that it takes courage to address moral injustice. The participants above seem to have such courage.
If standing up against moral injustice is courageous, and yet is expected of social workers in relation to their code of ethics, does that mean that social
workers have to 'possess' courage as a basic human characteristic in order to do their jobs properly? Is doing social work only for the lionhearted, particularly given that moral issues arise almost daily, many of which are related to conflicts between the professional and the organisation (McAuliffe and Sudbery, 2005)? Are social workers who stand up against moral injustices superheroes?
According to Loeb and Morris (2005), superheroes are special beings possessing extraordinary capabilities—far above what any human could possibly achieve. Enjoying such qualities then begs the following question: 'What is so heroic about stopping an armed robbery if your skin is bullet proof and your strength is irresistible by any ordinary, or even extraordin ary, street thug?' (Loeb and Morris, 2005, p. 12). Loeb and Morris go on to point out that, even though they might not have to fret bodily harm (Kryptonite and such excepted), superheroes demonstrate other qualities that earn them the 'hero' in superhero. For example, despite the potential to live any life they might wish, they fight evil at great cost to themselves (Brenzel, 2005), by making sacrifices such as leaving family and forfeiting social lives (Loeb and Morris, 2005). Some hold great secrets regarding their identities, which can lead to isolation, loneliness and lack of recogni tion. They fight for truth, justice and morality. Does this not sound similar to our participants? They all made potential sacrifices whether in terms of job security, stressful collégial relationships and possible marginalisation (see also Fine and Teram, 2009).
It is clear that humans cannot be superheroes. However, the metaphor of the superhero has been with us as far back as one can see, each character seeming to fit with the socio-political contexts of the times (Waid, 2005). And we surmise, as do Loeb and Morris (2005), that there are reasons for our ongoing relationship with superheroes; primary among those are that superheroes provide us with inspiration to rise above and do what we con sider the right thing, even though and particularly because, unlike super heroes, we have no apparent protective gear. They stir and inspire us to
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1322 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
keep going 'when the going is very tough' (Loeb and Morris, 2005, p. 19) or provide us with 'ethical will', as Stanford (2011, p. 1516) might state. And what could be tougher and who could be more in need of inspiration than social workers attempting to soften and advocate against the deleterious impact of rapidly expanding neo-liberal policies on the lives of clients? Indeed, inspiration is particularly warranted in this climate, as it appears many social workers may be feeling downcast (Stanford, 2011).
There is another reason we find the superhero image useful. As noted above, humans do not have the extraordinary protective gear that super heroes possess; however, perhaps they have more protective gear than they might realise. For social workers, as we have implied above, this pro tective gear lies within an understanding of institutional pluralism and mul tiple logics, which we speak to below. First, however, we address the notion of the hero.
Being a hero implies struggling for moral justice even though, and par ticularly when, it is against the mainstream and there is potential for a great deal to lose (Loeb and Morris, 2005). This definition sounds like quite a feat, and yet there may be more heroes out there than we might ini tially imagine. Indeed, given the basic charge of social workers and other social and health care workers, these professionals, by the very nature of their work, as noted by Loeb and Morris (2005), could be considered heroes:
People in these jobs are often able to rise above the universal and altogether natural concern for the self, with its interests, and put the needs of others first on their list of priorities. They fight for human health, safety, growth, and excellence. They are the warriors of everyday life whose sacrifices and noble deeds benefit us all (Loeb and Morris, 2005, p. 13).
Well, that is at the essence of our concern. Are we indeed heroes just because we do this type of work? The answer, we believe, given our concern that apparently many social workers do not stand up against injustice, is not necessarily. But are those engaged in overt and covert actions heroes?
Overt and covert heroes within institutionalised pluralism
Is it more risky to speak out about perceived injustices or to do something covertly to right perceived organisational wrongs? Is it more heroic to openly resist injustice than to take covert corrective actions to reduce the potential harm of unjust organisational practices for clients? Variants of these questions are likely to occupy the minds of many who experience moral distress.
Given their deceptive nature, covert actions may not be considered heroic because they do not entail direct confrontation with the organisation. Indeed, such actions may perpetuate current policies by smoothing the de ficiencies of the system, masking society's ambiguities towards addressing the needs of vulnerable groups (Hoggett, 2006) and preventing proper
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1323
public debates (Lipsky, 1984). Moreover, covert actions can signify both dissatisfaction regarding particular organisational practices, and willingness to continue and enjoy the benefits received from the organisation. As such, covert actors, it would appear, can hardly be sung as heroes.
This understanding of heroism, however, is incomplete, as it separates the contributions and the risks associated with overt and covert heroes from the
pluralist context of human service organisations (HSOs). Since HSOs typ ically operate within multiple institutional spheres (Kraatz and Block, 2008), workers and managers have to make decisions within an internally pluralist environment that originates from and reinforces conflicting community values and shifting attitudes towards social problems and groups with special needs (Hasenfeld, 2000; Hoggett, 2006). Within this context, even overt resistance that appears radical and heroic may paradoxically contrib ute to the legitimacy of the organisation.
For example, a study of a merger between agencies working with youth-in-trouble (Teram, 2010) identified two equally legitimate discourses regarding the transformation of a kitchen in one of the group homes to food services. Pointing out the need to prepare hundreds of meals for the clients served by the merged entity, management's discourse centred on the cost savings generated by this change. Staffs discourse, on the other hand, high lighted the many social, educational and rehabilitative functions served by the kitchen and the harm caused to youth by its removal. In this open dis cursive resistance, managers were portrayed as villains, who are willing to 'remove the heart of the house' for financial reasons. Managers used this antagonistic portrayal of them to support their selves as rational and moral. In the managerial discourse, workers' resistance to change provided 'an opportunity to accentuate management's openness, flexibility and ability to make tough decisions in order to save the organization' (Teram, 2010, p. 50). Thus, while we encourage tempered radicalism (Meyerson, 2001) and the open expression of alternative positions, we do not consider overt actions that can draw legitimacy from one of the multiple logics of an organisation extremely risky. We also think that such overt actions can provide as much legitimacy to the system as covert actions that smooth its deficiencies. However, overt conflicts can also move the organisation forward by facilitating talk about both what the organisation should do and what it should be or aspire to (Kraatz and Block, 2008).
The scope of these discussions is not limitless, as overt conflicts are em bedded within the particular framework that encompasses its logics. Battilana and D'Aunno (2009) refer to this limitation as embedded agency, which they conceptualise as:
... a temporally embedded process of social engagement, informed by the past (in its habitual aspect), but also oriented toward the future (as a cap acity to imagine alternative possibilities) and toward the present (as a cap acity to contextualize past habits and future projects within the contingencies of the moment) (Battilana and D'Aunno, 2009, p. 47).
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1324 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
Overt actions are driven by the imagination of better alternatives, or, as noted above, what Aronson and Smith (2010) call 'expanded entitlements', within the logics of the system within which social workers are embedded. As such, these actions do not push for radical changes and are not as risky as covert actions that reject and violate current institutional arrangements. The manager who refused to act on the minister's directive, for example, could explain his decision based on the principles of best practices in social service, particularly the welfare of clients, which is a prima facie mandate of the ministry.
Finally, with respect to overt actions, we would add that much of the risk and anxiety related to taking overt actions against perceived injustice are related to moral ambiguity, which is a product of institutional pluralism. As such, and as demonstrated in the kitchen story above, given the multiple institutional logics their organisations have to consider, and the diverse sta keholders they have to satisfy, the injustices social workers observe are more likely to be morally ambiguous rather than clearly illegal. This ambi guity presents both avenues and obstacles for action.
Covert actions are necessary when the perceived injustice cannot be addressed within the institutionalised logics of the organisation, multiple as they may be. These actions are a product of the realisation by social workers that great energy and time are required to change large systems and, most importantly, the potential harm for clients waiting for the system to change. Although covert actions do not change systems, they do affect the lives of individuals who are being 'un-served' by these systems, as demonstrated by the manager who covertly rechanneled funds to clients whom he felt were most in need, and the front line participant who ensured that her lesbian client would receive properly informed and capable service.
Another example from our research might serve to further the point. A participant chose not to 'hear' a client when he claimed that he was earning extra money above his disability payments—if reported, the client's disability allowance would have to be reduced to the point at which getting by would be very tough. For the social worker, this was an issue of social justice. She saw herself working for a system that can foster an uneven socio-economic playing field by constraining clients from attempting to 'get out from under'. Clearly, confronting the system overtly to be more flexible would not have benefitted the client.
Covert actions have also been reported by Austin et al. (2005). A psych ologist in their study felt compelled to act 'secretly' to ensure proper treat ment for a patient who was becoming increasingly at risk regarding his own safety and mental well-being in the institution. After a number of pleas to other professionals within the institution, the psychologist realised that "interinstitutionalpolitics" (Austin et al., 2005, p. 204) were preventing a ne cessary transfer to an appropriate facility. Seeing that nothing would happen within the institution and that directly confronting the issue with
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1325
the institution would lead to delays and high costs for the client, the psych ologist made an anonymous call from outside the institution to a group that could advocate for the patient. Within very short order, the external advo cacy group contacted the institution with the anonymous concern. In re sponse, the institution transferred the client to another facility where the psychologist thought the patient would receive the required treatment. The psychologist's action is referred to by Austin et al. as 'acting in secret' (Austin et al., 2005, p. 205), which is analogous to what we call covert action. In this situation, overt confrontation of the system would have been at the expense of the welfare of the patient.
Clearly, this is a situation that, according to the psychologist, needed to be addressed in an immediate way and would likely have led to harm if the psychologist had attempted to continue to confront the system openly. We believe that the psychologist's acting in a 'disloyal' way against his institution in order to protect the rights and health of a patient is heroic, as well as judicious. Indeed, the action does not change the system, but we suspect that this action and the others above fit with Loeb and Morris's (2005) notion that such care professionals are heroic because they put others first—particularly others who are disadvantaged—and because, if they are caught, the consequence could likely be severe.
While Austin et al. (2005) would question the contribution of covert actions to a healthy ethical environment, we argue that covert actions are heroic. In relation to our understanding of heroism, covert action is resist ance with a cost—possibly at the cost of losing one's job if caught—but cer tainly at the cost of fear of discovery, isolation and condemnation, as our earlier analysis has noted (Fine and Teram, 2009). The deceptive nature of these actions means that they cannot be justified within the current insti tutional logics, and can therefore be formally penalised without adverse consequences for the legitimacy of the organisation.
Since moral actions are ultimately personal (Bauman, 1993), once one chooses to act covertly and/or overtly as opposed to inertly, the challenge is to make a judicious choice between overt and covert actions. The most heroic action, with the greatest potential for social change, would probably be overt actions that go beyond the institutionalised logics of a particular organisation.
Before taking any covert action in a situation that the social worker believes, through a reflexive process, is morally unjust and important to pursue, all possible legitimate avenues for addressing the issue overtly within the organisation ought to be explored. If these explorations fail, as it did with the social worker who informed her superior that he was break ing the law by not informing a client of his rights, then potentially going public or acting covertly are options. If one chooses to take overt action, then it is helpful for the social worker to remember that, when the harm is very clear and the organisation violates its own institutionalised logics,
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1326 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
even overt actions that publicise injustice may be immune to formal retali ation. Therefore, a good understanding of institutional pluralism in general, and the multiple logics of one's organisation in particular, may expand the zone of relatively safe overt actions that professionals may consider. This safety is limited, however, to formal consequences, as superiors and co-workers can be very creative with informal retaliations against overt actors.
In some situations, professionals may be way ahead of their organisations in imagining alternatives that are outside of the current organisational logics. In these situations, overt actions may be fruitless and possibly detri mental for clients. In the example of the social worker who was concerned about 'curing lesbianism', overt action would have been unproductive, as the hospital was not yet ready for change in this area. Indeed, it was outside their organisational logics in terms of the psychiatric thinking with regard to the treatment of persons who were labelled as 'homosexual'. Overt action in this case would have yielded institutional resistance and possibly the assignment of a new worker—one who may not have taken into consideration the complex ethical implications of the situation. Thus, resorting to covert action manifests the realisation by the worker that her ethical logic, and what she thought was best for the client, could not be readily accommodated within the institutional logics of her organisation.
Similar realisation guided the covert actions of other participants, whose clients' immediate needs could not be subjected to the prolonged process of changing institutional logics and the uncertainty of its outcome. In the in stance of the client who was earning extra money under the table, it is highly unlikely that the monolithic social assistance system was going to turn on a dime and sanction increased payments to all deserving clients. The psychologist, too, realised that fighting the system would get him and the client nowhere. The manager who was reallocating funds would also most likely have been stymied.
While covert actions seem a useful way to prevent injustice in such instances, they do not release the professional from trying to have an influ ence overtly on the way the institution handles such situations. Covert actions can work to 'right' a particular 'wrong', but we agree that they do not change systems. Indeed, covert actions can reinforce systems and the status quo, allowing things to run smoothly by not requiring the system to deal openly with its ambiguities (Lipsky, 1984; Hoggett, 2006). As for overt actions, we believe, as already suggested, that they should occur ideally whenever possible. Given that social workers do not possess super hero capabilities, they cannot fight every battle and, as such, they need to prioritise what they speak out for. However, considering the multiple logics of HSOs, we think that social workers have a wide range of options for relatively safe overt actions. The social worker who informed her super ior that he was denying the rights of an offender, for example, acted within
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1327
the institutionalised logics of her organisation, which would be to act in ac cordance with the law and, as such, she would be 'protected' in her action. However, while institutional pluralism provides formal protection for those who act overtly within the multiple logics of their organisation, as our sta keholders groups informed us, it does not provide protection against the in formal hostility targeted at them if their actions upset the supporters of the dominant logics.
We believe that much more research is required in order to address in a more refined and informed way our speculations about the use of covert and overt actions. At this point, we would offer a general and tentative opinion: address overtly perceived injustice particularly when the overt action fits one of the multiple logics of the organisation. When the overt action is beyond the current institutionalised logics to the extent that pur suing it would potentially cause an immediate and potentially deeper harm to the client's welfare, covert action could be justified. In these latter situations, a social worker could be lobbying more generally for changes in the policies that allow moral injustices.
Conclusion
Pollack and Rossiter (2010), in a keen critique of neo-liberalism, consider neo-liberal policies, as implicated in the 'erosion of social work as a justice based practice' (Pollack and Rossiter, 2010, p. 168). They maintain that feminists and social workers need to resist 'neoliberalization by rejecting assumptions about neoliberalism as a limited, neutral, economic realm and exposing the insidious and hidden ways in which neoliberal ideology is embedded within state (and private) structures, discourses, policies, and goals' (Pollack and Rossiter, 2010, p. 167). It could be argued that a number of the injustices in this article are linked to the increasing domin ance of neo-liberalism. This is all the more reason for social workers to
find the courage to preserve and strengthen the very essence of social work—social justice.
In an ideal world, with proper support, heroic figures, ethical champions and organisational practices that allow safe spaces for discussions about moral justice and moral distress, we might not need to speak of heroes, but rather mild-mannered social work bipeds: doing the job in a way that supports moral justice would be expected and honoured. However, we do not work in ideal situations. The world is complex, social and political struc tures do not necessarily favour the concerns of our clients, and resources are scarce. While we should not let those factors block continuous work
towards social justice, there will be many times when mild manners need to be transformed into bold and heroic actions.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1328 Marshall Fine and Eli Teram
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by a grant from the Social Science and Human ities Research Council (SSHRC) Grant No. 410-2003-0203. We express our appreciation to all participants, without whom this study would not have been possible.
References
Aronson, J. and Smith, K. (2010) 'Managing restructured social services: Expanding the social?', British Journal of Social Work, 40, pp. 530-47.
Austin, W., Rankel, M., Kagan, L., Bergum, V. and Lemermeyer, G. (2005) 'To stay or to go, to speak or stay silent, to act or not to act: Moral distress as experienced by psy chologists', Ethics & Behavior, 15(3), pp. 197-212.
Baines, D. (ed.) (2007) Doing Anti-Oppressive Practice: Building Transformative Politi cized Social Work, Halifax, Fernwood Publishing.
Banks, S. (2004) Ethics, Accountability and the Social Professions, Houndsmills, UK, Palgrave Macmillan.
Banks, S. and Gallagher, A. (2009) Ethics in Professional Life: Virtues for Health and Social Care, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hamshire, Palgrave Macmillan.
Battilana, J. and D'Aunno, T. (2009) 'Institutional work and the paradox of embedded agency', in T. Lawrence, R. Suddaby and B. Leca (eds), Institutional Work: Actors and Agency in Institutional Studies of Organization, Cambridge, UK, Cambridge Uni versity Press.
Bauman, Z. (1993) Postmodern Ethics, Oxford, UK, Blackwell. Bogdan, R. and Taylor, S. (1975) Introduction to Qualitative Research Methods: A Phe
nomenological Approach to the Social Sciences, New York, John Wiley & Sons. Brenzel, J. (2005) 'Why are superheroes good? Comics and the ring of gyges', in
T. Morris and M. Morris (eds), Superheroes and Philosophy: Truth, Justice, and the Socratic Way, Chicago, Open Court.
Canadian Association of Social Workers (2005) Code of Ethics, Ottawa, ON, Author. Denzin, N. K. and Lincoln, Y. S. (1998) 'Introduction: Entering the field of qualitative
research', in N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (eds), Strategies of Qualitative Research, Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage.
Fine, M. and Teram, E. (2009) 'Believers and skeptics: Where social workers situate themselves regarding the code of ethics', Ethics & Behavior, 19(1), pp. 60-78.
Greenwood, D. J. and Levin, M. (2000) 'Reconstructing the relationships between uni versities and society through action research', in N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (eds), Handbook of Qualitative Research, 2nd edn, Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage.
Hasenfeld, Y. (2000) 'Organizational forms as moral practices: The case of welfare departments', Social Service Review, 74(3), pp. 329-51.
Hoggett, P. (2006) 'Conflict, ambivalence, and the contested purpose of public organiza tions', Human Relations, 59(2), pp. 175-94.
Hugman, R. (2005) New Approaches in Ethics for the Caring Professions, New York, Palgrave Macmillan.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice 1329
Kraatz, M. S. and Block, E. S. (2008) 'Organizational implications of institutional plural ism', in R. Greenwood, C. Oliver, K. Sahlin and R. Suddaby (eds), The Sage Hand book of Organizational Institutionalism, London, Sage.
Lipsky, M. (1980) Street-Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Ser vices, New York, Russell Sage Foundation.
Lipsky, M. (1984) 'Bureaucratic disentitlement in social-welfare programs', Social Service Review, 58(1), pp. 3-27.
Loeb, J. and Morris, T. (2005) 'Heroes and superheroes', in T. Morris and M. Morris (eds), Superheroes and Philosophy: Truth, Justice, and the Socratic Way, Chicago, Open Court.
Lonne, B., McDonald, C. and Fox, T. (2004) 'Ethical practice in contemporary human services', Journal of Social Work, 4(3), pp. 345-67.
Maclntyre, A. (2007) After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory, 3rd edn, London, Gerald Duckworth & Co.
McAuliffe, D. and Sudbery, J. (2005) "'Who do I tell?": Support and consultation in cases of ethical conflict', Journal of Social Work, 5(1), pp. 21-43.
Meyerson, D. E. (2001) Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work, Boston, MA, Harvard Business School Press.
Musil, L., Kubalfkovâ, K., Hubfkova, O. and Neasovâ, M. (2004) 'Do social workers avoid the dilemmas of work with clients?', European Journal of Social Work, 7(3), pp. 305-19.
Noble, C. and Irwin, J. (2009) 'Social work supervision: An exploration of the current challenges in a rapidly changing social, economic and political environment', Journal of Social Work, 9(3), pp. 345-58.
Papadaki, E. and Papadaki, V. (2008) 'Ethically difficult situations related to organiza tional conditions: Social workers' experiences in Crete, Greece', Journal of Social Work, 8(2), pp. 163-80.
Pollack, S. and Rossiter, A. (2010) 'Neoliberalism and the entrepreneurial subject: Impli cations for feminism and social work', Canadian Social Work Review, 27(2), pp. 155— 69.
Stanford, S. (2010) "'Speaking back" to fear: Responding to the moral dilemmas of risk in social work practice', British Journal of Social Work, 40, pp. 1065 -80.
Stanford, S. N. (2011) 'Constructing moral responses to risk: A framework for hopeful social work practice', British Journal of Social Work, 41, pp. 1514-31.
Strom-Gottfried, K. (2007) Straight Talk about Professional Ethics, Chicago, Lyceum Books.
Teram, E. (2010) 'Organizational change within morally ambiguous contexts: A case study of conflicting post-merger discourses', Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 46(1), pp. 38-54.
Teram, E., Schachter, C. L. and Stalker, C. A. (2005) 'The case for integrating grounded theory and participatory action research: Empowering clients to inform professional practice', Qualitative Health Research, 15, pp. 1129-40.
Waid, M. (2005) 'The real truth about superman: And the rest of us, too', in T. Morris and M. Morris (eds), Superheroes and Philosophy: Truth, Justice, and the Socratic Way, Chicago, Open Court.
This content downloaded from �������������137.207.71.12 on Sat, 21 Aug 2021 02:30:57 UTC�������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
- Contents
- p. [1312]
- p. 1313
- p. 1314
- p. 1315
- p. 1316
- p. 1317
- p. 1318
- p. 1319
- p. 1320
- p. 1321
- p. 1322
- p. 1323
- p. 1324
- p. 1325
- p. 1326
- p. 1327
- p. 1328
- p. 1329
- Issue Table of Contents
- The British Journal of Social Work, Vol. 43, No. 7 (OCTOBER 2013) pp. 1253-1462
- Front Matter
- Editorial [pp. 1253-1258]
- Personalisation Falls Short [pp. 1259-1275]
- Challenging the Pursuit of Criminalisation in an Era of Mass Incarceration: The Limitations of Social Work Responses to Domestic Violence in the USA [pp. 1276-1293]
- 'I Work with the Community, Not the Parties!' The Political and Practical Dilemmas of South Africa's State-Employed Community Development Workers [pp. 1294-1311]
- Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice: Heroes and Mild-Mannered Social Work Bipeds [pp. 1312-1329]
- þÿ�þ�ÿ���Y���o���u���n���g��� ���P���e���o���p���l���e��� ���W���h���o��� ���H���a���v���e��� ���B���e���e���n��� ���M���a���l���t���r���e���a���t���e���d���:��� ���D���i���f���f���e���r���e���n���t��� ���N���e���e���d���s�������D���i���f���f���e���r���e���n���t��� ���R���e���s���p���o���n���s���e���s���?��� ���[���p���p���.��� ���1���3���3���0���-���1���3���4���6���]
- Sport in Care: Using Freedom of Information Requests to Elicit Data about Looked After Children's Involvement in Physical Activity [pp. 1347-1363]
- An Understanding of Optimal Knowledge Management for Social Work Practice: Based on a Process-Oriented Conceptualisation of Knowledge Integration [pp. 1364-1383]
- Carer Drinking and More Serious Child Protection Case Outcomes [pp. 1384-1402]
- Who Kills Children? Re-Examining the Evidence [pp. 1403-1438]
- Breaking through Marginalisation in Public Mental Health Care with Family Group Conferencing: Shame as Risk and Protective Factor [pp. 1439-1454]
- Book Reviews
- Review: untitled [pp. 1455-1456]
- Review: untitled [pp. 1456-1457]
- Review: untitled [pp. 1457-1459]
- Review: untitled [pp. 1459-1460]
- Review: untitled [pp. 1460-1461]
- BOOKS RECEIVED [pp. 1462-1462]
- Back Matter
19.Bird,M. (2016). Social justice advocacy in the belly of the beast An illustration of policy change for social work. Affilia, 31(2), 257-262..pdf
Women Creating Change
Social Justice Advocacy in the Belly of the Beast: An Illustration of Policy Change for Social Work
Melissa Bird 1
Abstract This article presents an experience of applied social justice advocacy to maintain and advance women’s reproductive rights and is a call to action for the entire social work profession. The reader is offered a strategy that can be used to effect broad policy change in all political climates. Drawing upon some fundamentals of the social work profession such as coalition building, advocacy engagement, and stakeholder outreach, this article shows how social workers can become engaged in the political arena to pass legislation. It is the author’s hope that this article will be used by social workers and social workers in training to deepen their commitment to women’s issues and social justice advocacy and facilitate their engagement in making policy change.
Keywords macro, mezzo, social work practice, reproductive rights, research categories, social justice, social welfare policy, social work/social welfare history and philosophy, women’s health
Introduction
According to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU, n.d.), the American ‘‘War on Women’’
describes legislative attacks on women and women’s rights taking place across America. These
efforts are designed to place restrictions on women’s health care and erode protections for women
and their families (ACLU, n.d.). According to the Guttmacher Institute, in the first quarter of 2014,
legislators in 38 states introduced 303 provisions seeking to limit women’s access to care (2014).
Twenty-two states have five or more restrictions on abortion access, and Louisiana has 10 (Guttma-
cher, 2014). Beginning in 2011, states also began a concerted effort to limit federal family planning
funding to Planned Parenthood clinics with nine states prohibiting certain entities from receiving
federal funds (Guttmacher, 2014). This increase in attacks on women’s bodies leads us into a dis-
cussion about how the body is being used as a tool for violence in the war on women in America,
how the policies restricting reproductive health care access are being used as a tool of violence
1 School of Social Work, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Melissa Bird, School of Social Work, University of Southern California, Montgomery Ross Fisher Building, 669 West 34th
Street, Los Angeles, CA 90089, USA.
Email: [email protected]
Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work 2016, Vol. 31(2) 257-262 ª The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0886109915592668 aff.sagepub.com
against women’s bodies by forcing them to carry unintended pregnancies, and how professional
social workers can place themselves in the public space as a response to these brutal attacks.
The mechanism of ‘‘othering’’ has allowed politicians around the United States to dehumanize
women while simultaneously dictating what they can do with their reproductive organs. Here
‘‘othering’’ refers to defining women in relation to men, leaving women as inferior because being
female means to lack qualities that men come by naturally. It is a woman’s deviance from the norm
(i.e., lack of maleness) and assumed passivity that leaves women marked for attack. Conservative
politicians have become experts at using this assumption to marginalize women through policy.
‘‘Social processes, such as status expectations, cognitive bias, othering, and trading personal power
for privilege, create different social opportunities, experiences, and realities for women and men’’
(Swigonski & Raheim, 2011, p. 14). The way our current government engages in policy formation
and the policy domination of women’s reproductive health creates gender-specific structures that
perpetuate control over women’s bodies. As Gloria Steinem (2015, p. 4) states, ‘‘In the United
States, the rightwing has chipped away at the reproductive freedom of minors, poor women, and
women in the military—who can’t get an abortion, even if they’re raped while on duty.’’ Advocacy
is desperately needed to counter the war on women and ensure safe and full access to the health care
women need to care for their own bodies, plan for their families, and space their children.
This article is a call to action. Advocacy, which is a necessary activity to fulfill our obligation to
the communities we serve, is a simple endeavor that takes place in a complex system. The use of a
feminist agenda that includes working on specific objectives that promote gender equity, stopping
the war on women, increasing and protecting access to safe legal abortion, promoting women’s
reproductive freedom, and advocating for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning
(LGBTQ) equality can be combined with a practical approach to advocacy practice giving profes-
sional social workers the foundation to engage in groundbreaking, unique, and successful policy
initiatives and accomplish their social justice goals. I know this is possible because I have experi-
enced this myself. In the next section, I describe how my passion for LGBTQ equality and women’s
health, combined with my anger at the ways in which war was being waged on women and members
of the LGBTQ community, led to my first foray into policy advocacy, and, eventually, an entire
career built on it. I discuss my own experiences in order to help inspire emerging professional social
workers to engage in social justice advocacy.
Beginning an Advocacy Career
My first research project during my master’s in social work education involved LGBTQ homeless
youth in Utah. In 2002, there were no homeless shelters for youth, and the law clearly stated that
individuals and agencies were not allowed to shelter a youth for longer than 8 hours without parental
consent or emancipation. At the time, Utah did not have an emancipation law. Taking the skills I was
learning in my policy class, I combined my research on homeless youth with Jansson’s (2003) policy
practice framework. I gathered emancipation laws from 26 other states and systematically reviewed
each policy looking for key terms and content that I could use to write an ‘‘Emancipation of a
Minor’’ law for Utah. After securing sponsorship of the bill, I worked with legislators and commu-
nity leaders to identify key stakeholders and built a coalition of support for the legislation. However,
in a state where parental rights are paramount, I was presented with my first major political chal-
lenge. Drawing upon the basic fundamentals of the social work profession such as coalition building
and building relationships with stakeholders, I was able to overcome the most daunting of political
circumstances to pass legislation that has impacted hundreds of homeless youth.
Building on that first experience of successfully advocating for social justice legislation, I forged
a career as an advocate and lobbyist for women’s reproductive health in Utah. I served as the exec-
utive director of Planned Parenthood Action Council and as the chief lobbyist for the Planned
258 Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work 31(2)
Parenthood Association of Utah. Motivated by a feminist agenda and the war on women I worked in
the halls of Washington, DC, and the back rooms of the Utah State Capitol as a leader against the
so-called War on Women fighting for women’s freedom in the belly of the conservative beast. This
experience combined with the guiding principles learned during my social work education allowed me
to build a social policy experience that can be duplicated by any social work professional in any state.
While at Planned Parenthood, I helped to ensure the passage of four pieces of legislation into law.
Utah became the only state in the nation to pass ‘‘Emergency Contraception in the Emergency
Room’’ legislation the first time it was introduced. This policy mandates that emergency contracep-
tion be offered to every rape victim who presents at a hospital for care. Planned Parenthood intro-
duced the Fertility Protection Act to secure state health department funding for chlamydia and
gonorrhea treatment and prevention and developed Expedited Partner Therapy legislation that
allowed pharmacies to dispense an extra dose of antibiotics to treat chlamydia and gonorrhea to
an intimate partner without a prescription. Finally, Planned Parenthood worked with legislators to
fund an education campaign to educate pregnant women with substance abuse issues about treatment
opportunities throughout Utah. As a result of this work, these models of legislation have been intro-
duced in other conservative states.
These successes were, in large part, attributable to my social work education, and specifically to
two core principles: embracing the ethical mandate to engage in advocacy and the importance of
cultivating relationships. In addition, I propose that successful policy advocacy requires that we
embrace (or perhaps even reclaim) the term lobbyist. Each of these is discussed subsequently.
The Ethical Mandate to Engage in Advocacy
Social workers have an ethical obligation to engage in actions that bring our clients closer to fair-
ness, justice, and equality. Our profession was founded on these principles. Pioneering social worker
Jane Addams (1902) proclaimed that ‘‘action indeed is the sole medium of expression for ethics’’
(p. 273). Social justice advocates are individual social workers, collaborating and partnering with
others who are aware of policy decisions that effect every aspect of social welfare. They are practi-
tioners who are motivated to learn how a bill becomes a law in the states in which they live. Profes-
sional social workers must participate in thoughtful dialogue, approach leaders regardless of
political affiliation or assumed political ideology, and build coalitions that bring together decision
makers who can help frame discussions in a way that inspires real and lasting change.
Fully engaged advocates engage with their local media. They write op-eds in local newspapers,
contact reporters to suggest timely news stories that are relevant to the community, and work with
editors to ensure that social justice messages are spread throughout the year. Finally, professional
social workers are trained to negotiate and deal with conflict. Advocacy and lobbying efforts are
only as effective as the messenger delivering the proposal. The process of change is successful when
professional social workers are able to remain calm and engage in thoughtful conversation in the
face of adversity. These behaviors can lead to cultivating long lasting, powerful relationships that
can help professional social workers achieve their policy goals.
Establishing Relationships
The power of the professional social workers’ influence with elected leaders develops because we
engage with people, hear their stories, connect with them, and collaborate together to make change.
Engaging in advocacy gives professional social workers a platform where they can take their social
work education to heart and approach every leader, elected official, or reporter with a simple mantra:
‘‘Start where people are at, not where you want them to be.’’ An example of this relationship build-
ing took place in Utah when I was able to build connections with Bill Evans, former lobbyist for the
Bird 259
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) who sat in meetings with devout LDS women who
had endured the harrowing journey of terminating a pregnancy. This led to a group of citizens work-
ing with elected officials to stop the passage of a restrictive antiabortion bill that would have affected
hundreds of women. Connecting people in power with the individuals who are directly affected by
their policies changes the face of politics.
Professional social workers are educated to find common ground with members of various com-
munities and organizations. This concept is an integral part of a professional social workers advo-
cacy strategy, so that every conversation is underpinned with the intention to find commonalities. In
practice, this means knowing the professional and volunteer histories of each elected official. By
knowing their backgrounds, social justice advocates can deepen their personal relationships with
people in power in order to further their policy agendas.
During my tenure as a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood, I met Holly, a former midwife who
served as a lobbyist and was later elected to public office. We had little in common politically (she
was conservative, I was not), but she knew that healthy moms make healthy babies and that women
should be able to plan their pregnancies with their partners. She would pass along information or
oversee an introduction to difficult conservative legislators. This is an example of how relationship
building is fundamental to being a social justice advocate. Building relationships with stakeholders
goes a long way in the halls of city councils, state legislatures, and Congress.
As professional social workers, we are able to communicate real-world stories that encourage
people to open their hearts and their wallets. As leaders in nonprofit organizations, professional
social workers must raise hundreds of thousands of dollars a year to ensure that organizations have
plenty of money to engage in grassroots (community-based action) and grasstops (influential lead-
ers’ action) social justice advocacy. Sometimes advocates have to initiate relationships with wealthy
and influential community members. These relationships are needed not only to build coalitions but
also to raise the financial resources needed to do advocacy work. Our passion for equality and justice
is bolstered by the companionship of others who are willing to do what it takes to help others rise. In
the case of Planned Parenthood, powerful women and men were key to helping the organization
raise enough money to support pro-choice candidates and influence women’s health legislation
by being an integral part of our fund-raising structure.
Reclaiming Language and Meaning as a ‘‘Lobbyist’’
Power and success in advocacy come from embracing politically charged terms. This concept comes
from taking renowned linguist George Lakoff’s (2004) advice to embrace terms and language and
make them your own. One of the most important things professional social workers can do is con-
sider the term lobbyist. Working to ensure that social and economic climates offer women equal
access to opportunity is what makes professional social workers lobbyists. The very nature of our
work lends itself to seeking equal rights for women. In the case of advocacy and policy work, our
focus for action is not on the client but on the policy in order to effect change for groups of people.
The challenge and context of working in a difficult cultural environment can seem daunting. Pro-
fessional social workers who subscribe to these lobbying principles can find great success as they
maneuver throughout any political environment. Social justice advocates often disparage corporate
lobbyists and often times end up fighting harder than everyone else with little rate of return. In order
to not fall into this trap, I incorporated the skills of those corporate lobbyists by recognizing that
lobbying is not about front-row basketball tickets, fancy dinners, or rounds of golf. Lobbying is
about personal relationships that are built from engaging in those lobbying activities. For social jus-
tice practitioners, our relationship building comes from driving across a state for one 15-minute
meeting if it means getting to know the Speaker of the House better. It means sending birthday cards
to legislators and sending a handwritten thank-you note within days of a meeting. Social justice
260 Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work 31(2)
lobbying is about embracing the inner advocate and building relationships with others so they can
more fully understand your position.
By embracing the term lobbyist, professional social workers can receive access into a world
where few have dared to enter. By listening to conversations, professional social workers can stra-
tegize, rework our talking points, and identify saints, sinners, and savables, which is important for
message development that is clear and concise and gives meaning to the policies that we are trying to
implement or change. Saints are the elected officials who are always going to vote with you (Shaw,
2010, p. 3). Sinners are elected officials who are never going to vote with you (Shaw, 2010, p. 3).
Savables are elected officials who are open to your efforts to gain their vote (Shaw, 2010, p. 3).
Knowledge of these players is key to effecting change and building a coalition of people who can
help you access others who seem out of reach. These people can be identified by printing out the
Senate and House seating charts, hanging them on the wall, and putting notes next to each name.
This technique gives you a running tally of who supports you and who does not, and the visual
allows you to stay on task as you watch your votes shift to ensure a win.
Making lasting, impactful policy change is not dependent on the crafting of good policy alone. It
is dependent on our tenacity, willfulness, and refusal to give up. As professional social workers
advocating for justice, we must bring unbridled passion and extraordinary energy to every endeavor.
If we truly believe in social justice, one of social works ethical mandates, then we have to be willing
to fully embrace our convictions such that our motives are never called into question.
Discussion
The War on Women is an overt action by white heterosexual men to maintain heteronormative gen-
der roles by forcing womanhood to be synonymous with motherhood. These draconian policies force
a woman to remain pregnant in order to keep her position clear in society, stripping her of her auton-
omy over her own body. ‘‘Now, woman has always been man’s dependent, if not his slave; the two
sexes have never shared the world in equality. And even today woman is heavily handicapped . . . ’’ (de Beauvoir in Nicholson, 1997, p. 16). This forced pregnancy, dependency, and slavery effectively
shackles a woman’s decision-making abilities, leaving her helpless against the machinery of state
legislatures and other governing bodies.
Professional social workers must place themselves in the public space as a response to the brutal
policy attacks against women and their bodies. In general, history is thick with examples of social
workers putting themselves where we’re told we don’t belong as a form of political outcry. Social
worker Jeannette Rankin (Republican-Montana) was the first woman elected to the U.S. Congress
(1916) and Senator Barbara Mikulski (Democrat-Maryland) is the longest serving woman in the his-
tory of congress. Frances Perkins was the first woman to be a Presidential Cabinet member, serving
as Secretary of Labor under Franklin D. Roosevelt. Author Alice Walker is a social worker whose
involvement in the civil rights movement is combined with her critically acclaimed writing that has
changed how we view race in this country. The dehumanization of women and women’s rights acti-
vists is really a denial of their personhood. This denial is necessary in order for lawmakers to con-
tinue to violate women’s legal rights to access health care and to threaten violence against women
who dare to be visible in the movement. Despite the constant attack on women, we can and must
continue to take up space in America.
By following the practical approach described in this article, professional social workers will be
well equipped to advocate for policies that advance the well-being of others. The processes and skills
outlined in this article can be applied to any social justice issue and population that professional
social workers serve. There will be advocates and social workers who doubt our ability to make
change as a profession. By embracing a feminist agenda and using the skills I have outlined previ-
ously, we can deeply affect the lives of women as we fight back against the war on women and
Bird 261
champion reproductive freedom. We must be willing to fully engage the social workers of tomorrow
in building up an army of advocates who are fully equipped to pursue social justice with and on
behalf of women.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
References
ACLU. (n.d.). War on Women. Retrieved December 13, 2014, from https://action.aclu.org/blog/tag/war-
women
Addams, J. (1902). Democracy and social ethics. New York, NY: Macmillan.
Guttmacher Institute. (2014, December 1). State Policies in Brief: An Overview of Abortion Laws. Retrieved
December 14, 2014, from http://www.guttmacher.org/statecenter/spibs/spib_OAL.pdf
Jansson, B. S. (2003). Becoming an effective policy advocate: From policy practice to social justice. Pacific
Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.
Lakoff, G. (2004). Don’t think of an elephant!: Know your values and frame the debate: The essential guide for
progressives. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Pub. Co.
Nicholson, L. (1997). The second wave: A reader in feminist theory. New York, NY: Routledge.
Shaw, C. (2010). The campaign manager: Running and winning local elections (4th ed.). Boulder, CO: West-
view Press.
Steinem, G. (2015, January 8). The handmaid’s tale by Margaret Atwood—Reading our way to the revolution.
Retrieved March 25, 2015, from http://gloriareads.openroadmedia.com/handmaids-tale-margaret-atwood/
Swigonski, M. E., & Raheim, S. (2011). Feminist contributions to understanding women’s lives and the social
environment. Affilia, 26, 10–21.
Author Biography
Melissa Bird, MSW is a passionate feminist whose education in social work has led to a career advocating for
children, women, and their families. She is a fierce believer in social justice advocacy and preparing women for
leadership roles in politics. She has a wealth of experience working with policy makers, community leaders, and
other stakeholders to improve access to reproductive health care for women, men and teens. Melissa is cur-
rently obtaining her PhD at the University of Southern California.
262 Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work 31(2)
<< /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (Gray Gamma 2.2) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Warning /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages false /CreateJDFFile false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default /DetectBlends true /DetectCurves 0.1000 /ColorConversionStrategy /LeaveColorUnchanged /DoThumbnails false /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedOpenType false /ParseICCProfilesInComments true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 1048576 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 100 /Optimize true /OPM 1 /ParseDSCComments true /ParseDSCCommentsForDocInfo true /PreserveCopyPage true /PreserveDICMYKValues true /PreserveEPSInfo true /PreserveFlatness false /PreserveHalftoneInfo false /PreserveOPIComments false /PreserveOverprintSettings true /StartPage 1 /SubsetFonts true /TransferFunctionInfo /Apply /UCRandBGInfo /Remove /UsePrologue false /ColorSettingsFile () /AlwaysEmbed [ true ] /NeverEmbed [ true ] /AntiAliasColorImages false /CropColorImages false /ColorImageMinResolution 266 /ColorImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleColorImages true /ColorImageDownsampleType /Average /ColorImageResolution 175 /ColorImageDepth -1 /ColorImageMinDownsampleDepth 1 /ColorImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeColorImages true /ColorImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterColorImages true /ColorImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /ColorACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /ColorImageDict << /QFactor 0.76 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000ColorACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /JPEG2000ColorImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /AntiAliasGrayImages false /CropGrayImages false /GrayImageMinResolution 266 /GrayImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleGrayImages true /GrayImageDownsampleType /Average /GrayImageResolution 175 /GrayImageDepth -1 /GrayImageMinDownsampleDepth 2 /GrayImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeGrayImages true /GrayImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterGrayImages true /GrayImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /GrayACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /GrayImageDict << /QFactor 0.76 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000GrayACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /JPEG2000GrayImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 30 >> /AntiAliasMonoImages false /CropMonoImages false /MonoImageMinResolution 900 /MonoImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK /DownsampleMonoImages true /MonoImageDownsampleType /Average /MonoImageResolution 175 /MonoImageDepth -1 /MonoImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50286 /EncodeMonoImages true /MonoImageFilter /CCITTFaxEncode /MonoImageDict << /K -1 >> /AllowPSXObjects false /CheckCompliance [ /None ] /PDFX1aCheck false /PDFX3Check false /PDFXCompliantPDFOnly false /PDFXNoTrimBoxError true /PDFXTrimBoxToMediaBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXSetBleedBoxToMediaBox false /PDFXBleedBoxToTrimBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2) /PDFXOutputConditionIdentifier (CGATS TR 001) /PDFXOutputCondition () /PDFXRegistryName (http://www.color.org) /PDFXTrapped /Unknown /Description << /ENU <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> >> /Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common) (1.0) ] /OtherNamespaces [ << /AsReaderSpreads false /CropImagesToFrames true /ErrorControl /WarnAndContinue /FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false /IncludeGuidesGrids false /IncludeNonPrinting false /IncludeSlug false /Namespace [ (Adobe) (InDesign) (4.0) ] /OmitPlacedBitmaps false /OmitPlacedEPS false /OmitPlacedPDF false /SimulateOverprint /Legacy >> << /AllowImageBreaks true /AllowTableBreaks true /ExpandPage false /HonorBaseURL true /HonorRolloverEffect false /IgnoreHTMLPageBreaks false /IncludeHeaderFooter false /MarginOffset [ 0 0 0 0 ] /MetadataAuthor () /MetadataKeywords () /MetadataSubject () /MetadataTitle () /MetricPageSize [ 0 0 ] /MetricUnit /inch /MobileCompatible 0 /Namespace [ (Adobe) (GoLive) (8.0) ] /OpenZoomToHTMLFontSize false /PageOrientation /Portrait /RemoveBackground false /ShrinkContent true /TreatColorsAs /MainMonitorColors /UseEmbeddedProfiles false /UseHTMLTitleAsMetadata true >> << /AddBleedMarks false /AddColorBars false /AddCropMarks false /AddPageInfo false /AddRegMarks false /BleedOffset [ 9 9 9 9 ] /ConvertColors /ConvertToRGB /DestinationProfileName (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /DestinationProfileSelector /UseName /Downsample16BitImages true /FlattenerPreset << /ClipComplexRegions true /ConvertStrokesToOutlines false /ConvertTextToOutlines false /GradientResolution 300 /LineArtTextResolution 1200 /PresetName ([High Resolution]) /PresetSelector /HighResolution /RasterVectorBalance 1 >> /FormElements true /GenerateStructure false /IncludeBookmarks false /IncludeHyperlinks false /IncludeInteractive false /IncludeLayers false /IncludeProfiles true /MarksOffset 9 /MarksWeight 0.125000 /MultimediaHandling /UseObjectSettings /Namespace [ (Adobe) (CreativeSuite) (2.0) ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector /DocumentCMYK /PageMarksFile /RomanDefault /PreserveEditing true /UntaggedCMYKHandling /UseDocumentProfile /UntaggedRGBHandling /UseDocumentProfile /UseDocumentBleed false >> ] /SyntheticBoldness 1.000000 >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [288 288] /PageSize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice
20.Krumer-Nevo, M., & Benjamin, O. (2010). Critical poverty knowledge Contesting othering and social distancing. Current Sociology, 58(5), 693-714..pdf
Current Sociology ✦ September 2010 ✦ Vol. 58(5): 693–714 ©The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permissions: www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0011392110372729
693
Critical Poverty Knowledge Contesting Othering and Social Distancing
Michal Krumer-Nevo Ben-Gurion University
Orly Benjamin Bar-Ilan University
abstract: Poverty knowledge has made a long-term contribution to the images and representations of people in poverty. Yet one can find only limited analysis of poverty knowledge and the politics of representation. This article describes current directions in poverty knowledge and analyses the degree of their enhancement or their challenging of Othering towards people who live in poverty. Specifically, the article refers to the hegemonic narrative, which reflects and creates stigmatized and punitive representations of people in pov- erty, and to three counter-narratives that try to challenge these reductionist images: the structural/contextual counter-narrative, the agency/resistance counter-narrative and the counter-narrative of voice and action. The analysis highlights the critical value of each of the counter-narratives, while pointing to the possibility that specific usages of these stances of investigation carry the risk of themselves producing Othering and social distancing. The article con- cludes by referring to several approaches to poverty research which encourage a resistance to Othering through combining components of the three counter- narratives.
keywords: hegemony ✦ knowledge ✦ narrative ✦ Othering ✦ poverty ✦ resistance
Introduction
‘However impressive its data or sophisticated its models, poverty knowl- edge has proved unable to provide an analysis or, equally important, a convincing narrative to counter the powerful, albeit simplistic story of
CS
694
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
welfare state failure and moral decline’ (O’Connor, 2001: 5). Fifteen years earlier, this same assessment was made with similar consternation by Wilson (1987), who claimed that since the 1960s the liberal perspective had lost its influence on public discourse regarding the underclass debate.
Quite a few years ago, both O’Connor and Wilson emphasized that the ‘poverty problem’ (O’Connor, 2001: 292) requires new formulation, but has their call been effective in producing alternative convincing formula- tions? While historically, reformulation endeavours defined poverty as an issue to be confronted by the politics of redistribution, current scholars add to the equation the symbolic aspects of poverty, to be confronted by the politics of representation. In a pioneering reconceptualization, Lister (2004) defines poverty as having both material and relational/symbolic interdependent aspects. This constitutes the struggle against poverty as an integration of the newer concept of politics of recognition, i.e. the struggle against cultural or symbolic injustice, with the older one, i.e. the struggle against socioeconomic injustice. In a similar fashion, O’Connor (2001: 293) summarizes her argument on the domination of conservative approaches in the development of poverty knowledge by calling for new knowledge that will distance itself from current stigmatizing representa- tions and will resist the description of people in poverty as Others.
Our claim is that scholarly responses to the need to reformulate poverty knowledge have generated three counter-narratives of research. These narratives challenge the ‘blaming the victim’ approach (Wright, 1993), which has been dominant in the public discourse. The first and oldest is the well-known liberal narrative, here termed the structure/context counter-narrative. The other two counter-narratives – the agency/resistance counter-narrative and voice/action counter-narrative – are built on the analysis of the structure/context counter-narrative. These more current counter-narratives have been proposed by feminist scholars including Ruth Lister, Michelle Fine, Dorothy E. Smith, Lena De Botton and her col- leagues and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. These scholars share an awareness for the role of researchers as ‘cultural brokers’ (O’Connor, 2001: 293), i.e. in their roles in the arena of the politics of representation. Hence, these mostly current, post-welfare narratives add novel aspects to the represen- tations of people living in poverty.
1. The structure/context narrative challenges the subjects’ attributed inferi- ority by unveiling the general and specific structural/policy context within which poverty takes place and is enhanced.
2. The agency/resistance narrative challenges the assumed moral deficit, passivity and dependence of people living in poverty by showing the many ways people negotiate their best path of action within limited opportunity structures.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
695
3. The voice/action narrative challenges the assumed intellectual inferiority of people in poverty by shedding light on their voices and their knowl- edge, an act which can serve as a basis for valuable critical analysis of society and for social protest.
However, despite their intended critical objective, each of these counter- narratives can be used in ways that undermine their critical value. The structure/context counter-narrative carries the risk of dehumanizing people with direct experiences of poverty by causing their ‘invisibility’. The agency/ resistance counter-narrative may idealize life in poverty; and the counter- narrative of voice and action carries the risk of exploiting people in poverty.
Through mapping the various currents of poverty knowledge, our pur- pose is to conceptualize the diverse possibilities for poverty research, and to make explicit the advantages and disadvantages of each possibility in regard to the representations of people in poverty.
We limit our analysis to research which deals with the experiences of people who live in poverty in westernized societies that are influenced by welfare state neoliberal reconstruction, mainly Anglo-American scholar- ship. Focusing on representations, we exclude the large body of studies which focus on poverty measurement and on social and economic policy to alleviate poverty.
The article contains six sections. The first section reviews Othering and social distancing in poverty knowledge. The second section briefly presents the conservative narrative. The three following sections present the three counter-narratives. Each section contains a description of the counter- narrative’s prevalent representations and an analysis of its risks of repro- ducing Othering. Finally, the discussion elucidates the representational advantage of combining the three counter-narratives, as offered by sev- eral feminist scholars.
Othering and People in Poverty
Othering is a process of differentiation and demarcation (Lister, 2004), in which difference is translated to inferiority by applying differential moral codes to differing social categories (Schwalbe et al., 2000). The category Other is as primordial as consciousness itself, because the subject can be posed only in being opposed, by setting him/herself up as the essential, as opposed to the other, the inessential, the object (De Beauvoir, 1949). ‘We’ are perceived as subjects who own emotions, rationality, capabilities, experiences, knowledge and will. The Others are perceived as objects who lack complexity, motivation, rationality and capabilities, as the carriers of what is undesirable in ourselves or repressed and buried in our uncon- scious (Kristeva, 1991). Thus, perceiving one as the Other includes also
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
696
denial of her or his visibility and of her or his resemblance to the ‘self’, refusal to admit her or his uniqueness or to acknowledge her or his voice and knowledge. The oppressive power of Othering derives from the impassable barrier it draws between ‘us’ and ‘them’ and the social dis- tancing it creates (Fine, 1994; Lister, 2004; Schwalbe et al., 2000).
No subject will readily volunteer to become the object, the inessential; people are positioned and fixed in such a position by means of power relations and power structures. Those with greater social power define who the Other is and simultaneously create her or him as such (De Beauvoir, 1949). By taking particular behaviour as evidence for the alleged essential difference and inferiority, Othering becomes the rationale of and justifica- tion for inequality (Holden, 1997). Schwalbe et al. (2000) explain that identity codes define the adaptive or the dissident behaviour of subordi- nates as signs of inferior selves. Such codes are powerful in transforming any acts of resistance into further evidence that subordination is deserved and inequality is legitimate. The process of Othering is transparent, and is accepted as natural, but this ‘naturalness’ makes the analysis of Othering an essential tool in any critical assessment of social and cultural power mechanisms and dynamics (Schwalbe et al., 2000).
Throughout history, the idea that people in poverty are ‘different’ from the non-poor has been generated through images and language used in the media (Gilens, 2004) and also in scientific research (Abramovitz, 1996; Katz, 1995; Rank, 2005). People in poverty are portrayed as being ‘differ- ent’ from others, classified as not playing by the rules, and consequently external to the mainstream experience (Gans, 1995; Rank, 2005). Idioms such as ‘culture of poverty’, ‘underclass’, ‘culture of dependency’, ‘welfare queen’ and the distinction between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving poor’ have served to further this tendency of stigmatization (Abramovitz, 1996; Gans, 1995; Hancock, 2004; Katz, 1989, 1995). Gans (1995) shows how the terms ‘culture of poverty’ and ‘underclass’ first gained public attention as economic terms were transformed into stigmatizing behavioural labels. Even the word ‘poor’, despite its purportedly innocent economic descrip- tive, carries stigmatizing power (Munger, 2002) because the term is used by the non-poor in order to define and label people in poverty without ever taking into account people’s own self-definition (Lister, 2004).
Such stigmatization has been popular with the general public because it protects people in other class positions from the anxiety, shame and from the cognitive dissonance triggered by the idea that there is no inher- ent difference between them and the poverty stricken (Rainwater, 1970). As Bullock (1995) so elegantly demonstrated, Othering cushions middle- class people leaving their values unviolated and protected from any potentially impinging cultural relativism.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
697
The close contact with, and dependency of poverty scholars on funds from government agencies further strengthened the tendency to produce research which portrays people in poverty as different from the middle class, thus legitimizing conservative or neoconservative agendas (O’Connor, 2001). However, the implications of such agendas are to be found not only in the economic-material sphere. While conducting research that represents the poverty stricken as different, social scientists vitiate the status of the people described in the relational-symbolic sphere (Lister, 2004). Thus researchers become practically involved in the textual constitution of Othering, and in adhering to the production of ruling relations between the knower and the known (Smith, 2005). In order to play consciously in the realm of the politics of representation, it is not enough that researchers will have ‘good intentions’. There must be a clear conceptualization regarding research’s possible venues in all its phases; the definition of research ques- tions, methodology and ethics all constitute a conscious effort to combat Othering. We now begin setting forward our conceptualization by examin- ing Othering in its known form: as constituted in the conservative approach.
The Conservative Narrative
The conservative narrative is characterized by a focus on the psychological, moral, intellectual, behavioural, or cultural characteristics of the individuals in question (Abramovitz, 1996; Katz, 1995; Wilson, 1987). Charles Murray (1984) explained poverty by focusing on three phenomena – illegitimacy (which leads to one-parent families), violent crime and economic inactivity – all of which, according to this argument, lie within the realm and responsi- bility of the individual. The constitutive Culture of Poverty (Lewis, 1968) substantiated the existence of a group of ‘the poor’ characterized by a devi- ant family structure, chaotic and disorganized personalities and dysfunc- tional family traits. Although Lewis saw his research as a vehicle to bolster a progressive policy of redistribution, his text came to be conceived as a paradigmatic example of stigmatizing discourse (O’Connor, 2001). In this narrative, people who live in poverty are primarily described as ‘damaged’. They possess exclusively negative characteristics, deficits and weaknesses such as low self-esteem, low intellectual achievement, or weakness of will. The overall picture of the research subjects is monolithic, uniform and cyclic. All features are perfectly compatible and characteristics never contradictory.
As explained by Thomas (1994), O’Connor (2001) and Hill Collins (2005), the conservative narrative derives its strength among social scien- tists from two sources; prevalent racist assumptions regarding African- American individuals, families and culture, and sexist assumptions regarding single women and the alleged need to tame them.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
698
In recent research, the conservative discourse is reformulated. Randall and Cunningham (2003), for example, suggest that a whole body of research, which they see as converging with the ecological approach, attributes vari- ous pathologies to growing up poor. They quote this literature as indicat- ing on the individual level ‘antisocial behaviors, low self-esteem, low social conformity, psychiatric symptomatology, positive expectancies for substance effects, and genetic loadings’ as well as on the level of family ‘ineffective management and discipline, low warmth and high conflict, weak social support network, parental drug abuse and mental health problems that interfere with effective parenting’ as dispositional out- comes (Randall and Cunningham, 2003: 1732–3). Others argue that the current conservative narrative is represented by individual-level explana- tions to poverty focusing on: family structure (particularly single mother- hood), welfare dependency and human capital (Thomas, 1994) or, for example in the area of homelessness research, through explanations that focus on ‘free choice’ (homeless people ‘choose’ this way of life) or ‘vul- nerability’ (mostly related to mental health inferiority) (Pleace, 1998). Criticizing the psychiatric/therapeutic paradigm adopted by researchers in this area, Wright (1993) reinforced how the discourse regarding home- less people treats them as inherently different by keeping invisible the working homeless, like the working poor more generally.
Othering in such literature echoes the culture of poverty arguments through the alleged homogeneity of the ‘poor’/’addict’/’homeless’, and the denial of their agency, their acts of resistance, their knowledge and their point of view.
The Structure/Context Counter-Narrative
The structure/context reaction to the conservative narrative is the most established and well known of the three counter-narratives. Its main argu- ment is that poverty is the result of a limited structure of opportunities (Rank, 2005; Wilson, 1987, 1996) which is even more confined for women, especially women of colour and ethnic minorities (Hill Collins, 1990, 2005; Thomas, 1994). This structure manifests itself through restricted, isolated, non-unionized, short-term and unsafe jobs (Blank, 1997; Kalleberg et al., 2000; Quigley, 2003; Tobin, 1994; Zeytinoglu and Muteshi, 2000), unhealthy and violent domiciles and environments (Darling and Steinberg, 1997; Wilson, 1987, 1996), low quality schools (Brooks-Gunn et al., 1997; Chubb and Moe, 1996; Peters and Mullis, 1997) and an absence of political power (Miller, 1996). Such institutional analysis leaves no place for individual- level explanations. Instead, it shows how the polarizing labour market processes inflict the pain of poverty on thousands of employees and their families around the world (e.g. Caragata, 2003). Discussion of gender
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
699
within the structural/contextual counter-narrative points to the special limitations inherent in multiple marginality – the special disadvantages, for example, arising from women’s dual responsibilities as mothers and as breadwinners (Caragata, 2003; Catanzarite and Ortiz, 1996); or non-white, migrant sex workers’ vulnerabilities in the global economy (Bales, 2003).
The emphasis on structure, policies and institutions makes alternative representations of people in poverty possible. A good example is the analysis of poor people’s participation in the labour market. Huff Stevenson and Donovan (1996) discuss the quality of jobs and their consequences for job retention, and Reid (2002) reinforces these findings in research on wom- en’s frequent exits from and re-entries into the labour market. The premise is that women/people in poverty do work (Goodwin, 1972), and that when they do not work, it is because of structural problems having to do with the exigencies of the job market (Flippen and Tienda, 2000; Gonyea and Hooyman, 2005; Kempson, 1996; Wu, 2003).
The image of people in poverty, as portrayed in the structure/context narrative, is more fleshed out because behaviour, in the job market or elsewhere, is situated in the larger social context. Contextualizing behav- iour enables research to discover both the influence of policies and institu- tions on poverty, and that people in poverty hold normative work-oriented values (Munger, 2002). According to this analysis when people in poverty behave in ‘non-normative’ ways they do so in spite of their values and not because of them. Earlier scholars such as Rodman (1971), Valentine (1971) and Stack (1975), and more recent scholars such as Bradshaw and Holmes (1989) exemplify how ‘[mainstream] aspirations can only be realized with accompanying economic opportunity’ (Stack, 1975: 125).
The power of this counter-narrative lies in emphasizing the structural aspects of poverty and the discovery of the option that people in poverty do not differ in their values from middle-class people; however, its weak- ness is its depiction of people in poverty except when directing attention to unionization and protest movements (e.g. Fox-Piven and Cloward, 1977). One criticism of the structure/context counter-narrative points to its disregard of actual people. This tendency, particularly typical in large- scale studies, enhances the invisibility of the pain, frustration and human- ity of those living in poverty. Jarrett (1994) adds that such disregard of people portrays them in the public imagination as mere victims of their situations, thereby reinforcing the image of passivity. Further criticism claims that, motivated by the wish to avoid blaming the victim, structural scholars did not engage in serious and thorough examinations of non- normative behaviours of people in poverty, but rather limited the repre- sentation of people who live in poverty to their image as primarily ‘normative’ (Wilson, 1987), an attribution which is viewed by the public as unreliable or not valid.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
700
To this more familiar critique, we add another potential dimension of Othering resulting from describing structural positions in depoliticized ways. As Lister (2004) explains, it is imperative that the structural circum- stances be described as the consequences of active efforts initiated by powerful actors aiming to increase their own advantages. One clear exam- ple is provided by Patricia Hill Collins’s (2005) exposure of the politics behind the 1996 welfare reform. She links her ‘closing doors’ argument, referring to the narrowing employment opportunities for African-Americans in public sector jobs, to policy decision, stating: ‘Fearful of losing con- servative White voters who had traditionally supported the Democratic Party, party leaders shifted the party to the right. For example, in 1996, Democratic president Bill Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act’ (Hill Collins, 2005: 78–9). Structures and policy are thus represented as the result of political action taken by named actors who under specific pressures helped to perpetuate a struc- tural position. A link of this kind uncovers the political weakness of peo- ple in poverty, and allows their representation as players in a political arena where their exclusion is explained by power relations rather than by individual characteristics (Lister, 2004: 178).
The Agency/Resistance Counter-Narrative
The agency/resistance counter-narrative portrays people in poverty as having the will, the power and the skills to be active agents in their lives, and to resist poverty. Already in the 1970s, Fox Piven and Cloward pub- lished their monumental Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (1971), in which they documented the collective political actions taken by people in poverty to change policies regarding poverty. Other early studies emphasized the positive aspects and strengths which were manifested in the daily struggle of families who live in poverty. These studies emerged in the aftermath of the controversy about Moynihan’s (1965) harsh depiction of black families. The work of a number of scholars, particularly African-Americans, rejected the attribution of pathology to ghetto life and replaced it with evidence of the strengths and virtues of black families (see Wilson, 1987: 8–9, 190, notes 12, 13 for a list of references to these studies). Wilson (1987) claims that in these studies, behaviours, which had been described by Moynihan as pathological, were reinter- preted and redefined as functional. These studies, he maintained, ‘were demonstrating their [the people’s] ability to survive and even flourish in an economically depressed and racist environment’ (Wilson, 1987: 9).
The initial emphasis on the strengths and actions of people in pov- erty has been reshaped in the discourse of agency/resistance. The two
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
701
terms – agency and resistance – are used to describe similar behaviours and attitudes, but are theoretically differentiated. ‘Agency’ refers to various demonstrations of human endeavour to break away from taken-for-granted routines of daily life, and to the many survival strat- egies people adopt which are not necessarily accompanied by an awareness of a political fight against poverty (e.g. Edin and Lein, 1997; Jarrett, 1994). ‘Resistance’ is used for conscious efforts to break through the constraints of poverty by personal or collective action (McFarland, 2004; Scott, 1985).
Some writers have argued that in real life these two concepts are not separated, but combined. In her discussion of the everyday experiences of women in poverty, Aptheker (1989) makes the point that personal resist- ance has political meaning, despite its lack of features associated with col- lective action. In her view, resistance is ‘about creating the conditions necessary for life, and it is about women expanding the limits of the restrictions imposed upon them’ (Aptheker 1989: 169). Similarly, Scott (1985) argues that even the powerless have useful weapons against the privileged, although the goal of such use is not necessarily political change but may be mere survival. He calls the everyday acts of resistance hidden transcripts, because their implicit aspect of resistance is not recognized or acknowledged by professionals, by the public or by policy-makers.
Lister (2004) distinguishes four different types of agency/resistance. The first is a form of resistance which is called ‘getting by’. This mode of resistance actions echoes Aptheker ’s framework, as they occur in the everyday-personal realm. It is a ‘fight to keep going’ by ‘an active proc- ess of juggling, and piecing together ’ (Lister, 2004: 130, 133), drawing upon personal resources such as resilience and resourcefulness. This focus emphasized a representation of people who are active, creative, intelligent agents (e.g. Daly and Leonard, 2002). The second mode of resistance is related to a form of agency which Lister terms ‘getting out’: a mixture of strategic actions that are aimed at getting out of poverty at a personal level. Here, additional dimensions are the planning and acting towards long-term goals. The third mode is found in a form of resistance termed ‘getting (back) at’. This is a subversion of the norms as mani- fested in unrecorded or non-legal work, in dealings with welfare author- ities and to a lesser extent, the rejection of negative labelling. Resistance here is demonstrated through acts against social institutions of ‘foot dragging, dissimulation, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance, slander, arson, sabotage, and so forth’ (Scott, 1985; cf. Lister, 2004: 141). The ‘getting (back) at’ gives rise to a representation of people in poverty as subjects capable of developing autonomous definitions of situations, and of understanding their interests, in addition to being active, creative
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
702
and hard working (see, for example, Buchanan and Young, 2000; MacDonald and Marsh, 2002). The fourth version of resistance is ‘getting organized’. It takes place in the strategic-political realm and is exercised through collective political and civic action. This focus represents those living in poverty as capable of acting in cooperation with others. (For a comprehensive list of references for studies focused on agency/resistance see Lister, 2004: 124–7.)
The agency/resistance counter-narrative builds upon the insights of the structure/context counter-narrative. The contribution of this more recent counter-narrative to the undermining of Othering and social dis- tancing lies in its emphasis on the actions taken by people in poverty in their daily lives, whether ‘normative’ or not. These daily struggles are not seen only as blind ‘survival’ or intuitive ‘adaptation’ to the circum- stances of poverty but as strategies which simultaneously adapt to and resist the realities of poverty and exclusion. The undercutting of Othering here is quite powerful because it occurs through the perception of people as possessors of strengths as well as of weaknesses. The focus on agency and resistance portrays people as complex characters, and shows their understanding of their situations, however intuitive or not fully formu- lated this may be.
Nevertheless, this counter-narrative also carries the risk of Othering. In his review of three studies which focus on the agency of people in poverty (the three studies are Anderson, 1999; Duneier et al., 1999; Newman, 1999), Wacquant (2002) argues that despite the intention to generate alternative images of people in poverty, these studies limit themselves to the ‘normative’ aspects of people’s agency. He maintains that the image of people as committed to the work ethic and to values of community contribution cannot become a convincing one, let alone gain political power, because it falls into old dichotomies of good and bad. Lister (2004) adds to this criticism by pointing to another feature of the dichotomy – that of activity vs passivity – and decries the use of any dichotomies which reflect and maintain the hegemonic categorization. Instead, she offers social exclusion as the framework within which peo- ple living in poverty are making their survival efforts. Outside the frame- work of exclusion – that is, exclusion from access to social rights of citizenship – representations focused on agency and resistance may become idealized and unrealistic, carrying the risk of reinforcing Othering. Moreover, the very notion that the strengths of people in pov- erty exhibit agency can very easily turn into their accusation: as if they did not appropriately apply their skills. Thus, the line separating an interpretation of people’s strengths as demonstrating their agency and their action of resistance, or as evidencing their own responsibility for their ‘bad choices’, remains thin and risky.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
703
The Voice and Action Counter-Narrative
One of the popular modes of current poverty knowledge is that of ‘giving voice’ to people in poverty. Studies that emphasize giving voice draw on the idea that people in poverty are experts of their everyday lives (Smith, 1987), and they have particular knowledge (Beresford, 2000) or ‘life knowl- edge’ (Krumer-Nevo, 2005), which includes perspectives, interpretations, meanings, hypotheses, analyses and theories (Beresford, 2000). This counter- narrative is based on the premises of the former two counter-narratives – i.e. that structural forces produce poverty and that people living in poverty are capable of an active agency and a variety of forms of resistance. Inspired by standpoint theory, this counter-narrative emerges from the idea that those who are located on the fringes of society have a unique perspec- tive and insightful knowledge both regarding poverty and the deficiencies and limitations of social institutions, structures and policy.
Studies that focus on the voices of people in poverty can challenge Othering by means of bringing forth new contents for study, or, in a broader sense, through using new methodologies (Smith, 1999). As Matsinhe (2007: 850) puts it, ‘to assimilate the worldviews (ontologies and epistemologies) of the colonized as forms, not just contents, of analysis’.
In the most modest way, studies in this counter-narrative document people’s experiences, perspectives and attitudes through quoting their own words, provide a detailed report of their worldviews, or canvass their opinions about their lives (e.g. Bachay and Cingel, 1999; Fraser- Wyche, 1998; McIntyre et al., 2003; Narayan et al., 2000; Rubin, 1992; Strier, 2005). In this kind of research people are regarded as experts on poverty and they are asked to portray the impact of poverty on their daily family and personal lives.
A more political way of using people’s voices focuses not only on docu- menting their attitudes and opinions regarding their daily lives in general, but particularly on documenting their attitudes and opinions regarding social structure and institutions. Here, research subjects are regarded not only as experts on poverty but also as critical experts of society, who have accumulated knowledge regarding major social institutions, such as welfare programmes or other social systems and organizations. Research questions aim at understanding the perspectives of those who are on the fringes of society regarding powerful social institutions, as for example when the perspectives of people in poverty are confronted with the per- spectives of professionals working within social institutions. The compari- son of the two perspectives highlights the differences between them and the incongruity of institutions and services which are supposed to work on behalf of people in poverty (Johnson-Dias and Maynard-Moody, 2007; Krumer-Nevo et al., 2006).
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
704
Thus, people in poverty are treated as equal and meaningful citizens – having a say not only about their own limited world but about society in general. This view echoes Sen’s (1999) conceptualization of poverty as a violation of human rights, which was formally affirmed in the 1993 UN Vienna Declaration of Human Rights (Lister, 2004: 159–60), and is adopted by social activists and movements (e.g. ATD Fourth World, 1991; Rosenfeld and Tardieau, 2000; Wresinski, 1994).
In this counter-narrative’s most radical form, Othering is challenged not only through the content of the study, e.g. through the acknowledge- ment of the voices and knowledge of the people, but also through the use of participatory methodologies that acknowledge and celebrate the pres- ence of the people themselves: this counter-narrative includes men, women and youth with direct experience of poverty as co-researchers in the research process (Chataway, 2001; Kemmis and McTaggart, 2000; Lykes and Coquillon, 2007; Stoecker, 1999; Whyte et al., 1991). This form of research challenges the boundaries between research and social activ- ism (Whyte et al., 1991): poverty researchers use their privileged status to transform the life knowledge of people in poverty into political state- ments, and use research methods as vehicles to move the co-researchers from the margins of society. This kind of research was undertaken, for example, in England by Beresford and his colleagues, who together with people in poverty wrote a Report of the Citizens’ Commission on the Future of the Welfare State, as a response to the exclusion of welfare service users from membership in the Labour Party’s Commission on Social Justice (Beresford, 1997; Beresford et al., 1999); in Israel in a participatory action research in which people in poverty were partners in writing position papers on the housing, welfare and education systems (Krumer-Nevo et al., 2006); and in France, where ATD Fourth World Movement cooperated with two universities to create a project in which people in poverty, aca- demics and movement activists met regularly over a two-year period to discuss topics such as ‘family’, ’knowledge’, ‘political participation’, ‘his- tory’ and ‘work and human activity’ and to write a book together sum- marizing their discussions (Groupe de Recherche Quart Monde, 1999). Similar projects were initiated by Fine and her colleagues, who under- took a participatory action research with women prisoners regarding the impact of college education in prison (Fine, 1994, 2007; Fine et al., 2001; Marecek et al., 1997) and another participatory action research with youth regarding the ‘opportunity gap’ in the state schools system (Fine et al., 2004).
Three components help challenge Othering within this counter-narrative. The first is the inclusion of the knowledge of people in poverty in the process of generating a body of poverty knowledge that may permeate
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
705
public discourse. The second is the inclusion of a range of voices that works against the essentialist notion of people in poverty as a single group with one opinion, attitude and perspective. The third, in its more radical form, facilitates shared generation of knowledge, which some- times goes so far as shared political action; for example, joint protests against certain institutional impoverishing mechanisms. This prompts poverty research to focus on such transformations and learning opportu- nities in the life of the poverty stricken.
Images of people in poverty as they are portrayed in this counter- narrative tend to be the fullest and most complex in comparison to the other counter-narratives. Since ‘the translation of difference into Otherness is a denial of dialogue, interaction and change’ (Pickering, 2001: 49), it may be argued that the very basic form of dialogue which organizes this kind of research works against Othering.
But, this approach may also enhance Othering under specific condi- tions. First, the words of some people in poverty themselves may reflect the harshest possible contentions about them. Like other members of soci- ety, they are sometimes unaware of the contextual causes bearing upon their situation. Furthermore, since they are aware of the stigmatic conno- tation of poverty, they make efforts to hide their poverty or to differentiate between themselves who ‘are poor as a consequence of misfortunate events’ from the ‘other poor who brought it on themselves because of their behaviour’. Second, there is a risk embedded in a decontextualized and depoliticized use of ‘voice’. Offering participants voices without investigating the influence of social processes shaping them may enhance Othering. For example, a statement of a woman in poverty indicating that she has a personality problem such as low self-esteem, as an explanation for not finding a job, can be treated in two ways. Constituting Othering, such a ‘voice’ can be taken as support for individualized explanations; challenging Othering, such a ‘voice’ can be traced back to possible thera- peutic interactions with a social worker on whom the speaker depends for her state support. In other words, voice in itself may echo hegemonic discourses supporting Othering once taken as evidence. Thus, public air- ing of the voices of people in poverty is insufficient.
The third risk of enhancing Othering lies in the use of these ‘voices’ in superficial ways, in order to ‘decorate’ conferences, to have their stories serve as anecdotes for the researcher’s purposes, or to exclude story own- ers from decisions over the research or conference’s agenda, thus giving them voice with no political power (Lister, 2004).
In the discussion that follows, we present what we view as a path, paved by feminist scholars, to alternative representations based on com- bining the three counter-narratives.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
706
Summary and Discussion
Inspired by Wilson’s (1987) and O’Connor’s (2001) call for new poverty knowledge, and by Lister’s (2004) conceptualization of poverty as having both material and relational/symbolic aspects, our aim in this article was to make explicit the impact of various ways of research on the constitution of Othering and social distancing. We have suggested a vocabulary to help differentiate between the conservative and the three counter- narratives of poverty research according to the representations of people they create: structure, context and institutions, values, agency, strengths, resistance, opinions, point of view, voice, knowledge and participation.
In their attempts to understand poverty, researchers may assume vari- ous paths – they may adopt the hegemonic individualistic narrative and enquire what aspects of people’s behaviour make them poor. In this case, they perceive poverty as a manifestation of maladjustment and deviance, hence constituting study participants as Others.
Alternatively, they may follow one of three counter-narratives that share a structural analysis of poverty, framing poverty in terms of political econ- omy and antipoverty policy as an issue of social and economic justice rather than of individual rehabilitation. Researchers choosing this structural/ contextual counter-narrative path ask how different groups are affected by legal and economic policies. Researchers may also adopt the counter- narrative of agency/resistance, and be interested in the ways in which people in poverty cope with or struggle against poverty. Here, the unit of analysis becomes people’s behaviour as their negotiation against the struc- tural and social context within which they operate. Finally, researchers may take the path of the voice and action counter-narrative by focusing on the opinions and knowledge of people in poverty or by cooperating with them in order to look at the social structure and institutions from the perspectives of people on the margins of society. Using the knowledge acquired in these consciously cautious ways in public debate regarding poverty can create an emancipatory process for the people involved and for society as a whole.
We suggest that in order to avoid the constitution of Othering, the researcher must develop awareness of the ways in which currently availa- ble counter-narratives still entail the Othering of people living in poverty. The structural/contextual counter-narrative risks Othering through dis- tancing the daily emotions, struggles and pains experienced by individuals living in the described contexts, facing specific structural settings and opportunities; the agency/resistance counter-narrative risks Othering through idealization of people’s individual power to influence their cir- cumstances and improve their situations without practically changing the exclusion characterizing their lives; the voice/action counter-narrative risks
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
707
Othering through exploitation or through treating voices as inherent rather than as anchored within specific discourses and within the discursive order.
We assert that the combination of the three counter-narratives offers the greatest potential for challenging Othering. We focus on four feminist examples of this combination, each derives from a different approach and uses different methodology – Nancy Scheper-Hughes in ethnography, Michelle Fine in participatory action research, Dorothy Smith in institu- tional ethnography and Lena De Botton, Lidia Puigvert and Montse Sanchez-Aroca in dialogic learning.
In Death without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil, ethnogra- pher Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1993) describes the way Brazilian mothers in extreme poverty cope with the expected death of their starving babies. She documents the ways these mothers withdraw from their sick or weak babies that need extra special care in order to take care of their healthiest babies and of themselves. Although the details Scheper-Hughes tells are harsh, the women are not portrayed as ‘abnormal’, as having pathologies or as mere victims. Using detailed description of the structural context that shapes the women’s motherhood, combined with sensitive listening to their voices and knowledge, and to their performances of agency and resistance, this ethnography does not fall into the Othering trap.
In a series of studies, psychologist Michelle Fine generated a current of research in which participants became active co-authors and co-researchers (Fine et al., 2001, 2004). Consequently, multidimensionality of context/ structure, particularly racism, as well as resistance, voice and knowledge could be achieved. Moreover, working with incarcerated women, Fine and her colleagues were able to put forward a representation based on explicit discussion of women’s violent deeds alongside their struggle for self-transformation.
In her development of the methodology termed institutional ethnogra- phy, sociologist Dorothy Smith (2005) provides a detailed account of how multidimensionality of context, resistance and voice are achievable. For her, the mapping of context includes the documentation of discourses and routine practices exerted by professionals and bureaucrats on clients of various services including mothers living in poverty. Nevertheless, she also demands that the real-life knowledge of people in poverty and the way they struggle to expand their opportunities receive magnified attention. Importantly, institutional ethnography has not been intro- duced as specific to the study of people living in poverty but as an effec- tive method for analysing the power exerted on clients of public and social services. Thus, the representation produced by this type of research is based on the basic premise that the major responsibility for poverty should be recognized as primarily social and political.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
708
The fourth example is a collaborative project of a group of Spanish education scholars who published in 2005 The Inclusion of Other Women: Breaking the Silence through Dialogic Learning. Lena De Botton, Lidia Puigvert and Montse Sanchez-Aroca introduce the notion of dialogic learning con- stituting people living in poverty as teachers rather than students in the adult education project described in the book. As teachers they receive a stage to present their knowledge. They are invited to describe the context within which they live and their actions of resistance. Thus multidimen- sionality is achieved through the process of dialogic learning and activism while those living in poverty and who struggle politically to challenge it are represented as ideal political citizens.
Although differences exist among the four feminist examples presented, they challenge Othering by combining the three counter-narratives – they always situate individual experience and voice within material and discur- sive contexts, on the one hand, and policies and institutional practices, on the other. They also indicate that often avoiding Othering is related to researchers’ deep commitment to social justice (in its feminist manifesta- tion) and is based on close contacts with social activists (De Botton et al., 2005; Kennedy, 1996; Naples, 1989, 2003). Thus, the new poverty knowl- edge is based, as O’Connor (2001) dictates, on acknowledgement of its inherently political nature and the recognition and legitimization of knowledge grounded in practice, activism and experience.
‘The politics of representation is a crucial element in the politics of pov- erty’, writes bell hooks (1994: 169), since discourses influence how ‘they [people in poverty] are treated by officials, professionals, politicians and their fellow citizens’. Our aim in this article is to initiate a call for research- ers and lecturers in the field of poverty to become more conscious and sophisticated players in the arena of the politics of representation. We aim at enhancing future scholars’ power to follow studies that are already able to significantly distance their representations of people in poverty from the mechanisms of producing Othering.
We have offered a conceptualization regarding the ways researchers can become more conscious and sophisticated players in the arena of the politics of representation, and to encourage the further development of research that challenges Othering through situating people’s actions and speech within their accessible material opportunities.
Creating texts may not be sufficient to reduce poverty and Othering, but avoiding individualistic and stigmatizing language carries the poten- tial of weakening individualistic ways of understanding people who live in poverty and delegitimizing the public and professional attributions of people in poverty as Others. Creating conscious texts carries the potential discussed by O’Connor (2001) for accumulating enough political power to influence policy.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
709
References
Abramovitz, M. (1996) Under Attack, Fighting Back: Women and Welfare in the United States. New York: Monthly Review Press.
Anderson, E. (1999) Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. New York: W. W. Norton.
Aptheker, B. (1989) Tapestries of Life: Women’s Work, Women’s Consciousness, and the Meaning of Daily Experience. Cambridge, MA: The University of Massachusetts Press.
ATD Fourth World (1991) The Wresinski Approach: The Poorest Partners in Democracy. London: Fourth World Publications.
Bachay, B. J. and Cingel, P. A. (1999) ‘Restructuring Resilience’, Emerging Voices 14(2): 162–75.
Bales, K. (2003) ‘Because She Looks Like a Child’, in B. Ehrenreich and A. R. Hochschild (eds) Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, pp. 207–30. New York: Metropolitan/Owl Books.
Beresford, P. (1997) It’s Our Welfare: Report of the Citizens’ Commission on the Future of the Welfare State. London: National Institute for Social Work.
Beresford, P. (2000) ‘Service Users’ Knowledges and Social Work Theory: Conflict or Collaboration?’, British Journal of Social Work 30(4): 489–503.
Beresford, P., Green, D., Lister, R. and Woodward, K. (1999) Poverty First Hand: Poor People Speak for Themselves. London: Child Poverty Action Group.
Blank, M. R. (1997) It Takes a Nation: A New Agenda for Fighting Poverty. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Bradshaw, J. and Holmes, H. (1989) Living on the Edge: A Study of Living Standards of Families on Benefit in Tyne and Wear. Tyneside: Child Poverty Action Group.
Brooks-Gunn, J., Duncan, G. J. and Maritato, N. (1997) ‘Poor Families, Poor Outcomes: The Well-Being of Children and Youth’, in J. G. Duncan and J. Brooks-Gunn (eds) Consequences of Growing up Poor, pp. 1–17. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Buchanan, J. and Young, L. (2000) ‘Examining the Relationship between Material Conditions, Long Term Problematic Drug Misuse and Social Exclusion: A New Strategy for Social Inclusion’, in J. Bradshaw and R. Sainsbury (eds) Experiencing Poverty: Studies in Cash and Care, pp. 120–43. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Bullock, H. E. (1995) ‘Class Acts: Middle-Class Responses to the Poor’, in B. Lott and D. Maluso (eds) The Social Psychology of Interpersonal Discrimination, pp. 118–59. New York: Guilford Press.
Caragata, L. (2003) ‘Neoconservative Realities: The Social and Economic Marginalization of Canadian Women’, International Sociology 18(3): 559–80.
Catanzarite, L. and Ortiz, V. (1996) ‘Family Matters. Work Matters? Poverty among Women of Color and White Women’, in D. Dujon and A. Withorn (eds) For Crying Out Loud: Women’s Poverty in the United States, pp. 122–39. Boston, MA: South End Press.
Chataway, J. C. (2001) ‘Negotiating the Observer–Observed Relationship: Participatory Action Research’, in L. D. Tolman and M. Brydon-Miller (eds) From Subjects to Subjectivities: A Handbook of Interpretative and Participatory Methods, pp. 239–55. New York: New York University Press.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
710
Chubb, E. J. and Moe, M. T. (1996) ‘Politics, Markets, and Equality in Schools’, in R. Michael (ed.) Reducing Poverty in America: Views and Approaches, pp. 121–53. Thousand Oaks, CA and London: Sage.
Daly, M. and Leonard, M. (2002) Against all Odds: Family Life on a Low Income in Ireland. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration.
Darling, N. and Steinberg, L. (1997) ‘Community Influences on Adolescent Achievement and Deviance’, in J. G. Duncan, J. L. Aber and J. Brooks-Gunn (eds) Neighborhood Poverty: Policy Implication in Studying Neighborhoods, pp. 120–31. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
De Beauvoir, S. (1949) The Second Sex. Harmondworth: Penguin. De Botton, L., Puigvert, L. and Sanchez-Aroca, M. (2005) The Inclusion of Other
Women: Breaking the Silence through Dialogic Learning. New York: Springer. Duneier, M., Hasan, H. and Carter, O. (1999) Sidewalk. New York: Farrar, Straus
and Giroux. Edin, K. and Lein, L. (1997) Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare
and Low-Wage Work. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Fine, M. (1994) ‘Working the Hyphens: Reinventing Self and Other in Qualitative
Research’, in N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (eds) Handbook of Qualitative Research, pp. 70–82. London: Sage.
Fine, M. (2007) ‘Feminist Designs for Difference’, in S. Hesse-Biber (ed.) Handbook of Feminist Research: Theory and Praxis, pp. 613–20. London: Sage.
Fine, M., Torre, M. E., Boudin, K., Bowen, I., Clark, J., Hylton, D., Martinez, M. ‘Missy’, Roberts, R. A., Smart, P. and Upegui, D. (2001) Changing Minds: The Impact of College in a Maximum Security Prison. Montclair, NJ: Ronald Ridgeway Inc.
Fine, M., Roberts, R., Torre, M., Bloom, J., Chajet, L., Guishard, M. and Payne, Y. (2004) Echoes of Brown: Youth Documenting and Performing the Legacy of Brown v. Board of Education. New York: Teachers College Press.
Flippen, C. and Tienda, M. (2000) ‘Pathways to Retirement: Patterns of Labor Force Participation and Labor Market Exist among the Pre-Retirement Populations by Race, Hispanic Origin, and Sex’, Journal of Gerontology: Psychology and Social Sciences 55(1): 14–27.
Fox Piven, F. and Cloward, A. R. (1977) Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail. New York: Pantheon Books.
Fraser-Wyche, K. (1998) ‘ “Let me Suffer so my Kids Won’t”: African American Mothers Living with HIV/AIDS’, in C. Garcia-Coll, L. J. Surrey and K. Weingarten (eds) Mothering Against the Odds: Diverse Voices of Contemporary Mothers, pp. 173–89. New York: Guilford Press.
Gans, J. H. (1995) The War against the Poor: The Underclass and Antipoverty Policy. New York: Basic Books.
Gilens, M. (2004) ‘Poor People in the News: Images from the Journalistic Subconscious’, in D. Heider and D. B. Heider (eds) Class and News, pp. 44–61. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
Gonyea, G. J. and Hooyman, R. N. (2005) ‘Reducing Poverty among Older Women: Social Security and Gender Equity’, Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services 86(3): 338–47.
Goodwin, L. (1972) Do the Poor Want to Work? A Social-Psychological Study of Work Orientations. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
711
Groupe de Recherche Quart Monde (1999) Le Croisement des savoirs: Quand le quart monde et l’universite pensent ensemble [The Knowledge Crossroads: When the Quarter World and the University Think Together]. Paris: Editions de l’Ateliers Edition Quart Monde.
Hancock, A. M. (2004). The Politics of Disgust: The Public Identity of the Welfare Queen. New York: New York University Press.
Hill Collins, P. (1990) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge.
Hill Collins, P. (2005) Black Sexual Politics: African-Americans, Gender and the New Racism. New York: Routledge.
Holden, D. (1997) ‘On Equal Ground: Sustaining Virtue among Volunteers in a Homeless Shelter’, Journals of Contemporary Ethnography 26(2): 117–45.
hooks, b. (1994) Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. New York: Routledge.
Huff Stevenson, M. and Donovan, E. (1996) ‘How the US Economy Creates Poverty and Inequality’, in D. Dujon and A. Withorn (eds) For Crying Out Loud: Women’s Poverty in the United States, pp. 67–77. Boston, MA: South End Press.
Jarrett, L. R. (1994) ‘Living Poor: Family Life among Single Parent, African- American Women’, Social Problems 41(1): 30–49.
Johnson-Dias, J. and Maynard-Moody, S. (2007) ‘For-Profit Welfare: Contracts, Conflicts, and the Performance Paradox’, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 17(2): 189–211.
Kalleberg, A., Reskin, B. and Hudson, K. (2000) ‘Bad Jobs in America: Standard and Nonstandard Employment Relations and Job Quality in the United States’, American Sociological Review 65(2): 256–78.
Katz, B. M. (1989) The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on Welfare. New York: Pantheon Books.
Katz, B. M. (1995) Improving Poor People: The Welfare State, the ‘Underclass’ and Urban Schools as History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Kemmis, S. and McTaggart, R. (2000) ‘Participatory Action Research’, in K. N. Denzin and S. Y. Lincoln (eds) Handbook of Qualitative Research, 2nd edn, pp. 567–605. Thousand Oaks, CA and London: Sage.
Kempson, E. (1996) Life on a Low Income. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Kennedy, M. (1996) ‘A Hole in My Soul: Experiences of Homeless Women’, in
D. Dujon and A. Withorn (eds) For Crying Out Loud: Women’s Poverty in the United States, pp. 41–56. Boston, MA: South End Press.
Kristeva, J. (1991) Strangers to Ourselves. New York: Columbia University Press. Krumer-Nevo, M. (2005) ‘Listening to “Life Knowledge”: A New Research
Direction in Poverty Studies’, International Journal of Social Welfare 14(2): 99–106. Krumer-Nevo, M., Slonim-Nevo, V. and Hirshenzon-Segev, E. (2006) ‘Social
Workers and their Long-Term Clients: The Never Ending Struggle’, Journal of Social Service Research 33(1): 27–38.
Lewis, O. (1968) La Vida: A Puerto Rican Family in the Culture of Poverty. New York: Random House.
Lister, R. (2004) Poverty. Cambridge: Polity. Lykes, M. B. and Coquillon, E. (2007) ‘Participatory and Action Research and
Feminisms: Toward Transformative Praxis’, in N. S. Hesse-Biber (ed.) Handbook
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
712
of Feminist Research: Theory and Praxis, pp. 297–326. Thousand Oaks, CA and London: Sage.
MacDonald, R. and Marsh, J. (2002) ‘Crossing the Rubicon: Youth Transitions, Poverty, Drugs and Social Exclusion’, International Journal of Drug Policy 13(1): 27–38.
McFarland, A.D. (2004) ‘Resistance as a Social Drama: A Study of Change- Oriented Encounters’, The American Journal of Sociology 109(6): 1249–318.
McIntyre, L., Officer, S. and Robinson, L. M. (2003) ‘Feeling Poor: The Felt Experience of Low-Income Lone Mothers’, Affilia 18(3): 316–31.
Marecek, J., Fine, M. and Kidder, L. (1997) ‘Working between Worlds: Qualitative Methods and Social Psychology (Transforming Psychology: Interpretive and Participatory Research)’, Journal of Social Issues 53(4): 631–45.
Matsinhe, D. M. (2007) ‘Quest for Methodological Alternatives’, Current Sociology 55(6): 836–56.
Miller, S. M. (1996) ‘The Great Chain of Poverty Explanations’, in E. Oyen, S. M. Miller and S. A. Samad (eds) Poverty: A Global Review: Handbook on International Poverty Research, pp. 569–86. Stockholm: Scandinavian University Press.
Moynihan, P. D. (1965) The Negro Family: The Case for National Action. Washington, DC: Office of Policy Planning and Research, US Department of Labor.
Munger, F. (2002) Laboring below the Line: The New Ethnography of Poverty, Low-Wage Work and Survival in the Global Economy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Murray, C. (1984) Losing Ground: American Social Policy 1950–1980. New York: Basic Books.
Naples, N. (1989) Grassroots Warriors: Activist Mothering, Community Work, and the War on Poverty. New York and London: Routledge.
Naples, N. (2003) Feminism and Method: Ethnography, Discourse Analysis, and Activist Research. New York and Abingdon: Routledge.
Narayan, D., Patel, R., Schafft, K., Rademacher, A. and Koch-Schulte, S. (2000) Voices of the Poor: Can Anyone Hear Us? Oxford: Oxford University Press and World Bank.
Newman, K. S. (1999) No Shame in My Game: The Working Poor in the Inner City. New York: Russell Sage Foundation and Knopf.
O’Connor, A. (2001) Poverty Knowledge: Social Science, Social Policy and the Poor in Twentieth Century US History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Peters, H. E. and Mullis, C. N. (1997) ‘The Role of Family Income and Sources of Income in Adolescent Achievement’, in J. G. Duncan and J. Brooks-Gunn (eds) Consequences of Growing up Poor, pp. 340–81. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Pickering, M. (2001) Stereotyping: The Politics of Representation. New York: Palgrave. Pleace, N. (1998) ‘Single Homelessness as Social Exclusion: The Unique and the
Extreme’, Social Policy and Administration 32(1): 46–59. Quigley, P. W. (2003) Ending Poverty as We Know it. Philadelphia, PA: Temple
University Press. Rainwater, L. (1970) ‘Neutralizing the Disinherited: Some Psychological Aspects
of Understanding the Poor’, in L. V. Allen (ed.) Psychological Factors in Poverty, pp. 9–28. London: Academic Press.
Randall, J. and Cunningham, P. B. (2003) ‘Multi-Systemic Therapy: A Treatment for Violent Substance-Abusing and Substance-Dependent Juvenile Offenders’, Addictive Behaviors 28(9): 1731–9.
Krumer-Nevo and Benjamin Critical Poverty Knowledge
713
Rank, R. M. (2005) One Nation, Underprivileged: Why American Poverty Affects Us All. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reid, L. L. (2002) ‘Occupational Segregation, Human Capital, and Motherhood’, Gender and Society 16(5): 728–47.
Rodman, H. (1971) Lower-Class Families: The Culture of Poverty in Negro Trinidad. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Rosenfeld, M. J. and Tardieu, B. (2000) Artisans of Democracy: How Ordinary People, Families in Extreme Poverty, and Social Institutions Become Allies to Overcome Social Exclusion. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.
Rubin, B. L. (1992) Worlds of Pain: Life in the Working-Class Family. New York: Basic Books.
Scheper-Hughes, N. (1993) Death without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Schwalbe, M., Godwin, S., Holden, D., Schrock, D., Thompson, S. and Wolkomir, M. (2000) ‘Generic Processes in the Reproduction of Inequality: An Interactionist Analysis’, Social Forces 79(2): 419–53.
Scott, C. J. (1985) Weapons of the Weak. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Sen, A. (1999) Commodities and Capabilities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Smith, D. E. (1987) The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology. Toronto:
University of Toronto. Smith, D. E. (2005) Institutional Ethnography: A Sociology for People. Lanham, MD:
Rowman and Littlefield. Smith, L. T. (1999) Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous People.
London: Zed Books. Stack, C. (1975) All Our Kin: Strategies for Survival in a Black Community. London:
Harper Colophon Books. Stoecker, R. (1999) ‘Are Academics Irrelevant? Roles for Scholars in Participatory
Research’, American Behavioral Scientist 42(5): 840–54. Strier, R. (2005) ‘Gendered Realities of Poverty: Men and Women’s Views of
Poverty in Jerusalem’, Social Service Review 79(2): 344–67. Thomas, L. S. (1994) Gender and Poverty. New York: Garland Publishing. Tobin, J. (1994) ‘Poverty in Relation to Macroeconomic Trends, Cycles, Policies’, in
H. S. Danzinger, D. G. Sandefur and H. D. Weinberg (eds) Confronting Poverty: Prescriptions for Change. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Valentine, A. C. (1971) ‘Deficit, Difference, and Bicultural Models of Afro- American Behavior’, Harvard Educational Review 41(2): 137–57.
Wacquant, L. (2002) ‘Scrutinizing the Street: Poverty, Morality, and the Pitfalls of Urban Ethnography’, American Journal of Sociology 106(7): 1468–532.
Whyte, F. W., Greenwood, J. D. and Lazes, P. (1991) ‘Participatory Action Research: Through Practice to Science in Social Research’, in F. W. Whyte (ed.) Participatory Action Research, pp. 19–55. London: Sage.
Wilson, J. W. (1987) The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wilson, J. W. (1996) When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Wresinski, J. (1994) Chronic Poverty and Lack of Basic Security: A Report of the Economic and Social Council of France. London: Fourth World Publications.
Current Sociology Vol. 58 No. 5
714
Wright, S. E. (1993) ‘Blaming the Victim, Blaming Society or Blaming the Discipline: Fixing Responsibility for Poverty and Homelessness’, The Sociological Quarterly 34(1): 1–16.
Wu, K. B. (2003) Poverty Experience of Older Persons: A Poverty Study from a Long-Term Perspective. Washington, DC: AARP (American Association for Retired Persons).
Zeytinoglu, I. U. and Muteshi, K. J. (2000) ‘Gender, Race and Class Dimensions of Nonstandard Work’, Relations Industrielles 55(1): 133–67.
Biographical Note: Michal Krumer-Nevo is a senior lecturer at the Spitzer Department of Social Work and the director of the Israeli Centre for Qualitative Research of People and Societies, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Her research interests are poverty as social construct and as lived experience, critical social work practice and qualitative-emancipatory methodologies. She has pub- lished the first book to be written in Hebrew on life stories of women in poverty, Women in Poverty: Gender, Pain, Resistance (Hakibutz Hameuchad Publishers, 2006). Currently she is working on gender, class and ethnicity in the everyday lives of immigrant youth in Israel.
Address: Spitzer Department of Social Work, Ben-Gurion University, PO Box 653, Beer-Sheva 84105, Israel. [email: [email protected]]
Biographical Note: Orly Benjamin is a senior lecturer at Bar-Ilan University who has been working recently on the topic of women in precarious employment and labour market generated poverty in Israel. Her work on gender and job insecurity has been published in Symbolic Interaction and Community, Work and Family. Her previous interests include family and intimate relations, a topic on which she published articles in Ethnic and Racial Studies and Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior. She is currently working on a Palgrave-Macmillan book with Michal Rom on feminism, family and identities in Israel, a study of Israeli married women’s naming practices.
Address: Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan 52900, Israel. [email: [email protected]]
21.Strier,R.,& Feldman,G.(2017). Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion Policy Practice and Neo-Liberalism. The British Journal of Social Work, bcx064..pdf
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion: Policy Practice and Neo- Liberalism
Roni Strier1 and Guy Feldman2,*
1 School of Social Work, University of Haifa, School of Social Work, Mouint Carmel, Haifa,
Israel 2 The Bob Shapell School of Social Work, Tel Aviv University, Shalom Rozenfeld St, Tel
Aviv-Yafo, 69978, Israel
*Correspondence to Guy Feldman, The Bob Shapell School of Social Work, Tel Aviv
University, Shalom Rozenfeld St, Tel Aviv-Yafo, 69978, Israel. E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Studies show that social workers in many countries engage in policy practice at vari-
ous levels and through diverse strategies. Recent scholarship has even offered some
important conceptual frameworks for explaining policy practice. What is still missing
is an informed analysis of the impact of the broad transformation social work has un-
dergone in recent decades on the involvement of social workers in the policy arena.
Drawing on secondary sources, this article fills this lacuna by providing a theoretical
analysis of the broad context of policy practice. As neo-liberalism is the dominant ide-
ology that has reconfigured the political, economic and institutional landscape of so-
cial work, the article evaluates its impact on social workers’ engagement in the policy
arena. The article subscribes to three main features of neo-liberalism: restructuring of
the state, culture of marketisation and valorisation of entrepreneurship. Our analysis
shows a complex picture in which neo-liberalism has both triggered the need for pol-
icy practice but also severely restricted the likelihood for meaningful political actions
taken by social workers.
Keywords: Neo-liberalism, policy advocacy, policy practice, macro social work
Accepted: May 2017
# The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of
The British Association of Social Workers. All rights reserved.
British Journal of Social Work (2018) 48, 751–768 doi: 10.1093/bjsw/bcx064 Advance Access publication July 11, 2017
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Introduction
Policy practice, characterised by the involvement of social workers in the policy arena, has become the centre of increasing academic attention (Cummins et al., 2011; Gal and Weiss-Gal, 2013, 2015; Jansson, 2010; Weiss-Gal and Gal, 2014; Wharf and McKenzie, 1998). This is not sur- prising, as social work has historically ascribed particular significance to social institutions and policies and the transformations that they un- dergo. Studies show that social workers in different national and institu- tional settings engage in policy practice at changing levels and through various strategies. Recent scholarship has also offered conceptual frame- works for explaining the personal and organisational conditions that fa- cilitate the engagement of social workers with policy practice. What seems to be missing in policy practice literature is an analysis of the broad neo-liberal political, economic and institutional context shaping the political engagement of social workers.
Our article contributes to the literature on policy practice by provid- ing a context-informed theoretical discussion of social workers’ involve- ment in policy practice in neo-liberal times. We circumscribe to three key interrelated features of neo-liberalism: restructuring of the state, cul- ture of marketisation and valorisation of entrepreneurship. By address- ing the intersection between policy practice and neo-liberalism, this article also complements a growing body of literature that addresses the impact of neo-liberalism on social work (Abramovitz and Zelnick, 2015; Brady et al., 2014; Ferguson, 2007; Garrett, 2009; Gray et al., 2015; Reisch, 2013).
The article is divided into two main sections. First, we define the term ‘policy practice’ and review the different models of policy practice discussed in the literature. Second, we examine the impact of neo- liberalism on policy practice in three areas: restructuring of the state, marketisation and valorisation of entrepreneurship.
Policy practice: definitions and models
Studies have examined the level of involvement of social workers in the policy arena (Gal and Weiss-Gal, 2011; Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2016; Weiss-Gal and Nouman, 2016), their attitudes and values (Rome and Hoechstetter, 2010; Weiss-Gal and Gal, 2008), their motivation to en- gage in policy practice (Gal and Weiss-Gal, 2015), the strategies and actions they employ (Figueira-McDonough, 1993; Weiss-Gal, 2013; Weiss-Gal and Gal, 2014), areas of engagement (Weiss-Gal and Nouman, 2016) and the extent to which policy practice is part of social work job descriptions (Weiss-Gal and Levin, 2010). There are also cross-national studies of social workers’ involvement in policy practice
752 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
(Gal and Weiss-Gal, 2013), studies examining how to teach policy prac- tice to social work students and how to train them in this field (Sherraden et al., 2015; Weiss-Gal and Peled, 2009; Weiss-Gal and Savaya, 2012) and studies focusing on client engagement in policy prac- tice (Lombe and Sherraden, 2008; Rome et al., 2010).
In general, the term ‘policy practice’ is used to describe social work- ers’ roles in the social policy arena. The term is linked to others which have been historically discussed in social work, such as ‘policy advocacy’, ‘community organising’ and ‘social action’. Policy practice can also be seen as a critical component of ‘radical social work’, which is rooted in a commitment to challenge unfair and harmful policies (Ferguson and Woodward, 2009). Gal and Weiss-Gal (2015) define policy practice as activities undertaken by social workers as an integral part of their pro- fessional activity in diverse fields—those that focus on the formulation and implementation of policies as well as on existing policies and sug- gested changes in them. Jansson (2010, p. 15) defines it as ‘efforts to change policy in legislative, agency and community settings by establish- ing new policies, improving existing ones, or defeating the policy initia- tives of other people’. Iatridis (1995) defines it as the introduction of policy changes in large systems, organisations, communities, institutions and society.
Policy practice involves a wide range of activities, such as: lobbying, social action, educating policy makers, agenda setting activities and me- dia deployment (Figueira-McDonough, 1993; Weiss-Gal, 2013). It can be carried out both as a primary or a secondary role of social workers, as well as by both administrators and front line workers. In other words, policy practice can be seen as an attempt to professionalise policy advo- cacy activities and legitimise them as part of social work practice and knowledge.
At the theoretical level, various models of policy practice have been developed (Gal and Weiss-Gal, 2013, 2015; Jansson et al., 2005; Wyers, 1991). Wyers (1991), for example, defines different models of policy practice based on the roles social workers play: policy expert, change agent in external social work, change agent in internal work environ- ments, policy conduit and policy itself. Figueira-McDonough (1993) of- fers a model of policy practice according to different types of policy practice: legislative advocacy, reform through litigation, social action and social policy analysis. Gal and Weiss-Gal (2013) identify different routes of action in policy practice: policy practice by proxy, policy practice through recruitment networks, academic policy practice, civil society route and the insider route. More recently, Weiss-Gal and Gal (2015) have identified three main components of policy practice: opportunities, facilitation and motivation. There is also an embryonic discussion of the theoretical foundations of policy practice which usually relies on theoret- ical approaches such as multiple stream network, advocacy coalition
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 753
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
framework and organisational development theory (Almog-Bar et al., 2015; Levin et al., 2013).
Most of the literature on policy practice, however, has overlooked the neo-liberal transformation of the welfare state and how these changes have affected patterns of social work policy practice. In this article, we aim to expand and enrich the debate on policy practice by addressing the vital role of neo-liberalism in shaping the nature and contours of this practice.
Neo-liberalism and policy practice
Neo-liberalism is the dominant political-economic logic of our time (Gray et al., 2015; Schram, 2015). Principally associated with the influen- tial Chicago School of Economics, neo-liberalism, much like classic eco- nomic liberalism, champions markets as the central mechanism for allocating resources in society and valorises the pursuit of individual freedom (Gray et al., 2015). Yet, in contrast to classic liberalism, neo- liberalism takes things a step further and involves extending market val- ues to all human activities and social relations (Brown, 2015).
Given the limits of this article, we focus on three main interrelated features of neo-liberalism and their impact on policy practice: restructur- ing of the state, culture of marketisation and valorisation of entrepre- neurship. These features are rooted in two critical perspectives on neo-liberalism: the neo-Marxist perspective (Harvey, 2007) and the post- structuralist perspective (Foucault, 2008). We begin our discussion with a theoretical exploration of each feature and then address the opportuni- ties and barriers that each feature creates for social workers in the policy arena. Our discussion draws on a diverse body of evidence assessing the impact of neo-liberalism in countries that have adhered very closely to the neo-liberal doctrine, such as the UK, the USA, Australia, Israel and others.
The restructuring of the state
Neo-liberalism calls for the restructuring of the state by blurring the boundaries between the state, the market and civil society (Harvey, 2007; Wacquant, 2012). It rhetorically proposes a downsized, non-inter- ventionist and ‘thin’ state that does not hamper progress and economic freedom. However, evidence shows that a ‘strong’ state, as opposed to a ‘weak’ or ‘minimalist’ state proposed by its rhetoric, is a key element of neo-liberalism, since such a state is necessary to promote a competitive market order within state and non-state institutions (Garrett, 2009). The neo-liberal state has been actively involved in the transfer of public
754 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
assets to private hands, deregulation of areas that in the past were con- sidered of public responsibility, privatisation of public services and pro- grammes, and the launch of different market-based public policy reforms (Harvey, 2007; Peck, 2010; Schram, 2015). Like the lernaean hydra in Greek mythology, the neo-liberal state is hydra-headed, playing multiple active roles in social life (Schram, 2015). It often strongly dic- tates policies, at other times passively observes the competition among social claims and sometimes mediates the claims raised by different ac- tors (Davies, 2014).
In short, neo-liberalism has reconfigured the state so that it actively intervenes in everyday life to buttress market operations and ensure that market-compliant behaviour is deployed by social actors. As Wacquant (2012, p. 68) notes, neo-liberalism is about ‘the remaking and redeploy- ment of the state as the core agency that actively fabricates the subjec- tivities, social relations, and collective representations suited to making the fiction of markets real and consequential’.
Two significant trends associated with the rise of the neo-liberal state have triggered social workers to engage in policy practice. The first trend involves the need to confront the impact of state withdrawal from social protection. An interventionist state has rolled back critical ele- ments of the social safety net which protected vulnerable groups from the market and reduced its involvement in the direct provision of wel- fare services (Garrett, 2009; Peck, 2010). This withdrawal from providing social protection to its citizens has intensified the pauperisation of social work’s target populations and contributed to the problem of growing in- equality (Reisch, 2013). Social workers are therefore confronted with the need to respond to the adverse impact of these trends on their clients by becoming involved in policy practice in order to reaffirm public respon- sibility for the well-being of their clients and pressure the neo-liberal state to provide social protection. Carey and Foster (2011), for example, show how social workers in England confronted the government by be- coming involved in anonymous whistle-blowing to stop planned cut- backs. Dodson (2009) documents how social workers in the USA bend the implementation of existing neo-liberal government policies that neg- atively impact their clients. For many social workers, the neo-liberal state’s withdrawal from ensuring the welfare of its citizens provides an opportunity to engage in policy practice.
The second trend is related to social workers’ growing dependence on government funds. A neo-liberal mode of state intervention involves the delegation of responsibility for welfare provision to non-profit agencies, which constantly seek funding that enables them to provide social ser- vices to their clients. The government has been a major source of fund- ing for many of these non-profits in recent decades (Boris et al., 2010). Social workers under these circumstances are often required to be active in the political arena and engage in policy practice in order to secure
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 755
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
government-funding opportunities and ensure their organisational sur- vival. This claim has been supported by some studies, most of them from the USA. For example, Mosley (2012) finds that managers of non- profit agencies engage in some forms of policy practice in order to en- sure continued financial support from the state. Elsewhere, Garrow and Hasenfeld (2014) find that 63 per cent of the organisations in their study engage in ‘organisational advocacy’ to secure government funding. In short, non-profits’ increasing role in welfare provision and their reliance on state funding have triggered social workers to carry out policy prac- tice activities that ensure funding streams.
Alongside this, the restructuring of the state in a neo-liberal era has also created at least two constraints for social workers engaging in policy practice. As mentioned, the state’s presence in a neo-liberal era is pro- foundly confusing: it seeks to downsize government but simultaneously works to expand its power so it could impose market rule. This confus- ing form of state restructuring challenges social workers’ ability to raise claims on behalf of their clients because the state is like a ‘moving tar- get’, which is constantly shifting and is present-absent in the policy arena (Peck, 2010). Social workers who identify the neo-liberal state as their target and make claims about its responsibility for the adverse condi- tions of clients are confronted with a state that functions as a defence mechanism against the social claims they raise (Crouch, 2011). Instead of being able to contain their claims, the state many times functions as a front wall that pushes back the claims and redirects them into the mar- ket. Social workers in Israel, for example, had called for the government to take responsibility for protecting its most vulnerable citizens from food insecurity. The government, however, did not claim responsibility for the problem; instead, it established a Code of Ethical Conduct that food pantries and food banks in the non-profit market must follow if they wish to receive government funding (Citizens’ Empowerment Center, 2015).
The second constrain stems from the risk of losing government fund- ing. With its associated rolling back of responsibility for the provision of welfare, the neo-liberal state has led to a proliferation of non-profit agencies being funded by and dependent on the state (Boris et al., 2010). We have argued that this trend can create opportunities for policy prac- tice as social workers in non-profits employ policy practice as a tool to ensure funding. Yet, the dependence on government funding has also produced the opposite effect, limiting social workers’ involvement in the policy arena. Some social workers refrain from engaging in open policy practice activities that challenge the state and may put their or- ganisations at risk, especially because organisational survival in a neo- liberal era is intricately connected to the funding received from the state. In other words, some social workers do not want to ‘bite the hand that feeds them’ by engaging in policy practice, especially since this
756 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
‘hand’ only keeps growing as the neo-liberal state continues to play a pivotal role in privatising services and monitoring organisations’ perfor- mance (Schram, 2015). In the USA, for example, government contract- ing with non-profit and for-profit social service agencies has grown since the 1980s (Smith, 2010). As a result, public funding constitutes a rela- tively large part—over 65 per cent—of the revenues of US non-profits (Pettijohn et al., 2013). The situation is similar in Canada, where govern- ment funds are 49 per cent of the total revenues of the organisations (Statistics Canada, 2004).
Reliance on government funding may pose barriers for involvement in policy practice. Schmid and his colleagues (2008), for instance, show that there is a negative correlation between non-profits’ reliance on govern- ment funding and workers’ engagement in the policy arena in Israel. Maddison, Denniss and Hamilton (2004) find that non-profits in Australia reported ‘widespread alarm’ (p. 43) about their lack of ability to advocate for policy changes without risking withdrawal of government funding. Some non-profit organisations deliberately decline to accept government funding because they know it will undermine their role as policy advocates. As the founder of a child advocacy organisation in the USA explained, we ‘won’t accept government funds [because] we want to be a pure voice for children’ (as cited in Chaves et al., 2004, p. 297). Through its funding of non-profit organisations that employ many social workers, the neo-liberal state limits the ability of social workers to en- gage in confrontational policy practice activities.
The culture of marketisation
The main political mission of the restructured state is to launch the proj- ect of marketisation. Marketisation is a process through which the mar- ket sphere penetrates and displaces non-market activities (Brown, 2015). The market has historically been among various mechanisms through which societies allocate resources and manage the problem of scarcity. Under neo-liberalism, however, the market is seen as the dominant me- diating and balancing mechanism in society (Crouch, 2011). In the pro- cess, the notions of struggle and competition among social actors are put forward because they are perceived as evolutionary principles leading to the improvement of both the individual and society (Davies, 2014).
It is important to emphasise, however, that, contrary to the natural character of market order envisioned in classic liberalism, neo-liberal thought views markets not as natural, but as social and political, con- structs founded on specific institutional frameworks, which enable their existence (Harvey, 2007). In that, markets, including people’s tendency to participate in them, must be constructed and continuously maintained, with the implication that market logic has to be applied as an organising
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 757
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
principle to an ever wider range of spheres previously thought as non- market spheres. The neo-liberal project of marketisation is particularly evident in the sphere of social welfare provision (Gray et al., 2015). Through privatisation, contracting out, outsourcing, deregulation and reregulation, market mechanisms have become increasingly salient in the management and delivery of social welfare services. Consider England, for example, where the market has penetrated into children’s social work services (Jones, 2015), or the USA, where drug treatment services have been marketised (Schram, 2015).
The general assumption is that marketisation will make social services more accessible, efficient, cost-effective and less bureaucratised (Gray et al., 2015). It also implies new flexibility that facilitates the flow of pro- fessional staff according to the changing needs of the market, bypassing the ridged demands of unions and reducing organisational expenditures (Harvey, 2007). Marketisation is also based on the assumption that the ebb and flow of the market can best address the needs of clients. Based on this assumption, social welfare programmes are redesigned to teach clients how to become effective market actors (Schram, 2015). In short, processes of marketisation have transformed the institutional environ- ment in which social workers operate and social programmes are delivered.
Marketisation engenders a fertile ground for social workers’ engage- ment in policy practice in at least two significant ways. First, social workers in the neo-liberal era are confronted with the need to counter the marketisation of the welfare state. The welfare state has historically played a role in protecting citizens from the insecurities of the market. As seen, neo-liberal reforms have undermined the decommodifying role of social policy and at the same time implemented policies that place priority on better serving the needs of the market (Reisch, 2013). As a result, more and more clients are less protected and have unmet needs. Countries’ response to the global financial crisis is a prime example of the marketisation of social policy. In order to fix their debt problems and restore their economy to growth, countries such as Ireland imple- mented an austerity programme in 2008 that, among other things, intro- duced a series of welfare cuts (Oxfam, 2013). Concurrently, Ireland also recapitalised its failed banks by using public funds (e.g. funds that were available through the National Pension Reserve Fund). The cuts had ad- verse consequences for low-income Irish families with children: child poverty in Ireland grew from 18 per cent in 2008 to 28.6 per cent in 2012 (Fanjul, 2014). By undermining social safety nets that serve to pro- tect their clients, marketisation generates the need and increases the mo- tivation for policy practice activities carried out by social workers (Featherstone, 2011). Policy practice is conceived as a viable path with which to introduce changes that protect clients from the insecurities of
758 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
the market and contribute to efforts to tackle problems of poverty inten- sified by marketisation.
Resisting the marketisation of the workforce also increases the moti- vation for policy practice. Privatisation and contracting out, which are an integral part of marketisation, have contributed to the general decline of labour unions in recent decades (Harvey, 2007). Only 19.7 per cent of social workers in the USA were union members in 2011 (Department for Professional Employees, 2012). This is significant as social workers who are union members earn more and have more benefits than non- union members. Processes of marketisation have therefore contributed to the deterioration of social workers’ employment status (Carey, 2006; Dominelli, 2010), setting the stage for professional unrest and pushing social workers to engage in policy practice in order to protect their rights as workers and the status of their profession. In addition, privat- isation has led to the rise of the neo-managerial approach, which is char- acterised by market-oriented and competition-based practices that focus on the measured dimensions of work. Studies show that these neo-liberal practices often alienate social workers from the delivery of services and demoralise them (Harlow, 2003). These practices, often called New Public Management, are also conceived by some social workers as non- conformant with social work values of ensuring that clients’ needs are met (Rogowski, 2012). As a result, New Public Management generates resentment among social workers, creating the impulse to become social change agents who can influence organisation policy. O’Brien (2011), for example, showed the multiple ways in which social workers in New Zealand engage in activities that challenge the neo-liberal policies of their own agencies. Thus marketisation has confronted social workers with the need to influence policy in order to protect both the profession and their practice.
Marketisation poses at least three barriers for policy practice as well. The first barrier is the competition among social claims. Marketisation has led to a flood of social claims and needs related to the well-being of vulnerable populations, generating competition relating to which claims and needs would be addressed (Garrett, 2009). While the growth of claims and needs pushes many social workers to influence policy, it also means that some policy efforts are left without a response and become ineffective because in competition there are winners and losers. Furthermore, this market-based competition has contributed to the ero- sion of trust among social workers, who not only compete with one an- other for funding, but also fight to get public and political attention to the issues affecting their clients. Competition and the erosion of trust make the process of coalition building and cross-organisational partner- ships, so critical to policy practice, ever more difficult (Harlow, 2003).
The hegemony of the market presents another barrier for involvement in policy practice. Alongside competition among social claims, the
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 759
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
growing hegemonic prominence of the market is another trend limiting the ability to carry out policy practice activities. Marketisation as a dom- inant strategy means liberating the market from regulation and restruc- turing the arena of social welfare to follow market principles. Policy practice, however, often calls for the protection of clients from the mar- ket, especially through government intervention, deeming it oftentimes unharmonious with the hegemonic logic of the market. Under such con- ditions, the activities of social workers engaging in policy practice to protect their clients from the insecurities of the market are severely limited.
Policy practice is opposed to the hegemony of the market in other sig- nificant ways. Marketisation has created a dominant organisational cul- ture that emphasises outcomes, cost-effectiveness and evidence-based practices (Harlow, 2003). Yet it is difficult to demonstrate the cost- effectiveness or Return on Investment (ROI) of policy practice; it is time-consuming, often leads to an increase in the work-load, and its fu- ture outcomes are ambiguous. Policy practice is often not even part of the job descriptions of social workers (Weiss-Gal and Levin, 2010). This leads to policy practice being carried out in a highly fragmented way that is limited to goals that are short-term and attainable. Policy practice activities are unfunded and unjustified in an institutional and or- ganisational environment of marketisation, hence their scope and nature are restricted.
Finally, the bureaucratic and precarious nature of social work creates another barrier for social workers in the policy arena. Marketisation, es- pecially its performance measurement systems, has increased the bureaucratic nature of social work practice (Dominelli, 2002, 2010). As Dominelli (2002, p. 46) argues, ‘social workers have become highly regulated in a society that espouses deregulation. Managerially imposed procedures have repositioned professional social workers as technocrats whose capacity to exercise independent judgment is severely curtailed through bureaucratic procedures’. As social workers navigate these chal- lenging institutional and organisational conditions, engaging in policy practice becomes increasingly limited.
Alongside this, marketisation has also contributed to the state of pre- carity and temporality within social work agencies as budgets are cut and agencies understaffed (Baines et al., 2014). For example, the Child and Family Agency, a state agency aimed at improving the well-being of children in Ireland, reported in 2015 that it suffers from a shortage in social workers resulting in thousands of children who are at risk of ne- glect (Baker, 2016). By contributing to the spread of precarity among so- cial work agencies, marketisation may limit policy practice to the domain of organisational goals (Garrow and Hasenfeld, 2014); social workers only engage in it because it helps their agencies ensure
760 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
adequate staffing and increase their budgets, refraining from engaging in policy practice that pushes for transformative social change.
The valorisation of entrepreneurship
Alongside the restructuring of the state and marketisation, neo-liberal- ism has promoted the iconisation of entrepreneurship. Neo-liberalism has changed how society conceives what it means to be a human being (Brown, 2015). In the pre-neo-liberal era, human beings had civic re- sponsibilities and were concerned with the common good. In the neo- liberal era, however, human beings are viewed as nothing other than rational market actors who compete against one another and constantly reinvent themselves. Michel Foucault (2008, p. 226) theorised the neo- liberal subject as an ‘entrepreneur of himself’—a person who invests in his own human capital in order to increase his market value. According to Harvey (2007, p. 2), neo-liberalism proposes that ‘human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms’, hence creating a society of autonomous and responsible selves. This val- orisation of entrepreneurship in neo-liberal ideology draws on the work of Joseph Schumpeter (1947), who referred to entrepreneurs in a capital- ist economy as ‘wild spirits’ and ‘fiery souls’. He suggested that the crea- tivity and innovation entrepreneurs demonstrate in using current resources can lead to new solutions to old problems. Today, people are expected to think and act as Schumpeterian entrepreneurs who leverage existing resources to enhance their value in every domain of life (Brown, 2015).
The growing prevalence of neo-liberal, entrepreneurial approaches to social relations and human activity suggests that the remedy for collec- tive social problems lies in the sphere of individual, entrepreneurial ini- tiatives (Pollack and Rossiter, 2010). This means that clients are expected to look for a personal solution to their problems based on their entrepreneurial skills. The entrepreneurial ideal in this sense is linked to the discourse of personal responsibility, which portrays social problems as related to personal failures and lack of motivation. Social benefits such as public welfare are seen as opposed to the establishment of an entrepreneurial culture because they breed ‘dependency’ and ‘passivity’. Instead, neo-liberalism has promoted the discourse of entrepreneurship. Among other things, the discourse of entrepreneurship has introduced asset-based policies such as microenterprise and matched savings ac- counts that cast clients as market-savvy entrepreneurs (Katz, 2013).
The ascendancy of entrepreneurship has set the stage for involvement in policy practice in two significant ways. First, under the spirit of entrepreneurship, social workers are expected to exploit available oppor- tunities and creatively reinvent their practices in order to attend to the
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 761
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
increasing needs of their clients, often based on very limited resources (Abramovitz and Zelnick, 2015; Bent-Goodley, 2002). The institutional expectation from social workers is to demonstrate the same Schumpeterian ‘wild spirit’, to reach further than anybody else, to use their febrile imagination, to surpass the narrow limits of their or- ganisations, to look for new opportunities for their clients and to expand the repertoire of resources based on their own agency.
While it often leads to a lot of pressure on the already exhausted and usually reduced professional staff, the spirit of entrepreneurship, with its emphasis on reinvention, boosts the conditions for policy practice. By mobilising their skills and motivation, it encourages social workers to re- imagine policy and act as policy entrepreneurs (Cohen, 2012). The policy arena is an unknown terrain that the entrepreneurial social worker is set and excited to discover, since, among other things, it helps her escape from the daily routine of heavy caseloads and performance systems.
Social media presents an opportunity for social workers to act as pol- icy entrepreneurs. Social workers have increasingly relied on social me- dia as part of their involvement in the policy arena; they use it to draw people’s attention to hidden issues, disseminate knowledge and promote people’s involvement in policy practice activities. In Australia, for exam- ple, social workers in an affordable housing advocacy organisation used different social networking platforms to ensure that people stay updated on and support a campaign for the extension of government funding for homelessness assistance programmes (Shelter SA, 2016).
Risk taking and multitasking, which are integral parts of entrepreneur- ship, create another opportunity for involvement in policy practice. Social workers today are expected to become risk takers, even if they lack the resources needed to support their work. One such significant way is by engaging in policy practice (Jansson, 2010). Stanford (2010) ar- gues that social workers operate within the context of neo-liberal ‘risk society’ which breeds feelings of fear and vulnerability among many workers and redirects their practice towards managing risk. Nevertheless, she finds that social workers in Australia ‘did take risks in their interventions to support their clients and attend to their “at risk” identities’ (Stanford, 2010, p. 1076). Such risk taking improves workers’ self-worth and helps them rediscover their agency (Cheung and Ngai, 2009). Furthermore, the entrepreneurial subject is involved in multiple tasks and constantly seeks to improve her productivity. Operating within this environment, social workers are similarly expected to do multiple tasks, including (but not limited to) the task of operating at the policy level. The discourse of entrepreneurship therefore shapes the way in which policy practice is envisioned, as another task that social workers add to their burdensome basket of tasks.
Along with the opportunities triggered by it, the valorisation of entre- preneurship has also limited the scope of policy practice. First,
762 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
conceiving of clients as savvy entrepreneurs who are expected to support themselves promotes a highly individualistic climate that severely limits the legitimacy of policy practice activities aimed at changing unequal power relations. The discourse of entrepreneurship vilifies redistributive social policy and rejects the claim for the collective expansion of social benefits, which lies at the heart of many social workers’ efforts to influ- ence policy (Ferguson, 2007). In such an environment, involvement in policy practice activities to promote policies which provide collective benefits to clients and, in the process, shift responsibility back to the government is ever more difficult (Sherraden et al., 2015). Instead, social workers turn to promoting and influencing policies that are consonant with the broader discourse of entrepreneurship. Such policies restrict ac- cess to assistance to clients who demonstrate an entrepreneurial spirit. Across the world, social workers have promoted the implementation of asset-development policies that teach low-income families how to be- come entrepreneurs who save and acquire wealth (Katz, 2013). The val- orisation of entrepreneurship, then, has not only made it harder for social workers to promote redistributive and collective social policies, but also limited their involvement in policy practice to policies that con- dition assistance on clients proving that they engage in strategies of entrepreneurship.
Second, the valorisation of entrepreneurship also contributes to the atomisation of social work practice, confining policy practice to the level of the individual social worker. The social worker engaging in policy practice is often envisioned as a ‘lone ranger’, without organisational support and lacking significant partners. It is a one-man show—the so- cial worker against the powerful and distant state. Yet, working to change policy is not an individual endeavour; it involves outreaching, networking and coalition building. The entrepreneurial ethos contradicts the idea of policy practice as a collective endeavour and, as a result, makes it increasingly difficult for social workers to engage in the policy arena. Related to this, social work has historically worked with clients to advance a just society. However, entrepreneurship, with its emphasis on the individual social worker as a policy entrepreneur, overlooks the role of oppressed communities and broad-based social movements in pro- cesses of policy change (Brady et al., 2014). In an environment that champions the free-standing entrepreneur, engaging in policy practice activities that reflect a community-based approach is abandoned (Reisch, 2013). In other words, what was once called ‘policy advocacy’, carried out collectively and supported by community-based and coalition-building efforts, is now reduced to the limits of the ‘sociological imagination’ of the individual social worker. Entrepreneurship, then, has severely compromised the odds for a collective, community-based and over the long run transformative social work policy practice.
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 763
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Conclusion
Social workers have historically played an important role in the policy arena. Neo-liberalism, with its restructuring of the state, processes of marketisation and valorisation of the entrepreneur, has influenced, often in contradictory ways, the nature and contours of social work policy practice. These forces have both precipitated the conditions for policy practice but also limited the efforts of social workers to influence policy. Under a neo-liberal regime, policy practice has certainly turned into a widespread and viable tool that many social workers use as they try to navigate the changing institutional and political landscape in which they operate. At the same time, neo-liberalism has made it ever more diffi- cult to influence policy and eroded the systemic roots of these efforts.
How can social workers counter the limits and barriers neo-liberalism imposes on their involvement in the policy arena? We suggest three main interrelated paths. First, social work policy practice should recogn- ise the central role of the state and explicitly target it in the policy arena in order to shift responsibility for social and economic welfare back to the state. Actions may include raising public awareness regarding the re- sponsibility of the state for the welfare of its citizens, holding personal meetings with legislators and policy makers in order to voice concerns regarding the social costs or unethical character of existing policies and mobilising social work associations to call for more state responsibility. Bird (2015), for example, describes her efforts to change reproductive health policy in the USA, which included making demands on govern- ment and building relationships with legislators and other state actors. The second path consists of actions aimed at resisting the wholesale marketisation of social policy and social work. Social workers should challenge the hegemony of the market and open the door for alternative structures and models that can address clients’ needs and guide social work practice. Such activities may involve publishing critical accounts of social work daily practice and clients’ lived experiences in ways that destabilise institutionalised truths that justify the ascendancy of the mar- ket. Featherstone (2011) argues that social workers in Ireland need to challenge their government’s response to the recent economic crisis that included an injection of public money to bail out banks and protect the existing market system. He suggests that Irish social workers stimulate a public discussion around ways to promote a more equitable and inclu- sive Ireland. A third and last path for policy practice consists of activi- ties that reject the image of the social worker as a self-standing policy entrepreneur and, instead, enhance co-operation efforts among social workers and engage clients. These actions may include mobilising com- munity attention to the aversive consequences of neo-liberal policies, creating room for collaboration among different constituencies with
764 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
similar interests, and collaborating with local, national or global coali- tions. Nelson, Price and Zubrzycki (2017) suggest that social workers in Australia join the initiatives of the Australian Social Work Association and community-based groups in order to promote a more humane asylum-seeker policy. Such co-operation can provide social workers with the capacity to influence policy. Despite the dominance of neo- liberalism, pursuing these three paths is possible and has the potential to reduce the constrains placed on social workers’ involvement in policy practice.
References
Abramovitz, M. and Zelnick, J. (2015) ‘Privatization in the human services:
Implications for direct practice’, Clinical Social Work Journal, 43(3), pp. 283–93.
Almog-Bar, M., Weiss-Gal, I. and Gal, J. (2015) ‘Bringing public policy into policy
practice’, Journal of Social Work, 15(4), pp. 390–408.
Baines, D., Cunningham, I., Campey, J. and Shields, J. (2014) ‘Not profiting from pre-
carity: The work of nonprofit service delivery and the creation of precasiousness’,
Just Labour, 22, pp. 74–93.
Baker, N. (2016) ‘Children at risk of neglect over Tusla funds shortage’, Irish
Examiner, 13 April.
Bent-Goodley, T. B. (2002) ‘Defining and conceptualizing social work entrepreneur-
ship’, Journal of Social Work Education, 38(2), pp. 291–302.
Bird, M. (2015) ‘Social justice advocacy in the belly of the beast: An illustration of
policy change for social work’, Affilia, 31(2), pp. 257–62.
Boris, E. T., de Leon, E., Roeger, K. and Nikolova, M. (2010) Human Service
Nonprofits and Government Collaboration: Findings from the 2010 National Survey
of Nonprofit Government Contracting and Grants, Washington, DC, Urban
Institute.
Brady, S., Schoeneman, A. and Sawyer, J. (2014) ‘Critiquing and analyzing the effects
of neoliberalism on community organizing: Implications and recommendations for
practitioners and educators’, Journal for Social Action in Counseling and
Psychology, 6(1), pp. 36–60.
Brown, W. (2015) Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution,
Cambridge, MA, MIT Press.
Carey, M. (2006) ‘Everything must go? The privatization of state social work’, British
Journal of Social Work, 38(5), pp. 918–35.
Carey, M. and Foster, V. (2011) ‘Introducing “deviant” social work: Contextualising
the limits of radical social work whilst understanding (fragmented) resistance
within the social work labour process’, British Journal of Social Work, 41(3),
pp. 576–93.
Chavesc, M., Stephens, L. and Galaskiewicz, J. (2004) ‘Does government funding sup-
press nonprofits’ political activity?’, American Sociological Review, 69(2),
pp. 292–316.
Cheung, C. K. and Ngai, S. S. Y. (2009) ‘Surviving hegemony through resistance and
identity articulation among outreaching social workers’, Child and Adolescent
Social Work Journal, 26(1), pp. 15–37.
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 765
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Citizens’ Empowerment Center (2015) Food Insecurity in Israel, Tel Aviv, Citizens’
Empowerment Center, in Hebrew.
Cohen, N. (2012) ‘Policy entrepreneurs and the design of public policy: The case of
the National Health Insurance Law in Israel’, Journal of Social Research & Policy,
3(1), pp. 5–26.
Crouch, C. (2011) The Strange Non-Death of Neo-Liberalism, Malden, MA, Polity.
Cummins, L. K., Byers, K. V. and Pedrick, L. E. (2011) Policy Practice for Social
Workers: New Strategies for a New Era, Boston, MA, Allyn and Bacon.
Davies, W. (2014) The Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic
of Competition, Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage.
Department for Professional Employees (2012) Social Service Workers: An
Occupational Overview, Washington, DC, Department for Professional
Employees, AFL-CIO.
Dodson, L. (2009) The Moral Underground: How Ordinary Americans Subvert an
Unfair Economy, New York, The New Press.
Dominelli, L. (2002) Feminist Social Work Theory and Practice, Basingstoke,
Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan.
Dominelli, L. (2010) Social Work in a Globalizing World, Malden, MA, Polity.
Fanjul, G. (2014) Children of the Recession: The Impact of the Economic Crisis on
Child Well-Being in Rich Countries, Florence, Unicef.
Featherstone, B. (2011) ‘The current economic crisis in Ireland: Why social work
needs to be part of the challenge to a discredited system’, Comunitania: Revista
internacional de trabajo social y ciencias sociales, 1(1), pp. 17–29.
Ferguson, I. (2007) Reclaiming Social Work: Challenging Neo-Liberalism and
Promoting Social Justice, Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage.
Ferguson, I. and Woodward, R. (2009) Radical Social Work Practice: Making a
Difference, Bristol, Policy Press.
Figueira-McDonough, J. (1993) ‘Policy practice: The neglected side of social work in-
tervention’, Social Work, 38(2), pp. 179–88.
Foucault, M. (2008) The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France,
1978–1979, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.
Gal, J. and Weiss-Gal, I. (2011) ‘Social policy formulation and the role of profes-
sionals: The involvement of social workers in parliamentary committees in Israel’,
Health & Social Care in the Community, 19(2), pp. 158–67.
Gal, J. and Weiss-Gal, I. (2013) Social Workers Affecting Social Policy: An
International Perspective on Policy Practice, Bristol, Policy Press.
Gal, J. and Weiss-Gal, I. (2015) ‘The “why” and the “how” of policy practice: An
eight-country comparison’, British Journal of Social Work, 45(4), pp. 1083–101.
Garrett, P. M. (2009) ‘Transforming’ Children’s Services: Social Work, Neoliberalism
and the ‘Modern’ World, Berkshire, Maidenhead, McGraw-Hill Education.
Garrow, E. E. and Hasenfeld, Y. (2014) ‘Institutional logics, moral frames, and advo-
cacy explaining the purpose of advocacy among nonprofit human-service organiza-
tions’, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 43(1), pp. 80–98.
Gewirtz-Meydan, A., Weiss-Gal, I. and Gal, J. (2016) ‘Social workers’ policy practice
in non-profit human service organisations in Israel’, British Journal of Social
Work, 46(7), pp. 1890–908.
Gray, M., Dean, M., Agllias, K., Howard, A. and Schubert, L. (2015) ‘Perspectives
on neoliberalism for human service professionals’, Social Service Review, 89(2),
pp. 368–92.
766 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Harlow, E. (2003) ‘New managerialism, social service departments and social work
practice today’, Practice, 15(2), pp. 29–44.
Harvey, D. (2007) A Brief History of Neoliberalism, New York, Oxford University
Press.
Iatridis, D. S. (1995) ‘Policy practice’, in Encyclopedia of Social Work, 19th edn,
Washington, DC, NASW Press.
Jansson, B. S. (2010) Becoming an Effective Policy Advocate, Belmont, CA, Cengage
Learning.
Jansson, B. S., Dempsey, D., McCroskey, J. and Schneider, R. (2005), ‘Four models
of policy practice: Local, state, and national arenas’, in Weil M. (ed.), Handbook
of Community Practice, Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, pp. 319–38.
Jones, R. (2015) ‘The end game: The marketisation and privatisation of children’s so-
cial work and child protection’, Critical Social Policy, 35(4), pp. 447–69.
Katz, M. B. (2013) The Undeserving Poor: America’s Enduring Confrontation with
Poverty: Fully Updated and Revised, New York, Oxford University Press.
Levin, L., Goor, Y. and Tayri, M. T. (2013) ‘Agency advocacy and organisational de-
velopment: A feasible policy practice alliance’, British Journal of Social Work,
43(3), pp. 522–41.
Lombe, M. and Sherraden, M. (2008) ‘Inclusion in the policy process: An agenda for
participation of the marginalized’, Journal of Policy Practice, 7(2–3), pp. 199–213.
Maddison, S., Denniss, R. and Hamilton, C. (2004) Silencing Dissent: Non-
Government Organisations and Australian Democracy, Canberra, The Australia
Institute.
Mosley, J. E. (2012) ‘Keeping the lights on: How government funding concerns drive
the advocacy agendas of nonprofit homeless service providers’, Journal of Public
Administration Research and Theory, 22(4), pp. 841–66.
Nelson, D., Price, E. and Zubrzycki, J. (2017) ‘Critical social work with unaccompa-
nied asylum-seeking young people: Restoring hope, agency and meaning for the
client and worker’, International Social Work, 60(3), pp. 601–13.
O’Brien, M. (2011) ‘Social justice: Alive and well (partly) in social work practice?’,
International Social Work, 54(2), pp. 174–90.
Oxfam (2013) The True Cost of Austerity and Inequality: Ireland Case Study, Oxford,
Oxfam.
Peck, J. (2010) Constructions of Neoliberal Reason, New York, Oxford University
Press.
Pettijohn, S. L., Boris, E. T., with De Vita, C. J. and Fyffe, S. D. (2013) Nonprofit-
Government Contracts and Grants: Findings from the 2013 National Survey,
Washington, DC, The Urban Institute.
Pollack, S. and Rossiter, A. (2010) ‘Neoliberalism and the entrepreneurial subject:
Implications for feminism and social work’, Canadian Social Work Review, 27(2),
pp. 155–69.
Reisch, M. (2013) ‘Social work education and the neo-liberal challenge: The US re-
sponse to increasing global inequality’, Social Work Education, 32(6), pp. 715–33.
Rogowski, S. (2012) ‘Social work with children and families: Challenges and possibili-
ties in the neo-liberal world’, British Journal of Social Work, 42(5), pp. 921–40.
Rome, S. H. and Hoechstetter, S. (2010) ‘Social work and civic engagement: The po-
litical participation of professional social workers’, Journal of Sociology & Social
Welfare, 37, pp. 107–29.
Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion 767
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
Rome, S. H., Hoechstetter, S. and Wolf-Branigin, M. (2010) ‘Pushing the envelope:
Empowering clients for political action’, Journal of Policy Practice, 9(3–4),
pp. 201–19.
Schmid, H., Bar, M. and Nirel, R. (2008) ‘Advocacy activities in nonprofit human ser-
vice organizations implications for policy’, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector
Quarterly, 37(4), pp. 581–602.
Schram, S. F. (2015) The Return of Ordinary Capitalism: Neoliberalism, Precarity,
Occupy, New York, Oxford University Press.
Schumpeter, J. A. (1947) ‘The creative response in economic history’, Journal of
Economic History, 7(2), pp. 149–59.
Shelter SA (2016) ‘Get involved’, available online at http://www.sheltersa.asn.au/get-
involved/ (accessed 22 June 2017).
Sherraden, M., Guo, B. and Umbertino, C. (2015) ‘Solving current social challenges:
Engaging undergraduates in policy practice’, Journal of Policy Practice, 14(3–4),
pp. 308–32.
Smith, S. (2010) ‘The political economy of contracting and competition’, in Hasenfeld
Y. (ed.), Human Services as Complex Organizations, 2nd edn, Los Angeles, CA,
Sage, pp. 139–60.
Stanford, S. (2010) ‘“Speaking back” to fear: Responding to the moral dilemmas of
risk in social work practice’, British Journal of Social Work, 40(4), pp. 1065–80.
Statistics Canada (2004) Highlights of the National Survey of Nonprofit and Voluntary
Organizations (No. 61–533-XIE), Ottawa, ON, Statistics Canada.
Wacquant, L. (2012) ‘Three steps to a historical anthropology of actually existing
neoliberalism’, Social Anthropology, 20(1), pp. 66–79.
Weiss-Gal, I. (2013) ‘Policy practice in practice: The inputs of social workers in legis-
lative committees’, Social Work, 58, pp. 304–13.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Gal, J. (2008) ‘Social workers and policy-practice: The role of social
and professional values’, Journal of Social Service Research, 34(4), pp. 15–27.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Gal, J. (2014) ‘Social workers as policy actors’, Journal of Social
Policy, 43(01), pp. 19–36.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Levin, L. (2010) ‘Social workers and policy practice: An analysis of
job descriptions in Israel’, Journal of Policy Practice, 9(3–4), pp. 183–200.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Nouman, H. (2016) ‘“Money makes the world go around”: Social
workers in parliamentary finance committees in Israel’, Journal of Social Work,
16)4(, pp. 393–411.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Peled, E. (2009) ‘Publishing voice: Training social workers in policy
practice’, British Journal of Social Work, 39(2), pp. 368–82.
Weiss-Gal, I. and Savaya, R. (2012) ‘Teaching policy practice: A hands-on seminar
for social workers in Israel’, Journal of Policy Practice, 11(3), pp. 139–57.
Wharf, B. and McKenzie, B. (1998) Connecting Policy to Practice in the Human
Services, New York, Oxford University Press.
Wyers, N. L. (1991) ‘Policy-practice in social work: Models and issues’, Journal of
Social Work Education, 27(3), pp. 241–50.
768 Roni Strier and Guy Feldman
D ow
nloaded from https://academ
ic.oup.com /bjsw
/article/48/3/751/3953937 by U niversity of W
indsor user on 21 A ugust 2021
1.C.Textbook-Social_Work_and_Social_Justice_Concepts,_Challenge..._----_(Pages 177-353).pdf
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 177
have different effects on the group’s ability to achieve goals and complete tasks and on the ability of members to work together in an effective manner (Curseu et al., 2007). Group outcomes benefit from diversity to the extent that group performance is able to build on diversity dimensions most relevant to the group’s achievement of its goals (Curseu et al., 2007; Harrison & Klein, 2007).
Thus, although diversity can stimulate or undermine group performance, decreased performance is most likely when dimensions of diversity converge to create diversity fault lines through subgroup social categorization processes. According to Homan and colleagues (2007), the group dynamics and processes that lead to positive outcomes in diverse groups, in terms of group performance, can also result in disadvantage and exclusion when diversity encourages separa- tion and fails to address power and status disparities.
Group Structure
Group structure refers to how a group is organized, including such factors as group composition; group roles and its division of labor and resources; the group’s for- mal procedures and rules, including decision- making processes; power and sta- tus hierarchies; communication and affectional patterns; and internal divisions, such as subgroups. These structures may either enhance working for social justice or impede it.
Previous sections of this chapter on dimensions of diversity have shown that the group’s composition may involve such diversity. Group composition is defined as the pattern that exists in the group related to the personal characteris- tics of the members or its degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity. Groups can be composed of people who are similar on a dimension of concern (e.g., all women, all African Americans, and all gays or lesbians), who are selected to represent different characteristics (e.g., a group composed of women and men in equal numbers), or who randomly represent differences on some characteristic. Each of these types of composition will present opportunities and challenges with regard to promoting diversity and social justice. Here, we focus primarily on social cat- egories associated with differential statuses in society.
A growing body of literature documents the consistent but complex effects of gender composition on a wide array of group conditions: dominance (R idgeway & Diekema, 1989), legitimacy and status (R idgeway, Diekema, & Johnson, 1995), communication patterns/ interruptions (Karakowsky, McBey, & Willer, 2004; Smith- Lovin & Brody, 1989), and approaches to tasks. The salience of the social category is important (Randel, 2002), as is diversity in values (Rodriguez, 1998). These effects also depend on the nature of the task, environmental conditions, and a variety of other factors. In general,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
178 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
men appear to be more likely to exhibit dominance behaviors than women, whether they are in the minority or the majority, although this is influenced by the gender composition of the group and the nature of its task (Smith- Lovin & Brody, 1989).
In studies focusing on race and cross- race interactions, race- related expec- tations shape emotional responses (Butz & Plant, 2006) and participation (Li, Karakowsky, & Siegel, 1999), and some studies find different patterns than those one might expect if one were generalizing from studies that focus primarily on gender (Craig & Rand, 1998). These studies suggest that the intersection of race and gender requires additional thought and attention to social justice matters in small groups.
Some group theories stress status structures and their development— that is, stable differences in the patterns of power and influence among group members. The group is also affected by status characteristics outside the group that influ- ence how people are perceived within the group, as well as power and influence structures within the group. Group members should be prepared to challenge those power and status dynamics that re- create gender- , race- , or other social identity- based inequities as well as other patterns of societal injustice that emerge within the group.
Gender, race, ethnicity, and other diversity factors are strong determinants of the structure of every group (e.g., when men sit with men and women with women) and influence subgroup and communication patterns. Previously, we noted that power structure consists of the degree to which members can influ- ence the behavior of others by virtue of their position in the group, their ability to reward or punish others, their expertise, or their degree of attractiveness to others. A subset of members will likely attain or possess more power than other members by virtue of ascribed status (e.g., gender, social class, or ethnicity) and external roles. These power hierarchies can marginalize members with important knowledge and skills and create patterns of injustice in the group. Ideally, all members should be assisted to attain the power required for them to accomplish tasks they undertake and to utilize the expertise they develop through group experience.
Case Example: Reggie
Reggie was the storyteller in the task group. The members made it clear that his storytelling added nothing to the group’s ability to accomplish its assignment and were clear in their expressions of annoyance each time he launched into another story. He would hear member groans and comments whenever he began a story. The members would immediately say, “Not now, Reggie!” or “Reggie that’s
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 179
not helping!” Meanwhile, the group went about its business but with clear diffi- culty coordinating each member’s contributions. Tension and conflict seemed to define the group’s climate, reflecting the members’ frustrations with their lack of direction. Reggie finally broke into a moment of group silence and stated, “You guys are what my coach called a chump team.” A group member immediately responded by asking, “What in the world does that mean?” Reggie described how his basketball coach would say that the championship team was the one in which members looked to each other to help out— to pass, set screens so others could get by— and they never worried about who scored because it was the team effort that mattered. He continued, “I’m lookin’ at you all and you’re doin’ your own thing. No one is listening to anybody; no one is letting others take the lead. It’s like you’re all smart except no one cares. My coach would say when we don’t act like a team we’re playin’ like chumps and not champs. What I see is a chump team!” And with that insight, the team members looked at each other and knew Reggie was right. Reggie rose to a socioemotional leadership role.
The division of labor in groups refers to the task- focused patterns of action undertaken by members. Ideally, members assume tasks for the group based on their ability and interests rather than status. The group’s division of labor should also encourage and support task assignments that open new opportunities for members who have been oppressed or denied opportunities to contribute to the group’s progress.
Group task, which group workers often refer to as its program, consists of the activities that members engage in together. Important issues to consider here include the following: Is the group attending to the ways that some tasks are preferred or rejected by people from different cultural groups or genders? Do members of various groups bring different assumptions and working styles to the tasks?
Internal boundaries define the degree to which membership in and access to subgroups is easy or difficult to attain. Permeable boundaries allow members to build social connections within new subgroups or reconstitute subgroups based on individual and group need. When permeable boundaries exist, communica- tions are open among all subgroups. With rigid boundaries, members are “locked in” to existing subgroups, and communications are limited among subgroups. Such boundary patterns often ensue from issues of power and privilege, and they place barriers on the fulfillment of member and group needs.
Structural boundaries can also create insiders and outsiders: Those within a subgroup derive support and status from other members, and those not included can be marginalized and acquire less power and satisfaction. Hierarchies that
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
180 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
develop and their potential to replicate external power structures can lead to pat- terns of exploitation and exclusion in the group.
This discussion emphasizes the importance of assessing both visible or explicit and informal or subtle structures within the group and its environment, especially in relation to how power is created and manifested and whether these patterns of intragroup power distribution replicate external power structures. This can include evaluating formal policies and procedures that affect the group’s work, as well as those that evolve in the group, in terms of how well the mem- bers address issues of social justice (how power and authority are defined, who is included or excluded, the relevance of the group’s actions toward purposes and goals, and so on). Assessment should also include important boundaries that must be negotiated outside and within the group.
One way to identify structural sources of injustice is to engage in critical structural analyses to illuminate how societal forces are manifested and rein- forced in small groups. Previously, we described the importance of decentering and becoming aware of and challenging microinequities at the interpersonal level. All these involve being skeptical about taken- for- granted features and working with others who have different standpoints and types of knowledge to recognize and name usually less visible forces. Once they are visible, it is easier to challenge and change them. We also previously alluded to the importance of addressing conflict, a factor that is important across all of the group components noted previously.
Group Culture
Culture is defined as the shared beliefs and traditions that exist among the members of the group and the ways in which group members create mean- ing within the group. Some aspects of a group culture may be very conscious, overt, and obvious to group members— for instance, its explicit rituals or rules for behavior— whereas others are more subtle. For example, participation may emerge in a group that replicates stereotyped participation outside the group based on gender, socioeconomic class, age, and so on. Cultural elements can also include the theories or intervention models being employed in a group.
Key cultural elements include norms, symbols, rituals, and taken- for granted assumptions that explain key group phenomena and the words used to signify them. Norms in groups refer to the expectations members have as to how other members should behave or refrain from behaving. These norms are shaped by societal assumptions (Ridgeway, 1991, 2001) in which beliefs about societal status create a network of expectations that then shape people’s behaviors. Members are frequently rewarded or punished if they follow or violate shared expectations,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 181
sometimes overtly by being expelled from a group or explicitly sanctioned. Often, however, not “fitting in” leads to a gradual loss of influence and social connec- tions in a group.
Unjust or inflexible norms can contribute to scapegoating and marginalizing, and they can leave some members more central than others in terms of power and status. This may be related to gender, ethnicity, age, social class, and other demographic characteristics as well as related behavioral expectations. One way of avoiding these norms is to actually discuss the concept of norms with the group and ask members to examine what kinds of unacknowledged norms exist in the group.
Many of these meaning- making processes can be very subtle— what Martin (2004) calls luminal— meaning beyond the awareness of most participants. One might also call them tacit, meaning not articulated or recognized, and maintained in the day- to- day interactions and thoughts that are taken for granted. Often, these processes become difficult to change, especially when left unattended. Status- creating behaviors, for instance, are frequently legiti- mated by members’ assumptions about group members’ competency that are associated with their conceptual schemas about social categories (Ridgeway, 2006). Often not recognized, they are very resistant to change, and they shape behaviors in many ways that may not be obvious to group members, except by the most marginalized group members who may be more aware of group forces because of their standpoints. Frequently, however, the group dynam- ics are not visible to the members, and those who end up being marginalized often attribute their experiences in a group to personal deficits (Ridgeway & Johnson, 1990).
What creates legitimacy also has cultural elements. Johnson, Dowd, and Ridgeway (2006) describe how legitimacy is shaped by beliefs and then, in turn, secures compliance with the existing social order. This order is embedded in shared and accepted (or at least not questioned) beliefs, norms, and values. These authors describe some ways to disrupt these shared assumptions. One of these is that group members can critique the knowledge, values, research, theories, and practice methods/ actions being used in the group in terms of underlying para- digms and the assumptions they represent, illuminate, or obscure.
Exploring phenomena often viewed in terms of dichotomies is especially important. These dichotomies can create false distinctions and obscure the pres- ence of other options, such as between the individual and the group, the group’s outcome and processes, men and women, Whites and people of color, and right and wrong. Decentering the meanings of words, group symbols, norms, and values can identify dominant assumptions and ideologies that may marginalize some group members and increase the influence of others. This requires taking
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
182 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
the time to clarify how different people understand and interpret various group features. For example, May (2007) discusses articles that distort concepts of race.
Group Leadership
We define leadership as an individual acting in ways that increase the effec- tiveness of a small group, while working toward social justice. Although many groups have a designated leader or leadership team, either appointed by some external authority or emerging from the group, every group member can exert leadership by contributing to the evolution and accomplishments of a group. A social worker will contribute leadership in many ways, not only when in formal leadership roles (e.g., chair, president, and facilitator).
A review of articles focused specifically on social justice in groups identified common themes regarding leadership that are considered central to social justice work (Singh & Salazar, 2010). Core among these themes are the leaders’ willing- ness and ability to expand their understanding and appreciation of diversity and cultural differences and openness to different expressions of language.
A second core theme emphasizes the importance of attending to, planning, and mobilizing members’ skills and abilities to address identified social injus- tices and misuses of power and privilege within and outside the group and also the importance of facilitating member empowerment. Collaborating to increase knowledge and skills that challenge the unequal access of goods and services and that teach self- advocacy and community- level advocacy is also emphasized. Specific social justice goals are to address underrepresented populations and issues (e.g., returning veterans, an increased aging population with health care challenges, individuals who are ability- challenged, LGBTQ youth and young adults, and homeless persons). Leaders are challenged to utilize social justice skills that expand beyond identity differences such as working across race or eth- nicity, gender, or social class and working to address injustices that often discrim- inate across multiple differences.
A third core theme focuses on how group work practice, in general, addresses general human behavior with less of an emphasis on how privilege, marginal- ization, and oppression are reflected in the group’s dynamics and processes. Concern focuses on the importance of the leaders’ ability to examine carefully and openly how their own privilege may impede their ability to experience mem- bers’ concerns in ways that reveal their origins in marginalization and oppres- sion. Leaders are called upon to “unpack” their invisible knapsack of power and privilege (McIntosh, 1988) and reflect on how this content may lead to position- alities and standpoints that create barriers to experiencing members’ concerns and challenges to effective practice as these aspects are expressed by members at
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 183
different times in the group. From a social justice perspective, leaders are urged to develop practice skills that ensure attention to members’ experiences and needs and expand their own learning about themselves beyond what occurs within the group itself.
The fourth core theme focuses on leaders’ consciousness- raising and the actions that ensue from this process. As group members increase their awareness, develop a clearer sense of the interplay of power, privilege, marginalization, and oppression as systemic problems, and feel empowered (along with the urge to “do something”), a leader’s abilities should assist members in ways that enable them to advocate for themselves. As members emerge from the group with social justice visions, leaders will ideally teach them strategies to promote effective change. Group leaders will be more successful when deficit- oriented perspectives are transformed into more meaningful and hopeful perspectives accompanied by the knowledge and skills to make and sustain change toward social justice causes.
Power and Leadership
Power is often defined as having the influence and resources needed to accom- plish desired goals. Harnessing power is necessary to create change and work for social justice. Feminist scholars and activists, especially, have urged those concerned about creating change for social justice to strive to use collaborative forms of power— having power with others by working together— versus using power to dominate or control others (Townsend, Zapata, Rowlands, Alberti, & Mercado, 1999). At the individual level, French and Raven (1960) defined power in five ways: in terms of expertise (expert), control of resources (reward) or pun- ishments (coercive), or related to a person’s structural position or role in a social system (legitimate). Referent power refers to power gained because people admire someone and aspire to be like her or him.
Many studies have examined the types of leadership that are useful for differ- ent types of group purposes and goals, but it is beyond the scope of this chapter to summarize this literature. Needless to say, working for social justice, challeng- ing the forces that sustain systemic inequalities and valuing and building on the diversity of group members require consistent leadership of all types.
The literature documents that leaders who occupy higher and lower power social status categories are perceived and reacted to differently by group mem- bers. Gender expectations continue to shape what is possible for women in lead- ership roles, although they do so less than they did in the past. In many studies, women are now perceived to be as competent as men, although they elicit con- siderably more negative affect than do men (Brower, Garvin, Hobson, Reed, & Reed, 1987; Carli & Eagly, 2001; Eagly, 2007; Koch, 2005). The situation for
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
184 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
leaders in different racial categories is considerably less clear, with some studies suggesting they are perceived as less competent and others finding they are rated more favorably than Whites in leadership (Brower et al., 1987; Ellis, Ilgen, & Hollenbeck, 2006; Kelsey, 1998; Pyke & Johnson, 2003).
Another factor that is important to consider is that leadership is manifested in members who represent all social categories. Just because one has experienced oppression does not automatically prepare one to have skills in working for jus- tice. The literature is just beginning to address strategies useful for people of color who assume leadership positions and yet are disparaged and discouraged from promoting social justice through their leadership (Marbley, 2004).
Disrupting and becoming aware of these forms of power is difficult and requires regular and ongoing collective reflection that members oriented only to outcomes often resist. It is also very difficult to repeatedly attend to these issues. Research suggests it is important to assess whose views and values are represented in the group’s activities and decisions and to identify some of the ways that group members may be re- creating power differences among themselves. Attending to the entire group network is important in group work because everyone is involved in sustaining these forms of power. Even when some members are the primary protagonists, bystanders can play important roles in maintaining or challenging these dynamics (Ridgeway & Diekema, 1989). Many other forms of power derive from social structures and how groups and organizations work, and we describe some of these later. (For additional discussions about power, see Chapters 7 and 8.)
There is increasing knowledge about how different types and sources of power combine to contribute to the creation and maintenance of privilege and oppression. These are barriers to social justice that lead to unearned advantages and multiple types of disadvantages including threats to survival if they are not repeatedly challenged and reduced. Especially relevant here are concepts of earned and ascribed status.
The term status indicates differences in the power and influence among group members due to positions within and outside of the group. Some positions of status are earned (e.g., educational degrees and promotions in the workplace), but other types of status are associated with the social categories one occupies. Social categories that are commonly associated with different forms of ascribed status include ability, age, class, culture, ethnicity, family structure, gender (includ- ing gender identity and gender expression), marital status, national origin, geo- graphic location (e.g., rural, suburban, and urban), race, religion or spirituality, and sexual orientation.
Having higher ascribed status usually makes it more likely that a person will be able to acquire greater earned status. In social justice work, the consequences
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 185
of having more or less ascribed power are frequently described as having privi- lege or experiencing oppression. People bring these experiences with them into a group and re- create them within groups in ways that are often not recognized.
Privilege is defined as unearned advantages that are associated with social cat- egories that have higher status in society (e.g., whiteness, masculinity, higher eco- nomic class, heterosexuality, and membership in a dominant religion) ( Johnson, 2001). McIntosh (1988) defines at least two types of privilege: those that are desired states that should be accorded to everyone and those that create disad- vantage for others that we work to eliminate. Those with privilege frequently are unaware of the disparities between their sources of power and those of others (Goodman, 2001).
Oppression refers to the ways that people experience barriers to participation in society, such as exercising their rights and taking advantage of opportunities. Mechanisms that create and sustain oppression are multiple, and they are often not recognized even by those affected by them. Young (1990) classifies five types of oppression: powerlessness, marginalization, exploitation, cultural hegemony, and violence. We describe ways that these can occur within small groups. People can have multiple responses to their own experiences with oppression (Mullaly, 2007). Some internalize their oppression and experience lower self- esteem and efficacy as a result. Others actively resist oppressive forces, often in concert with others.
Multiple theories are now focusing on these types of interactions and activi- ties as ways in which power is manifested and through which societal structures and ideologies are sustained and reinforced or challenged and changed. For example, Ridgeway and colleagues (Ridgeway, 2006; Ridgeway, Boyle, Kuipers, & Robinson, 1998; Ridgeway & Erickson, 2000) articulate how status is evident in member transactions, often in unrecognized ways. Of particular importance are those transactions that support status hierarchies, dominant norms, and val- ues and that suppress member differences.
Foucault (1975/ 1995) articulated how being observed and monitored by oth- ers (experiencing and participating in surveillance) led people to constrain their own behaviors and to constrain the behavior of others. Although groups need routines and procedures to accomplish their tasks, these can quickly constrain innovation and lead to censoring as they become more embedded in group tradi- tions and procedural mechanisms.
Group Development and Process
Group process refers to how the group changes from moment to moment or over longer periods through member interactions, including enactment of procedures
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
186 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
and tasks in the group. These interactions include group members’ communi- cations, affects, and conflicts and the patterns among these as the group begins and, over time, seeks to accomplish its goals and objectives. This latter process is referred to as “group development.” Processes such as how decisions are made or the unfolding of a conversation among several people are also strongly affected by group members’ culture, gender, and other status issues. For instance, men and women communicate differently in every culture (Tannen, 1990). People with higher status often talk more, express themselves differently, and interrupt others more than do those with less status, and there are also marked differences across cultures (Karakowsky et al., 2004; Smith- Lovin & Brody, 1989).
Communication patterns, affectational factors, and conflict are especially important in group dynamics. The pattern of positive and negative emotions that members direct at others in the group helps to shape subgroups and the overall climate of the group. Research suggests that over time, negative emotions are suppressed in groups and positive ones enhanced, which increases cohesiveness but may lead to the suppression of important differences (Ridgeway & Johnson, 1990). These differences are usually accompanied by varying degrees of negative emotions. As discussed later, engaging with conflict and disagreements is an important practice element in socially just groups that requires regular and spe- cial attention to maintain.
Practice Dimensions
In examining practice dimensions, we were strongly influenced by the work of Mullender, Ward, and Fleming (2013), particularly their model of “self- directed group work.” They present many useful ways in which group members can work together to change oppressive conditions. They assert that this process is facili- tated by attention to the following questions: What are the concerns of group members regarding the sources of their oppression? Why do these sources of oppression exist? What strategies will the group undertake to change these oppressive conditions? Although we agree with their assumption that members often will themselves change in the process of engaging in social change activi- ties, we add that, at times, group members may wish to focus on their personal issues.
As stated in Chapter 4, we view all practice as consisting of the following dimensions:
1. Exploring 2. Engaging 3. Planning
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 187
4. Implementing 5. Monitoring/ evaluating 6. Celebrating/ terminating
We reiterate that we do not view these phases as sequential but, rather, as tasks that are engaged in as determined by the logic of the situation. Thus, a group may engage in exploration, as we shall define this further, when the members first come together, but it may also do so when new members join, previous mem- bers leave, or external circumstances change. Members may utilize processes of engagement in the first few meetings but may need to repeat this process when new members join or when internal or external events disrupt the relationships that have been evolving.
Exploring
When members first come together with the group worker, they are likely to “sound each other out” as they decide whether they will work together, what purposes and goals they will choose to work on, what methods they will use in the group, what norms they will decide to follow, and to whom in the group they will feel closest. Social justice issues will be apparent during all these explora- tion processes. Group members are likely to quickly size up what kinds of power and powerlessness are present in the situation. It is important whether the group worker begins by eliciting feelings and ideas from the group or by telling the members what is expected from them. The obvious or subtle experiences of the power of the agency are demonstrated by how the members were greeted when they first entered the agency, whether they thought that they were expected, or whether they initially perceived that they were regarded as intruders.
One of the first topics of discussion in the group is usually the purpose of the group. Ideally, this has already been discussed with the members on a one- to- one basis before the first meeting is held. The function, then, is to determine whether the members and the group worker think the same way about its purpose once they have the experience of seeing and interacting with each other. A key social justice issue here is how much power members perceive they have in determining the purpose of the group. If the group’s purpose is imposed on them, they are likely to experience the group as not being relevant to their concerns and to resist participating in many ways.
An example of this is a group in a high school setting conducted by the school social worker. The principal has told the worker that the purpose of the group is to make the students compliant with school rules and to induce them to com- plete their class assignments on time. The students in this situation wished to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
188 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
1. These, of course, were not their words, which were put much more colloquially.
complain about school rules that they purchase school supplies they could not afford. They also experienced one of their teachers as prejudiced against their ethnic group. The worker has a social justice orientation. She tells the members what the principal expects, but she also indicates that the group members can ask to speak with the principal if they disagree with his expectations. She also informs the group that she will accompany them and support them in expressing their opinions. In addition, she plans to tell the principal that the students want to discuss his expectations with him. She recognizes that he might be critical of her for bringing this matter to his attention, but she believes that her social work ethics and values, especially those associated with social justice, require her to act in this way. The social worker also tells the students that she will help them to find a way to express their concerns about the teacher’s presumed prejudice, but they will have to discuss this together to determine the best way to approach this issue.
An important issue in the exploration phase is to convey to the members that they have knowledge that they can share to benefit each other. The worker does not have the same knowledge as the members have about their life circum- stances. The worker’s knowledge is primarily how to help the members help each other because they have found reasons to respect and care for each other. An example of this is a group of probationers facilitated by a social work student. The members approached the student in a challenging manner in which many questioned what she knew about their lives and their experiences in the larger system.1 The worker responded that it was true that she had limited knowledge about them but that she was in the group to help them to help each other and to care what happens to each other. She also hoped to learn from them as much as they were willing to share with her about their lives and what has happened to them.
Members have many different ways of sharing information based on their age, ethnicity, educational experiences, and culture. The worker should respect these different ways of sharing. Examples are older folks who may wish to rem- inisce, children who may draw pictures about their lives, and Spanish- speaking people who may find it easier to communicate in Spanish and may require an interpreter (or interpret for each other).
Engaging
This process is one in which members deal with a commitment to interact with each other and with the worker. The way in which they do this indicates their
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 189
willingness to engage, the depth of this engagement, and their level of commit- ment to remaining in the group. In this process, members decide how open they will be with each other and with the worker. This does not imply that they imme- diately make this commitment but, rather, that gradually their commitment will become “deeper” and that over time members will say more about themselves and reveal more about their experiences and feelings. This requires that group mem- bers develop increasing trust among themselves and toward the group worker as they experience others in the group as supportive and empathic rather than harmful. This trust is often enhanced as members see that the worker and other members understand their social justice issues, although they may express these concerns without explicitly using the term. An example is a group of abused women whose worker was aware that they had not experienced any help from the police when they called for help.
An important process during engagement (which also exists during all other activities) is that of dialogue. Dialogue is not the same as discussion; it exists when all group members, as well as the worker, apply the following principles:
1. Members share their own perceptions of the situation. 2. Members offer their own opinions and ideas. 3. Members listen closely to the perceptions, ideas, and opinions of others with-
out seeking to debate or contradict these. 4. Only after establishing that they have understood the perceptions, ideas, and
opinions of others as completely as possible do members then offer their own views. This is done in the spirit of seeking understanding of others and commu- nicating one’s own ideas with the expectation that these will be listened to in a reciprocal manner. This essentially means honoring difference.
As Finn and Jacobson (2008) state, also drawing from Freire (1973),
Dialogue requires empathy, identification with, and the inclusion of other people. Paulo Freire was convinced, based on his years of work with oppressed peoples, that only humble and loving dialogue can surmount the barrier of mistrust built from years of paternalism and the rampant subjugation of the knowledge and wisdom of the oppressed. “Founding itself upon love, humility, and faith, dialogue becomes a horizontal rela- tionship of which mutual trust among dialoguers is the logical conse- quence.” (pp. 79– 80)
A caring community is a community that confirms otherness, in part by giving each person and group a ground of their own, and affirming this ground through encounters that are egalitarian and dedicated to healing and empowerment. (p. 241)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
190 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
An example of this is a group member in a group of men who have abused their partners. He first told of how stressful his house was, especially when the children were ill and how he had run out of his house in frustration. The other members listened carefully and indicated that they understood how stressful this was. He later said that his wife drove him to shout at her when she told him to help with the children and he yelled that this was her job. The other members had previously discussed the ideas of dialogue. They did not confront this member, and they asked the member in question to say more about why he felt so driven. At a later session, he indicated that this was what his father had told his mother. Even later, he admit- ted that he expected that his shouting would stop his wife from making demands on him, and he was beginning to think this was unfair of him. The growing aware- ness of this man was enhanced by his perception that the other men were not judg- ing him but were trying to understand him and “to walk in his shoes.”
Another major social justice issue in engagement processes is whether the group is voluntary or involuntary. Many groups are involuntary, such as those in correctional settings. However, many other types of groups may be involuntary, such as students required to be in a therapeutic group as a condition of staying in school, employees required to attend a group as a condition of continued employ- ment, or male batterers ordered by a court to attend a group as a condition of not being jailed. It can be assumed that these coercive individuals or systems expect that the individual will engage with other members and participate in the pro- cesses of the group. Such a situation can be expected to produce, at the most, a pretense of engagement.
It is incumbent on the group worker to discuss fully this issue with the mem- bers and seek to help them resolve it. They may decide willingly to accept the agency’s purpose. On the other hand, they may wish to pursue their own pur- poses. The worker then acts as a mediator between the members and the agency, and a number of solutions are possible. Agency administrative personnel may choose to be present to interact personally with members. A resolution may be that one “side” accepts the proposition of the other, a compromise is reached, or a new set of purposes are devised. We suggest, however, that members’ reluctant capitulation to the wishes of the agency is unjust and will result in a group pro- cess that accomplishes little in the direction desired by either the agency or the members.
On the other hand, some resolution in the direction of the members’ wishes can be empowering, help the members to see how they can take charge of their own destinies, and help the “authorities” see the members in a new light as people who are learning to cope with the larger forces in their world.
These points about the engagement process are related to the issue of power. A social justice approach to group work recognizes that power issues arise
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 191
throughout the group process but are first raised during the engagement process. The following are some of the ways this is done:
1. The workers can indicate that they are not the “experts” on the members’ lives and experiences and that the group members know these best. The expertise of the workers lies in their ways of helping the members to help one another. Workers may also have knowledge regarding the stated concerns of the mem- bers, such as knowledge of substance abuse, mental illness, and grief/ loss, but the workers explicitly acknowledge that group members also possess such knowledge and can share it with one another.
2. The group “belongs” to the members, not the worker or the agency. This means that the members have the final say on their rules and activities. The worker has the responsibility, however, to ensure that no member is harmed in the group in any way. This includes indicating that the group does not have the power to admit or expel members. Group members typically will be asked their thoughts and feelings, in general, about admission of new members. They also will be involved in decisions regarding any rules that may exclude a member, such as failing to attend sessions or harming another member. The major issue here is to help the members make the group a safe place.
3. A variety of other power issues arise that affect the group members, and they can be helped to recognize them in order to change the power dynamic within the group. These include the following: a. The gender, race, culture, or wealth of workers or members may be a source
of power. b. The agency may provide sources of power to the worker, such as control of
some agency resource (e.g., supplies, equipment, and use of space) or ready access to powerful agency staff or board members.
c. A worker may be asked to provide information about the actions of a mem- ber to outsiders, such as school, correctional, or employment personnel. The worker acknowledges this with the member and that the member may choose to withhold information because of this. A social justice approach requires that the member be informed of the content of such reports.
Planning
To achieve the ultimate ends agreed to by the members and worker, the group usually chooses some proximal ends, often in the form of tasks to be performed. For example, in a group to help members with substance abuse problems, some proximal ends might be to keep a record of when and where substances were used, to involve family members in the process, or to affiliate with an Alcoholics
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
192 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Anonymous (AA) group. A social justice approach requires that these activities be planned with the members and that social barriers hindering their attainment be identified and confronted.
Another planning activity is for the members to acquire the skills to carry out the types of tasks to which we have just referred. From a social justice perspective, this should also involve the members’ increased sense of power. Members’ new skills should be recognized. Whenever possible, they can also learn from one another so that the worker is less frequently viewed as the “expert.” It is also possible that members may have skills not possessed by the worker, and these skills are less likely to be recognized if the worker maintains control of which skill- building exercises are utilized. In the previous example of the substance abuse group, a member was apprehensive about attending an A A meeting. With some prompting from the worker, a member who already attended A A volunteered to describe what a meeting was like, helped the mem- ber in question to decide how to introduce herself, and offered to accompany her to a meeting.
An additional planning issue is for the members to develop their ability to deal with conflicts that arise in the course of carrying out planning tasks. In the previous example of a substance abuse group, the member who wished to attend an AA group feared that her husband would oppose her doing this and in other ways also sought to dominate her. The members gave her ideas on how to stand up to him, and several members offered to role play these scenarios with her. She also indicated that she did not anticipate that he would use physical or verbal force to intimidate her.
Implementing
In group work practice, implementing (actions to produce change) may involve an individual member, the group as a whole, the agency, the community, or the larger society. The following are examples from a group of high school students who were having difficulties with interpersonal relationships:
• A Latino member practices with the other group members means of making friends. She also considers whether her ethnic background has caused some classmates to withdraw from her.
• Two members, one male and one female, discuss a conflict they had been having with each other. The young woman tells the young man that she believes he is seeking to dominate her.
• A young woman tells the others in the group that she thinks the men in the group interrupt the young women members and do not seem to listen to them when they speak.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 193
• The entire group participates in an exercise that involves identifying whether members are listening to each other and promotes efforts to ensure all members listen when others speak.
• The members plan how to approach the school principal regarding discriminatory practices in the school and list the specific ways this discrimination is manifested.
• The members attend a meeting of the board of education to ask for a change in policies that arbitrarily steer African American students into vocational rather than college preparatory courses.
• The group joins other groups in collecting signatures on a letter to their mem- ber of Congress urging her to vote for the President’s jobs bill.
In summary, implementing plans empowers members to enhance their understanding and consciousness of group and group– environment dynamics.
Monitoring/ Evaluating
In the interest of facilitating the empowerment of members, the group worker will help the members to evaluate each session of the group as well as the outcomes they have experienced when the group ends for some or all of the members. An example of an instrument that can be used after each session is that developed by Sheldon Rose (1984). The following are some of the items in Rose’s instrument:
1. How useful was today’s session for you? 2. How important to you were the problems or situations you discussed
(or others discussed) in the group today? 3. How satisfied were you with today’s session.
It is sometimes beneficial to assess the members’ satisfaction with one of the elements of the session. For example, it is helpful to ask if the members found an exercise useful or if they felt satisfied with the outcome of a problem- solving or decision- making discussion. It is likely that all members may not agree about an outcome or have different degrees of satisfaction with it. What should be done in such circumstances depends to some degree on what is termed the decision rule. Has the group established that it will be “governed” by majority rule or through consensus?2 This should be discussed early in any group that is likely to make
2. The value on consensus is strongly held by Quaker groups, and these groups recognize that this is a time- consuming process. Whether this is feasible in social work groups, as far as we know, has not been adequately studied. It is also difficult to determine whether consensus has been reached because some members may be withholding, for a variety of reasons, their true opinions on an issue.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
194 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
3. There may also be other characteristics to be considered in addition to those named here.
decisions. Unless there is complete consensus, the worker considers the basis of the dissension. Because such evaluations are usually completed anonymously, the logical action is to discuss this with the group. The worker may also make some inferences from her or his knowledge of the group and its members. Power issues are also important to consider in this regard because members may have appre- hensions about the negative consequences for themselves if they are critical of the group as a whole or the worker.
An example of this is a group of abusive men who were court- mandated to be in the group. They may fear that if the court hears of their negative evaluation of the group or the worker, they may be forced into a situation they regard as more aversive. The worker may also feel inhibited from sharing this evaluation with systems outside of the group because of negative consequences for him- or herself and/ or the members.
Workers are likely to have their own evaluations of the outcomes for each member as well as for what they consider to be the success, or lack thereof, of the group. A social justice approach requires that these opinions be shared with the group members. An even more complex issue is how this information is shared with the agency, referring agencies, or other organizations. Workers must consider the impact of this sharing on the members and on themselves, especially if the unequal power factors involved have negative consequences for members.
Sometimes, workers (in consultation with members) might choose to use standardized instruments to assess changes in the members of the group or the group’s processes. Workers taking a social justice approach would acquaint members with the nature of such instruments and why they have been chosen. They would also share the results with members. If the integrity of the measure is threatened by this disclosure, the members’ surrogates should be asked to approve the instrument. These may be peers, family members, or other trusted persons.
In such circumstances, aside from the usual concerns about the validity and reliability of the instruments, it is also important to assess whether the instru- ments are appropriate for the ethnicity, age, culture, or level of education of the members.3 The creators of an instrument, or other users, should provide informa- tion on this, or the worker should plan appropriate pretesting and modification of the instrument to ensure its validity in this respect.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 195
Celebrating/ Terminating
As stated in Chapter 4, social justice work can be joyful, although in many instances there can be sorrow mixed with the joy related to the reasons mem- bers have utilized the services of group workers. In the case of task groups, the joy may be unmitigated because a task has been accomplished, such as a policy defined, a project completed, or a social action carried out. In a treatment group of members who are coping with loss, the celebration may be because members have learned to care for each other and to support one another. The termination of the group does not mean the members no longer feel sorrow; rather, they may wish to express satisfaction for what they have accomplished together.
For example, a group of high school students learning leadership skills to act as peer leaders of groups to reduce school intergroup conflicts completed a full semester of work on these skills. At the end of the semester, they planned a pizza party to celebrate the end of their work. The adult facilitators also distrib- uted certificates of completion that were signed by the facilitators and by school administrators such as the principal. The facilitators thought the students could include these certificates with their college applications.
Prior to the celebration, the group spent part of several sessions in a termina- tion process. This included several components:
• Members discussed and reviewed their accomplishments. This included reviewing what they had learned during their sessions, such as how to value their own identities as well as those of others, how their identity issues related to the larger picture of intergroup relations in the United States, how the school sometimes supported and sometimes undermined some of their identities, and how they had learned to work together on these issues.
• The members recalled some of the goals they had failed to accomplish as a group. One of the members had felt hurt by the group’s lack of response to her suggestions. She thought this was due to her gender and that the group had failed to pick up on this. The group had also held a meeting with the principal to discuss some of its concerns but only a small number of members attended the meeting, thus defeating its purpose. The members, however, discussed this afterwards and vowed that they would take such commitments more seriously in the future.
• The members felt most positive about the discussions they had engaged in about the concept of social justice. They thought they had a better understanding of how this related to their relations with each other, with the group during sessions, with the way their worker responded to them, and with what they viewed as injustices in their school.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
196 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
• The members noted that some of their teachers were opposed to what they sought to accomplish in the group, and these teachers showed this disapproval in the ways in which they responded to group members in the classroom.
• The members discussed how much they had come to value each other and the caring they had experienced from the group worker. They discussed how this caring took many sessions to develop because of their initial distrust that they would be valued and the power of each member would be recognized.
Summary
A major theme throughout this chapter is that the very elements that can make living and working in groups such a positive force within society may also create conditions that disempower members, lead to inequities, and pro- mote injustice. We assert that this is likely to occur unless group members and leaders are constantly vigilant about unintended consequences or else are will- ing to confront intentional acts that unjustifiably privilege differences among participants.
Definitions that focus on the struggle for justice describe a deep commitment to an ongoing engagement with and understanding of the dynamics and forms of privilege and oppression. Skills also include working with people with diverse experiences, social locations, and perspectives toward socially just relationships, procedures, decision- making processes, and environments.
Barriers to justice exist in mechanisms for privilege and oppression that must be understood and challenged, as goals in themselves and as recurring processes in all social environments and systems. These barriers may be expressed in both the structures found in the group and in the interactions between the group and the larger society. All are associated with social categories/ positions with and with- out power and influence and are maintained and can be challenged and changed through work in small groups.
We have integrated issues related to justice and injustice into a presentation of many basic concepts important for a general knowledge about small groups and the many important purposes they serve. We have stressed recognizing and engaging with multiple sources of power and all the types of conflict that are inevitable in the pursuit of social justice. This knowledge of groups and social justice is growing rapidly, and we hope that the reader will challenge her- or him- self to continue to learn from some of the resources listed and by seeking out additional literature as it becomes available.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
6. Socially Just Group Work Practice 197
Discussion Questions
1. Choose a group with which you are familiar. How might the group’s purposes relate to social justice issues?
2. Think of your own positionalities. How might these affect your view of social justice issues in the group?
3. Choose a group with which you are familiar. What types of conflict might occur in this group? How might these conflicts relate to social justice issues?
4. Choose a practice dimension that is evident in a group with which you are familiar. In what ways might social justice issues influence this dimension of practice?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7
Socially Just Organizational Practice
Introduction
Social work practice, whatever population it serves or issues it addresses, largely occurs in and through organizations. Although the relationships that a social worker develops with clients or constituents are a critical component of all prac- tice, the agency in which the social worker is employed is a key partner in service delivery, advocacy, and social change. Through a range of social interactions— with clients, the community, funding sources, political supporters, policymak- ers, and the general public— the organization sets the parameters of all social work practice. Therefore, understanding how organizations operate and the distinc- tive qualities of socially just organizations is critical to enhancing the effective- ness and efficiency of our practice.
Organizations play a central role in the design, delivery, and evaluation of social services, as well as in the development and implementation of social change efforts. They engage in conscious processes of need definition and assess- ment; resource development, allocation, and management; issue prioritization; strategic planning to achieve organizational goals; program development and evaluation; and the establishment and maintenance of relationships with clients, constituents, collaborators, colleagues, and community sponsors.
Drawing upon the literature of diverse disciplines and professions, this chapter describes the various attributes of a socially just organization, presents principles that underlie socially just administrative practice, and discusses some of the challenges of implementing these principles in a multicultural environ- ment. The chapter pays particular attention to the role of power and leadership and the distinctions among different types of organization structures, particu- larly as they relate to their definition of social justice and strategies of implemen- tation. Where relevant, we apply the phases of practice described previously.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 199
We focus mostly on issues that are particularly salient to the creation of socially just organizations:
• Organizational mission and goals • Organization structure and decision- making processes • The role of power and politics • Socially just leadership • Organizational climate and culture • Dealing with intra- and interorganizational conflict and
organizational change • Socially just ethical decision- making • Using technology in socially just ways
What Distinguishes Socially Just Organizations?
Many practitioners assume that the ideals of social justice are only reflected in an organization’s mission statement and goals. In fact, every aspect of an organiza- tion reflects the extent of its commitment to social justice. It is ironic, therefore, that even among organizations with explicit social justice missions and goals, there is frequently a gap between the principles they espouse and their day- to- day practice. This occurs in two, strikingly different ways.
Some organizations with social justice missions, even some schools of social work, have a hierarchical structure and unjust organizational culture. In their practice, they reflect little awareness of or sensitivity toward issues of diversity. Critical decisions are made by a single person or a small group; resources, respon- sibilities, and workloads are allocated inequitably; and the specific needs and contributions of diverse clients, constituents, and staff are ignored. New social workers and social work students are often frustrated and confused by these con- tradictions between organizational rhetoric and organizational practice.
Conversely, although they appear to be philosophically compatible with the social justice values many social workers and social work students share, organi- zations with consciously egalitarian structures and decision- making processes or that deliberately reject structure, such as those spawned by the recent “Occupy” movement, can also be frustrating places in which to work. The absence of clearly articulated goals and objectives, the lack of procedures for making and imple- menting decisions, and the resistance to establishing formal leadership, even if collectively defined, can stymie the best efforts on behalf of social justice.
The contradiction between rhetoric and reality affects both types of orga- nizations in several ways: (1) It undermines the attainment of their program- matic goals and social change strategies (including the manner by which these
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
200 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
programs and strategies are designed, implemented, and evaluated) by dimin- ishing trust among clients, constituents, and staff; (2) it has a negative impact on staff– client, staff– constituent, and intrastaff interactions, often reproducing social hierarchies within the organization, factional disputes, and the emergence of values that the organization officially opposes; (3) it damages the relationships between the organization and the communities it purports to serve; and (4) it shapes how the organization makes decisions, allocates resources, and treats the people who work or volunteer at the organization and those who seek services. Consequently, many organizations fall short of their social justice goals in their actual practice and often inadvertently perpetuate oppressive and privileged ways of thinking and acting.
As Figure 7.1 reflects, organizations do not exist in isolation. Just as clini- cal social workers assess clients through a person- in- environment framework, it is useful to view organizations as dynamic actors who interact regularly with a variety of internal and external environmental forces through porous bound- aries. Because this “environmental set” is constantly changing, it is important to “scan” the environment continuously in order to respond effectively to these changes and maintain a social justice focus. For example, new political or fiscal circumstances, new leaders, changing community demographics, and different organizational life cycles may influence the composition of coalitions created to effect a specific change.
All organizations have to engage in the following activities:
• Establish goals and create structures of leadership and decision- making • Translate these goals into the design and implementation of programs • Create systems of intra- and interorganizational communication and
relationships • Develop means to acquire and distribute resources • Recruit, train, supervise, and evaluate staff • Interact with the external environment (funders, clients, constituents, and
policymakers)
What, then, distinguishes a socially just organization from the thousands of other organizations that exist, including those that may proclaim socially just goals but not reflect these goals in their ongoing practice? Simply stated, these organizations have a different approach to their purpose and to people. In the memorable phrase of C. Wright Mills (1959), they transform “private troubles into public issues” through services, advocacy, and political action.
Many organizations, however, proclaim similar goals. The difference between a socially just organization and an organization that merely espouses a social
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 201
justice mission is how it treats people. Socially just organizations emphasize the importance of building and sustaining relationships— with clients, constituents, and colleagues— based on principles of mutuality and collaboration rather than status hierarchy. They focus on mobilizing individuals and groups to define their own needs, suggest more effective ways of helping, and formulate action strat- egies. They are facilitative, rather than directive, in their intraorganizational processes. What Greenberg (2007) termed “positive organizational justice” inte- grates a commitment to equality, fairness, transparency, and mutual commu- nication in their practice. These values appear in all aspects of their work, not merely in their mission statements.
Socially just organizations also demonstrate value consistency through their horizontal and vertical relationships. Their organizational “set,” therefore, depends on the quality of their horizontal or vertical relationships in the com- munity and the broader societal context in which they exist. A critical determi- nant of the quality of these relationships is the presence or absence of what social scientists refer to as “bonding” (horizontal) and “bridging” (vertical) social capi- tal (Portes, 2000; Szreter & Woolcock, 2004). The former refers to the relation- ships of individuals and organizations within a community that work on similar issues and of community subsystems to each other. These relationships primarily focus on informal processes and are characterized by informal linkages and ad hoc collaborations. In today’s conflict- ridden and increasingly competitive envi- ronment, these relationships are often shaped by political sponsors and funders.
Vertical relationships are those that community- based organizations main- tain with external entities that often possess power, resources, status, and influence that community- based organizations lack and need. These more
Social Justice
SolutionsImpacts Agency Level 1
Locality Based Community: Level 2
Societal Forces: Level 3
F igu r e 7.1 Organization- in- Environment Source: Adapted from E.A. Mulroy (2004), Theoretical perspectives on the social environment to guide management and community practice: An organization-in-environment approach. Administration in Social Work 28(1), 77–96.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
202 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
formal, rule- governed relationships with government agencies, philanthropic foundations, and corporations require “bridging social capital” to be successful (Reisch & Guyet, 2007). For social justice organizations, these relationships are frequently adversarial because of their different ideological orientation and goals (Young, 1999). Therefore, it is more challenging for social justice organi- zations to build, sustain, and “cash in” social capital to benefit their clients and constituents (Chaskin & Joseph, 2010).
One way to address this challenge is by recognizing the relationship between an organization’s internal features and the nature of its external environment. For example, a community organization that is staffed primarily by volunteers and has an informal leadership and decision- making structure relies more on the strength of its interpersonal relationships (bonding social capital) both inside the organization and between the organization and community residents. More formal organizations— for example, those with paid staff, an annual budget, and more clearly defined roles— generally depend more on financial and political sup- port from sources outside the community. This requires their leaders to cultivate bridging social capital with these external sources of support. Many social justice organizations, however, particularly in low- income and low- power communities, have difficulty developing “vertical” relationships without compromising their original values and goals (Schneider, 2009).
Exploration: Creating Socially Just Organizational Structures, Goals, and Decision- Making Processes
The goals and structure of an organization reflect its overall vision of social jus- tice and how it translates this vision into programs that assist individuals, fam- ilies, groups, and communities. Within socially just organizations, this vision is also reflected in its patterns of decision- making, particularly how the organi- zation involves clients, constituents, and staff in decision- making processes in meaningful (i.e., not merely nominal) ways. Just as definitions of social justice vary considerably, even within the same community (see Chapters 2 and 3), the ways in which an organization applies social justice principles in its daily practice vary depending on the ideological orientation of the agency, its client population, the type of services it provides, and its overall context. The organization’s views of social justice are also reflected in its staffing pattern and role distribution and also in the character of its intrastaff and client/ constituent– staff relationships. The latter is particularly important in diverse communities and organizations.
In order to create a socially just organization, therefore, it is insufficient to craft a mission statement and goals that include social justice rhetoric.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 203
However lofty and high- minded its goals, an organization that fails to rep- licate its social justice rhetoric in its daily practice will often succumb to the persistent fiscal, political, and cultural pressures of the external environment and become a social justice organization in name only. To help avoid this inev- itable problem, we have identified seven essential features of a socially just organization:
1. The structure and goals of the organization are compatible in substance (not merely in rhetoric) with the organization’s stated mission and vision.
2. The organization maintains genuinely democratic decision- making processes that involve staff, clients, and constituents at all levels. This is particularly important in decisions about resource allocation and the overall strategic direction of the organization.
3. The allocation of scarce resources prioritizes the needs of the least advantaged.
4. The organization engages in ongoing efforts to develop the critical conscious- ness of its staff, clients, and constituents. This requires ongoing dialogue to enhance the breadth and depth of their awareness of the relationship between the organization and the political– economic and cultural environment in which it operates.
5. Intra- and interorganizational relationships reflect mutual respect and cul- tural humility.
6. The organization’s culture and climate reflect social justice principles in its language, means of communications, and methods of dealing with conflict.
7. The organization uses technology as a means to enhance social justice rather than to sustain existing hierarchies and inequalities (Poole, Ferguson, DiNitto, & Schwab, 2002).
The importance of prioritizing social justice concepts in the formulation of organizational models cannot be understated. As Dover (2009) argues, an emphasis on social justice reflects awareness of both our common humanity and the range of human needs. As US society becomes increasingly diverse, it also provides a critical lens to “[examine] the interplay between race and service provision” and address the need to redistribute power and resources through both activism and service delivery (Alston, Harley, & Middleton, 2006, p. 129). A focus on social justice, which emphasizes the social, economic, and political roots of most contemporary problems, can also inspire the creation of alterna- tives to entrenched structural and institutional patterns and practices (Bell & Desai, 2011; Goddard & Myers, 2013).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
204 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Organizational Models
The most common organizational form, which predominates even among social justice- oriented organizations, is a hierarchical model that reflects the bureaucratic principles first described by Weber (2009). Such organizations are characterized by a strict division of labor, clearly established lines of authority, high specialization of function, formally recognized leaders, rule- driven behav- ior, highly routinized procedures, and top- down patterns of goal- setting and decision- making. Although some of these qualities are frequently necessitated by the size, complexity, geographic scope, and range of the organization’s interests and activities, they also reflect the difficulty of escaping from the values of the dominant culture into which we are all socialized from birth. The contradiction this creates between an organization’s espoused social justice values and the ways in which it operates on a daily basis is acutely felt over time. It can lead to high staff turnover and disillusionment with the organization’s mission, contentious relationships between staff and administration and among staff, diminished standing in the public’s eye, and a general decline in the organization’s ability to achieve its stated goals.
Three potential risks are especially worth noting for social justice organi- zations. One is the danger of “founder’s syndrome”— that is, the organization increasingly becomes defined by the leader or leaders who established it. This creates a quasi “cult of personality” in which the organization’s mission, goals, and strategies are overidentified with the ambitions and personal qualities of its leadership. Their issues and conflicts with rivals or opponents often become the organization’s issues; this distorts the organization’s focus, strategic planning, external relationships, and public image. Thus, although the presence of a strong, long- standing leader provides stability, it may also restrict the participation of other staff in organizational decision- making and strategy development (English & Peters, 2011).
A related risk within hierarchically structured organizations is best expressed by Michels’s (1915) “iron law of oligarchy”: A small group of staff leaders or on the organization’s board of directors dominates all decision- making. This oligarchy often develops over time, based on personal relationships, access to power and resources, and/ or ideological compatibility. It excludes most staff and all clients and constituents from the process of establishing organizational goals and evalu- ating the organization’s work. Ironically, organizations in which this occurs rep- licate the very qualities and values that their missions profess to oppose.
Third, there is the danger that even well- intentioned social justice- oriented organizations will engage in practices that contradict their goals because of their failure to integrate service users or constituents into their decision- making pro- cesses. Bowes and Sim (2006) note, for example, that advocacy for social justice
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 205
is itself a contested concept and that service providers who advocate on behalf of marginalized groups rarely integrate the ideas of service users about advocacy into their practice. This problem has been reinforced by the impact of neoliberal values, which emphasize individual uplift rather than communal responsibility, on the structure, goals, funding, and personnel practices of nonprofit and public- sector organizations (Goode, 2006; Lacey & Ilcan, 2006). As a result, in many organizations, “collective interactions and understandings have been replaced by hierarchical ascriptions of differential worth, largely based on criteria of race, class, and gender” (Goode, 2006, p. 203).
Strolovitch (2006) found that despite their commitment to social justice, many organizations “are substantially less active when it comes to issues affect- ing disadvantaged subgroups than they are when it comes to issues affecting more advantaged subgroups” because these organizations frame the problems of excluded groups as “narrow and particularistic … while framing issues affecting advantaged subgroups as if they … have a broad and generalized impact” (p. 894). However, without efforts to produce “structural changes in organizations and greater participation of people of color [and other marginalized groups] in the governance of the agency, efforts toward change can be mostly symbolic and mar- ginal” (Gutierrez, Nagda, Raffoul, & McNeece, 1996, p. 203).
A variety of social justice organizations have attempted to address these prob- lems through the use of alternative organizational models. These holistic models focus on the transformative role of social justice practice by building respon- sive infrastructures; making their organizations more culturally accessible; and emphasizing the expansion of community members’ voice, agency, and role in educating practitioners (National Gender and Equity Campaign, 2009). One alternative model that some social justice organizations have adopted emphasizes the values of collegiality and mutuality. Its most common form is the cooper- ative. In such organizations, there is little or no hierarchy, and there are either no formally recognized leaders or a rotation of leadership responsibilities. Work tasks are shared or work roles are constantly changed, and decisions are made col- lectively or by consensus. This model tends to work better in smaller, more homo- geneous organizations that focus on a single issue or service, such as a babysitting or food co- op, a self- help group, or a mutual aid society. The model becomes more difficult to sustain in its original, pristine form as the organization takes on new, more complex programs and adds new members, particularly if these new mem- bers come from diverse backgrounds and may not share the same goals as those of the organization’s founders.
Two examples of this phenomenon are the Mondragon cooperatives in the Basque region of Spain and the mutualistas established by Latinos in the southwestern United States during the 19th and 20th centuries (Hernandez, 1983; Kasmir, 1996; Rivera, 1987). Although both were originally small- scale
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
206 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
organizations, they soon added new activities that made it more difficult to sus- tain a pure cooperative model. Consequently, they took on the characteristics of a “hybrid” organization, which included some bureaucratic qualities. Some individuals were given the authority to manage the organization’s funds and its membership, and increased specialization or differentiation of function emerged. They balanced this trend toward hierarchy, however, by establishing and main- taining multiple centers of power, a dispersed authority structure, and a greater degree of staff discretion over their activities.
Another model, the “pancake” model or collective structure, carries the prin- ciples of a cooperative even further. Such organizations disdain any hierarchy in their structure or decision- making processes. There are no formally recognized leaders, and all decisions are made by consensus. (They may differ, however, in how “consensus” is defined. In some organizations, consensus is equated with unanimity; others establish different rules for determining agreement.) Like many cooperatives, in such organizations work roles rotate and no division of labor exists. This model is often associated with “feminist process” and, in fact, emerged from the feminist movement during the 1960s and 1970s. It was later adopted in whole or in part by environmental justice and peace organizations, and anti- nuclear groups (Dominelli, 2012). One advantage of this model is that it empowers staff and members through its collective conception of leadership. It tends to be more effective in smaller organizations and within organizations that possess a high degree of demographic and ideological homogeneity. It also requires extensive and ongoing intragroup communication, which may be more difficult in diverse organizations.
Even within the most democratically designed and egalitarian organi- zations, however, there are times when decisions need to be made quickly, when it is impossible to consult with all stakeholders, or when a consensus model of decision- making is not possible because of intractable conflicts within the organization. To acknowledge this possibility, an organization should establish— in advance— a process of determining who has the author- ity to resolve such conflicts and act on behalf of the organization when such situations arise.
Socially Just Leadership
Similar to traditional models of organizational structure, traditional views of organizational leadership, even in many organizations with social justice goals, are often “top- down” and exclusionary. Particularly in organizations with long- serving leaders, leadership ability is often equated with a person’s charisma or vision of the organization’s purpose. Despite the best of intentions, this creates a
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 207
formal and informal division within the organization and between the organiza- tion and the people it purports to serve.
The literature on organizational development implicitly accepts this dichot- omy. It tends to focus on such questions as Who becomes a leader and what are appropriate leadership styles? It tends to ascribe change to the actions of indi- viduals (the so- called “great man/ woman” theory of history) and ignores the relationships between context and culture and the emergence of leaders in a com- munity or organization. Consequently, this perspective reproduces elite views of leadership and maintains hierarchical organizational structures and decision- making processes.
An alternate view of leadership recognizes that different leadership styles and roles emerge and are best suited for the different situations that arise within organizations and communities. One leadership style, directive– authoritative, most closely conforms to traditional views of leadership (Mann, 1959). This type of leader regulates activities, distributes resources, resolves conflicts, determines rules, and decides who is in/ out of key positions. Ideally, these leaders also possess such characteristics as honesty and integrity, self- confidence, cognitive ability, and knowledge of the field (Kirkpatrick & Locke, 1991).
Another type of leader gives aid, protection, information, attention, affec- tion, guidance, and support to staff. This type of leadership is generally more informal; it is frequently based on experience and expertise. Such leaders play a mentoring role to other staff or constituents and encourage an organizational culture that reflects an open exchange of ideas and opinions, cultural humility, and a learning environment. These “transformational leaders” try to inspire and stimulate their colleagues and people in the community with whom they work.
A third type of leader also plays a more social and empowering role. These leaders encourage innovation and creativity among their colleagues; defer to their knowledge and experience; and promote the integration of diverse ideas into the organization’s goals, objectives, strategic direction, and programs. These leaders possess qualities such as determination, sociability, humility, and will ( Johnson, 2005). Dierendonck (2011) argues that such leaders “combine their motivation to lead with a need to serve.” This “servant leadership is demonstrated by empow- ering and developing people, by expressing humility, authenticity, interpersonal acceptance, and stewardship, and by providing direction” (p. 1228).
The implications of this revised view of leadership are important for the cre- ation and maintenance of socially just organizations. It assumes that in a given situation, anyone can become a leader and that in different cultures leadership takes different forms. This recognition is critical if organizations are to resist the temptation to succumb to dominant cultural conceptions of leadership that
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
208 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
reproduce hierarchical structures and processes and maintain a status quo that excludes many people from assuming leadership positions.
In addition, this view of leadership defines it not as an inborn attribute but, rather, as a behavior— in other words, as a relationship between a person and a spe- cific situation. Such relationships can change over time; therefore, the assessment of a given situation is critical in determining who might be the best leader under a particular set of circumstances. This leads to a dynamic and adaptive rather than a fixed view of leadership (Thomas, Fann Thomas, & Schaubhut, 2008).
It is particularly important to pay attention to leadership development in organizations that ascribe to social justice goals because, as discussed previously, these high- minded goals often mask socially unjust or incompetent management practices. Braxton (2010) states,
When organizations do not attend to social justice issues in a meaning- ful way, a pattern of covert practices and behavior distorts the concern for fairness, equity and inclusion to one of indifference, power and con- trol. Ineffective leadership results in wounded staff and organizational dysfunction. Social justice in organizational life is a function of how well leaders and managers master six domains that influence and sustain institutional balance and self- regulation: safety and trust; boundaries and differences; accountability; communication; hierarchical power; and task and role clarity. Ultimately, leaders must do their own inner work by taking responsibility for their part in institutionalizing oppression in their organizations, as well as the outer work of creating processes and structures that implement solutions to social justice issues within their organizations. (p. 89)
As in all forms of social work practice, effective leadership in socially just organizations requires attention to praxis— that is, to a dynamic synthesis of reflection and action— and the capacity to engage in both concurrently. It also involves a multidimensional conception of leadership that includes personal qualities; interpersonal skills; and communal, systemic, and ecolog- ical perspectives (Furman, 2012). This type of transformative leadership “cri- tiques inequitable practices, and addresses both individual and public good” (Shields, 2010, p. 558).
Particularly in today’s rapidly changing social and cultural environment, socially just leadership also implies multicultural competence (Arredondo & Perez, 2003), “a commitment to acknowledge and embrace difference” (Pazey & Cole, 2013, p. 243), and a conscious linkage of one’s professional work with advocacy and social and political action ( Jean- Marie, 2006; Mosley, 2013; Simon,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 209
2006). Socially just leaders “make issues of race, class, gender, disability, sexual orientation, and other historically marginalizing factors central to their advo- cacy, leadership practice, and vision” (Theoharis, 2007, p. 221). They strive to cre- ate strong relationships both within their organizations and across boundaries with other groups, focusing on interdependence and democratic participation (Foldy & Ospina, 2010).
Socially just organizations also recognize that leadership attributes are not restricted to a certain demographic or personality type. Instead, their practices reflect the belief that leaders can be developed through training, work, and experience; that leadership skills combine interpersonal, political, analytical, and motivational qualities; and that there is a clear distinction between an indi- vidual leader and individual or collective leadership behavior (Alban- Metcalfe & Alimo- Metcalfe, 2009). This situational view of leadership emphasizes the importance of context and history.
Embracing these alternative views of leadership is particularly important in the social work field because of the unique gender demographics of the profession. Researchers have found that women, who dominate the social work profession but not necessarily its leadership positions, tend to be more transformational and engage in more contingent reward behaviors (Eagly & Carli, 2003), teamwork, and consensus- building (Cheung & Halpern, 2010). They are more likely to use democratic decision- making and consultative styles and to possess relationship- oriented skills. Their effectiveness as leaders often depends on the domain; they have greater ability to adapt their personal qualities and values to the needs of the organization. As discussed previously, all of these qualities are critical attributes of socially just leadership.
Another reason to adopt a revised conception of leadership is to pro- mote greater involvement of youth in social justice work. Many social justice organizations do not pay sufficient attention to cultivating the next genera- tion of social justice leaders (Kim, 2006). Those that do, such as the Youth Leadership Institute, combine “inside” and “outside” approaches “to edu- cate, inform, and partner” with existing systems and community groups in order to “build an infrastructure that supports inclusive youth participation and leadership and create tools for them to make the process work ” (Libby, Sedonaen, & Bliss, 2006, p. 13).
A more socially just conception of organizational leadership is also required as social work practice in the United States adopts an increased international focus. Although a relatively recent study (House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2008) identified six types of leadership behaviors worldwide, only half of them— team- oriented leadership, participative leadership, and humane- oriented leadership— are compatible with social justice principles. Other desirable
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
210 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
leadership traits reflected both traditional and modern concepts, including trustworthiness, fairness, and honesty; optimism; dynamism; confidence; fore- sight; motivation; dependability; intelligence; decisiveness; and skills in com- munication, administration, planning, team- building, problem- solving, and coordination.
In addition, leadership in socially just organizations is defined as the ability to create positive change in the absence of a crisis that is consistent with orga- nizational values and vision. Socially just organizations believe that, depend- ing on the context and with proper training, every person can become a leader. Leaders, therefore, emerge out of a particular context; they respond to and stimulate dissatisfaction with an unjust status quo and point the organization on a new path. They generate excitement, speak “truth to power,” contribute to the strategic direction of the organization, emphasize the strengths of peo- ple with whom they work, and acknowledge the contributions of others freely and generously. Finally, socially just organizations believe that “leadership” is a collective as well as an individual attribute and establish decision- making structures that are genuinely democratic, egalitarian, and participatory.
How, then, can social workers become effective leaders or work effectively with their organization’s leaders to promote social justice? The following are some “prescriptions for leadership”:
1. Know yourself and know the situation, both the broader context of the orga- nization and its mission and the specific, immediate circumstances in which you are engaged.
2. Particularly in contentious situations, be aware of what people say and do not say. Notice who listens when someone speaks and where people sit.
3. Distinguish facts and the subjective feelings that they produce. In conflict- driven situations, be aware of how and when things were said, by whom, and what was said.
4. Know the position of leaders in a particular setting— assess how their behav- ior reflects or does not reflect the organization’s values.
5. Select the setting in which you engage with others carefully. Make it comfort- able (for allies and constituents) or uncomfortable (for opponents), depend- ing on circumstances.
6. Be aware of your personal biases— not merely about major issues such as rac- ism but also about moral issues and questions of lifestyle, dress, formality/ informality, and personal appearance. Make a conscious effort to acknowl- edge and address your prejudices.
7. Set realistic objectives for yourself and your organization or project, and derive satisfaction from limited accomplishments.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 211
8. In conflict- ridden situations or disputes, focus on concrete, specific issues, not on abstractions. People can understand the meaning of social justice when the concept is clearly connected to their daily lives and experiences.
9. Speak language that is natural and understandable, particularly in situations in which you are working with diverse individuals and groups. Tailor your mes- sage but not your personal style to the group. In other words, always be yourself.
Engagement: Creating a Socially Just Organizational Culture
Socially just organizations are characterized not merely by their goals, decision- making structure, and patterns of leadership but also by the subtle features that comprise the three layers of their overall culture (Schein, 2010). Like communi- ties and societies, these organizations develop cultural norms and patterns that evolve over time that both reflect and reinforce the values, beliefs, assumptions, and expectations of staff and board members and shape organizational behavior in diverse ways.
The surface layer consists of a wide range of organizational artifacts that are visible to most observers but may not always be decipherable. These include the organization’s printed and web- based materials, the configuration of its phys- ical space, and the distribution of staff roles. The middle layer consists of the organization’s stated and unstated values; recognizing these values requires a greater level of awareness. Analyzing the organization’s mission statement and philosophy and its established priorities in the distribution of scarce resources can provide some insights into these underlying values. The deepest layer of the organization’s culture is composed of its basic assumptions, its precepts, which are invisible, rarely stated, and taken for granted, particularly by long- term staff. It is difficult for new staff and especially for service users or outside observers to unearth or understand this layer of an organization’s culture.
Whether explicit or implied, an organization’s culture is a powerful force in determining its general direction, program priorities, and the nature of the services it provides. An organization’s culture can be a strong and empowering foundation for its social justice work, or it can be a negative force— an obstacle to its stated goals. In times of crisis, an organization’s culture can be in conflict. For example, external stresses (funding cuts, political attacks, and a decline in public support) or internal strains (factional disputes, difficult leadership transitions, and competition among staff or programs) can produce serious disagreements about the mission and goals of an organization or how these goals are translated into practice. Examples of this effect include schisms within the HIV/ AIDS and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
212 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
homelessness service networks and disputes within the feminist, LGBTQ, and civil rights movements.
Short- term changes in the external environment— for example, temporary funding cuts or the emergence of new issues among organizational constitu- ents— will not necessarily alter the culture of an organization. Nor will inter- nal shifts in the organizational climate, such as leadership changes, significantly affect its culture. In most circumstances, the organizational culture will, in the short term, interpret and accommodate to these changes in a manner consistent with its long- standing values and norms. If, however, these new circumstances become permanent, or if new, acute problems become chronic, they can effect lasting transformation in an organization’s culture.
An organization’s culture is therefore, a self- perpetuating phenomenon. Its permanence and all- pervasive nature give it power. It demonstrates this power in the preselection and hiring of staff; the socialization of new members (e.g., staff orientation); its sanctioned patterns of behavior, along with justifications for that behavior (e.g., through staff development and training); the removal of deviants (staff evaluation), sometimes through the use of direct and indirect intimida- tion rituals; and the reinforcement of cultural norms through its communication style, symbolic actions, and reward systems (Schein, 1981).
In their cultures, socially just organizations reflect organizational pluralism; that is, they are organizations in which staff with distinct differences work side by side as equals. They are willing to affirm each other’s dignity, benefit from each other’s experience, and acknowledge each other’s contributions to common goals. Such organizations also tend to reflect a closer demographic and cultural “match” between their clients and constituents and paid or volunteer staff. They are often more innovative than homogeneous organizations; encourage diverse perspectives; create more opportunities for staff to grow, learn, and be more pro- ductive; and respond to the needs of different stakeholders. To move an estab- lished organization in this direction, it is useful to conduct periodic “cultural audits”— through the use of focus groups, attitude surveys, and one- on- one interviews with staff, clients, and constituents— that identify policies and prac- tices that are discriminatory or dysfunctional, as well as those that contradict the organization’s stated mission and goals. This also requires organizations to ini- tiate a regular review of printed and online materials to ensure they are cultural sensitive and appropriate.
Although not all diverse organizations are socially just, we believe that diversity is an essential component of a socially just organization. In such orga- nizations, the leadership— whether individual or collective— actively promotes the value of diversity. It creates a work environment that respects and values all members of the organization and makes a deliberate effort to correct biased or
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 213
culturally inappropriate behaviors. The organization recruits, retains, and pro- motes “nontraditional” employees and ensures that all staff become cultural competent. The organization provides all employees, regardless of race, gender, age, disability, or sexual orientation, with opportunities to advance; consciously strives to tap their creative potential; and actively values teamwork and collabo- ration. Although few organizations have accomplished each of these objectives, they provide a model toward which social workers can strive.
The Racial Equity Institute has identified four levels of diversity awareness in organizations:
• Level 1: Token employment opportunity organization— In such organizations, there is limited racial or gender diversity, and women and persons of color are often hired and “showcased” solely to enhance the organization’s public image.
• Level 2: Affirmative action organization— These organizations are more diverse primarily because they have instituted personnel policies that comply with federal affirmative action guidelines. However, they do not necessarily have more women or minorities of color in key leadership positions or recognize the distinct contributions and perspectives these individuals can make to the organization.
• Level 3: Self- renewing organization— In this type of organization, the value of diversity has been sufficiently embedded in its culture that it no longer has to depend on affirmative action guidelines in its hiring, retention, or promotion policies.
• Level 4: Pluralistic organization— A pluralistic organization goes beyond the previous level by thoroughly integrating not merely diverse individuals but also diverse perspectives into its mission, goals, and day- to- day function- ing. An example of this is the model that the National Association of Social Workers proposed to move its organization and the entire social work profes- sion closer to racial equity.
The transformation from a level 1 to a level 4 organization often occurs in three stages that can simplified as (1) “Talking the talk,” (2) “Thinking the talk,” and (3) “Walking the talk.” It includes conscious efforts to overcome the conse- quences of privilege within the organization and the development of strategies for dealing with intra- and interorganizational conflict, including training in how to use conflict constructively (Goode, 2006).
In the first stage, the organization’s leaders embrace the goals of diversity, express a willingness to change the organization’s policies and procedures, and commit necessary resources to initiate these changes. In the second stage, they
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
214 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
make a conscious effort to connect these goals to the social justice mission and vision of the organization and to its culture, policies, and procedures. They con- duct “cultural audits,” establish a set of organizational priorities toward this goal, and develop critical consciousness- raising educational and training programs for all staff. In the final stage, the leaders implement changes suggested by the cul- tural audit, maintain an ongoing dialogue with all stakeholders as the change process unfolds, and with full staff participation develop plans for ongoing mon- itoring and improvement of the organization.
Even individuals who are not in leadership positions can make important contributions to such efforts. They can respect the opinions of all coworkers, clients, and constituents regardless of their background, particularly those with which they differ. They cooperate willingly with diverse individuals and groups. This requires that all staff become aware that each member is a product of his or her background and that there is no single “right” way to accomplish an orga- nization’s goals and objectives. Ongoing training, cultural awareness programs, and the promotion of intraorganizational dialogue are useful tools to achieve these goals.
Communication
An obvious way in which an organization’s commitment to social justice is expressed is in its communication patterns. As organizations become more diverse, reconciling cultural differences in communication becomes both more important and more difficult. The following list presents ways in which com- munication differences are expressed and how socially just organizations might respond:
Conventions for interpersonal interaction: These include how people express intense emotions, including anger, frustration, and dissatisfaction. An important example is in the phasing of conversations— that is, deter- mining when certain topics may be discussed and ensuring that no one dominates discussions. Some cultures, particularly in the West, get right down to “business,” whereas others require some prior informal social interaction, such as asking about a colleague’s health or family. The key here is to pose the right questions and listen carefully to coworkers and service users in order to understand the underlying cultural values behind what they are communicating and how. Socially just organizations should offer options to service users and staff to avoid prescribing a “one- size- fits- all” model of communication. They also establish “rules” at meetings to ensure more equitable participation.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 215
Sequencing of ideas: At meetings, for example, some people present their ideas in a linear manner (A to B to C), whereas others express themselves with interjections that, to a linear thinker, can appear tangential. A socially just organization is sensitive to these different styles; it educates staff to respect diverse ways of thinking and expression and to not interrupt colleagues.
Objectivity and specificity: Some cultures value precision in speech; that is, a person states his or her ideas with specific examples. Others place greater value on ambiguity and state ideas more generally, sometimes in order to demonstrate deference to superiors or to avoid confrontation. Conversely, some cultures prefer argumentation that is impersonal (“fact- driven” or “rational”), which focuses on the substance of issues; others are more “emotional;” they focus on the underlying values of issues, and place greater emphasis on presentation style. The latter may communicate ideas through personal narratives or symbol- laden stories. In recognition of these differences, socially just organizations should promote cultural humility among staff in all aspects of their interpersonal practice.
Assertiveness and candor: Similarly, there are significant differences between cultures that place high value on such qualities as inquisitiveness, outspo- kenness, and candor and those that value silence, courtesy, and deference to authority. It is important to note that both patterns of communica- tion are honest but express meaning, opinions, and disagreement in different ways.
Use of technology: The growing use of digital technology has the potential to exacerbate the cultural divide between cultures that value intimate, personal contact and those that are more tolerant of distant, impersonal contact. Even the latter group recognizes the potential problems created by technology in such mundane matters as using or interpreting gestures and vocal expressions and expressing or reading people’s emotions. As dis- cussed later, the key here is to use media strategically, to recognize that different media have different effects on the substance and interpretation of communication, and to develop safeguards to ensure confidentiality.
Use of criticism: This is a particularly sensitive topic for socially just organi- zations, which aspire to cultural diversity and cultural competence but want to maintain both service quality and a safe, supportive environ- ment. Sometimes, well- intentioned organizations create environments in which staff are so fearful of offending colleagues of different cultures, even through constructive criticism (e.g., in performance evaluations), that they forego such critical processes or convert them into token ritu- als. The lack of constructive evaluations, however, can lead to the literal
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
216 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
or figurative withdrawal of workers from the organization by failing to address ongoing staff issues. It uses the rationale of cultural sensitivity to cover up the organization’s reluctance to address problems with staff behavior and may become a form of the biases it opposes. Ironically, this often exacerbates intraorganizational tensions along cultural lines.
In summary, effective cross- cultural communication in organizations involves the establishment and enforcement of both prescriptive and proscrip- tive behaviors. Socially just organizations make conscious efforts to expand their formal and informal networks to include representatives from different cultures. They actively promote— through staff training and ongoing dialogue— respect for different communication styles, and they teach staff positive ways to commu- nicate with and influence people different from themselves, whether colleagues, constituents, or clients. On the other hand, they avoid using language in both formal and informal communication that reinforces stereotypes or generalizes individual behaviors, attitudes, or beliefs to an entire group. In such organi- zations, all staff members, particularly supervisors, exhibit zero tolerance for derogatory comments or behaviors.
Planning: Power and Empowerment in Socially Just Organizations
The acquisition and effective use of power is a principal goal of social justice orga- nizations, whether to produce structural and policy changes, obtain additional resources, or create more culturally responsive services. An organization’s power often reflects the quantity and intensity of support it receives from both inside
Open system
Cultural Economic
Behavioral
F igu r e 7.2 Organizational Functioning Theoretical Perspectives
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 217
and outside the organization (Figure 7.2). Its structure and culture are critical deter- minants of the nature and degree of power it possesses (Mondros & Wilson, 1994).
Power can “provide the social energy that transforms the insights of individu- als and groups into the institutions of an organization” (Dyck, Kleysen, Lawrence, & Mauws, 2005, p. 180). This transformation is a consequence of specific learning processes within the organization. Understanding the different forms of power that exist within organizations can provide insights into why some changes become institutionalized and others do not. Power also determines the ability of organizations to innovate— a critical quality particularly in tumultuous times. Conversely, imbalances of power within organizations can lead to what Dover and Lawrence (2012) call “four innovation pathologies”: “nothing happens,” “nothing changes,” “nothing scales” (expands beyond a pilot), or “nothing adapts” (p. 991).
At the structural level, power dynamics influence both intraorganizational processes and an organization’s external relationships. A socially just organiza- tion recognizes the role of power inequities in creating personal and social prob- lems and in limiting the opportunity to address them. It also acknowledges the subjective impact of power— the distinction between having power and being empowered, or believing in one’s ability to effect personal or social change.
Because empowerment is an oft- used and oft- misused term in social work lit- erature, it is useful to clarify how we are employing the concept here. We regard empowerment as “the process of increasing personal, interpersonal, or political power so that individuals, families, and communities can take action to improve their situations” (Gutierrez, GlenMaye, & DeLois, 1995, p. 249). It occurs on both personal and collective levels and synthesizes political– economic and psy- chosocial factors (Solomon, 1976). It is important to recognize, however, that social workers cannot give people power. They can, through respectful dialogue (Freire, 1970) and recognition of the mutuality between workers and clients, facilitate “a process capable of being initiated and sustained only by the agent or subject who seeks power or self- determination” (Simon, 1994, p. 4).
For example, socially just organizations can provide clients and constituents with information, skills, and support. They can involve them in all phases of prob- lem definition, strategic planning, and evaluation. This includes recognizing that clients and constituents “own” their issues, using a problem or question- posing approach, and involving people in analyzing issues and making programmatic or policy recommendations to address them. Organizations can promote such activities by formally sanctioning decentralized problem- solving, promoting collaborative community- based action research, and including service users and community members in critical decision- making as more than symbolic tokens.
Several factors affect the ability of organizations to obtain power or use it for social justice purposes. External factors include the demands and expectations of
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
218 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
funders or policymakers, the characteristics of the populations the organization serves or represents, the type of services it provides or the nature of the issues around which it advocates, and the community’s attitudes toward the organiza- tion’s values and goals. Internal factors include the organization’s decision- mak- ing structure and culture, the nature of tasks assigned to staff and the degree of worker autonomy, the quality of supervisory relationships (the extent of encour- agement and support), the quantity and quality of the organization’s resources, and the organization’s commitment to its workers as reflected in its personnel policies and practices.
Cohen and Austin (1997) maintain that empowering staff requires that worker participation in decision- making be built into the organizational struc- ture, formally sanctioned by the organization’s leaders and culture, and inte- grated into each worker’s role as part of his or her job description. Leaders can contribute to such processes by promoting a hopeful climate within the organi- zation that acknowledges people’s common interests and common risk taking, by developing and recognizing (formally and informally) the strengths of staff, and by mentoring and modeling the attitudes and behaviors that reflect organi- zational values and goals.
Implementation: Addressing Conflict in Social Justice Organizations
Conflict is an ever- present feature of organizational life, particularly in times of resource scarcity and heightened tensions as communities and society become increasingly diverse ( Jackson, 2006). Organizations frequently mirror the con- flicts that occur in their external environments (Allyn, 2011). Staff members often believe that they are victims of distributive injustices comparable to those experienced by their clients or constituents, leading to increased turnover and intraorganizational turmoil (Soltis, Agneessens, Sasovova, & Labianca, 2013). Ironically, many social workers and social work students are uncomfortable with conflict. In part, this reflects the influence of a systems model of practice, which emphasizes the importance of balance and continuity. It may also be due to dis- comfort addressing the implications of racial, class, gender, or sexual privilege (Nenga, 2014).
In systems theory, conflict involves a disruption of the social equilibrium (dynamic homeostasis) and needs to be prevented or controlled. It is largely viewed in negative terms; it is considered a disruptive force within or between organizations, or even a threat to the social order (Coser, 1956). A modified version of this perspective— referred to as the ecological approach to prac- tice (Pardeck, 1996)— regards organizational conflict as the consequence of
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 219
competition among multiple stakeholders for resources, status, and influence. Within this pluralistic environment, conflict is resolved through compromise in which each side sacrifices some of what it desires.
A conflict perspective on practice, however, is more consistent with a social justice approach to practice because it regards the status quo as reflecting one group’s dominance over others. From this perspective, conflict is regarded as a natural, recurring, dynamic, and inevitable phenomenon. It is the foundation of social relations and a condition to be accepted, even encouraged, not eliminated or suppressed, in order to initiate change. Within and between organizations, conflict frequently results from the presence of dominant and subdominant unequal entities in constant competition for finite resources and power. Social justice organizations, however, consistently challenge and seek to alter such inequalities.
Conflict theorists (Alinsky, 1971; Coser, 1956) identify two different types of conflict. Conventional or normative conflict is handled within established and generally accepted rules and procedures. Examples include elections and athletic events. This type of conflict is controlled and produces incremental change, such as a shift in which political party controls a legislative body or the White House. Within organizations, such conflict may result in the selection of new officers for the board of directors. Although this type of competition may arouse strong emotions and occasionally be boisterous, its overall effect is to channel discontent and rivalries within well- established boundaries and main- tain the status quo.
By contrast, rancorous conflict occurs outside accepted behavioral norms and is disruptive of the status quo. It takes many forms; the most extreme and rarest versions include violence. Nonviolent conflict, however, has enormous potential value in social work practice, particularly when used strategically. It can increase the energy level of a group and add depth and passion to staff discussions. It can encourage people to challenge long- standing ideas and assumptions, and it can produce deeper understanding of issues, more creative solutions to persistent problems, and more effective collaboration. It can provide an outlet for frustra- tions and prevent more serious future conflicts from erupting. In summary, con- flict is sometimes a necessary tool to pursue social justice goals, both inside and outside the organization.
Nevertheless, there are risks involved if conflict is not properly employed. Without effective, strategic leadership, conflict can polarize existing relations within or between organizations. It can produce more rigid group divisions, even factions, in a program or organization, particularly those with potential splits along racial, gender, class, or religious lines (Marbley, Bonner, Wimberly, Stevens, & Tatem, 2006). The strategic use of conflict, however, can facilitate the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
220 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
emergence of new leaders, promote more sustainable mobilization (especially in interorganizational work), and lead to more effective intra- and interorganiza- tional communication. It can also help overcome the barriers to creating antirac- ist responses within organizations (Blitz & Kohl, 2012). Such efforts need to be tailored to the organization’s specific history and context (Chen, 2014).
Using Conflict as a Problem- Solving Tool
Effective communication is critical to the use of conflict as a tool to solve orga- nizational problems. In group situations, practitioners should state their views in clear, nonjudgmental language that does not personalize issues or attack those with different views. If emotions run out, call a brief “time out.” As in clinical practice, it is important to listen carefully to each person’s views and try to assess his or her underlying assumptions, interests, and motivations and create the pos- sibility of a “win– win” situation (Boyd, Gupta, & Kuzmits, 2011; Gupta, Boyd, & Kuzmits, 2011). This is another example of the importance of reflexive practice (Keevers, Sykes, & Treleaven, 2006).
Intergroup dialogue (see Chapter 6) can be an effective bridging mechanism that enables conflict- ridden situations to be transformed into opportunities to pur- sue social justice goals (Dessel, Rogger, & Garlington, 2006). Through periodic clarification, identify areas of agreement and disagreement and be flexible when possible. It is possible to preserve one’s principles without getting “locked into” a position. The goal is to establish and expand the “common ground” among com- peting groups, in some cases by emphasizing their mutual commitment to social justice and the organization’s goals (Olkkonen & Lipponen, 2006), not merely to enhance staff ’s multicultural competence (Parker, 2008; Speight & Vera, 2003).
Socially Just Resource Allocation
A persistent problem within organizations often involves how to distribute scarce resources, both tangible and intangible, effectively, ethically, and consistent with social justice principles. These dilemmas appear in three forms: At the personal level, they involve the just use of self; the role conflicts experienced by many staff, particularly those in high- intensity, low- resource social justice- oriented organi- zations; and the need to avoid burnout through self- care. At the organizational level, they involve decisions regarding the allocation of resources to different programs or initiatives, the distribution of staff workloads, and the structure of personnel benefits and organizational rewards. At the societal level, they require social justice organizations to address the political, economic, and ideological factors that produce inequalities and injustice, including but not limited to those
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 221
Infinite Wants
Finite Resources
F igu r e 7.3 The Economic Problem: Finite Resources and Infinite Wants
that affect their clients and constituents. Even in optimum circumstances, these dilemmas will persist for the reasons shown in Figure 7.3— resources are always finite and needs are potentially infinite.
At each level, there are a variety of ways to distribute resources equitably, including the following:
• Providing equal shares and creating equal access to such “goods” • Distributing resources on the basis of compensation for past or current
“wrongs” or on the basis of past, current, or potential future contributions to society
• Distributing resources on the basis of ability to pay or merit, however defined, or on the basis of one’s ability to take advantage of the service or benefit
• Distributing resources based on principles of equity or fairness
Each approach reflects a different definition of social justice and presents differ- ent challenges for organizational decision- making (Reisch, 2002).
Dealing with Organizational Change
Another challenge that all organizations must address is how to deal with pur- posive (i.e., intentional) change, whether it is change resulting from voluntary internal initiatives or external compulsion. These changes could include program innovations, such as the creation of a new service or the revision of an existing service that reflects the introduction of new ideas about problem causation or problem resolution. They could also emerge from a desire to revise the organiza- tion’s structure or major policies or to alter the organization’s culture (its values, attitudes, expectations, behaviors, or rituals) based on ideas proposed by clients,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
222 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
constituents, or new staff. The integration of new technology is itself a form of change that, in turn, can produce other major changes, both positive and nega- tive, on the nature of the organization’s work, the skills required to do this work effectively, and the organization’s fundamental values.
Purposive change efforts can also reflect a response to changing social condi- tions or a new form of need among clients or constituents. They could be a conse- quence of external factors, such as changes in the organization’s funding sources or client population, the general political climate, or the public’s perception of the organization’s effectiveness or efficiency. Regardless of the source, significant organizational change disrupts the organization’s culture and often produces increased stress and resistance because it represents a discontinuity from the sta- tus quo (Lewin, 1948). Through the use of the qualities outlined previously, lead- ers of social justice organizations must prepare carefully for the implementation of planned change and demonstrate consistent energy and commitment, both to the change and to its relevance to the social justice values of the organization, in order for the change to be implemented successfully and become part of the organization’s institutional fabric. To do so, leaders need to find a way to balance the rational/ analytic and political/ emotional components of the change process.
The following are some of the issues that organizational leaders need to consider:
• Is the change incremental or does it require a qualitative transformation of the organization?
• How much new learning is required of staff? • Does the change affect the entire organization or only part of the
organization? • Is the change immediate or long term? • Who are the targets of change? • Who will be the change agents, leaders, and supporters? What will be
their roles? • What are the costs of change, in both material (dollars) and nonmaterial
terms (e.g., social capital, political influence, and status)? • What is the organization’s history regarding the implementation of change? • From where is the pressure for change coming? • What changes are already underway? Will an additional change produce
unbearable strain on the organization? • Should change be stimulated or accelerated? • What values should guide the change process? • What are the risks/ rewards of change and the use of particular change
strategies?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 223
• For whom are the changes beneficial? • For whom are the changes detrimental?
Barriers to change frequently include management’s excessive focus on the fis- cal costs to the organization rather than the social costs to clients, constituents, or staff. Staff often fail to perceive the benefits of change due to a fear of uncer- tainty or loss (of power, role, status, or comfortable routine) or principled opposi- tion to the imposition of top- down change. The use of socially just processes can be critical in overcoming this resistance. Organizational leaders play a crucial role throughout the change process, not merely at the outset. They should iden- tify the need for change before the change process is initiated or even planned. They should anticipate the types of resistance that might arise and develop a plan to address or prevent it in whatever form it may take. One way to reduce resis- tance is to design the implementation of change in small increments and engage all stakeholders in ongoing assessment of the change process. Clear and consis- tent communication is also critical if democratic changes are to be implemented. In addition, whatever the external pressure, organizational innovations should reflect organizational needs and not merely respond to the latest trend.
Using Technology in a Socially Just Way
There is growing awareness that the current distribution and use of technology are major factors in sustaining or eradicating unjust social structures and insti- tutions (Ottinger, 2011). Technology, however, is neutral; it can both inhibit and facilitate justice- oriented change. Digital communication and social media, for example, have become increasingly important elements of the practice of social justice organizations throughout the world during the 21st century. They have altered the internal dynamics of existing organizations, the ways in which established organizations relate to each other and to emerging networks and social formations, and changed the nature of social justice activities (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). In a period of resource scarcity, they have also enhanced the ability of social justice organizations to deliver services to marginalized popula- tions and to engage in more effective dialogue with constituents, such as urban youth, who have previously been left out of decision- making processes (Briones, Jin, Kuch, & Liu, 2011; Cabral et al., 2012; Kvasny, Ortiz, & Tapia, 2011). Internet- based technologies have also enabled organizations to strengthen accountability mechanisms in an era in which the demand for accountability has significantly increased (Guo & Saxton, 2011; Keevers, Treleaven, Sykes, & Darcy, 2012).
In addition, research has demonstrated that technological innovations can enhance the quality of an organization’s services, assist in its resource development
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
224 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
efforts, and enhance an organization’s image and relationships with stakeholders and the public ( Jaskyte, 2012). However, most nonprofit social justice organi- zations have failed thus far to tap the potential of technology, reflecting what Kamal (2014) refers to as an “organizational digital divide.” Many nonprofits use technological innovation primarily for educational or administrative purposes ( Jones & Waters, 2011; Singh, 2014) and do not exploit the opportunities pro- vided by mobile technology (Kim, Mankoff, & Paulos, 2014).
It is beyond the scope of this chapter (or the capacity of its authors) to suggest all the ways in which social justice organizations could use technology more effec- tively. Digital technology is also changing so rapidly that whatever is included in this text may be obsolete by the time it is read. Instead, we suggest some prin- ciples to serve as a guide to its usage in a manner consistent with socially just organizational goals and values.
First, it is important for organizations to recognize the importance of equity and equality in the internal distribution of technolog y and its effects on clients and constituents. Technolog y not only has the potential to widen exist- ing social and educational gaps, it can also dehumanize services and thereby diminish one of the unique aspects of social work practice. This possibility can be forestalled by conscious efforts to humanize the application of tech- nolog y through democratic participation in its development and application. Organizations need to promote greater interactivity among all stakeholders and their active participation in planning how technolog y will be used to achieve the organization’s people- centered goals. They also need to ensure that the rights and responsibilities of all technolog y users are protected. Finally, organizations must struggle with the question of how they can continue to engage in “political” work in an increasingly digital, virtual world in a manner compatible with the humanistic values on which they were established.
Resolving Ethical Dilemmas
Like intra- and interorganizational conflict and the challenges of resource scarcity and organizational change, the resolution of ethical dilemmas is a constant fea- ture of organizational practice. Many ethical issues that emerge in practice with individuals, families, and groups exist in macro contexts as well, particularly for organizational leaders (Eisenbeiss, 2012; Reamer, 2013). Both forms of practice involve relationships between people or among groups, necessitate the application of critical consciousness to analyze the sources of people’s problems, and regard the context and culture in which people’s problems emerge as critical factors.
It is essential, therefore, for social workers in social justice organizations to develop the ability to resolve a variety of recurring ethical dilemmas in order to
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 225
Owners Shareholders
Decision Maker’s Values & Interest
Public in Contact
Public at LargeParticipants
Decision Maker
F igu r e 7. 4 Conflicting Demands That Shape Ethical Decision- Making
align their goals and practices with the needs of the people with whom they are working and to regard people as social beings rather than mere statistics (Banks, 2011). As a result of recent environmental changes, skills in ethical decision- mak- ing have become even more important because these changes have often involved the imposition of values that are at odds with the social justice mission of the social work profession (Lonne, Fox, & McDonald, 2004). There is increased risk, however, that organizations will overlook the effects of these external pressures and overestimate the degree of organizational consensus around social justice concerns (Flynn & Wiltermuth, 2010).
There are important distinctions between “macro” and “micro” practice that influence the nature of ethical dilemmas encountered by social work organiza- tions. For example, in community practice, a staff member may be a resident of the community that the organization serves. This places boundary issues— an important ethical concern in clinical social work practice (Reamer, 2013)— in a different context. In addition, community or social change, not individual change, is often the primary goal of social justice organizations. Finally, the distinction between the clients of a socially just service agency and the constit- uents of a socially just advocacy organization creates different types of ethical dilemmas. Figure 7.4 demonstrates the conflicting demands that shape ethical decision- making in organizations.
The most common ethical conflicts within social justice organizations include the following:
1. The right of persons to autonomy and self- determination versus their right to assistance that will protect their well- being and increase their ability or life chances in the future
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
226 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Ethical Dilemma
Ethical Theories or Positions
D ecision Theory D
im ensions
D at
a Ba
se (F
ac ts
)
F igu r e 7.5 Analyzing an Ethical Dilemma
2. Promoting peoples’ interests as they define them versus “doing good” (e.g., through advocacy) to protect them. This involves reflection on the meaning of such concepts as “benevolence” and “paternalism.”
3. Goals and strategies that focus solely on an individual’s own good versus bal- ancing the individual interests with those of the community or society
Other ethical issues that may arise in social justice organizations include the following:
• Informed consent (especially regarding the risks involved in activities) • Legal liability: For example, can community practitioners be guilty of
malpractice? • The relationship between means and ends (e.g., regarding the design of
programs or tactics). Do socially just ends justify the use of any means? • The allocation of scarce resources • Truth- telling versus organizational and constituent self- interest • Compliance with unjust laws • Whistleblowing (on corrupt or incompetent colleagues) versus organizational
loyalty
As shown in Figure 7.5, there are three components to the resolution of an eth- ical dilemma: the facts, the theories used to interpret the facts, and the means by which to decide an ethical course of action. There are four basic approaches to resolving the ethical dilemmas that arise in organizational settings, each of which generates its own problems. One is to prioritize the interests of clients or constituents. As discussed previously, Sen (2009) and Nussbaum (2011) have emphasized the enhancement of a person’s capabilities (interests). The challenge
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
7. Socially Just Organizational Practice 227
here is to determine what those interests are and to reconcile the often compet- ing or conflicting interests of diverse individuals and groups. Ongoing and open communication with stakeholders and the primacy of a “community- driven” agenda are critical in this regard, particularly where the need to overcome racial or class divides is paramount (Minkler, 2004).
A second approach is to use what ethicists term a “prime directive”— that is, to impose a set of externally determined values (as in a religious organization). This approach, however, appears to contradict the democratic and egalitarian values of social justice organizations.
A third approach, which appears superficially similar to the second approach, is for the organization to create its own hierarchical (or lexical) ordering of values and apply them to all ethical dilemmas. This approach, which ethicists term a “deontological” approach (after the Greek word for “first principles”), can only be reconciled with social justice principles under three conditions: (1) The entire organizational community develops this hierarchy through some type of consen- sus process, (2) the hierarchy of values is periodically reassessed through a partic- ipatory process, and (3) the manner in which decisions are implemented is also socially just.
A fourth approach avoids— to some extent— the need for a hierarchical set of values by weighing the consequences of the various options that exist to resolve an ethical dilemma. Utilitarianism, the most widely used version of what ethi- cists refer to as a consequentialist or teleological approach (again, from the Greek word for “the end”), assesses these options by calculating which would produce “the greatest net balance of satisfaction”— that is, the greatest surplus of “good” over “bad” results. The challenges here for socially just organizations are to define what constitutes a “good,” how to measure the impact of different goods on dif- ferent persons or groups, how to assess the differences between the short- term and long- term consequences of decisions, and how to determine the effects of these decisions on third parties (Rawls, 1971/ 1999). In discussing the conflict between means and ends, Alinsky (1971) proposed a version of this approach that factors in the context in which the dilemma emerged and needs to be resolved.
Combining elements of each of these approaches, Reisch and Lowe (2000) developed the following seven- step method to help practitioners resolve recur- rent ethical dilemmas:
1. Identify the ethical principles that apply to the situation. 2. Collect additional information needed to examine the ethical dilemma in
question. 3. Identify the relevant ethical values and/ or rules that apply to the ethical
problem.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
228 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
4. Identify any potential conflicts of interest and those likely to benefit from such conflicts.
5. Rank order the appropriate ethical rules in terms of importance in the situation.
6. Determine the consequences of applying different ethical rules or ranking these rules differently.
7. Determine who needs to resolve the dilemma.
Summary
This chapter applied a social justice perspective to some of the major aspects of organizational practice: organizational structure and decision- making processes, leadership and leadership styles, patterns of resource allocation, the role of orga- nizational culture, the meaning of power within organizations, the use of tech- nology, and the ethical dilemmas that organizations confront and how to address them in a socially just manner. It discussed the specific problems that social justice organizations face today as a consequence of changes in the political– economic environment, the demographic composition of the communities in which they work, and the transformation of the cultural and ideological context of practice. It suggested ways that organizational practitioners could respond effectively to these changes without sacrificing the social justice principles on which they were established. The next two chapters apply a similar lens to community practice and to what is commonly referred to as “policy practice.”
Discussion Questions
1. In what ways is the organization in which you work a socially just organiza- tion? In what ways does it fall short of this goal?
2. How are issues of power reflected in the organization? 3. What model of leadership and decision- making exists in this organization?
To what extent does it reflect social justice concepts? 4. To what extent does your organization respond to issues of diversity and con-
flict in a socially just manner? In what ways could it improve? 5. Identify an ethical dilemma that has emerged in your organization. How could
this dilemma be resolved in a socially just manner?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8
Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice
Introduction
This chapter focuses on working with communities in a socially just manner to help them create strategies to transform existing institutions and organizations by making them more inclusive, democratic, redistributive, and decentered and also to forge new ways of addressing people’s problems. Some community groups work explicitly toward social justice goals, whereas others use socially just means that are not specifically justice- oriented. Even within community organizations committed to social justice goals, however, the processes they employ to achieve their goals are not always socially just. Therefore, as elsewhere in this book, this chapter emphasizes the importance of linking socially just processes and goals for reasons of philosophical consistency, professional integrity, and practice efficacy.
Social justice work takes place within various types of communities, including those defined by geography, such as neighborhoods; those based on demographic or cultural identities, such as the African American or LGBTQ community; and those that are organized around shared interests or issues, such as military veterans and their families or individuals suffering from chronic mental illness. All communities have fluid boundaries, structures, and internal dynamics. They interact with, influence, and are influenced by both internal systems and the wider social, political, and economic environment. Thus, the community pro- vides a critical context for practice and the context for critical practice, just as the societal and historical context shapes the nature of communities (Butcher et al., 2007). As societies become increasingly multicultural and the world becomes increasingly multipolar, it is critical that social justice work combine a respect for difference with recognition of our common humanity if we are to go beyond tol- erance and “cultural competence” to embrace a universal, reciprocal obligation to all communities (Appiah, 2006).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
230 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
This chapter also critically examines contemporary theories and practice models for work with communities. It explores how a worker’s multiple and intersecting identities influence his or her work within a community, whose members also have multiple and intersecting identities, particularly in an increas- ingly diverse and globalized world. This chapter also pays particular attention to the impact of power differentials and structural inequities. Although many communities are affected by a multitude of social problems, no community lacks resources or assets, no matter how depleted it may appear to outsiders. Thus, in all forms of community practice (e.g., community development, planning, social action, and advocacy) and in each phase of practice (e.g., assessment, planning, entry to a community, engagement, mobilization, and evaluation), it is critical to build on a community’s strength. It is equally critical, however, to address the structural inequities that reinforce the marginalization of certain communities while privileging others (Emejulu, 2011).
Specific topics covered in the chapter include the following:
• Concepts of community, community practice, and community change • The goals of community practice: Issue- based and identity- based organizing • Theories underlying community practice • Models and phases of community practice • Power, privilege, and community practice • Leadership and leadership development • Promoting community participation • Interorganizational practice • Ethical dilemmas
Concepts of Community, Community Practice, and Social/ Community Change
The Meaning of Community
Some years ago while hiking in the high country at Yosemite National Park, one of the authors came across the following quotation on a plaque at Parsons Memorial Lodge:
What is community? Not just where you were born or where you lay your head down to sleep. Community is a mix of history, experience, stories, and imagination: Possibility. The man who went away 20 years ago can still be very much a part of a community— as can, I believe, a woman who
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 231
has not yet been there, who will not cross paths with a given community for another 20 years.
Rick Bass, “Round River,” Orion, Summer 1997
This quote reflects the breadth and complexity of the meaning of community. A community exists when a group of people form a social unit based on common location, interest, identification, culture, and/ or activities (Garvin & Tropman, 1998). Communities, therefore, can be a geographic place (where people live); people with common interests, identity, and/ or social concerns; and a set of com- mon social relations or unit of organization or solution in society. Each individ- ual’s “personal community” is a combination of his or her location, identity, and interests (Etzioni, 1993).
All communities serve five major functions: production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services; socialization; social control; social partici- pation; and mutual support/ mutual aid. Communities that achieve these goals effectively are often labeled “competent communities.” They collaborate effec- tively in identifying problems and needs, achieve consensus on goals and priori- ties, agree on how to implement goals, collaborate effectively in various actions, and work together to evaluate results (Warren, 1970).
Many communities, however, are less able to satisfy these functions because of structural and historical inequities reflected, for example, in persistent health disparities (Wallerstein, Yen, & Syme, 2011). At the community level, these inequities also create people’s absence of social capital (relationships), an uneven distribution of power, demographic disparities, a lack of local neighbor- hood control, little or no history of community cooperation, conflicts between individuals or groups, and social or physical isolation (Harding & Simmons, 2010). Consequently, there are often considerable differences among community members about what their needs are and how these needs can be or should be addressed.
These different needs can be categorized as follows: normative— standards established by custom, authority, and consensus; perceived— what people think and feel their needs are; expressed— a need that is already being met or a demand for a need to be met; and relative— a gap between the level of existing services in one area and those in another area. As Figure 8.1 shows, the use of evidence- based practice is one way to determine what a community’s needs are and how best to meet them. It involves “integrating practice experience and lessons learned with the best available external evidence from systematic research, while at the same time considering client values and expectations when making practice decisions” (Ohmer, 2008, p. 519).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
232 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Ex te
rn al
Sc ie
nt ifi
c Ev
id en
ce Clinical
Expertise/Expert O pinion
EBP
Client/Patient/Caregiver Perspectives
F igu r e 8.1 Evidence- Based Practice
To summarize, healthy contemporary communities embody a sense of wholeness that incorporates all forms of diversity. They strive to identify shared values and norms, and they use these common principles to promote greater community cohesion. They establish effective and diverse forms of internal communication that attempt to avoid the construction of “we/ they” barriers in how people acquire and interpret information and express their views. They foster the development of trust, caring, and teamwork through a collective “ownership” of the community and a sense of mutual responsibility, in which the good of the community and individual well- being are considered complementary.
Exercise: Identifying Your Understanding of Community
1. List the communities to which you belong. 2. How do you know or demonstrate that you are a member of these
communities? 3. How did you become part of these communities? 4. What are the notable features of these communities? 5. What are the requirements of membership? 6. How do your various community memberships complement or conflict
with each other? 7. How would you apply the concept of community competence to these
communities?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 233
Not all community practice has the same philosophical perspective, goals, or methods. Thomas, O’Connor, and Netting (2011) identify three strands: tradi- tional, collaborative, and radical. Social justice practice in communities has multi- ple roots within the radical branch of community practice. These include self- help/ mutual aid organizations that were organized by virtually every marginalized com- munity in US history; labor unions and other associations of working- class people; radical political organizations across the ideological spectrum; social movements on behalf of people of color, women, immigrants, the LGBTQ population, the elderly, and individuals with disabilities; and ideas acquired from other nations. Its evolution also has been shaped by rapid socioeconomic and political change; the different histories, cultures, and contexts of communities that organized; the increased heterogeneity of US society; the emergence of specific crises (e.g., HIV/ AIDS); the impact of external events (e.g., war); and the influence of secular and religious ideologies from socialism to the Social Gospel (Reisch, 2012a).
From a social justice perspective, community practice involves developing greater cohesion among community groups, helping people improve their capaci- ties for performing various community roles, mobilizing people and resources to improve social conditions and services, promoting the interests of disadvantaged groups within the community, and promoting community change (Evans et al., 2011). It emphasizes the same values as social justice practice with individuals, families, and groups: the right of all humans to be treated with dignity, the recog- nition of each person’s ability to determine her or his own destiny, and the belief that individual and collective goals complement rather than conflict with each other. Like practice with individuals, families, and groups, it focuses on how con- text shapes both human needs and the means available to address them (Lewis, 2011), on the importance of power, and on the centrality of human relationships (Burghardt, 2013). Within a social justice framework, therefore, the oft- repeated distinctions between “direct” and “indirect” practice reflect a false dichotomy.
Community practice has served as a counternarrative in social work since the profession first emerged at the turn of the 20th century. Community prac- titioners challenged the prevailing conception of social welfare, based on a hierarchical charitable model, and proposed an alternative mission founded on principles of justice. They promoted environmental rather than individualisti- cally oriented explanations for human need and a more democratic conceptu- alization of the service relationship (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). Although this counternarrative continues to be expressed in the rhetoric of the profession— for example, in the National Association of Social Workers’ (NASW) Code of Ethics (1998, 2008) and the Council on Social Work Education’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (2008, 2015)— it has been frequently superseded by a
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
234 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
master narrative that defined the mission of social work in terms consonant with the emerging structure of the US political– economy, the social roles it generated, and a positivist paradigm for the creation and organization of the knowledge needed to sustain it (Reisch & Jani, 2012d).
As a counternarrative of resistance, community- based social justice practice plays a significant role in reorienting social work’s goals toward the elimination of oppression and the creation of a more egalitarian society by challenging pre- vailing practice assumptions; developing alternative frameworks and theories of explanation and change; posing different research questions; clarifying the meaning of ambiguous concepts, such as social justice and empowerment; forg- ing new alliances; creating new social work roles; and building new partnerships in the pursuit of justice goals. Resistance at the intellectual and practice levels is an essential component of the processes that help people survive, find meaning in their lives, become aware of injustice, and work for justice. It includes the sub- versive ways in which people who are oppressed exert dignity and agency in the presence of dehumanizing circumstances.
Community practice involves collective efforts to transform “private trou- bles” into “public issues” (Mills, 1959) in order to enhance human well- being (Gamble, 2012) by increasing investments in health, education, and social supports (Hernandez, Montana, & Clarke, 2010); promoting greater social inclusion; eliminating all forms of violence in society (Van Soest, 1997); and pro- tecting the physical environment (Hilmers, Hilmers, & Dave, 2012). “Troubles” occur within the character of the individual and within the range of his or her immediate relations with others. “Issues” have to do with matters that transcend these local environments of the individual and the range of his or her inner life. Community practitioners redefined each of these problems as a public issue: unemployment and poverty; child abuse and domestic violence; homelessness; substance abuse and mental illness; epidemic diseases from tuberculosis to HIV/ AIDS; racial profiling (Shippen, Patterson, Green, & Smitherman, 2012); dis- crimination versus LGBTQ persons; and the needs of undocumented youth.
Community practitioners attempt to achieve these goals and objectives through both short- term and long- term steps. In the short term, they help communities identify and promote their interests as they perceive them, pro- mote resistance at both intellectual and practical levels, and help oppressed communities exercise dignity and agency. Over the long term, they strive to forge “a new social discourse” that goes beyond replacing one set of rhetori- cal principles with another and to reframe the way we think, plan, and take action.
Community interventions are often needed to produce broader “struc- tural changes” because many problems either are not or cannot be solved by
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 235
individually focused solutions alone. As society becomes more complex and com- munities become more interdependent, the need for change in systems and insti- tutions increases if social justice goals are to be achieved. In cooperation with community members, practitioners help produce these structural changes by replacing critical actors; redistributing and redefining social roles; and changing society’s goals and reward structure and its distribution of rights, opportunities, status, and obligations. Community practitioners use a variety of strategies to achieve these objectives, including direct change in communities, empowering people by creating new or improved services, and organizing services specifically with structural change in mind.
These efforts are complicated by how social problems are defined or con- structed. Think about it: Most things we accept as “givens” are neither “natu- ral” nor inevitable. Examples include our economic system (e.g., capitalism), our educational system (how we learn), our major social institutions (e.g., marriage and family), our political system (e.g., representative democracy), and our social divisions (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, religion, age, and sex- ual orientation). Who defines what constitutes a problem in our society or in a social service agency? Who determines why these problems exist? Who decides which problems get attention and what type of attention they need or deserve? In summary, who defines “need” and “helping”? (Gordon, 2002; Green, 1999).
Other challenges facing both community members and practitioners today are the consequences of attacks on social welfare as an institution and govern- ment as a problem- solving vehicle (Flynn, 2011); the impact of economic glo- balization; the privatization of politics and social life; a general decline in civic and political participation; the devolution of political authority/ power from the federal government to states and localities; the industrialization and “marketiza- tion” of social services (Gronbjerg & Salamon, 2002); the persistence of a variety of forms of invidious discrimination, such as racism, sexism, and homophobia in such areas as health, employment, education, and housing; and value conflicts emerging from diversity itself. On the plus side, there has recently been increased awareness of the impact of socioeconomic inequality and the emergence of new social movements around such issues as immigration reform and racism in the criminal justice system.
Theories Underlying Community Practice
Traditional approaches to community practice are primarily based on social sys- tems theory. This theory, which emerged after World War II, is based on a bio- logical model. It views society as a system of interrelated parts consisting of such
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
236 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
elements as individuals, families, organizations, communities, and economic and political systems. One advantage of this theory is its emphasis on the interdepen- dent nature of communities, societies, and organizations. According to systems theory (Bertalanffy, 1969), no entity exists in isolation; all parties in a system are constantly seeking balance in order to survive and thrive. The ecological model of social work practice is a recent application of systems theory (Pardeck, 1996).
A disadvantage of systems theory, however, is that it assumes that conflict, individual and social, is not healthy— that conflict, in whatever form, is inevi- tably contrary to the interests of the organism or system; it needs to be stopped or controlled. According to systems theory, although periods of imbalance or disruption may occur within a system, all systems inevitably try to restore bal- ance or quiescence. This has often produced community practice that failed to address the root causes of social problems out of fear of generating controversy, losing the support of influential power brokers or funders, or diminishing the status of social workers because their practice has become “politicized.” Another problem with this approach is that it assumes that all parties within a system have equal power or the ability to determine alternative outcomes. As Finn and Jacobson (2008) note, however, practitioners who adopt an approach to practice grounded in critical social theory (e.g., critical race theory, structural analysis, and feminist theory) emphasize the relationship between knowledge and power, who defines the “reality” of a particular context and what constitutes “realistic” and acceptable means of change. According to Bottomore (1991) power is the ability to determine such alternatives.
To counteract this tendency, Stephens and Gillies (2012) propose that community- based researchers and practitioners revise their focus to encompass the multiple components of the socioeconomic and political environment. Based on Bourdieu’s (2003) assertion that social and material inequalities are inextrica- bly intertwined, and that power influences all aspects of practice, Stephens and Gillies assert that “many current interventions to improve material and social conditions within disadvantaged communities ignore the damaging effects of social inequalities between social groups” (p. 145) and thereby overlook the subtle ways that individuals and groups with privilege seek to retain their place in the social hierarchy. This occurs by determining what constitutes a problem worthy of attention, what impact on which segments of the population matters, and what solutions are politically feasible and socially desirable. To work toward socially just ends, community practitioners need to understand “the nature of power struggles in daily life . . . [to] . . . address the damaging effects of inequal- ities” (p. 145).
By contrast, socially just community practice assumes that conflict is a natural, ongoing, and even healthy part of life. Conflict theorists assume that inequality is
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 237
a given; it arises in different forms because of the competition for scarce resources, whether this competition occurs within a family, a community, a society, or among nations (Alinsky, 1971; Coser, 1956). This inequality generates oppositional interests and power differentials that appear in both macro and micro systems. Constructive conflict, in this view, can be the foundation of meaningful social relations and social progress and a means to reduce or eliminate these inequalities. Community practitioners who operate from a conflict perspective assume that the notion that community or social change can be achieved without conflict is false, even naïve.
Another form of conflict can be labeled “rancorous” or “extrainstitutional.” It includes both nonviolent activities that attempt to disrupt the status quo, such as demonstrations, strikes, and boycotts, and violent activities ranging from van- dalism and sabotage to terrorism and armed revolution. Although the former activities may be risky, they are neither illegal nor unethical. In fact, in some cir- cumstances, they may be necessary to raise public awareness of issues long ignored or to compel those with power and influence to adopt changes they have long resisted. Throughout the profession’s history, social workers have participated in such activities through their involvement in social movements that addressed issues of racism and sexism, workers’ and immigrants’ rights, and global matters such as war and militarism (Van Soest, 1992).
In summary, conflict can often have positive functions in a community. Sometimes, consensus approaches to resolving persistent issues are not feasi- ble (Eichler, 2007). Hibbing and Theiss- Morse (2005) pointedly assert, “The problem is that reinforcing the message that consensus and harmony are good whereas conflict and disagreements are bad undermines what democracy is all about” (p. 237). Conflict can also serve to strengthen solidarity among diverse community groups by directing people’s energies toward an external “enemy.” In addition, healthy conflict provides an outlet for people’s frustrations and a catalyst for community and policy change. The demonstrations in Ferguson, Missouri, in the aftermath of the shooting of a young African American man by a police officer are an example. Protests during the civil rights movement and the early days of the HIV/ AIDS epidemic aroused the public from its apathy toward issues of deadly seriousness. They changed the way many people understood long- standing social problems and generated greater support for reform measures and institutional change.
Community Change
Community change involves the modification of attitudes, policies, or practices in the community to reduce or eliminate problems or produce general improvement
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
238 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
in how needs are met through policies, programs, and services that involve the redistribution of resources and power. The process of community change is chal- lenging, whatever the nature of the community or the issues being addressed. It involves a series of steps that reflect both justice- oriented goals (e.g., the more equitable distribution of resources and power) and justice- oriented processes (e.g., a democratic conceptualization of leadership and decision- making). It requires the application of both research- generated evidence and practice wisdom. From a social justice perspective, promoting community change involves developing cohesion among community groups; helping people improve their capacities for performing various community roles, including leadership positions; encouraging greater participation in community activities and mobilizing people and resources to improve social conditions, social services, and power relationships; and priori- tizing the interests of disadvantaged groups within the community.
Community change also requires the development of critical consciousness among its members; the ability to confront issues of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia (Bettez & Hytten, 2013; McKay, 2010); and the practical knowledge and skills necessary to imagine and implement social justice- oriented change goals and strategies (Bieler, 2012; Edmonds- Cady & Sosulski, 2012). This often involves providing opportunities for community members to create their own identity- based narratives, engage in a critical dialogue with others (Farnsworth, 2010), and play a greater role in defining their own needs and helping interven- tions (Weaver, 2011). Facilitating greater participation in all aspects of the change process is another major component of community change efforts in such orga- nizations as the Center for Participatory Change (CPC) and the Community Capacitation Center (Castelloe, Watson, & White, 2002; Wiggins et al., 2013). CPC focuses on community- based education through collective action. It has a dual goal (Wiggins et al., 2013):
(1) To work with people to create alternative structures . . . through which groups of marginalized people can come together to articulate and meet their own needs, on their own terms, over the long haul; and (2) to work hand- in- hand with groups of marginalized people as they gain the col- lective power needed to shape existing systems to become more inclusive, responsive, accountable, and participatory. (p. 186)
Community- based participatory research from a social justice perspective can link social work’s fundamental values with the increased demands of polit- ical and fiscal sponsors to provide credible outcome measures of effectiveness within community development and community change initiatives (Branom, 2012; Sander, 2012). This is a particularly important component of community
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 239
change because there is little evidence that many interventions with a social jus- tice focus, such as advocacy campaigns, are effective or cost- efficient (McNutt, 2011). During the past two decades, different kinds of organizations— major cor- porations, cooperatives, and neighborhood- based nonprofit organizations— have used participatory action research to address community problems (Greenwood, Foote Whyte, & Harkavy, 1993).
Community change efforts take different forms depending on environmental conditions, the community’s history, and the specific context of the issues. Most efforts, however, involve the following components to some extent at some time:
• Grassroots mobilization of large numbers of people around issues that affect them
• Greater participation of the community in planning policies and developing programs
• Advocacy to effect policy change and a more equitable distribution of resources
• Efforts to empower people and create more responsive services • The development of powerful community organizations to achieve
these goals • Popular education to raise critical consciousness (see Chapters 7 and 9)
The various components of an evidence- driven change process are shown in Figure 8.1 above.
Exercise: Planning a 10- Step Community Change Process
1. Select an issue that affects the community in which you live or work. Through discussions with community members, how would you frame the specific issue or issues around which you would organize? How would you express social justice values explicitly or implicitly?
2. What are the overall goals of the change effort? 3. Who/ what would be the target(s) of the change effort you would propose? 4. What are the possible obstacles that could impede attainment of these goals? 5. What groups might have the power to facilitate the change(s) you
desire? 6. Who might be your potential allies in a change effort toward this goal?
What assets might they contribute to your change effort? 7. What overall strategic approach would the community prefer?
For example, would you try to produce change through consensus,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
240 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
persuasion or education (campaign), or conflict? What are your reasons for selecting this approach? (See Chapter 9)
8. What tactic(s) would you adopt as part of the selected strategy? What specific actions would be taken to implement it? How are the tactics selected related to the overall strategy and to the goals of the change effort? How do they reflect the underlying values of social justice?
9. Based on social justice values, what criteria should be used to assess the merit of the tactics selected? What made you choose these criteria? Which tactics do/ do not meet these criteria?
10. What ethical issues might arise in the implementation of the strategy and tactics selected?
Think about:
1. How did the way you framed the issue influence your choice of strategies and tactics?
2. To what extent did your personal experiences with communities and community change and your personal values influence your choice of strategies and tactics?
3. In what ways did the definition of community being used (geographic or community of identity) shape your choice of strategy and tactics?
Exploring: Establishing the Goals of Community Practice
Although all forms of community practice share common goals, regardless of their conceptual or ideological foundation, when viewed from a social justice perspective the goals of community practice are somewhat distinct. They include (1) analyzing the root causes of inequality and injustice and not merely focusing on their symptoms and (2) emphasizing the power dynamics within a commu- nity, among different communities, and between a community and the external structures that possess economic and political resources that the community needs. In community work, social justice- oriented practitioners draw contrasts between the goals of a market economy and those of a more equitable society. They critique how dominant cultural values and norms perpetuate the marginal- ization and disempowerment of certain communities. They promote structural change, not mere participation within existing systems, and they work with community members to create alternative institutions and community- driven solutions to problems.
Because of this different orientation and the challenges involved in empow- ering disenfranchised communities, it is important to integrate an educational
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 241
component into all aspects of community work. In addition to teaching commu- nity members the skills required to produce community and social change, while learning from them in turn, this educational aspect of community practice helps develop people’s critical consciousness and enables their integration into main- stream political discourse and contests. This educational component of practice is particularly important if social workers are to address such issues as envi- ronmental sustainability, social inclusion, civic participation, and community engagement in a manner that will lead to greater social equality. Tools of popular education, for example, as developed in Latin America by such scholars/ activists as Paulo Freire (1970) can enhance people’s ability to understand their individual experiences and use that understanding to develop transformative strategies that address the larger, structural causes of individual oppression (Mullaly, 2010).
In an increasingly complex and conflict- ridden environment, community practitioners need to acquire the requisite skills to expand the scope and revise the focus of activities beyond traditional practice norms. Because community membership is more fluid and multifaceted today, we must now organize within and across established community boundaries and blend issue- and identity- based approaches to community engagement and mobilization. In order to expand community participation, we need to create diverse means for people to participate that reflect the ways people organize their lives and the increasing importance of social media for interpersonal communication. If we are to facili- tate community empowerment, we must take the risks involved in surfacing and addressing issues of power and their underlying conflicts. Finally, to be effective in an increasingly diverse society, we need to be clear about the impact of our own social position and be open to ideas emerging from different cultures and countries.
All communities have their resources and their limitations, some of which are more obvious than others. Until recently, social workers tended to focus on a community’s problems or deficits instead of its assets and potential. However, like an individual’s personal problems, the presence of problems or challenges in a community also provides an opportunity for growth and change. In order for this to occur, a community must believe in its ability to change and must take responsibility for its actions or inactions. The role of a social worker in this regard is not to instigate the change or determine its direction but, rather, to assist the community in acquiring the capacity to define its own destiny and to develop the strategy to fulfill it. The purpose of community empowerment, therefore, is to enhance a community’s ability to define and solve its own problems, develop independent community support systems, and educate itself about the issues that affect the lives of its members. The formation of broad- based community orga- nizations is a necessary step in this direction. Such organizations, if structured democratically and directed toward socially just ends, are the vehicles through
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
242 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
which communities determine their goals, their decision- making processes, and the strategies and tactics (means) they will use to achieve their desired ends.
From a social justice perspective, an important step in community empower- ment and change is to identify a community’s assets (McKnight & Kretzmann, 2008). Through a process called “assets mapping,” practitioners and members locate and make an inventory of the various resources and capacities that individ- uals, groups, associations, and local institutions possess. These varied assets can include the skills and energy of youth, the knowledge and experience of commu- nity elders, and the talents of artists and other cultural workers (Sakamoto, 2014).
Most communities, even if they are impoverished and marginalized, have schools and libraries, parks and recreational or cultural facilities, social service and health care agencies, police and fire stations, churches, social clubs, and community associations. The latter can be a great help in defining community problems, deciding how to solve the problems (often based on past successes and failures), and organizing community members to implement solutions. There are a number of ways in which these associations or groups can be found: Many publish newsletters or newspapers, usually monthly or quarterly, and some have websites or blogs. Often, citywide magazines publish the names and addresses of these groups, or their contact information is posted in libraries and other com- munity facilities. Sometimes the best way to identify community associations is to speak directly with community residents or read the notices placed on lamp- posts or the bulletin boards in neighborhood markets.
The goal here is to try to create an “associational community”— an informal network of groups of people working together to create and maintain the core of civil society. These associations can promote community participation in several ways. They provide networks of care and mutual aid that enable people to nego- tiate the struggles they encounter in their daily lives. They can respond rapidly to problems and provide an organizational context in which more rapid and unique solutions can be developed. Finally, they provide people, particularly those who lack power or perceive they lack power, with experience in taking responsibil- ity for their community and for society as a whole. By building relationships among local assets for mutual gain, these community associations become a tool to empower the entire community and enhance a community’s competence (McKnight & Kretzmann, 2008).
Community practitioners can play a critical role in this regard by helping communities strengthen their “bonding” social capital (Reisch & Guyet, 2007); encouraging marginalized people or groups within a community to regard them- selves as part of a larger collective entity; helping a community forge relationships with external individuals and institutions such as foundations, corporations, political leaders, church groups, wealthy individuals, and universities (Harkavy & Puckett, 1994)— that is, by creating “bridging” social capital and leveraging
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 243
outside resources; providing technical expertise to local associations; developing the means to share information within a community; and recruiting and train- ing indigenous leaders. To initiate this asset- building process, community practi- tioners address the following questions:
• Who are the community’s formal and informal leaders? • What are the most effective means of communicating within the
community? • How might current places of information sharing— for example, beauty par-
lors, barber shops, clubs, radio, churches, cable access TV, taverns, local newspa- pers, schools, and street corners— be validated, strengthened, and expanded?
To craft a vision and a plan for the community, it is important to begin with the assets that are currently available and not to romanticize or exaggerate a com- munity’s strengths. In addition, to build viable and socially just community orga- nizations, all community members must be regarded as potential community assets. This requires the recruitment of participants to any change effort beyond “the usual suspects”— those who are already recognized as leaders. The ideal planning team includes a mixture of community residents, service providers, and formal and informal leaders. Its initial work should combine longer term strategy development with attempts to solve short- term problems. This is because peo- ple in communities that have few resources and limited power need to see small but significant victories to increase their capacity and their confidence. A role of the community practitioner is to assist the group members in recognizing and understanding the need for change.
Baldwin (2010) emphasizes that in order for social workers to move beyond resource management to collective action and political advocacy, community practitioners have to help expose the flaws in society’s current decision- making processes and underlying assumptions. The latter includes assumptions about what types of knowledge are considered “valid” and used to inform policy and practice, the balance between public responsibility and private risk, and the sources of people’s problems. To forge a “social work of resistance” (Baldwin, 2010), community practitioners need to create alliances with service users and focus on collective needs. They also need to use theory to explain the roots of poverty, oppression, and marginalization rather than accepting the traditional focus on human error and pathology.
Engagement: Entering a Community
There are three critical elements to entering a community: (1) educating oneself about the community’s culture, history, issues, and institutions; (2) identifying
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
244 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
issues around which organizing is possible; and (3) making initial contacts through meetings and door knocking. There are two basic sources of these initial contacts: “cold contacts” (e.g., a phone directory or the membership lists of local organiza- tions) and “warm contacts,” such as a reference from an established community leader or a person who can serve as a liaison to an influential contact.
The key components of your initial contact are to establish your personal presence in order to build trust and confidence; to focus on the content of the discussion; and to recognize that the meeting is the beginning of a lon- ger process, not an end in itself. In effect, the interview becomes a metaphor for a broader dialogue you want to encourage. It is best to hold the meeting in a place that is familiar and comfortable to community residents and to be constantly aware of how race, gender, class, culture, and age differences might influence the formality/ informality of the meeting, including the use of cer- tain courtesies or rituals.
If you begin from the position of metaphor, the dialogue in which you engage should have limited and focused expectations. Be aware of the physical, social, and cultural context of the situation and how it might affect the approach you employ. Listen carefully to what is said and not said, how it is said, in what sequence issues are raised, and— in a group meeting— who listens to whom. Try to distinguish between statements of “objective” facts and subjective feelings or opinions. Try to discern the underlying values of the individual or group and what prejudices or biases are expressed, not merely about broad issues such as racism but also about moral questions and lifestyle matters. Be clear about your specific objectives, and use your own style; do not try to imitate others. Being genuine is much more effective than being “cool.”
To summarize, in preparing for an initial contact, make sure you address the following: (1) the content of what you will say and the questions you will ask, (2) the answers you will provide to questions you are likely to be asked, (3) the overall sequence of contacts you will try to establish (and your reasons), and (4) your frame of mind before you start. The following are some “do’s” and “don’ts”:
Always Never • Be yourself • Threaten • Project confidence • Try to understand the others’ context • Speak clearly and simply • Be polite and nonthreatening
but assertive
• Get “seduced” or sidetracked by issues different from your goals
• Apologize for being there • Overpromise
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 245
• Use humor carefully • Ask questions— Come to learn,
not to teach • Listen and pay attention
to nonverbal cues • Try to find some common ground
or mutual experience • Be aware of the contact’s role in the
community • Make sure you get the information you
were seeking
• Exaggerate your role • Be afraid to say “no” to
unreasonable or unfeasible requests
• Preach or proselytize • Assume you “totally
understand” another person’s situation
• Stay too long
• Get a commitment before you leave
Exercise: Identifying Issues Around Which to Organize
Introduction
The class is divided into small groups. Each group focuses on one scenario and has 20 minutes to answer the questions that follow and prepare a brief report for the class.
Scenarios
1. You are social workers in a community- based mental health agency. The county has announced a proposed cut in funding due to budget short- falls. The director of your agency reports to the head of the city’s Health Department. She, in turn, reports to the city’s Health Commission, which recommends a budget to the city council. You have been asked by the director to organize an emergency meeting of the agency’s staff, board, clients, and community advisory committee.
2. You work in a medium- sized family services agency in a middle- income sub- urb. The new executive director of the agency— with the support of the new chairperson of the board of directors— has recently imposed salary freezes, workload increases, and changes in agency procedures that have greatly upset all the staff. You have been asked by your colleagues to organize a meeting of staff, contract professionals, and concerned community allies.
3. You work at a large senior services center in a medium- sized, politically conservative city. The city manager has recently ruled that nonpartisan voter registration may not be conducted at the center. The center’s senior action committee has called an all- center meeting and asked your advice in framing the issues for impending action.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
246 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
4. You are social workers in a large Head Start program. Parents of children in the program are concerned because of recent conflicts between par- ents and staff regarding children who have tested positive for the HIV virus. Parents want to do something to demonstrate their concerns. You have been asked for advice on how to frame the issues before a citywide parents’ meeting called to address this problem.
5. You are on the staff of the state Department of Human Resources. Some of the staff have been attending meetings of a local welfare rights organization to advise them as to how to advocate on behalf of TANF recipients. The director of the agency has recently distributed a mem- orandum forbidding staff to meet with representatives of this orga- nization during working hours and strongly discouraging staff from assisting this organization in any way. You have been selected as an ad hoc committee charged with preparing a response to the director’s memorandum.
6. You are on the staff of a community- based mental health agency that is working in cooperation with the county to implement its 10- year plan to eliminate homelessness in the county. You have been asked to identify ways in which the initiative’s issue might be framed in various communities.
Questions
1. How would you recommend framing the issue around which to organize?
2. What factors led you to frame the issue in this way? 3. What are your goals in framing the issue in this way? 4. How will framing the issue as you recommended facilitate organizing
efforts? 5. How will framing the issue this way be linked to your long- term
strategy? 6. What questions/ problems arose in your small group in discussing this
situation?
Power and Empowerment in Community Practice
If community practitioners in social work are required by the NASW Code of Ethics (1998) to eradicate injustice and oppression, they must understand the phenomena that caused the inequitable distribution of resources, power, status, and opportunities (Mullaly, 2010). Community members experience oppression not in the abstract but, rather, in day- to- day exploitation, mar- ginalization, and social exclusion. They often feel powerless about their life
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 247
circumstances, are frequent victims of physical and psychological violence, and are led to believe that their persons and their cultures are inferior. Given the chronic nature of this systematic structural oppression, it is not surprising that oppressed people incorporate this imposed inferior status into their self- concepts. This is reflected in a variety of ways, including psychological and social withdrawal, in- group hostility, identity dilemmas, magical thinking, self- destructive behavior, individual and social resilience, and different forms of resistance (Mullaly, 2010; Payne, 2014). Throughout social work history, strategies to overcome oppression have ranged from assimilation to the pro- motion of difference.
The African American abolitionist Frederick Douglass (1847) stated, “Power yields nothing without a demand.” In a similar vein, Homan (2016, p. 202) asserts that change is impossible without the use of power, which he defines as “the ability to realize one’s values in the world” or “the ability to prevent other people from doing something they want to do” (Kirst- Ashman & Hull, 2015, p. 286) All human relationships are essentially political. In Goldberg and Elliott’s (1980) pungent words, “As long as society is differentiated along ethnic, sex and social class lines, politics pervades all of social life. You are involved in politics and so is your mother” (p. 478).
As discussed in previous chapters, traditional forms of power include the power to bestow or withhold rewards or resources; the power of force or coercion to punish (ranging from physically to psychologically); the legitimate power that emanates from law or other institutional sources; referent power— the power that flows out of social/ political relationships or access to hierarchies; and the power associated with expertise or the possession of critical information, organi- zational affiliation, charisma, and social or political connections.
In community practice, the exercise of power also occurs more subtly through what the Italian philosopher and activist, Antonio Gramsci (2007), termed “cultural hegemony.” Jan Fook (2002), a leading critical theorist in social work, argues that practice issues
are also questions of power— whose knowledge counts as legitimate, and whether practical knowledge is implicitly devalued . . . I would argue that we need to recognize different forms of knowledge, and different ways of creating that knowledge, if we are to begin to gain a better representation of our own experiences, and that of many different groups with whom we work. (p. 129)
Alternative ways of conceptualizing power include regarding power as a commodity whose quantity, quality, or value can increase or decrease depend- ing on circumstances. Another way of viewing power is as something people do,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
248 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
not something people possess, and that it is often based on relationship rather than other external factors. Patricia Hill Collins (2000) refers to the different “domains of power”; that is, the power of individuals or communities varies depending on the context. Some communities regard power as coming from within, such as spiritual power. Sources of “relational power” include knowledge, numbers, group discipline, vision, diversity, creativity, persistence, humor, cour- age, and the ability to take risks. Finally, it is particularly important for social justice- oriented practitioners to distinguish between exercising power over some- one and exercising power with someone.
In community practice, a critical issue is the community’s perceptions about what constitutes resources and who controls them. In a community, there are numerous sources of power, some of them more obvious than others. They include tangible things such as money, goods, services, status, and personal quali- ties (e.g., charisma) and intangibles such as information, energy, networks (social capital), and historical memory. This power is exercised in a variety ways— in the distribution of “rewards” and “punishments,” in the application of expertise, in the presentation and withholding of information, in connecting people to others who have power, and in terms of an individual’s or group’s relationship to legit- imate authorities. The analysis and effective application of power is critical to heighten community awareness of issues, organize and mobilize supporters, and ultimately overcome one’s opponents.
Perception of one’s power or powerlessness is a critical dimension of empow- erment, an oft- used term that can be defined as a process that “strengthen[s] the basic life skills and capacities of individuals, but also [alters] . . . [the] underlying social and economic conditions and physical environments which [affect peo- ple’s lives]” (Nutbeam & Kickbush, 1998, p. 354). Empowerment enables people and communities to develop a more positive and potent sense of self, construct a more critical comprehension of one’s environment, and cultivate functional competence to attain their personal and collective goals (Simon, 1994). Theories of empowerment assume that empowerment is a value that infuses action on personal and collective levels, that it is a mutual process that requires respect- ful dialogue to occur, and that it involves the synthesis of political– economic and psychosocial factors to be effective. From a social justice perspective, social workers cannot “empower” people, give people power, or transfer the power they possess to others. At best, social workers can facilitate a community’s process of empowerment (Hardina, 2005; Lee, 2001).
One way to overcome people’s deeply entrenched powerlessness and despair is to help them create multicultural coalitions and alliances. Another is to engage the community in participatory action research. A third is to develop ongoing support mechanisms within the community, often linked to the provision of ser- vices the community has determined it needs.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 249
Unfortunately, many social workers and social work students think of power only in terms of its negative connotation (e.g., “power corrupts”). This is particu- larly ironic given the profession’s emphasis on individual and group empowerment. In most definitions, power is associated with force, influence, control, and dom- ination. From this perspective, power arises from the gap between two primary elements— need (a service, knowledge, and material resources) and means (money, authority, knowledge, and raw material). In power- dependency theory, the rela- tionship between a need and a means to satisfy this need transforms these two elements into equal and opposite forces known as dependence and influence. This produces the most easily recognized form of power— “active power.” According to this theory, it is possible to determine the degree of power by measuring either the influence or the dependence of different individuals or groups. Feminists argue that this view of power reflects the influence of patriarchy. Through a feminist lens, an alternative view of power might be “the capacity to produce a change” (Miller, 1982, p. 3). Instead of viewing power as “power over,” it could be conceptualized in a collaborative, more egalitarian manner as “power with.” Identifying a community’s power resources is generally the first step in identifying the “targets” for its change efforts.
Critical race theorists such as Derrick Bell (2004) regard structural and sys- temic racism as the primary mode of oppression in US society. From this perspec- tive, the power of racially dominant individuals, organizations, and institutions is reflected in all aspects of social life. Community issues, therefore, must be ana- lyzed and defined in terms of their racial dimensions if they are to reflect accu- rately the realities of 21st- century communities. Although few social workers have consciously integrated critical race theory into their practice frameworks, organizations such as the Center for Third World Organizing based in Oakland, California, have used a racial and multicultural lens to frame their organizing and training (Sen, 2012), in addition to incorporating an international perspec- tive into their work. Other grassroots organizations emphasize the revitalization of indigenous cultures and values, particularly in their work within immigrant communities, and capacity- building among youth (Delgado, 1994; Weaver, 2014). They maintain a healthy skepticism about electoral- based reform or tra- ditional organizing approaches and are open to the possibility of collaboration with progressive White organizations if people of color are represented “in the mix” (Sen, 2012).
This perspective on power is reflected in the different organizational config- urations that have emerged in communities of color during the past two decades. These include single- issue and monoracial organizations, multiracial organiza- tions, organizations that focus exclusively on immigrant rights, community- based workplace initiatives, local economic development efforts, and advocacy organizations that resemble professionalized groups (Delgado, 1994).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
250 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Two key questions underlie the analysis of power in community practice. The first is “Power for what?” That is, how is power currently being used and how might it be used to promote community change? The second question is “How do different conceptions of power influence our perspectives on the concept of empowerment and our ability to help empower “communities”?
Sources of Power in a Community
Source Application
Knowledge Technical or professional expertise Resources Raw materials, money, person power Social pressure Cliques, clubs, gangs, committees Authority Policies, elected officials, organization
position Law Civil and criminal codes, legislation,
courts Norms, values, traditions Religious beliefs, habits, customs, mores Personal style Charisma Coercion Strikes, riots, insurrections
This view of power— as an important component of analysis and as a tool to produce change— requires community practitioners to acknowledge the “political ” nature of their work, the negative consequences of apolitical pro- fessionalism, and the way in which the “master narrative” underlying social work in the United States often serves to obscure the social control features of social work practice and the privilege and power that social workers possess, and to rationalize a form of political neutrality that contradicts the profes- sion’s ethical imperative to pursue social justice (Haynes & Mickelson, 2010; Reisch & Jani, 2012; Swalwell, 2013). Mondros and Wilson (1994) empha- size that activist organizations focus on acquiring power to achieve their goals even in the face of powerful resistance. They also distinguish between actual power and the feeling of being powerful— a critical distinction for practitioners who are concerned about community empowerment because empowerment is both a political and a psychological state (Solomon, 1976). In summary, it is just as important for community members and community organization to possess a sense of competence, control, and entitlement to rights, resources, status, and opportunities as it is for them to possess the means to obtain these desired ends.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 251
Exercise: Power in Community Practice
Introduction (Students will be divided into small groups.)
You are working— as part of a group of social work students— with one of the following populations on a community effort whose goals include public education, group empowerment, and the enhancement of services:
• Homeless individuals in your community • Women who have experienced domestic violence • TANF recipients • Elderly residents of nursing homes • Incarcerated youth or formerly incarcerated adults • Unemployed industrial workers*
Think about your role in working with this population and in working with the other students in your group— NOT about the specific strategies/ tactics that might be employed in this particular social/ political action effort.
Questions • In what ways would you anticipate issues of power and privilege
might emerge — with members of the particular population with whom you are
working? — within your group (of students)?
• How might these issues affect intragroup and intergroup dynamics? • What could you do to reduce the negative effects of imbalances of
power and privilege?
Relationships and Communication Styles in Community Practice
Two common ways in which power is expressed in community practice are through the pattern of relationships that develop between social workers and community residents and in the different communication styles that exist when individuals and groups from different cultures interact. It is important for com- munity practitioners to be aware of how social roles, status, and a person’s history
* This list can be revised as appropriate.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
252 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
affect relationships and communication patterns. Community practitioners from the dominant culture, for example, are seldom aware of how their styles of communication are culturally specific. Each culture has largely unspoken rules about such things as conventions of courtesy, the sequencing of conversations, the use of gestures and body language, the degree and types of emotion that are acceptable, and the interpretation of different tones of voice.
There are also significant differences in the physical distances that are deemed culturally appropriate in different contexts and how these distances affect such features of communication as touching, formality of language, and the use of gestures or physical expressions (Kochman, 1981; Thomas, 1991). Practitioners should also be aware of other important forms of communication in a commu- nity, such as music, poetry, song, dance, and art, including graffiti. Developing sensitivity to others’ communication styles can facilitate participation within diverse communities and provide members with heightened self- esteem, a sense of control over their lives, and the ability to sustain their involvement in change efforts (Seebohm et al., 2013).
Leadership and Socially Just Decision- Making
Traditional views of leaders and leadership reflect the so- called “great man [sic] theory of history” (see Chapter 7). They focus on individual charisma and cre- ate a dichotomous view of relationships within a community, organization, and society, such as between community practitioners/ organizers and community residents, paid staff and volunteers, or management and staff. This perspective ascribes the success or failure of change efforts primarily to individuals and ignores the relationship between context and the emergence of leaders. When applied to community (or organizational) practice, this perspective reproduces elite views of leadership and maintains hierarchical forms and processes that per- petuate the social and political status quo.
An alternative view of leadership recognizes that who becomes a leader and what forms of leadership are most desirable are contingent upon the context. In some circumstances, a leader must be directive or authoritative. She or he reg- ulates activities, distributes resources, resolves conflicts, determines rules, and decides who’s in/ out of a group. In other situations, a leader’s role is more protec- tive or education. She or he gives assistance, information, attention, or affection to group members and protects them from harm. In other circumstances, the leader is instrumental in forging and sustaining relationships (Wasonga, 2009).
The implications of this alternative view of leadership are important for socially just community practice. One implication is that in a given situation, anyone can be a leader. Another is that in different cultures, leaders and leader- ship take different forms requiring different preferred qualities or different styles
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 253
of decision- making, including collective. This means that leadership is not an attribute but, rather, a behavior or set of behaviors and a relationship between a person and a specific situation that can change over time. It implies that leaders are not born but, rather, can be created through training, work, and experience and also that effective leadership requires interpersonal, political, analytical, and motivational skills (Alban- Metcalfe & Alimo- Metcalfe, 2009).
Traditional views of leadership frequently created obstacles to the democra- tization of organizations. They tended to emphasize such traits as intelligence, masculinity, adjustment, dominance, extraversion, and conservatism (Mann, 1959). More recent versions of this ideal leadership model focused on a desire to lead, honesty and integrity, self- confidence, cognitive ability, and knowledge of the field (Kirkpatrick & Locke, 1991, as cited in Northouse, 2007).
By contrast, alternative views of leadership stress a person’s determination, sociability, humility, and will and his or her ability to inspire, transform, and stimulate others to action. Other desirable traits include trustworthiness, fair- ness, honesty, optimism, dynamism, confidence, foresight, motivation, depend- ability, intelligence, and decisiveness ( Johnson, 2005). Transformational leaders must possess skills in communication, administration, planning, team- building, problem- solving, and coordination. In community practice, they must be able to stimulate community members’ dissatisfaction with current conditions and their enthusiasm for seeking alternatives (Shields, 2010). They generate excitement, provide strategic direction, speak truth to power, use humor in a culturally sensi- tive manner to provide perspective and reduce people’s fears, and emphasize the strengths of a community and the individuals who comprise it. Organizations that adopt this model of leadership reject deficit- based views of people and create collaborative structures and partnerships (Cooper, Riehl, & Hasan, 2010).
Community Participation and Mobilization
Researchers have found that neighborhood organizations are one of the most effective means of stimulating and sustaining community participation and mobilizing communities, particularly disadvantaged and marginalized com- munities, both urban and rural, to take action (Berry & Portney, 1997; Bradley, Werth, Hastings, & Pierce, 2012). One of the major challenges in community practice, particularly within communities that have long been oppressed and marginalized, is to overcome community members’ apathy and encourage greater participation in decision- making and action. Mobilizing civic capacity almost always involves a major dislocation of the status quo, and this process involves considerable risk, which may intimidate many community members. An initial step in this complex process is to identify the beliefs, attitudes, misinformation, erroneous assumptions, and false imagery that often underlie the status quo and prevent communities from participating and mobilizing on their own behalf. In
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
254 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
cooperation with indigenous community leaders, practitioners must then strive to neutralize and counter these ideas and replace them with viable alternatives, often through the use of consciousness- raising activities.
People have a wide range of motives and incentives when they risk participat- ing in community change efforts. These motivations can be divided roughly into three categories: reactive, proactive, and compulsory. Reactive motives include a persistent sense of grievance or violation, a recent loss or fear of loss, and the exis- tence of a threat or perceived threat to community well- being. Proactive motives include the prospects for gain or advancement, the desire to build or strengthen a sense of community, and the goal of preventing a problem from occurring or from getting worse. Compulsory motives for community participation include responding to a catastrophic event, the need to adapt to technological or political change, and the imperative to reduce community violence in order to survive as a community (Beck, 2012a).
Whatever the initial motives, as stated previously, the goals underlying the desire for greater community participation also vary considerably. They include both tangible goals, such as the redistribution of resources and power, the acquisition of expertise, and policy or program change, and intangibles such as heightened awareness or altered consciousness, changed attitudes, behaviors, and relationships, and individual and group empowerment. One of the challenges involved in stimulating and sustaining community participation, particularly in diverse environments, is finding a way to balance competing interests.
Environmental factors also play an important role in determining the extent to which a group will mobilize for collective action. Charles Tilly (1978), a renowned scholar of social movements, found that the likelihood of a group’s collective action is a function of the following factors: (1) the extent of its shared interests, (2) the intensity of its organization, (3) the degree it is mobilized, (4) the degree of repression in the environment, (5) the amount of power the group pos- sesses, and (6) the existence of an opportunity and/ or a threat.
To engage communities effectively, practitioners must overcome their igno- rance of a community’s history and culture through active listening (Bettez, 2011). They must spend time discovering the underlying assumptions within the community and reflecting on their own. They must avoid thinking that not only should people do the right thing but also they should do it for the right reasons (i.e., the same reasons the practitioner would). This may require practitioners to acknowledge that religious rather than secular motives inspire people to take action on behalf of social justice (Todd & Allen, 2011; Torres- Harding, Carollo, Schamberger, & Clifton- Soderstrom, 2013; Turner, 2010). The Industrial Areas Foundation, originally established by community organizing pioneer Saul Alinsky (Horwitt, 1989), often bases its work in faith communities and fuses religious traditions and power politics in cities such as Baltimore and Detroit.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 255
Practitioners must also help community residents identify the intended targets of change efforts, what strategies and tactics will be employed and how they will be linked, and facilitate the cooperation of often disparate community groups that may not have a history of cooperation for mutual benefit. A persistent challenge is how to mobilize community residents around a large enough sphere of activities to stimulate their interest and make a difference in their lives with- out making the scope and range of activities so large that it produces a series of impossible tasks and discourages the very participation one is trying to produce.
Participatory change efforts, therefore, combine elements of all models of community practice (discussed below), including grassroots organizing in geo- graphic or functional communities, popular education, and strategic planning. Whatever combination of approaches is used, in order to promote sustained community involvement, the change effort must allow community members to gain from their experience, to engage in dialogue with each other, and to “drive” the change process. The long- term purpose is to create alternative structures through which people articulate and meet their needs and gain collective power to shape existing systems for the better.
Socially just community practice regards such participation as both a goal and a means. It stresses socially just decision- making, building individual and commu- nity capacity, prioritizing the needs of the least advantaged, analyzing community problems in their historical and contemporary context, and building sustainable organizations and movements. It is a project designed for the long haul, not the quick fix. Its underlying values reflect a genuine belief in people and a respect for their wisdom; a recognition that community practitioners need to ask questions, listen, and learn; and awareness that beyond the acquisition of concrete tools and techniques, sustainable community participation requires increased confidence, lasting interpersonal and intergroup relationships, and the creation of a culture of mutual learning (Bolland, 2002; Scanlan, 2013; Stokamer, 2013).
Sustained community participation requires the creation of a common pur- pose, which emerges through dialogue and the formation of new interorganiza- tional relationships. The process consists of three overlapping phases: discovery, decision, and drive. The discovery phase focuses on building a case for change among community members. Practitioners need to consider both the array of competing interests in a community and the complexity of the environment. They use a variety of methods to frame current and future challenges and to assess the possibilities for change, including cultural tools such as hip- hop to involve youth and provide them with an understanding of how broader social justice issues affect their lives (Turner, Hayes, & Way, 2013). Working with both established leaders and “laypersons,” they create a database of allies and bridge builders. A short- term objective is to break from traditional patterns to deter- mine people’s real needs and discover real supporters.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
256 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
In the decision phase, community groups make critical choices about their goals and the strategies and tactics they will employ to achieve them. They define the scope of decisions that will need to be made and the process by which they will make them. They attempt to articulate a few breakthrough choices and to sketch out a story of change. They define simple rules or principles that can trans- form the complexity of interests into common purpose.
Finally, in the drive phase, community groups mobilize their members, allies, and supporters in action to produce the changes they desire. This may involve the creation and mobilization of new networking vehicles and the devel- opment of new community leaders. A community’s ability to engage in and sus- tain a high level of participation throughout this complex process is influenced by the extent to which it is able to identify common values and norms; create a variety of means of democratic participation; define the purposes of that participation clearly and adapt these goals and objectives to changing circum- stances; strengthen internal long- standing social ties (referred to as “bonding” social capital) and build new connections outside the community (referred to as “bridging” social capital).
Community practitioners play multiple roles in the process of promoting and sustaining community participation. They animate communities by stimulating people’s critical awareness. They create a process of inquiry and encourage com- munity members to construct their own narratives through which their history is connected to future action. Practitioners can assist community members in devel- oping organizational structures that promote greater cohesion and group solidar- ity; they can facilitate a group’s efforts to engage in specific actions and transfer their technical expertise. They can serve as intermediaries to the “outside world”; establish external contacts for community groups; introduce people to unfamiliar processes; and help forge alliances, networks, and coalitions (LeRoux, 2007).
Exercise: Overcoming Resistance to Community Participation
10 Reasons People May Resist Participating in their Communities and How You Might Respond
1. I am too busy/ can’t do much to help/ going to school/ already belong to another organization. • Are you in support of what we are doing? We encourage everyone who
supports us to show it by joining in some way. We encourage people to contribute whatever they can in terms of time, but the first step is to join. That way, you will be kept better informed and can become more active at any point in the future. OR Our organization/ effort can only show our strength through our numbers. The more members we have, the better our chances of winning.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 257
2. I am too old and getting ready to retire. • Not everything we are working on is going to be accomplished in
our lifetimes, but we have to look at the future for our children, grandchildren, other working people, etc.
3. I can’t afford to pay the membership dues (where applicable). • Dues can be paid in monthly installments. OR When would you be able
to pay the dues? OR The dues only amount to _ _ _ / month. That is not much for what we do.
4. I am thinking about changing jobs/ just lost my job/ afraid of losing my job. • The work we are doing will affect all working people in the community.
5. I am afraid my boss/ company/ neighbors/ family will find out. • They do not need to know. We do not identify the organization if we
call you at work and we don’t need to call you at work at all. What you choose to tell others is entirely your business.
6. I have children/ dependent care problems. • Our organization can make some arrangements to furnish you with
care, schedules meetings well in advance, or could work on the issue of providing such care to all families.
7. My spouse/ partner/ parent doesn’t like me to join organizations. I need to talk to him/ her. • Wouldn’t _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ like you to solve the problem we are working on?
8. How will this organization help me? • The organization will help you in the following ways (be as specific as
possible). 9. I already have a friend who keeps me informed about your issues.
• Then you must know enough about us to show your support by joining. 10. I am not a _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ (radical, socialist, feminist, activist, etc.).
• Not all of our members are _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ . (Unless your organization claims to be.) Repeat #8.
Planning: Models of Socially Just Community Practice
In the 1960s, Jack Rothman developed an ideal tripartite typology of commu- nity organization that has influenced the discourse on community practice in the United States for much of the past half century (Rothman, 1986). Some of the original assumptions in this typology have been criticized by feminist community practice scholars, such as Cheryl Hyde (1996), and those who are concerned about the importance of multicultural awareness, such as Lorraine
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
258 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Gutierrez (2001). Rothman (1996) modified his original framework in response to some of these critiques. Other scholars (Weil, Gamble, & Ohmer, 2012) have expanded on Rothman’s model and identified eight different varieties of com- munity practice. For purposes of simplicity, however, the following discussion is based primarily on Rothman’s model.
From a social justice perspective, Rothman’s underlying assumption that the organizer or the organizing unit should determine the appropriate approach to community intervention pays insufficient attention to the importance of the community defining its own problems and goals. Another concern is the absence of a clear ideological or value foundation for community practice in the framework. Although methodological flexibility is critical for effective practice, it does not require the adoption of an apolitical or non- ideological perspective. Although social workers need to be flexible in their choice of strategies and tac- tics, a commitment to basic values is critical in all forms of community practice. Finally, Rothman’s assertion that social action is incompatible with other forms of practice is contradicted by the numerous examples of their successful com- bination that have occurred throughout US history, such as the recent work of advocates for marriage equality and immigration reform.
Community and Social Development
This model regards the focus of community practice as the creation, expansion, or revision of services that people need and as they define these needs propose solu- tions to them. It has been particularly influential in Central and South America, South Africa, and India (Sekhon, 2006). In the United States, community prac- titioners in the so- called “voluntary sector” have played a critical role in this area as far back as the 18th century. Social work examples include the activities of set- tlement house workers during the Progressive Era (~1890– 1917) and the interac- tionist approach developed by Mary Parker Follett and Eduard Lindeman in the 1920s.
In recent years, the popular education approach of Paulo Freire has been particularly influential in shaping community practice in Latin America and throughout the world. This approach emphasizes helping people redefine their place in the social structure and modify norms, role expectations, and commu- nity self- identification. It also utilizes a mutual aid philosophy that assumes not only the construction of new or renovation of old structures but also a refor- mulation of traditional professional roles. It assumes the existence of actual or potential common bonds among people and the need to establish mutual interdependence. This approach is consistent with social work’s emphases on a strengths perspective and empowerment approach (Saleeby, 2002; Simon, 1994).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 259
It has also been used by labor unions, faith- based organizations, and numerous self- help organizations and cooperatives (Kasmir, 1996).
From a social justice perspective, community or social development has three main characteristics: (1) an interest in community- building though the process of education and communication, (2) a process- oriented focus that emphasizes group and intergroup activities, and (3) a focus on self- help and leadership development. From a social justice perspective, the role of a community practitioner goes beyond program and staff development, volunteer recruitment and training, and service coordination. It also integrates a clear educational and ideological linkage of services or programs to organizational goals and values— what Lewis (2004) referred to as the “cause in function.” Newer models combine strategies of economic develop- ment with long- standing approaches to community social development. Examples include the Grameen Bank and other forms of microenterprise development in South Asia and US cities, the Brotherhood of St. Lawrence Project in Australia, and the Mondragon Cooperatives in the Basque region of Spain (Alperovitz, 2011; Kasmir, 1996; Smyth, Reddel, & Jones, 2005; Yunus, 2007).
One of the most important features of this model of community practice is its emphasis on popular education and “reflexive learning” as a means of expand- ing the consciousness of community members (Bentley- Williams & Morgan, 2013). Often inspired by the work of the Brazilian educator/ activist Paulo Freire, this emphasis on pedagogy as a strategy of social and community change has been applied globally to a wide range of issues, including health literacy in indig- enous Pilipino communities (Estacio, 2013), matters of urban survival among new migrants to China’s burgeoning cities (Dai, 2011), special needs education in Northern Ireland (Barr & Smith, 2009), sustainable development in Mauritius (Rambaree, 2013), and work with Aboriginal clients in Australia (Harms et al., 2011). Recently, community development strategies have been linked with rights- based approaches to achieve greater justice for villagers in northern China (Haijing, 2013), workers in Argentina and Venezuela affected by the forces of economic globalization (Larrabure, Vieta, & Schugurensky, 2011), and children at risk in widely varying environments throughout the world (Young, McKenzie, Schjelderup, & Omre, 2012).
Ongoing external political and social challenges for practitioners adopt- ing this approach have influenced its core principles (Baumann, Domenech Rodriguez, & Parra- Cardona, 2011). These challenges include the constraints of a global economy and a hierarchical political– economic system on the pos- sibility of creating change at a local level, the balance between community par- ticipation and meeting people’s concrete needs, and the tension between the potentially divisive assertion of cultural identity for empowerment purposes and the importance of forging multicultural coalitions to produce sustainable change. Community development is based on an underlying, although unstated
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
260 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
assumption: Communities are relatively simple entities, with many of the qual- ities of a person and with shared values. This assumption can lead practitioners to experience difficulties dealing with the emerging realities of class, racial, and gender stratification that are often masked by the superficial appearance of homogeneity.
The community development model, therefore, contains certain problems for a social worker who wishes to engage in socially just practice: Should the worker remain neutral or should she or he attempt to influence (or manipulate) the com- munity to pursue certain goals or to follow a particular strategy? How should she or he pass on the role of leadership? What should the worker do when the com- munity chooses a course of action that contradicts her or his values— for exam- ple, when it wishes to exclude certain community members from participation or distribute its resources inequitably? How can community development efforts sustain their commitment to social justice, radical democracy, and mutuality, particularly for excluded and marginalized populations, and not succumb to the tendency to replicate hierarchical patterns of authority and decision- making?
Despite these potential problems, features of the community develop- ment approach— its emphasis on democratic, community- wide collaboration, empowerment, public/ private partnerships, the coordination of interrelated sys- tems, and a community’s strengths or assets— make it an attractive and acces- sible means to promote social and community change (Bryan & Henry, 2012). According to Rogge (1997), successful community change efforts also balance vision and action and take a pragmatic approach to community problem- solving. Through the application of a social justice agenda, popular education, and com- munity outreach, it has overcome even physically dangerous and intentionally intimidating challenges from neo- Nazi hate groups in the western United States (Canfield- Davis, Gardiner, & Joki, 2009).
In recent years, several conceptual and practice innovations have revitalized the community development approach within social work. Some communities have actively engaged with Freire’s (1970) theories of conscientization through the use of collective dialogue to challenge the systemic oppression that commu- nity members experience, raise their critical consciousness, and motivate them to take political action (Kline, Dolgon, & Dresser, 2000). The use of small groups in which participants discuss their ideas about social justice and sociopolitical identity and the issues that affect their lives, an approach that social justice- oriented social workers have used since the 1930s (Reisch, 2008b), has been par- ticularly effective in empowering residents and raising their consciousness (Hays, Arredondo, Gladding, & Toporek, 2010). Other neighborhood groups have used Edward Soja’s notion of “spatial justice” to transform interpersonal relation- ships and expand community activities through education about the nature of social inclusion and exclusion and collaboration to achieve a “fair and equitable
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 261
distribution . . . of socially valued resources and the opportunities to use them” (Armstrong, 2012, p. 609). The Los Angeles County Community Disaster Resilience Project applies the core principles of community resilience theory, particularly in its integration of equity and social justice concepts into program planning and development (Plough et al., 2013). Other groups have introduced the concept of “restorative justice” to reduce high levels of community violence (Beck, 2012b).
Some groups have helped communities— through schools, religious con- gregations, and block associations— to overcome the demoralizing and stig- matizing effects of the dominant culture’s “master narrative” by encouraging them to develop counter- storytelling practice ( Johnson & Rosario- Ramos, 2012; Luttrell, 2013). Others have used photo- voice— a technique that draws upon community members’ creativity and perceptive insights— to raise pub- lic awareness and demonstrate how relationship- building and problem- pos- ing can enhance a community’s power (Peabody, 2013). Neighborhood- based “community law yering clinics” and groups employing restorative justice strat- egies have been successful in providing services with a social justice focus and using popular education methods to promote residents’ empowerment and community transformation (Beck, 2012a; Brodie, 2009). Some groups have published guides to help community residents initiate face- to- face conversa- tions, strengthen the “local commons” of community institutions, support local resources (community spaces and cultural institutions), and transform people’s private problems into concerted social action (Forum Organizing Project, 2009).
Social or Community Planning
Although the roots of social or community planning are in top- down social provi- sion or social engineering, recent innovations have created the opportunity to use planning as a tool of democratization and community empowerment. To a con- siderable extent, the nature of social or community planning depends on whether it focuses on means or ends, emphasizes participatory consensus or empirically driven rationality, and stresses incremental or institutional change. Planning focuses on the modification, elimination, or creation of policies, services, pro- grams, or resources in service systems through the alteration of the processes of resource allocation, service delivery, and program development. A challenge for contemporary planners is how to integrate the model’s three key traits— an emphasis on problem- solving around a concrete problem or specific issue, the use of technical expertise to achieve goals, and a task (as opposed to a process) orien- tation (Lauffer, 1978). To understand social planning, it is important to examine the linkages between systems and their consumers and the additions, revisions,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
262 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
or extensions of services that are desired. This is particularly important in today’s hyperpartisan environment when working in marginalized communities that experience a high level of material deprivation and a lack of political power and influence (Hammond, 2013).
Traditional planning methods assumed that one or more of the following deficiencies exist within a community: (1) a lack of resources (quantitative or qualitative), (2) ineffective or inappropriate services/ programs, (3) inappropriate structuring of services or distribution of resources, and (4) lack of responsiveness to community needs. A more socially just orientation to social planning places increased emphasis on the involvement of community residents in all phases of the planning process. In order to develop more community- based (i.e., rel- atively decentralized) planning processes, service users and constituents must be involved early and throughout the process in defining needs, determining outcome goals, developing measures of outcomes, and establishing criteria for program effectiveness (Green, 1999). They should also focus on community lead- ership development, technical assistance, and training.
Awareness of the range of actual or potential political actors and agendas is also critical. This will help communities avoid the unsuccessful experience of proj- ects such as the Model Cities programs of the 1960s War on Poverty (Bailey & Danziger, 2013) and, recently, empowerment zones whose benefits largely accrue to businesses outside of the communities the projects were purported to help. Another critical step is the application of a broader definition of relevant evidence to include the use of qualitative data obtained from community residents. The data used to inform planning efforts must also constantly be reassessed. A social justice approach to planning, which emphasizes “equity praxis,” also assumes that community members know the solutions to the problems they confront even if they occasionally have difficulty articulating them in typical planning language (Ruiz & Valverde, 2012). The application of this approach in an environment that increasingly stresses results- based accountability (RBA) is particularly crucial if local social justice organizations are to resist the introduction of regimes such as RBA that reflect antithetical values and vastly different goals (Keevers et al., 2012).
In addition, social justice- oriented planning requires the ongoing education of community participants to ensure their continuing involvement in the plan- ning process. This requires staff, volunteers, and community representatives to revise their roles in order to maintain the mechanisms for ongoing dialogue. Part of this shift is the promotion of greater awareness of the planning process by a wide range of community groups. This assumes that the process of community change— from needs assessment and the creation of an assets inventory to the development of strategic solutions and the evaluation of the effectiveness of these solutions— is an ongoing, dynamic process and not a linear, time- limited one.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 263
An example of an effective social justice- focused planning effort is the par- ticipatory budgeting process that has been used for years in Port Alegre, Brazil, and that has recently been implemented in New York City. Another example is a program in Toledo, Ohio, called “Second Chances,” which combats the effects of trafficking through combining the individual- level services, program develop- ment, and advocacy of the faith- based community and social work organizations (Perdue, Prior, Williamson, & Sherman, 2012). In Brazil, planning theory has been used to address the chronic problem of spatially segregated, vastly unequal urban areas in cities such as Rio de Janeiro. A federal law passed in 2001 recog- nizes people’s “right to the city” and requires the participation of community members in local planning processes (Friendly, 2013). In a similar vein, the pro- motion of “accountable democracy” in post- dictatorship Chile emphasizes the role of public opinion in shaping just policy outcomes (not merely just processes) by creating links between people’s expression of their views and governmental policymaking bodies (Paley, 2001).
At the organizational level, a feminist planning model is an example of the application of social justice principles to the planning process. This model involves a different mode of analysis and a broader concept of what constitutes “truth,” revised ways of approaching life and politics, asking questions and searching for answers, and different methods of formulating choices. One of its primary purposes is to demystify the planning process by making its underly- ing values and goals explicit and rejecting frameworks that reflect the inherent biases of dominant systems of thought and behavior. Its value base incorporates principles of egalitarianism, a reduction of status and power differentials, coop- eration and collaboration, nurturance and support, sharing of resources and an expanded definition of what constitutes a “resource,” divergent thinking, and the establishment of responsibility to self and others.
In addition to addressing such problems as false assumptions about women as analysts and planners, it challenges prevailing ideas about power and the per- sistence of dichotomies between experts and laypersons, particularly with regard to what is considered knowledge and evidence (Fawcett, Featherstone, Fook, & Rossiter, 2000). In summary, feminist planning replaces a binary concept of planning with a holistic, synergistic approach. It also involves a redefinition of power from “zero sum” to infinite (the basis of empowerment) and a redefinition of planning from “expert” to cooperative.
In order to develop and sustain a feminist planning model, social justice practitioners need to cultivate an approach to practice that emphasizes process as much as outcomes, encourages divergent thinking, values community mem- bers’ ideas throughout the change process, makes underlying assumptions and values explicit, applies a collective model of leadership, and uses multiple forms
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
264 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
of data in their analyses. They would develop services that focus on eradicat- ing bias, promote individual and community empowerment, use both process and outcome evaluation, and reflect a commitment to self- determination and human dignity.
Social or Political Action
Social or political action is the approach to community practice that is most often associated with social justice. However, the social action model employed by practitioners is not monolithic. Traditional models, often based on the ideas of Saul Alinsky (1971), have three key features: They are conflict focused, they target sources of power for specific community needs and to establish the community’s right to self- determination, and they are both process and task oriented. Many social action efforts are difficult to sustain due to the attempt to combine both means and ends in an effective and ethical manner. A major difference between community development and social action involves the distinction between self- help and self- determination.
The social reform approach, which combines elements of social planning and social action, is the path taken by many community social workers and social work organizations. Its features include the use of coalitions; an emphasis on task orientation; a view of community residents as victims or potential consumers; and the adoption of a pragmatic approach to social change that focuses on chang- ing unjust policies, laws, and resource distribution patterns. Examples of this approach include efforts to end destructive mining practices in Appalachia and the interior West, organizing Gulf Coast residents who are recovering from the impact of Hurricane Katrina, and working to promote fair trade practices that save community jobs (Oxfam, 2006). Unfortunately, this approach, although well- intended, sometimes involves doing good for people while maintaining a hierarchical, fundamentally unjust model of practice.
The most radical approach to social action, grassroots organizing or direct action, combines several strategies. With roots in a variety of indigenous and imported social movements, this type of community practice flowered in the 1930s and 1960s as a response to the severity of social and/ or economic crises, the lack of more than symbolic successes obtained by other social action efforts, and the implications of changes in the demographic and political environment (Boyte, 1980). Recently, direct action strategies have been used by the Occupy movement to underscore the problem of growing economic inequality; by youth promoting more open immigration policies and greater equity in education and employment (Goddard & Myers, 2013), such as ColorLines; and by the “Black Lives Matter” protests against the treatment of racial minorities by the police and the criminal justice system (Alexander, 2010).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 265
The focus of direct action organizing is to put pressure on elites and elite institutions to compel policy or institutional change. Some social action efforts focus on a single issue; others are multi- issue. They range in scope from neighbor- hood- based to national or even international.
Direct action strategies apply social justice principles to the basic approaches of social work intervention. They emphasize the development and utilization of people’s strengths to the point at which they are empowered and can help them- selves. They confront the root causes of social and economic problems and the current and historical contexts from which they emerged. They focus on cultivat- ing people’s strengths and attacking the points of contradiction within society and its institutions so that the ensuing crises will hasten the creation of solutions. Social action strategies also include the replacement of elites and attempts to bypass elites through the development of alternative institutions. In this manner, they combine elements of social action with those at the heart of social or com- munity development, including the expansion of service provision to community members. Examples include cooperative movements, mutual aid societies, and self- help organizations.
Implementing: Developing Strategies and Tactics
All models of community practice include the following components:
1. Examining and analyzing the “big picture”: This involves identifying the goals of the action effort and its underlying vision and mission, understanding what “success” would be, distinguishing between short- term objectives and long- term goals, and clarifying the role of ideology and values in the change process.
2. Addressing the structural factors that are necessary for effective social action to occur: These include the role of the organization, the range of strategies and tactics available and feasible, the locus of the group’s actions, the source of the organization’s funding and staff, and the other resources the organization would require.
3. Defining the roles of group members: This includes determining who should be included or excluded from participation; what are the preferred qualities and skills of participants; what are the preferred roles for practitioners, paid staff, and volunteers; and what are the preferred forms of leadership and decision- making.
4. Clarifying how the organization will function on a day- to- day basis: For exam- ple, will it emphasize task completion or process? What types of intragroup and intergroup relationships will it seek to create? How will the organization address the issue of power and power differentials? Will it make decisions by
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
266 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
consensus, majority rule, or some other means? How will the organization tap into the nonrational components of community practice, such as people’s emo- tions, rituals, customs, and spiritual needs?
The following chart compares the use of consensus and conflict approaches to community practice and change:
Consensus Versus Conflict Strategies to Promote Community and Social Change
Consensus Strategy Conflict Strategy
1. General orientation a. Search for things that unite
people by focusing on the commonalties all people experience and know.
a. Search for things that divide. Find structural cleavages that enable people to see their real interests.
b. Faith in the power and reality of ideas and values that people can discover if they will allow truth to emerge in a free and open encounter.
b. Faith in the power and reality of interests and that can motivate people to organize and act.
c. Truth is the correspondence of a statement with a state of affairs.
c. Truth is loyalty to group interests.
2. Organization a. Collaborate. a. Fight. b. Organize across interests. b. Organize around structural
interests. c. Bring together various
assortments of people to work on “real” problems that transcend divisions.
c. Bring together people in like situations. Make their interests manifest.
d. “Anti- ideological.” Should be concerned with truth. Organize people by helping them create a common definition of a problem and a common solution through a collaborative process.
d. Develop an ideology that supports your interests in conflict with other groups.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 267
3. Communication a. A means of sharing used
to clarify need, problems, and goals of all parties.
a. A weapon to be used to obtain strategic advantage, to describe your interests in the best light, and to disadvantage opponents.
b. Stress openness and honesty. Attempt to achieve clarity about oneself and others and to check perceptions by communicating openly and freely. Share real needs and problems. Collaborate to achieve mutual goals.
b. Make strategic use of information. Understand your own needs and interests but do not reveal them to the opposition. Make the enemy think you are stronger than you are.
c. Use communication to develop trust and attraction between persons and groups.
c. Establish a strong negotiating base. Keep the situation ambiguous and uncertain for the opposition.
d. Be flexible and responsive. Keep all parties informed about what is going on.
d. Catch the opposition off guard. Create anxiety and confusion for opponents, but keep your own group well informed.
4. Approach to opponents a. Opponents are to be brought
into the dialogue so that a wider circle of relationship can be fashioned.
a. Opponents are the enemy. Polarize the relationship to your advantage.
b. Try to understand the opposition as much as possible and help them understand your group as well.
b. Attack the opposition. Question their competence; impugn their motives; stereotype and exaggerate their positions.
5. Dealing with conflict a. Attempt to distinguish real
from unreal conflict. Get at the real source of the problem.
a. The real source is in interest cleavages. Use real and unreal conflict to improve your group’s advantage.
b. Ventilate hostility. Humanize opponents.
b. Direct hostility toward the opposition.
c. Seek to resolve ill feelings. c. Seek to achieve a better platform for negotiation.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
268 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
d. Contain conflict by attempting to institutionalize it into existing arrangements or differentiate those arrangements so as to be able to deal with it.
d. Use conflict but do not allow it to be institutionalized or channeled by established procedures, when those procedures are created by the structures you are seeking to change.
e. Minimize distortion in the conflict and polarization.
e. Use distortion and polarization. Disrupt established procedures for handling conflict.
6. Alliances a. Work with all those who
are involved in a situation. Build alliances with those who think as you do or who will enter a process of working with you.
a. Build alliances with those who have the same interests.
b. Build alliances across interest cleavages.
b. Build alliances across interest cleavages only on a temporary basis and only on specific issues where there is a convergence of interests.
7. Attitude toward the system and vehicles of social change a. Keep the system open. a. Change the system. b. Existing institutions within
the system are the vehicles of change. They are capable of responding or adapting to deal with new problems and needs.
b. Oppressed groups— when organized— are the vehicles of change.
8. Criteria for use of each strategy Use the consensus model when: Use the conflict model when:
a. Power is shared so that equals are dealing with equals.
a. Power disparities exist; one group dominates the other.
b. Goals are distributable— that is, both sides can get what they need and want. Common ground exists. (Win/ Win)
b. Goals are not distributable— that is, the situation is a “zero sum game.” (Win/ Lose)
c. People share values, interests, and goals, or at least it is possible to create consensus on them.
c. Sharp cleavages of values and interests exist.
Source: From Tex S. Sample (2001). Consensus v. conflict strategies. In J. Rothman, J. Erlich, & J. Tropman (Eds.), Strategies of community intervention, 7th ed. Itasca, IL: Peacock.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 269
Recently, social workers have become increasingly involved in global activ- ism. In both the Global North and Global South, they have responded to the effects of climate change and natural disasters and linked the environmental domain to issues of poverty and gender equality, based on ecological and eco- feminist theories (Alston, 2013). In places as diverse as Australia and the Middle East, social workers have become increasingly identified as human rights workers (Calma & Priday, 2011; Moshe Grodofsky, 2012). Despite the risks involved, they are now integral parts of social movements promoting women’s participation in electoral politics in rural India (Sekhon, 2006) and anti- deportation movements in the United Kingdom (Grayson, 2011).
Glasius and Pleyers (2013) assert that recent activist efforts throughout the world possess three common tendencies:
A common infrastructure of networks and meetings that facilitate rapid dif- fusion; a generational background shaped both by the [danger] of paid work and by exposure to and participation in global information streams; and, most fundamentally, a shared articulation of demands and practice. (p. 547)
They also share the common goals of democracy, social justice, and human dig- nity, and they reflect in their actions “a mistrust of institutional power and a determination to [avoid] becom[ing] corrupted by power” (p. 547).
Beyond the legal, political, and physical risks involved, there are several potential problems with using the social action approach in community prac- tice. Once the goal of a direct action effort is attained, then what? How will the participation and cooperation of community members be sustained? How will the community avoid replicating the patterns of injustice they organized to correct? If, on the other hand, the effort encounters persistent obstacles or fails to achieve its objectives, there is a strong possibility that community members will become dispirited and retreat to frustration, cynicism, and apathy.
The focus on obtaining concrete ends through whatever means has the potential of draining resources from other community practice efforts and runs the risk of creating ethical dilemmas for practitioners (discussed later). Unless fundamental structural changes are made, what good is accomplished by achieving a few specific ends or changing a community’s leaders? Even developing alternative institutions contains risks: Their creation may encour- age a focus on survival rather than growth or change. In short, there is the danger of sacrificing long- term social justice goals to short- term pragmatic considerations.
Community practitioners can avoid some of these problems by keeping sev- eral points in mind. First, when it is impossible to build cross- cutting alliances,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
270 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
due to past or present community divisions or a hostile political environment, try to find or create issues that promote common ground. Second, try to main- tain a focus on the community’s agenda by avoiding distractions, including those that emerge from personality clashes within the organization or are foisted on the organization by external opponents. Help community members agree either to disagree or to remain silent on divisive issues that can never be resolved and that drain energy, time, and resources from your purpose. Third, emphasize the development of multiple leaders, a collective leadership style, and partici- patory decision- making. This avoids the emergence of top- down organizations even within groups founded on principles of social justice and equality. It also diminishes the risks to the organization and prevents the organization’s goals from being too closely identified with a few individuals. Fourth, be aware of the power of language and the importance of how issues are framed and reframed. Fifth, strive to maintain the independence of the organizations with which you work. It is important for them to establish their own space in every sense of the word. Finally, be aware of a community’s history of social action and the degree to which individuals and organizations have engaged and can now engage in risk- taking (and around what issues). Be clear on how you are defining risk. Your concept of risk may be very different from that of the community members with whom you are working.
Interorganizational Relationships
Interorganizational relationships in community practice assume a variety of forms, including coalitions, cooperatives, collaborations, campaigns, net- works, and social movements. Each of these entities involves working with diverse individuals and groups that have a common interest in order to share information, take joint action on issues of mutual concern, or participate in an advocacy effort or political campaign (see Chapter 9). They range from infor- mal ties— often based on personal connections— to semiformal networks, which have a loose organizational structure and allow participating organiza- tions to maintain full autonomy, and formal coalition structures with elected officers, bylaws, clear decision- making processes, and separate budgets.
Participating in coalitions, networks, and collaborative projects has both potential benefits and potential problems. It can help community organizations obtain difficult- to- find information, access powerful decision- makers, learn from the experiences of other groups, build relationships for future campaigns, avoid political and social isolation, “borrow” power, acquire strength through increased diversity, share resources and work, enhance intergroup solidarity and avoid harmful divisions, and— at best— create in miniature a model of a just society.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 271
Many community groups, however, hesitate to join or help build such inter- organizational efforts. They fear that the inevitable differences that will arise could lead to paralysis around pressing issues and make it more difficult for orga- nizations to work together in the future. They often believe that the investment of finite time, energy, and resources is not worth the potential gains and that attempts to forge a coalition will be a drain on their organization. They are con- cerned that working with other groups will lead to a loss of control over goals, strategies, and tactics and that it will restrict their organization’s autonomy and options. Finally, in a society that promotes competition in all aspects of our lives, they are skeptical that disparate groups, even those that espouse a social justice agenda, will be able to cooperate, particularly during a long- term effort. Therefore, it is understandable for community groups to ask, “When it is advis- able to join with other organizations rather than work independently?” The fol- lowing is a useful guide for making this decision:
When to Join a Social Justice Coalition, Network, or Campaign
• Genuine common interests exist among the potential partners. • Your organization lacks sufficient resources to produce change alone. • The members of your organization are aware of the need for change. • Potential partners have resources. • Leadership links already exist. • The political and social environment supports the formation of new
relationships. • Your organization has already developed a power base. • You have not yet initiated a campaign or change efforts.
In forging interorganizational relationships, groups engage in a process somewhat similar to a courtship. They gather intelligence about each other before making direct contact. In the early stages of their relationship, they often exchange “paper contacts” such as endorsing a common issue or cosigning a let- ter. If things go well, key members of their organizations work on a specific time- limited project such as a press conference. Later, the organizations may engage in a short- term alliance on a single issue. Finally, they may create a formal, ongoing partnership that may last years, lead to an affiliation or merger, or be dissolved.
Successful coalitions possess several qualities. First and most important, they demonstrate a willingness to experiment and learn from their mistakes. They have skilled and diverse leaders and members and a democratic decision- making structure with clearly defined roles (Herzberg, 2013). They take the time and effort
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
272 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
to build trust among their members through effective means of communication and conflict resolution. Both internally and externally, they state their mission, values, and goals distinctly and develop a common vocabulary and concise means of framing the issues about which they are concerned. Finally, they acquire resources to achieve their goals and are able to mobilize their constituencies.
It is important to keep in mind that working in coalitions or similar groups is foreign to most people, particularly in the United States. To overcome this strangeness, potential partners must build connections by their acts and not merely by their words. Leadership roles and responsibilities and organizational assets must be shared, either through rotation or through some other mutually agreeable and equitable means. Maintaining the independence of your own orga- nization and the fiscal autonomy of the coalition is critical. It is also important to be careful with regard to the sources from which you receive funding.
These challenges are particularly difficult in efforts to forge multicultural groups or coalitions. The following are guidelines that may be helpful:
• Find an issue that unites people; this is not simple in an increasingly partisan and fractious environment (Conway & Lassiter, 2011).
• Be clear on why the coalition is needed to resolve this issue, not to create it. • Identify common goals and short- term projects to “try out” your
partnership. • Identify the historical/ contextual factors that facilitate or impede coalition
formation. • Assess each group’s strengths and self- interests carefully, including
your own. • Be aware of the impact of race, gender, class, and sexual orientation on
people’s behavior. • To avoid divisions based on identity, try to create a new identity or a
multiple identity. • Given the diverse strengths of group members, level the playing field (e.g., in
the use of technology). • Take risks with new strategies and tactics. • Be particularly sensitive to process and leadership questions. • Think “outside the box” regarding who might be potential allies and
supporters. • Make time to build trusting relationships, not just among leaders. • Leave space for a shared agenda to be created or revised as others join the
coalition. • Remember: Diversity means differences. Address the issue of diversity up
front (e.g., before an initial meeting), and plan how you will respond to differences when they arise.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 273
• Be prepared to discuss the “undiscussables”— avoiding conflicts only intensifies them; create “safe spaces” through different formats; and make sure all voices are heard.
• Remember that most coalitions are not permanent.
Ethical Dilemmas in Community Practice for Social Justice
Since the late 19th century, social workers have engaged in social action around such issues as labor conditions; civil rights for racial minorities, women, and the LGBTQ population; civil liberties for political dissidents; children’s welfare; and peace and economic conversion. The goal of social justice is currently reflected in the statements of principles and codes of ethics issued by leading professional organizations such as NASW, the Council on Social Work Education, and the International Federation of Social Workers. These values and the ethical impera- tives derived from them are particularly salient for community practitioners who are committed to social justice and the pursuit of the common good.
Values and Ethical Principles for Community Practitioners
National Codes of Ethics Particular Values and Ethical Issues Critical for Community Practitioners
Example: Values noted in US National Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics or the social work code of your nation Service Interdependence Social justice Empowerment practice Dignity and worth of the person Reciprocity Importance of human relationships Partnerships and mutuality in
work Integrity Citizen and community
participation Competence Human rights and social justice
Structural analyses and approaches (work toward changing programs, policies, and root causes, not just manifestations of problems)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
274 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Just as in practice with individuals, families, and groups, it is important that community practitioners be aware of how their personal and professional values influence all aspects of their work. In addition, to practice from a social justice perspective, social workers need to broaden their conceptualization of community practice beyond the goals of its activities to incorporate the social justice compo- nents of the processes involved as described previously. In other words, the dimen- sions of socially just practice in communities often parallel those of socially just practice with individuals and families. Both can reflect approaches to doing justice that are “profoundly collaborative and informed by decolonizing practice and anti- oppression activism . . . doing solidarity, addressing power, fostering collective sus- tainability, critically engaging with language, and structuring safety” (Reynolds, 2012, p. 18).
Despite their similarities, there are some important differences between community practice and practice with individuals. Social (not individual) trans- formation is the primary goal of community practice. The people with whom community practitioners work are considered constituents or allies, not clients. To be effective, most community interventions involve partnerships with differ- ent qualities from the relationships that social workers forge with individuals and families, such as mutual empowerment and development of enhanced critical consciousness.
Other differences include the following: Community practitioners are more likely to be members of the community; community members have greater free- dom to withdraw from the practice relationship; ethical conduct is often situ- ational (Alinsky, 1971); cultural differences often exist about the meaning of community, leadership, group roles, and work styles; and an organization’s values and goals are often in dispute. In addition, certain key ethical concepts, such as informed consent, self- determination, and confidentiality, are applied differently in community practice.
Examples of situations in community practice in which ethical dilemmas arise include the following:
• Truth- telling versus group interests and organizational loyalty (e.g., whistleblowing)
• Allocation of scarce resources (material and nonmaterial) • Conflicts of duties or loyalties (e.g., in coalition work) • Conflicts between means and ends in the selection of tactics
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 275
Exercise: Selecting Ethical Tactics in Community Practice
Introduction
Activists often have to make difficult ethical decisions about the use of tac- tics in a social or political action campaign. The following questions ask about the “fit” of particular types of tactics with your personal values and ethics. Please indicate your responses to the following questions by checking the appropriate box. Write your comments in the spaces provided.
1. The use of confrontation is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
2. Embarrassing opponents is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
3. Whistleblowing is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
4. Leaking information is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
5. The use of exposés is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
6. Lying is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
7. Legal disruptive actions are acceptable tactics. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
8. Civil disobedience is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
9. Violence against property is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
10. Violence against persons is an acceptable tactic. Always _ _ _ _ Sometimes _ _ _ _ Never _ _ _ _
Summary
Beginning with a definition of community and community practice, this chapter discussed theories, models, issues, goals, and challenges of socially just commu- nity practice. It complements the material presented in Chapter 7 on organiza- tions and demonstrates the similarities and differences between the application of social justice principles at the micro and macro levels. Chapter 9 addresses how
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
276 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
social workers can influence the policymaking process in a manner that com- bines the pursuit of socially just goals and socially just means.
Discussion Questions
1. How do you define “community”? In what ways are social justice concepts reflected in your definition?
2. To what communities do you belong? In what ways are these communities socially just?
3. How do theories of community change reflect social justice concepts? Which theories of change are most consistent with your view of social justice?
4. How would you apply social justice concepts to the different types and stages of community practice?
5. Which strategies and tactics of community practice do you consider most consistent with social justice principles? For what reasons?
Role Play Exercise: Initial Contacts
I. Individual contacts A. You are employed by a community mental health center that is
attempting to expand its programs into low-income neighborhoods in a nearby community and wants to establish an advisory committee to assist in their development. You have learned that there are several community groups whose support and participation on the advisory committee would be critical. You have arranged to stop by the home of the president of a neighborhood-based anti-drug group, Ms. Wanda Blank, to invite her participation. Ms. Blank is a widow, in her mid-50s, who has partial responsibility for raising her grandchildren. She works as a secretary in the local high school and is very active in her church. She greets you at the door politely but suspiciously and invites you in.
B. You are employed by a local tenants’ action group and assigned to contact residents of low-income housing developments. The organization is interested in establishing tenants’ councils in these housing developments. Your assigned task is to determine if the tenants have problems or grievances around which they would be ready to organize on their own behalf. If you learn that this is what the tenants want to do, you are to help them organize a tenants’ council. Because you do not know any of the residents personally, you decide to knock on doors and explore tenants’ awareness of problems
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
8. Working with Communities to Promote Social Justice 277
and readiness to act. You park your car, knock on a door, and a tenant opens it. She is a young, single parent who is a Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program recipient currently involved in a job training program.
II. Group contacts A. You are employed by a local community development corporation
and assigned to work with parents who are concerned about the operation of the local elementary school. During the past 2 weeks, you have contacted a number of parents and, based on these discussions, you have arranged for a meeting of 8–10 parents to begin to address their problems. The meeting is being held in the basement of a local church tonight.
B. You are employed by a federated agency, such as the United Way, that raises funds for social service and community education projects. You have been asked to convene a meeting of individuals who have been major donors to the agency in the past. The purpose of the meeting is to enlist the support of these individuals in a major new campaign to address the needs of women and girls in the community. The individuals invited are expected not merely to be donors but also to attract other potential donors to the project.
Exercise: Leadership
Introduction
Our views of leadership are shaped, in part, by our personal experiences and how we interpret them. The views of our families, schools, and churches influence our thinking, as do direct encounters with leaders we have known or observed from a distance. This exercise is designed to reveal experiences that shaped your personal view of leadership and influence your current thinking about becoming a leader and/ or improving your leadership skills.
Step 1 (5 Minutes)
Think about individuals from your past whom you remember and revere. Think about individuals whom you consider to be a leader in your current life.
A. List three (3) people who have been important leaders in your past. 1. 2. 3.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
278 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
B. List three (3) people whom you respect and value as leaders in your current life. 1. 2. 3.
Step 2 (5 Minutes)
For each of the persons you listed, indicate briefly how they integrated social justice principles into their work and what attributes you think made them effective leaders.
Step 3 (10 Minutes)
In the following chart, list those qualities and attitudes/ behaviors that char- acterize the leaders you identified previously and indicate briefly what you learned from them that has been valuable in your professional and personal life. Try to identify the qualities and attitudes/ behaviors that are common to several individuals.
Qualities Attitudes/ Behaviors Lessons
Example: Personal integrity Constructive/ outspoken Speak your mind 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Think about: What did you learn from this chart? How do you use what you have learned from these leaders in your daily life? (Note the patterns in your answers.)
Step 4 (20 Minutes): For class discussion
1. What similar and different insights about leadership did individuals have? 2. What leadership qualities were interpreted in different ways? 3. What factors may influence these disagreements? What are their
implications?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9
Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies
Introduction
During the past three decades, economic globalization and major demo- graphic, technological, and sociocultural changes have transformed the pro- cess of policy development and implementation and made it increasingly complex. To a considerable extent, the locus of policymaking and implemen- tation has shifted: in the United States, from the federal government to state and local governments (a process referred to as devolution); on the world stage, from the nation- state to supranational institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and various global trade organizations; and domestically, from the public to the nonprofit and for- profit sectors (a process sometimes called the privatization of services). In a multipolar world, domi- nated by market- driven goals and neoliberal ideolog y, social workers must now respond effectively both to international issues and to the distinctive character of local needs and concerns. However, this has become increasingly challeng- ing. Although from a social justice perspective the development of socially just policies requires broader democratic participation, critical policy decisions are increasingly made through nondemocratic means that bypass long- standing political processes, for example, by international financial institutions and multinational corporations.
To discuss the potential role of social workers in this increasingly complex environment, this chapter is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the relationship between the concept of social justice and social policy, including the role of the state, and the relationship between social justice and equality. It exam- ines the impact of policies in terms of their redistributive effects and specific con- sequences for excluded and marginalized populations, such as women, people of color, LGBTQ persons, children, the aged, and individuals with disabilities.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
280 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
An underlying theme is how to combine universal and selective approaches in policy formulation in order to achieve the goal of “ justice for all.”
The second part of the chapter explores how social workers can promote socially just policies through “case” and “cause” advocacy and other forms of community- based social action. It analyzes the phases of policy formulation that are most accessible to the application of social justice principles, even in struc- tures with seemingly antithetical goals. It discusses how to increase the partici- pation of individuals and groups, especially from low- power communities, in the policymaking process. These methods include community- based policy advo- cacy, popular education, and participatory budgeting.
The third part of the chapter discusses how to evaluate the impact of efforts to promote policy change through socially just means. The importance of an informed population as a prerequisite for socially just policies is emphasized, as is the use of media and community- based research as critical tools to achieve this result. Finally, the chapter discusses the challenges, risks, and ethical dilemmas that advocates for social justice face (Chisholm, 2013). As in other chapters, this chapter provides examples of how social workers can develop and use their own critical consciousness throughout the policy development and implementation processes.
The State and Social Justice
The concept of social justice has been fundamental in the development of public policies and political institutions, in rhetoric if not in practice, for several centu- ries. Although this concept continues to be prominently displayed in the official documents of many national and international organizations, it is often expressed in ambiguous terms and without a shared understanding of its meaning (Reisch, 2002). Complicating matters further, until recently, mainstream discourse on social justice largely occurred apart from discussions of its implications for racial or gender equality, although it has long been acknowledged that issues of social justice inevitably involve conflicts over race, gender, citizenship, and culture. The emergence of multiculturalism as both an incontrovertible social fact and a con- troversial issue (in terms of how society should respond) has made the underlying connections and conflicts between these fundamental concepts of social welfare and human well- being more explicit (Caputo, 2000; Reisch, 2008a).
A critical aspect of contemporary debates over the meaning and application of social justice involves disputes concerning the role of government, or “the state.” Throughout the past 2000 years, assumptions about the role of govern- ment have changed considerably, particularly in Western countries. In ancient Greece and for centuries thereafter, proponents of “natural theory,” such as Plato
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 281
(2013), Aristotle (2009), and Aquinas (2002), regarded the state as a “natural phenomenon” whose features were preordained. When strong centralized mon- archies developed in Europe approximately 400– 500 years ago, proponents of “divine right theory” asserted that God was the sole source of political authority and that kings could rule with absolute power by “divine right” (Hobbes, 1996), thereby equating the hierarchical status quo with justice (see Chapter 2).
Beginning in the 18th century, the emergence of “contract theory” altered the prevailing view of the relationship between government and social justice. Political philosophers such as Locke, Rousseau, and Jefferson argued that the state governs not as an instrument of God’s will but, rather, solely by the consent of the governed. It is therefore the creation of all the individuals and groups that comprise it and not of a divinity (Foner, 1998). Abraham Lincoln stated this view succinctly in the Gettysburg Address: Government was “of the people, by the people, for the people” (Wills, 1992). This concept of the state as a democratic institution, which mediated competing interests based on the principle of “pop- ular sovereignty,” persists today in the United States, although sometimes it is expressed more in rhetoric than reality.
During the past 200 years, two other views of the state have competed with this liberal idea. One, based on “force theory,” asserts that the state is the most powerful and total form of human organization— an institution that is dis- tinctly above the people. Originally developed by Hegel (1964) to rationalize the presence of a strong Prussian monarchy, and later expanded on by Nietzsche (1968), it was subsequently used by the Nazis in the 20th century to rationalize the creation of an all- powerful totalitarian state ruled by a single, tightly con- trolled political party that allegedly served as the instrument of the people. Marx and Engels (1848) originally proposed a contrary view of the state— that in capi- talist societies the state was the “executive committee” of the ruling class, whose interests were identical to those of the elite, not the people. Unfortunately, the state created by the Soviet Union after the Russian Revolution often violated the Marxist principles on which it was originally founded.
Borrowing to different extents from each of these perspectives, for most of the past century, Western industrial societies have conceptualized the relation- ship between the state and the social welfare system in three distinct ways, each of which has different implications for the ability of government to develop and implement socially just policies. One perspective, derived primarily from 18th- and 19th- century liberalism, suggests that the state is a neutral or benevolent force that “balances” competing interests in a pluralist political system and uses modest interventions to ameliorate the inequalities, shortcomings, or unin- tended negative consequences of the socioeconomic system. In other words, gov- ernment’s role is to provide minimal regulation in a basically free market system.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
282 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
This perspective is compatible with a “residual” view of social welfare that has little interest in achieving social justice. In fact, proponents of this view regard the status quo as intrinsically just.
A second perspective is that the state can be a positive, even paternalis- tic, force in society, which through its policies makes critical interventions to encourage economic and social development. In this conception, however, gov- ernment’s role is limited to correcting the excesses of modern, industrial society, such as unemployment. During the mid- 20th century, this conception of govern- ment, which equates a just society with one in which equal opportunity exists, produced an “institutional” view of social welfare in which the role of the state gradually expanded. It provided the foundation for the social policies developed in the United States from the 1930s until the mid- 1990s and for the welfare states that developed in some Western European nations. Its key features included a “social division of welfare” (Titmuss, 1976b); a focus on people’s needs, not rights; a paternalistic, top- down concept of the “common good”; a belief that a society can achieve social justice without altering its basic structure; and the use of public policy to reconcile social conflicts and restore at least the façade of community. Occasionally, however, it led to an adversarial relationship between the state and service recipients that increased the importance of policy advocacy on their behalf (discussed later).
A third perspective produces a more expansive role for the state. It regards the state as a potential vehicle for economic and social transformation, the redis- tribution of resources, the promotion of human well- being and development throughout the life cycle, and more recently, the recognition of social identity (Fraser, 1995). This model provided the foundation for “cradle- to- grave” social welfare systems that are most commonly found in Scandinavian countries, based on a “developmental view” of social welfare. Only a few of its features, such as universal pre- kindergarten programs, have been adopted in the United States.
Exploring: Promoting Social Justice through Contemporary Social Policy
Just as there are many ways to define social justice (see Chapter 2), there are also widely varied interpretations of how the concept should be applied to the devel- opment, implementation, and evaluation of social policies. The evolution of 20th- century social welfare systems in Western nations obscured to some extent the persistence of these differences. On the surface, welfare state policies (e.g., Social Security, Medicare, and unemployment insurance in the United States) are based on justice- oriented values such as the equal worth of all citizens, the equal right of all persons to meet their basic needs, the expansion of people’s opportunities
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 283
and life chances as widely as possible, and the goal of reducing or eliminating unjustified inequalities (Katz, 2001). Advocates for these policies assumed that a social welfare system should not be merely a “safety net” but should also be a springboard for economic opportunity and social mobility.
This assumption also inspired greater governmental investment in human capital development, such as education and training programs; the promotion of policies that enable people to balance employment, family, education, leisure, and retirement across the life cycle; and policies that strengthen social institutions such as the family and community and create a more stable and secure social environment (Commission on Social Justice, 1994). They reflect the ideal of a socially just society in which all members have the same basic rights, protections, opportunities, obligations, and social benefits (Marshall, 1950; Sunstein, 2004).
In recent decades, welfare state policies have expanded beyond the guarantee of fundamental rights and equal opportunity to include principles of redress or compensation for historic injustices; in the United States, affirmative action poli- cies are a prime example (Rawls, 1971/ 1999). In some instances, policies have been designed to produce a more equal or equitable distribution of societal “goods”— both tangible and intangible, material and nonmaterial (Nussbaum, 2003; Sen, 2009)— or to establish what Martin Luther King, Jr., and bell hooks termed a “beloved community” whose members participate fully in its self- governance (Alsup, 2009). Such a community would encourage and respect a variety of cul- tural modes of expression, norms, and values, and it would possess societal struc- tures and processes that do not consistently “center” particular worldviews.
It is important to note that until the mid- 20th century, different views of social justice existed in different regions and among different populations in the United States (Reisch, 2007). To some extent, these cultural and political differ- ences still exist; state and local policies continue to reflect different conceptions of justice on such issues as health care (Daniels, 2001), education, welfare, crim- inal justice, and the rights of disabled persons and the LGBTQ population. For example, during the past 5 years, a majority of state governments in the United States have refused to implement vital components of the Affordable Care Act, such as the expansion of Medicaid (although it will be largely funded by the national government) and the establishment of insurance exchanges. In many areas of social policy in both public and private sectors, these differences appear in statutory language, stated policy priorities, models of service delivery, and organizational forms. As a result of these diverse cultural norms and political philosophies, the application of social justice to social policy in the United States varies widely.
The range of these diverse ideological perspectives can be briefly summa- rized as follows: Libertarians (Nozick, 1974) and, to a slightly lesser degree,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
284 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
conservatives (Hayek, 1976) emphasize the preservation of individual liberty, property rights, and the maintenance of the current social and cultural order. They distinguish between outcomes that are “unfair” and those that are “unfor- tunate” and argue that government should play a limited role in shaping these outcomes. They do not make clear, however, how we should determine which outcomes fall into which category. (Libertarians are more strongly opposed than conservatives to government intervention in people’s lives, for example, on issues such as reproductive and privacy rights and drug use.) Senator Rand Paul and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Representative Paul Ryan are libertarians. Senators Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz are conservatives.
Modern liberals (whose philosophy differs considerably from that of 19th- century liberals such as John Stuart Mill) favor policies that ban discrimination, provide a more equitable distribution of social benefits and burdens, and expand civil rights and liberties. Influential liberal philosophers such as Rawls (1977/ 1999) base their idea of justice on two principles— equal liberty and the distri- bution of societal goods to aid the least advantaged. Senators Barbara Mikulski and Debbie Stabenow, who are both social workers, are contemporary examples of liberal politicians.
Communitarians (Sandel, 1998) stress greater cooperation, trust, and mutu- ality in our institutions and relationships, whereas Social Democrats (Gil, 1998; Titmuss, 1976a) believe that social justice requires both greater social and economic equality and more democratic political participation (George & Wilding, 1994). Senator Bernie Sanders is a social Democrat. Finally, propo- nents of the “capabilities approach” (Nussbaum, 2011; Sen, 2009), as well as postmodern and critical theorists, argue that a socially just system of social welfare must also involve marginalized individuals and excluded groups in socially just policymaking processes. This perspective incorporates a growing awareness of the impact of different cultural and historical contexts (Young, 2011), includes nonmaterial resources among the “goods” to be distributed (Nussbaum, 2011), considers the implications of multiple forms of power on policymaking (Hill Collins, 2000), and argues that policies should be specif- ically tailored to address different types of oppression and manifestations of privilege (Mullaly, 2010).
Despite their differences, most of these perspectives maintain that socially just social policies would include the eradication of injustice, an equitable distribution of power and resources, and some mechanisms to ensure a more equal distribution of opportunities. Of course, proponents of each perspective define terms such as justice, equity, equality, and opportunity quite differently. As a result, conflicts continue to exist among policymakers on the following questions:
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 285
1. Should socially just policies emphasize more equal opportunities or more equal outcomes— what Ryan (1981) referred to as “fair play” or “fair shares”?
2. Would socially just policies be based on a person’s merit, productivity, indi- vidual needs, status, past contributions, or future potential? How will these qualities be calculated?
3. Should social policies compensate for past injustices? If so, which injustices and to what extent?
4. Should policies provide basic “minimums” or enhance people’s capabilities (Sen, 2009)?
5. Should policies reflect universal or group- specific conceptions of social jus- tice? Should they be targeted at individual justice or justice for groups?
6. How should policies reflect religious and secular views of justice, such as the conflict over requiring contraceptive coverage in the Affordable Care Act ( Judd, 2013)?
7. Should policies promote social change or social stability? 8. How can policies balance the goals of equality and individual rights/
freedom (e.g., the conflict over mandatory coverage under the Affordable Care Act)?
9. How can policies take into account both the fiscal costs of attempting to address a problem and the social costs that result from not doing so (e.g., environmental regulations to address pollution and climate change)?
10. To what extent should policies address special needs (e.g., people with disabilities)?
11. Is the achievement of a more just society a “zero sum game” or a “win/ win” situation?
12. Is social justice identical to or in conflict with the promotion of universal human rights?
13. Can social justice be achieved in a single nation or community or must it be achieved globally or not at all (Nussbaum, 2004)? (See Chapter 2.)
In developing socially just responses to these difficult questions, social workers face a number of challenges, including the following:
1. Applying concepts based on individual rights to group needs and concerns 2. Reconciling conflicting views of social justice in a diverse society and world 3. Achieving social justice when governments lack their former power and influ-
ence because of phenomena such as economic globalization and technological changes
4. Implementing just policies within outmoded institutions
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
286 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Figure 9.1 illustrates this complexity.
Exercise: Different Approaches to Social Justice
1. Review the definitions in the following table. These represent some of the approaches commonly taken in relation to social justice. Add others important to you.
Ranking Some Definitions of Social Justice
A fair, equitable distribution of power and resources for the most people An equal opportunity to succeed and make life choices for
everyone Freedom from threats of violence and being disparaged Challenging multiple ways that institutions, groups, and
everyday practices create and perpetuate inequities and unearned privilege
Norms, values, symbols, and customs that allow everyone to participate knowledgably and comfortably
The right, obligation, and ability for everyone to participate fully in self- and societal governance
Other: Other:
The 3 Sides of Justice (Maguire)
Social Justice (Common Good)
Distributive Justice
Commutative Justice (Persons)
F igu r e 9 .1 The Three Sides of Justice Source: Daniel Maguire (2010). Ethics: A complete method for moral choice. Minneapolis, MN; Fortress Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 287
2. As a way to assess their relative importance in your thinking about social justice, please rank the importance of each definition for you, assigning a 1 to the one most important to you, a 2 to the next most important, and so forth.
3. Note briefly which criteria you used to make these rankings. 4. Think about some of the implications of different definitions for your
field of practice and/ or your practice setting (e.g., service delivery, larger environment, policy issues, your organization, staff issues, and the various constituencies your organizations serves).
Engaging: Working for Social Justice Today
During the past three decades, as a consequence of economic globalization, technological developments, and deliberate policy decisions, the gap in the distribution of income and wealth has significantly widened not merely in the United States but also between the Global North (industrialized nations) and the Global South (developing nations). As Figure 9.2 indicates, poverty in the United States persists, particularly in communities of color, with long- term neg- ative consequences, especially for children and youth (Rank, 2004).
70 Percent Recession
60 55.1%
Black
16.1% Asian
27.4%
26.6%
12.1% 9.9%
White, not Hispanic7.5%
22.8%
Hispanic (any race)
50
40
30
20
10
0 1959 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 20101980197519701965
F igu r e 9 .2 Poverty Rates by Race and Hispanic Origin, 1959– 2010 Source: US Bureau of the Census, 2012.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
288 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
In urging social workers to become more involved in recognizing and com- bating the effects of long- term poverty on children, Hernandez, Montana, and Clarke (2010) assert that
ignoring children’s health needs can compromise their educational preparedness, occupational pursuits, productivity, and longevity. . . . Poverty, restricted access to health insurance and health care services, cultural and linguistic barriers, neighborhood conditions, and racial and class inequalities exacerbate poor health outcomes and contribute to child health inequality. (p. 291)
In addition, the failure to address growing racial disparities in health, mental health, education, housing, and employment threatens the well- being and stabil- ity of our society (Stiglitz, 2013).
Attempts to address these serious and complex issues have recently been con- founded by several factors. The focus on external “enemies,” such as international terrorism, obscures the persistence of social inequality at home. The fragmented physical structure of many American communities often masks long- standing socioeconomic divisions, isolates the disadvantaged, and obscures the conse- quences of disproportionate privilege. Proponents of social justice are frequently attacked as unpatriotic and marginalized within the media, our political system, and even our helping professions. The fiscal consequences of economic globaliza- tion and the Great Recession have promoted budgetary austerity, an attack on “entitlement” spending, and a further weakening of the role of government in social policy formation (Reich, 2012).
In addition, heightened political polarization and changes in the distribution of political power have made it more difficult to reach consensual solutions to the nation’s social problems (Blau, 2014). The privatization of social welfare, which has intensified during the past few decades, has often substituted market values for the social justice mission of social service organizations, particularly in the nonprofit sector (Salamon, 2012). Dramatic demographic changes— such as the aging of the US population, increased immigration, the shifting racial compo- sition of urban areas, increases in the number of single- person households, and the movement of population from the heartland to the coasts— as well as new cultural norms about sexual orientation, marriage, work, family, and retirement have altered our perspective on long- standing issues.
At the same time, emerging issues, such as climate change, global epidem- ics, mass migration, the impact of wars and civil conflicts, the instability of employment, the impending financing crises of Social Security and Medicare, and increased social and economic stratification, create formidable policy chal- lenges for the future. In an article in Tikkun magazine, Eisler (2010) argues that a
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 289
holistic approach, which focuses on the care and protection of all people and the planet, is now required to address these interlocking problems. Caputo (2002) similarly emphasizes the link between individual and social caregiving— what he terms the “ethics of care”— and social justice.
Equality, Social Justice, and Social Policy
Debates concerning the application of justice principles to social policy are com- pounded further by disputes over the meaning of equality— an ideal that has long been enshrined in US political documents and institutions, if unrealized in practice— and over how the pursuit of equality is related to the goal of social justice. Persistent questions compound current political conflicts. They include the following:
• Why is equality a desirable goal? • Equality of what? • Is “true equality” attainable? If not, why not? • Are all inequalities unjust? • How do we distinguish between institutional and more subtle forms of
inequality? • To what extent should equality be measured in individual, group, or societal
terms? How would group membership be established and by whom? • How do we balance private needs and public concerns in the pursuit of
equality?
Like social justice, equality or inequality can be conceived along several dimensions. For example, in addition to addressing the extent and effects of income inequality, it is also important to assess how inequalities of wealth (or assets), opportunities, access, rights, and status affect people’s lives. In an affluent society such as the United States, it is worthwhile pondering why extensive pov- erty and inequality continue to exist and why, in some ways, they have become more severe during the past several decades. It is also important to ask the fol- lowing: How can public policies reduce or eliminate these inequalities? To what extent can the “market” (the economic system) achieve these goals?
At the beginning of the 21st century, in response to the changing demograph- ics of the United States, the 98th American Assembly (2001) published a number of recommendations to move the nation closer to racial equality by 2025 with the overall goal of eliminating persistent racial disparities. The report focused on long- standing concerns, such as economic opportunity and decent wages and working conditions, and emerging issues that have attracted intense media
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
290 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
and political attention and require community- based reform efforts, including immigration (Lanning, 2012) and inequities in the educational and criminal justice systems (Arrigo, 2013; Cross, 2013). Like advocates in other industrial- ized nations, such as Australia and the United Kingdom (Carey & Riley, 2012; Goodman & Burton, 2012), the American Assembly suggested that policymak- ers employ a combination of “universal” and “particular” approaches to combat some of the challenges facing racial minority communities (p. 9). Ironically, the report indicated how little progress has been made in these areas during the past half century.
More than 40 years ago, the sociologist Herbert Gans (1971) argued that poverty (and, by implication, inequality) in the United States contributes to the maintenance of the social, political, economic, and cultural status quo. Consequently, we have tended to stigmatize poor and vulnerable people in order to rationalize societal inaction to address their problems. We have also tended to analyze issues in individual rather than structural ways to avoid an examina- tion of the systemic causes of poverty and inequality. Unfortunately, since the publication of Gans’s article, US social policies— such as new tax laws, cuts in social spending, and, until recently, the failure to increase the minimum wage to match the cost of living— have exacerbated inequality and made chronic and deep poverty more intractable. As Figure 9.2 illustrates, there is also a persistent racial dimension to poverty in the United States. African Americans and Latinos are two or three times more likely to be officially poor.
Other causes of growing poverty and inequality in the contemporary United States include the following:
1. Deindustrialization, technological change, and economic globalization, which have led to efforts to reduce the size of the welfare state in order to maintain a competitive advantage for US businesses in the international marketplace
2. A decline in unionization, particularly in the private sector, and an attack on workers’ collective bargaining rights, which have contributed to lower average wages
3. The outsourcing of manufacturing and service jobs, which has resulted in higher rates of structural unemployment
4. Reductions in private pensions that have made retirement more precarious for millions of Americans (Madrick, 2006)
5. The emergence of “neoliberal” ideological rationales for reduced government intervention, lower spending on public programs, and individually focused policies that have transformed the norms of policy formulation, class relations, and institutional arrangements and processes (Abramovitz, 2012)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 291
The consequences of growing inequality and poverty are experienced in every aspect of our society. They affect the people with whom social workers interact on a day- to- day basis as clients, constituents, and colleagues. They appear in fractured social relations and a more rigid separation of the popula- tion on the basis of class, race, and culture. They exacerbate hyperpartisanship in our politics and diminish the legitimacy of our political institutions, and they create growing apathy and hopelessness about the future (Reich, 2012; Stiglitz, 2013).This is why social justice advocacy today requires “the articu- lation of a coherent alternative ideolog y, through the mobilization of social forces, and through the institutionalization of non- neoliberal rules and norms within the apparatuses of the state” (Cahill, 2011, p. 479).
What, then, is to be done? Past strategies have alternated between a reliance on the private sector— for example, through the promotion of economic growth or “trickle- down” approaches to policymaking— and government intervention to reduce poverty and inequality through a combination of income supports (e.g., increases in the minimum wage, the passage of living wage laws, the expan- sion of cash assistance, the extension of unemployment benefits, and the earned income tax credit); assets development and protection programs (e.g., the cre- ation of individual development accounts; the provision of universal demo- grants or children’s allowances; the removal of assets restrictions for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program recipients; and policies that would prevent home foreclosures, facilitate home ownership, protect private- sector pensions, and increase consumer protections in the finance and housing industries); redistribution through progressive taxation, public- sector employ- ment, and supportive services (e.g., access to and subsidies for health care (Gorin & Moniz, 2014), child care (Palley & Shdaimah, 2014), pre- kindergarten pro- grams, transportation, and housing); antidiscrimination legislation; and pro- grams that emphasize human capital development (e.g., education and training).
In the future, it might be useful and more politically feasible to base pol- icy initiatives on some combination of the previously mentioned strategies. Components of individual and community well- being could include guaranteed employment at a living wage; the opportunity to accumulate assets for future opportunities such as a college education, home ownership, or starting a small business; and services that would promote both human capital and social capi- tal development. Given the increasing demographic and cultural diversity of our society, a consolidated strategy would also address the unique needs of specific populations, such as persons with disabilities and the LGBTQ community. It would provide the intangible supports people require to achieve their individual capabilities (Nussbaum, 2011).
An emerging area for the application of social justice is the physical environ- ment. Here, too, clarity concerning the meaning of underlying concepts would
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
292 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
help determine the direction of future policy developments. For example, advo- cates have framed the issues generated by increasing concern over the environ- ment and the effects of climate change in three distinct ways. One is to focus on “environmental racism,” including the deliberate targeting of racial minority or indigenous communities in the placement of toxic waste dumps, sewage treat- ment plants, incinerators, and manufacturing sites and also the differential enforcement of housing codes, noise pollution laws, and environmental regula- tions that affect air and water quality (Philip & Reisch, 2015).
Another way to frame the issue is in terms of “environment equality.” This involves either equal protection of all communities through established laws (so- called “process equity”) or greater balance in the spatial and temporal dis- tribution of environmental benefits and burdens or “outcome equity” (Nweke et al., 2011). A third way to define the issue is in terms of “environmental jus- tice.” This approach emphasizes universal access to a high- quality physical environment, fair treatment of all communities, widespread participation by all groups in the policymaking process, and the emergence of sustainable economies and communities (Dominelli, 2012; Kuehn, 2014; Leuenberger & Wakin, 2007).
As a result of these different foci, recent policy initiatives to address environ- mental issues have ranged from the elimination of disparities of exposure to pol- lution, industrial toxins (Morrice & Colagiuri, 2013), and the impact of climate change to the achievement of minimum standards of safety. As in other policy arenas, current challenges include the following:
1. How can we assess the extent of present hazards? 2. How can we determine what constitutes a “disproportionately high and
adverse effect” of environmental conditions? 3. How can we balance the social, fiscal, and economic costs involved in amelio-
rating or preventing environmental damages? 4. How should we decide on the most effective and equitable strategic
approaches? 5. How can we integrate greater sensitivity to the social and cultural dimensions
of affected communities into the policymaking process? 6. How can we develop policies that not only address immediate environmental
issues but also establish equitable standards for the future (Garcia, 2013)?
Political Power and Social Policy
Two major issues influence the extent to which a society’s political system affects the development of socially just policies and the impact of these policies on
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 293
individuals, families, communities, and social service organizations. As discussed previously, one is the degree of responsibility that the government assumes for socioeconomic policy, human development, and social capital formation, includ- ing the degree to which government intervenes in the operations of the market economy and its supporting institutions such as banks. The other is the extent to which the state is biased or neutral as a regulating institution in its treatment of the conflicting interests and needs of individuals and groups in society— for example, in mediating differences between capital (corporations and financial institutions) and labor (unions and nonunionized workers).
The legitimacy of the government, its institutions, and the political process itself is also a major factor in determining how much influence the government has in shaping social policy. A half century ago, the Gallup poll found that the over- whelmingly majority of Americans believed government could be trusted to act on their behalf all or most of the time. Today, similar polls reveal that Americans’ trust in their public institutions, such as Congress, and political parties is at an all- time low. If people no longer trust government to “do the right thing,” any actions the government proposes to address social or economic problems will be regarded with suspicion. In today’s hyperpartisan climate, ask yourself: How does the cur- rent antipolitics mood affect the development and implementation of policies that address the problems of your community, the organization where you work, and the clients or constituents with whom you work?
Political Equality and Social Justice
One of the assumptions of liberal contract theory is that a system of political equality could serve as a guarantor of a neutral state in which policy decisions were made in the best interests of society as a whole. Recently, however, increas- ing socioeconomic inequality combined with the growing political influence of elites (e.g., in the area of financing political campaigns) has undermined this assumption and produced a wide range of social policies that are antithetical to social justice goals. These developments raise such questions as the following:
• What are the components of political equality? • Why is political equality important for the attainment of social justice? • What is the relationship between political equality and other forms of
equality? • What should be the goals of political equality? Should they be equality of
rights and equality of opportunity to participate in the political process? Or, should they be equality of outcomes (e.g., equal representation)?
• How can policy be used to level the political playing field?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
294 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Underlying these questions are several assumptions about political equality that provide the foundation for social justice- oriented policy advocacy. One is that political equality has intrinsic value because political participation is an educa- tional process that helps strengthen our sense of community, builds character (what the ancient Greeks and the Founding Fathers referred to as “virtue”), and raises people’s critical consciousness. Another assumption is more pragmatic— that political equality increases the legitimacy of our political institutions. It is not surprising that faith in our institutions has declined as political inequality has increased.
Finally, political equality furthers equal protection of the diverse interests in our complex society by providing every constituency with the opportunity to influence policy outcomes (Bates & Swan, 2010; Wolff, 2008). In the United States, both constitutional provisions (e.g., the 1st, 14th, and 19th amendments) and legislation (e.g., the 1965 Voting Rights Act) have established the right to vote, hold elective or appointive office, express one’s political opinions or join a political party, petition the government, and contribute to a political campaign. In summary, these policies assume that political equality is a precondition for the creation of a socially just society.
It would be naïve, however, for proponents of social justice to assume that political equality exists in the contemporary United States. There are numerous ways in which US institutions, current policies, and contemporary social con- ditions undermine both the principle of equality and the goal of social justice, underscoring the reciprocal relationship between socioeconomic inequality and political inequality. For example, socioeconomic inequality restricts access to information about the issues underlying policies and to the political process itself. As a result of the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United, wealthy individ- uals and corporations can spend virtually unlimited sums of money on elections, enhancing their influence not merely on the outcome of elections but also on the policies that elected officials enact. The lack of equal capacity and opportunity also produces diminished motivation to vote, become informed about issues, or engage in any form of legitimate civic participation. This explains, in part, the remarkably low voter turnout in the United States, particularly in nonpresiden- tial elections.
Recent changes in the political process— such as the diminished role of polit- ical parties; the gerrymandering (redrawing) of political districts, which reduces the number of competitive electoral races; and persistent discrimination against racial minorities, low- income communities, and youth through policies designed to suppress the vote (e.g., voter identification requirements)— also erode political equality in the United States. Finally, the increasing complexity of issues and of the policy process, the simplistic ways in which the media frame the policy agenda
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 295
(especially in regard to complex issues), and the time commitment required for meaningful political engagement restrict the ability of most people to engage in a democratic decision- making process. This is why, despite its problems, social workers still need to engage in policy advocacy if the profession’s social justice goals are to be achieved.
Planning: Policy Advocacy for Social Justice
There are five major types of advocacy: case advocacy, cause or class advocacy, legislative or political advocacy, judicial advocacy, and administrative advocacy (Hoefer, 2012). Case advocacy refers to an intervention on behalf of an individual, family, or small group that is in conflict with an organization with regard to a needed service or resource. Class advocacy involves efforts on behalf of multi- ple groups of current or potential clients or constituents that address collective issues and seek to produce more responsive policies. Legislative advocacy consists of activities focused on creating or changing legislation or government budgets to benefit some category of clients or citizens. These range from letter writing to working on an advocacy campaign and testifying before a legislative committee or meeting with individual legislators. Judicial advocacy tries to influence the out- come or implementation of court decisions, for example, by providing research data through expert testimony. Administrative advocacy focuses on altering pol- icies (e.g., regulations) developed by agency boards, public commissions, and the executive branch of government.
Advocacy can serve many social justice purposes. It can
• influence another individual or group to make a decision (that would not have been made otherwise) that concerns the welfare or interests of a third party;
• secure existing services that clients are entitled to but unable to obtain on their own; and
• take social action to secure or expand people’s rights and entitlements.
In each of its forms, advocacy for social justice involves the strategic use of information to democratize unequal power relations. Its overall purpose is to empower excluded and marginalized populations through the transfer of information, other tangible and intangible resources, and practical tools (skills) and the enhancement of people’s critical consciousness. In the process of work- ing toward specific policy outcomes, advocates also strive to enhance people’s self- respect, improve their self- efficacy, and promote intragroup and inter- group trust (bonding and bridging social capital). Advocacy organizations use
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
296 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
different models to achieve these ends and rely on diverse operating principles. For example, the model currently used by the Industrial Areas Foundation, originally established by Saul Alinsky (1971), is based on the primacy of faith communities and the fusion of religious traditions of justice with power pol- itics. This model allows leaders from different racial backgrounds to collabo- rate and expands the notion of leadership to include laypersons and not merely established organizational leaders. Other advocacy organizations, such as Health Care for the Homeless, involve clients and constituents in their efforts in a variety of roles.
Social justice advocacy has two other fundamental purposes: to influence political, economic, and social outcomes that directly affect people’s lives and to change the processes by which decisions are made and create the capacity for new actors to be involved in making them. It also provides oppressed and marginalized populations with new ways of understanding their life circum- stances; strengthens community- building efforts; and, at the international level, helps forge “caring relationships among people within and across bor- ders” (Bisman & Koggel, 2012, p. 213). Advocacy is a clear expression of social work ’s values of social justice and inclusion (Morrow, 2011) and a means of strengthening people’s ability to be self- determining. There is evidence that merely participating in advocacy enhances people’s subjective well- being (Sun & Xiao, 2012).
The specific goals of social justice advocacy can also vary widely— from heightening the awareness of community members, the media, or the general public about a particular issue to changing people’s attitudes and behaviors and acquiring power in order to promote policy change or to make those who possess power more accountable. Whatever its goals, all justice- oriented advocacy cam- paigns have certain common elements: a clear statement of their principles and goals, the resources needed to achieve these goals, defined constituencies, insti- tutional targets, and a range of tactics. They reflect a concept of power that goes beyond the ability to effect or prevent a change to include the ability to shape the policy agenda (Bottomore, 1991).
Because the concept of advocacy originated in the legal system as a means by which (legal) advocates did things on behalf of people, advocates today must make special efforts to integrate a bottom- up, participatory, social jus- tice orientation into their practice. In this regard, four core components are essential: genuine participation, representation, accountability, and transpar- ency. Successful advocacy also involves working at the intersection of three distinct but overlapping cycles of change: people’s problem- solving cycle, the life cycle of an issue in the public domain, and the life cycle of the advocacy organization.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 297
The Cycles of Change
As discussed in Chapter 8, in the policy arena, the problem- solving cycle reflects the process by which a “private trouble” becomes a public issue (Mills, 1959)— that is, a situation comes to the attention of the public, the need to change that situation becomes clear, alternative solutions are debated, and, at best, a solution is adopted and implemented. A group’s ability to have its private troubles rede- fined as a public issue is directly related to the degree of power it is able to exercise collectively. Examples include the recent experiences of the LGBTQ community in the United States regarding marriage equality and of Aboriginal Australians on a range of justice issues (Nakata, 2013).
The life cycle of an issue is analogous to human development; it describes the process by which an issue emerges in the public consciousness, a mature under- standing of the issue develops through the nurturance and support of advocates and their allies, awareness of the issue and its importance reaches fruition (in a meaningful policy response), and the issue is either renewed (i.e., the policy is expanded) or it dies (the policy is revoked or defunded) because of diminished public support. Today’s “24/ 7” news cycle speeds up this process considerably and shortens the attention span of the public about social justice issues. The impact of neoliberal ideology, which diverts attention away from the structural sources of people’s problems toward individually focused solutions, also complicates con- temporary social justice advocacy (Myers & Goddard, 2013), as demonstrated by the brief life cycle of the global “Occupy” movement.
Finally, the life cycle of an advocacy organization defines what roles it can effectively play in promoting social justice goals. It is difficult for a new organiza- tion to advocate successfully for policy change because it lacks the requisite skills, resources, reputation, and connections. After a period of experimentation— of testing out its ideas— it can take a leadership role, form alliances with others, and produce positive changes for its constituents. The evolution of civil rights organizations during the 20th century provides a vivid illustration of this process (Morris, 1984). A critical factor in the organizational life cycle is the extent to which it involves constituents in leadership roles and in the strategy development process. This presents a constant challenge to advocacy groups because of the tension that exists between producing just outcomes and creating just processes.
Advocates also need to recognize that in today’s political climate, the change process is invariably incremental and multidimensional, particularly in the United States, because its political system (and Constitution) is designed to make major changes difficult (Wilentz, 2005). In order to be effective, therefore, each advocacy organization needs to match its life cycle stage to the issue life cycle stage. A contemporary example is the relationship between environmental advo- cacy organizations and the issue of climate change. Until recently, proponents
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
298 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
of environmental advocacy, particularly “environmental justice,” were scarcely heeded and even marginalized in the media and political discourse. It took the impact of major storms, droughts, and floods to increase public awareness and support for these organizations’ cause.
Participatory change is at the heart of social justice advocacy. It is based on recognition that advocacy involves changing multiple components of complex systems through a major dislocation of the status quo. The challenge for advo- cates is to find a way to mobilize constituents around a large enough sphere of activities to make a difference in their lives but to avoid making these activ- ities so extensive or so complicated that they constitute an impossible task and contribute to the further demoralization and withdrawal of community members. From experience, one of the authors learned how people’s busy lives often preclude sustained participation in advocacy efforts, even around issues about which they feel passionate. Just as clinical practitioners need to “start where the client is at” in order to help each person produce the change she or he desires, advocates must also make the change process accessible and feasible for their constituents— something they can accommodate within their already stressful lives.
In summary, social justice advocacy combines elements of grassroots orga- nizing, popular education, and participatory organizational development. It assumes people have wisdom based on their lived experiences and can learn from each other through dialogue and mutual problem- solving and decision- making. It reflects an idea of justice that focuses on means as well as ends, by insisting that the community “drives” the change process. Finally, it strives to create alternative organizational structures through which people articulate and meet their own needs and work to gain collective power to improve the functioning of exist- ing systems. Its core values, therefore, include broad participation, an expansive definition of justice, an emphasis on individual and group capacity- building, the need to “put the last first” (in the words of Rawls (1971), to prioritize the needs of the least advantaged), the centrality of community control, a notion of power and leadership as collective rather than individual attributes, and the importance of taking the long view. Advocates for social justice also believe in people’s ability to learn and grow, listen and participate, and build self- confidence and lasting interpersonal relationships (Reisch, 2015b).
To accomplish these goals, social justice advocates must identify— in themselves— and help constituents identify in themselves the beliefs, attitudes, misinformation, and imagery that underlie the status quo and then neutralize and counter these ideas by replacing them with alternatives. This requires advo- cates to cultivate active listening skills similar to those needed by clinical social workers because ignorance of other cultures is a serious obstacle to social justice work in an increasingly diverse society (Burghardt, 2013). In combination with
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 299
the development of critical consciousness, advocates and constituents engage together in a process of discovery.
Implementing: The Strategy, Tactics, and Tools of Social Justice Advocacy
In each of its five forms, social justice advocacy can be done directly or indirectly. Examples of direct advocacy include oral or written testimony before a legisla- tive body or commission, participation in a task force or formation of a coali- tion, writing interagency memoranda of understanding, analyzing or drafting legislation, and filing a lawsuit in state or federal court (Lens, 2014). Methods of indirect advocacy include volunteering to work for a hotline or action network, training clients or constituents in action research or public speaking, disseminat- ing reports that analyze public policies or “grade” legislators and administrators, engaging in action research, and providing technical assistance to legislators in the drafting of a bill or to attorneys in drafting a legal brief (Healy & Sofer, 2014; Hoefer, 2012; Lens, 2014).
In selecting an effective advocacy strategy, there are several guidelines to keep in mind. Social justice advocacy, in particular, is a synthesis of appeals to the head (ideas), heart (emotions), and pocketbook (self- interest) of the target audience. In presenting their arguments, successful advocates overcompensate and emphasize the strongest elements of their position. Although facts are always useful, they need to be cast in ways that appeal to people’s objective needs and that simplify often complex data. For example, a proposal to increase taxes to support univer- sal pre- kindergarten programs could emphasize how little it would cost taxpay- ers each day to enable a larger, widely accepted social good to be accomplished. Or, it could be emphasized that a bill to aid TANF beneficiaries and their chil- dren would increase welfare payments by only 50 cents/ day/ person. This type of appeal is called “social math.” It addresses people’s objective needs and attempts to manipulate widely known symbols of the dominant culture.
An important part of developing advocacy strategy is determining its short- term and long- term goals. This is not as simple as it seems, particularly for social justice- oriented issues. Advocacy does not always focus on a specific policy change. Sometimes, the goal is to educate the public, policymakers, or constitu- ents in order to heighten awareness of a condition in need of change or to increase receptivity to a change in the future. At other times, the goal might be mobili- zation of the population affected by a particular problem. Proponents of mar- riage equality or immigration reform, for example, focused on public education and mobilization before they promoted specific policy changes through judicial and legislative advocacy. Other short- term advocacy goals might include locating
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
300 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
supporters, developing coalitions or strengthening existing alliances, selecting future targets, and testing which tactics (e.g., demonstrations, testimony, and popular education) are most effective.
Recent studies have identified a number of additional components of suc- cessful social justice advocacy. Kuilema (2013) notes the importance of becoming more familiar with how social media, especially access to broadband technol- ogy, can be an effective advocacy tool at the grassroots level. In addition, in both domestic and international arenas, it is critical that advocates integrate the con- sumer or constituent perspective into policy- oriented research (Buck, 2007). McCarthy (n.d.) suggests some tactics to overcome the growing mistrust of the nation’s political institutions and the democratic process among Americans. These include reasserting the right to petition the government to address spe- cific grievances and emphasizing the eradication of official corruption through a variety of means, including legislative testimony and meeting with members of the executive branch of government, legislators, and their staffs. Linhorst (2002) argues that advocacy efforts tend to be more successful when they begin at the local or state level. The history of social justice advocacy in social work provides some support for this assertion (Reisch & Andrews, 2002). (For further discus- sion, see Chapter 3.)
Under most circumstances, a combination of “inside” and “outside” advo- cacy strategies is most effective. The former may involve nurturing supportive relationships with key policymakers; the latter may include protests to raise public awareness of the issue. During the 1980s and 1990s, organizations that focused on the HIV/ AIDS epidemic, such as ACT- UP, used this tactical com- bination effectively. The failure of advocacy organizations to adapt to chang- ing external circumstances can diminish their stature and influence (Bordoloi, O’Brien, Edwards, & Preli, 2013); conversely, the ability of advocates to expand upon traditional approaches, such as antidiscrimination legislation, can increase their constituents’ access to justice and equality before the law (Flynn, 2013). The work of advocates for marriage equality is an excellent recent example of the latter.
In this regard, an effective strateg y that is particularly appealing to pro- ponents of social justice is called “value- based advocacy.” This approach can be implemented in three different ways and often relies on symbolic appeals. Advocates can present a stark contrast to hierarchical dominant culture val- ues and point out the undesirable consequences of these values— for example, the primacy of profit enhancement over community well- being in the location of toxic waste facilities. Advocates might also demonstrate how their goals actually contribute to the fulfillment of their opponents’ values, albeit in dif- ferent ways— for example, how paid sick leave for workers helps promote pub- lic health or how the provision of maternity leave helps strengthen families.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 301
Finally, advocates could assert that the solutions their opponents propose to a particular issue are not consistent with their espoused values. Social justice advocates have criticized policymakers who resist minimum wage increases but assert the importance of work.
Advocacy Campaigns
Sustained advocacy efforts are often referred to as campaigns. Whatever the issue, all campaigns follow a similar four- step pattern: (1) problem identifica- tion and issue framing, (2) determining whether it is feasible and desirable for an organization to engage in advocacy around this issue, (3) devising a solution to the issue, and (4) developing a strategy to achieve stated goals. Following this four- step process is particularly important for social justice advocates because they are attempting to alter the institutional status quo and must work in often inhospitable political and cultural environments— for example, advocating for gun control in rural areas or for reproductive rights in communities in which there is strong religious opposition to abortion.
Throughout a campaign, advocates need to reflect continuously on the fol- lowing questions:
1. What do we want to accomplish? 2. Who possesses the resources, power, or influence to assist us in this effort? 3. What do we need to communicate to obtain their support? Who needs to
communicate it? What means of communication would most likely be effective?
4. What resources do we have or need to engage in a successful advocacy effort? 5. What should we do first? 6. How can we involve clients or constituents in this effort? 7. How will we determine if our strategy is working?
Framing an Advocacy Message
The message advocates wish to communicate to the public, policymakers, and opinion leaders is the central organizing idea of their strategy. To be effective, the “frame” of the message should be simple, clear, focused, and consistent. Language, images, tone, content, and context all play key roles in shaping pub- lic opinion about the causes and cures of the problems that advocates address. The objectives of framing are to make an issue resonate most effectively with the advocate’s most likely supporters by appealing to their values and to convince others of the virtue of the advocate’s cause.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
302 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
To frame an effective message, advocates should keep several guidelines in mind. First, each issue needs a separate frame because of the population affected, the nature of the policies involved, and the context in which it is raised. Although hunger and low wages affect similar populations, advocates would not frame their arguments in favor of nutrition programs or a “living wage” in the same way. Second, it is important to target the audience that needs to be persuaded, not the audience that is already supportive. Too many advocates “preach to the choir” rather than to groups that may be opposed to or skeptical about the issues they raise.
In this regard, social justice advocates face two persistent dilemmas in fram- ing issues: the “dilemma of perception” and the “dilemma of power.” The former refers to the problem that the most “realistic” framing of an issue potentially has the most negative impact on how the public assigns responsibility for its emer- gence. For example, if an issue is framed in terms of its impact on a specific, often stigmatized population, such as people who are homeless, there is the danger that the framing will weaken rather than strengthen public support. The dilemma of power refers to the need for social justice advocates to persuade the wealthy and powerful that the change being sought is in their self- interest. Because elites largely control the institutions in which policy is made, the views of constituents and clients are frequently excluded or ignored. Recent efforts to garner corporate support for immigration reform or the removal of symbols of the Confederacy from public buildings, however, are examples of how powerful economic forces can be harnessed for social justice purposes.
The following are important guidelines to keep in mind when framing an advocacy message:
1. Develop a clear message for every issue. 2. Target the audience you need to persuade, not the audience that already
supports you. 3. Keep the focus on the needs of clients/ constituents, not on your organization. 4. Test your framing approach and reframe it if necessary. 5. Put a face on the issue (i.e., humanize it), and connect each issue to a specific
solution. 6. Base your message on credible data. 7. Maintain a consistent theme, but shape the theme to the audience. 8. Whenever possible, use unlikely allies to help reframe or communicate the
message.
In addition to crafting a clear, consistent message, advocates need to deter- mine who will be the targets of that message. Increasingly, they use sophisticated
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 303
methods such as polls, surveys, focus groups, and media trend analyses to make these decisions. In both message framing and targeting, it is also important to frame issues differently for each group being addressed and to use a differ- ent method of presenting the message for each group. Context is critical in this regard; different messages are not only required for different audiences but also more effective at different times. For example, messages need to be framed dif- ferently during times of prosperity or recession, when external crises exist, and during an election period.
Exercise: Framing Your Advocacy Argument
Introduction
Through discussion, the class as a whole will select an issue around which social justice advocacy could occur. The class is then divided into groups of three to five students depending on its overall size. Each group will address the following questions in regard to the advocacy issue(s) determined by the class through the previous discussion. At the conclusion of small group discussions, each group will present its answers and the process by which it reached its conclusions. The class then compares and critiques each group’s responses.
Questions
1. How would you frame the issue(s) to the public and key decision- makers?
2. What are your goals/ purposes in framing the issue in this way? 3. At what target(s) would you direct your efforts?* For what reasons? 4. How might you frame your argument to connect with the target(s)?** 5. What other avenues for policy advocacy might you pursue to address
the issue(s)? 6. Who are your potential allies or opponents? 7. What elements of the “community” would you seek to involve? How
would you enable them to participate in the advocacy process? 8. What skills/ knowledge would you need to engage in effective advocacy
around the issue(s)? How would you try to acquire or communicate them (to others)?
9. What obstacles might you encounter? How would you attempt to overcome them?
* Think about: Which of the following categories best characterizes your target(s)?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
304 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
• The Active Ally— Goal: Keep engaged and provide supportive information
• The Committed Opponent— Goal: Redirect arguments to the real target
• The Uninvolved— Goal: Get small commitments as the basis for larger ones
• The Ambivalent— Goal: Get public agreement on the existence of the problem
** Think about: Under which category does your argument best fit?
• A (re)definition of the issue • A reinterpretation of cause– effect regarding the issue • An incitement to take action on an issue already recognized
Assess whether your argument addresses the following basic concerns:
• Is there a need for change? • Does your proposed solution address this need? • Is your proposed solution feasible? • Would the benefits of your solution outweigh any harmful
consequences?
For group discussion: How did the issues themselves shape how they were framed?
Features of Effective Advocacy Organizations
Social justice- oriented advocacy organizations possess certain common essential characteristics. The definition of the problems they address begins with those who are most affected; they involve their core constituents in the research and analysis of issues and the formation of strategies and tactics. This ongoing engagement with the issues provides constituents with a sense of ownership in the organization’s vision and goals. By participating in problem analysis, people acquire a more in- depth understanding of the issues and are better able to connect their self- interest with that of others who may be affected by the issue in different ways. The evolution of the environmental justice movement is an example of these effects (Bullard, 2004).
In order for this to occur in a sustainable way, an advocacy group needs to forge those organizational mechanisms and structures, such as new networks of people and systems of peer education and communication, that facilitate a sys- tematic group or collective approach to problem- solving, a clear scope and road map for decision- making, and a straightforward definition of principles and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 305
rules of participation that can transform the complexity of interests into a sense of common purpose. This enables constituents to establish their own goals and objectives for the change effort and to identify desired solutions to their prob- lems. Although ongoing dialogue is critical to successful justice- oriented advo- cacy, a group must also take action steps to test its goals and objectives in the crucible of reality. This also puts into practice the “story for change” that it is drafting. Finally, through praxis— the dynamic relationship between reflection and action— the organization engages in ongoing evaluation of its work rather than waiting until the advocacy effort has succeeded or failed to assess its efficacy.
Engaging: Community Participation in Social Justice Advocacy
There are numerous reasons why people engage in social justice advocacy. Sometimes they are inspired by a sense of violation or a specific injustice, current or historic, or a recent loss or fear of loss. The “Black Lives Matter” campaign is an example of such efforts. At other times, people are motivated to act in response to a threat or a perceived threat to their community’s well- being (e.g., efforts to protest fracking), to prevent a crisis or problem from occurring, or to prevent an existing problem from getting worse. A catastrophic event (e.g., a hurricane), the desire for material gain or political access, and the need to build community can all initiate advocacy efforts. As Arnstein (1969) notes and Figure 9.3 reflects, there are numerous levels of community participation, from tokenism to genuine expressions of political and social power.
The objectives of community participation in social justice advocacy include creating a constituency for change, framing issues in a way that increases pub- lic support, expanding the involvement of those most affected by problems and policies in the advocacy process, holding policymakers more accountable for their actions, and monitoring the media’s portrayal of the issues affecting one’s constituents. The ability of constituents and clients to participate effectively in advocacy efforts is also determined by such factors as the community’s values and norms about political participation and the change process, the communi- ty’s diversity, the type of participation that is required, the community’s history of participation, the intensity of the problems it is experiencing, the degree of consensus or conflict regarding the causes of or solutions to the problem, the presence or absence of actual or potential leaders and formal organizations in the community, and the degree of bonding and bridging social capital that exists.
In promoting greater participation by clients and constituents, social jus- tice advocates play a variety of roles, including animateur (one who inspires or motivates), organizer, facilitator, intermediary, or liaison. Advocates initi- ate dialogue, create a sense of common purpose, think “outside the box” for
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
306 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
problem solutions and encourage people to do the same, construct a database of allies and potential supporters in order to develop new networking vehicles and mobilize networks of people, help constituents articulate their decisions, and create a road map for change. The roles of community members comple- ment those of advocates. Community members identify the issues and prob- lems they experience, who is affected by them, and in what ways. They suggest the causes of their problems, propose solutions, and help select and implement strategies. Finally, they help advocates evaluate the outcomes of their efforts.
Advocates can promote this type of meaningful community participation in several ways. They can stimulate people’s critical awareness through processes such as popular education (Kane, 2001), including the use of theater, art, poetry, and cinema (Boal, 2008; Clarke, 2014; Sakamoto, 2014; Sim, 2014; Taylor, 2014); critical consciousness- raising through dialogue or what Freire (1970) referred to as conscientization; and through what the French call animation (Reisch, Wenocur, & Sherman, 1981– 1982). By using clients’ or constituents’ narratives, they can create a process of inquiry that enables excluded populations to connect their perceptions of their lives with an analytic framework that helps them interpret it. This helps transform them from objects being acted upon to subjects who can “name the world” (Freire, 1970).
Citizen Control
Delegated Power
Partnership
Placation
Consultation
Informing
Therapy
Manipulation
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
Nonparticipation
Tokenism
Citizen Power
F igu r e 9 .3 Arnstein (1969) A Ladder of Citizen Participation
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 307
In addition, through the development of democratic participatory structures, advocates can forge internal cohesion and solidarity among diverse groups and provide them with the means to express common cause. The participatory bud- get movement, in cities such as Brooklyn, New York, and Porte Alegre, Brazil, is an example of this approach. By facilitating the decision- making and problem- solving processes, advocates can also assist constituents in undertaking specific actions such as strategy development and tactical selection.
Outside the organization, advocates can serve as intermediaries to policy- makers, experts, and opinion leaders by establishing contacts and introducing people to unfamiliar political processes. Using their existing relationships, they can help constituents identify allies, join networks, and build coalitions. At times, they can serve as “lightning rods” to draw attention and hostility away from their constituents (Alinsky, 1971).
In summary, participatory social justice advocacy organizations have the fol- lowing 10 core characteristics:
1. They make ongoing efforts to democratize knowledge, thereby breaking down the barrier between “experts” and constituents. The Center for Third World Organizing (CTWO) has done excellent work in this area with immigrant groups and youth (Sen, 2012).
2. They adapt to the culture of the community in the development of both for- mal and informal structures. For example, environmental justice advocates in the Curtis Bay neighborhood of Baltimore have integrated youth culture (hip- hop and poetry) into their organizing efforts (Philip & Reisch, 2015).
3. They use various means of internal and external communication, including informal dialogue and social media, as efforts by the “Black Lives Matter” movement reflect.
4. They encourage shared work and collective responsibility for the suc- cess or failure of the organization, as the work of a parents’ group (Parent Advocates for Youth) and a youth group (Youth Making a Change) created by Coleman Advocates for Children and Youth in San Francisco demon- strates (Brodkin, 1993).
5. They establish clear accountability mechanisms. 6. They develop processes for dealing with conflict before it inevitably occurs. 7. They make a conscious effort to address inequalities and avoid reproduc-
ing the forms of inequality that exist in the society they are attempting to change.
8. They promote and celebrate community in all its forms. 9. They emphasize the importance of relationships even as they focus on tangi-
ble outcomes. 10. They engage in ongoing reflection and evaluation.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
308 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
The Ingredients of Sustained Community Participation
1. Knowledge of the issue(s) and the change process 2. A democratic decision- making structure 3. Varied and culturally sensitive means of communication 4. Clear distribution of responsibilities 5. Accountability mechanisms 6. Means for resolving conflicts 7. Concerted efforts to address inequalities 8. A sense of community and common purpose 9. Developing ways to sustaining trust
10. Engaging in praxis: The dialectic of action and reflection
Models of Social Justice Advocacy
As Figure 9.4 shows, social justice advocates use a number of innovative prac- tice models in pursuit of a wide range of causes. These innovations have taken several forms: Some integrate advocacy into traditional practice methods by building an advocacy component into long- standing social service programs or by using long- standing advocacy tools, such as legislative testimony, in new ways (Hoefer, 2012). The Kensington Welfare Rights Organization in Philadelphia
Democracy & Freedom
Five Principles for Leadership, Equity, and Social Justice in Education by Eyad Alfattal (2015)
Positive & Safe
Environment
Opportunity & Success
Diverse Population
Education
Guide & Advocate
F igu r e 9 . 4 Educate the People
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 309
and Health Care for the Homeless in Baltimore are excellent examples of organizations that use this approach. A related innovation is the deliberate effort to transform former objects of advocacy— such as youth, women, and immigrants— into active subjects who play major roles in the advocacy process, as the work of Coleman Advocates and CTWO illustrates. Nongovernmental organizations, such as Oxfam (Bryer & Magrath, 1999), have helped create atyp- ical coalitions that cross organizational or national boundaries by sharing vital information and facilitating the formation of strategic alliances. These trans- national relationships have become critical in combating problems as diverse as climate change and child trafficking (Davy, 2013). Advocates have also focused on new dimensions of social justice, such as environmental justice and sustain- able development (Dominelli, 2012; Stricker, 2010), and have used social media creatively to empower frequently excluded populations (Kanter & Fine, 2010).
Several other examples of new models of social justice advocacy are of inter- est. Clinical practitioners in the United States and the United Kingdom have developed Anti- Oppression Advocacy, which focuses on two interrelated goals: (1) promoting individual growth and change in clients and (2) achieving economic justice, particularly for marginalized persons (Ali & Lees, 2013). Social workers within the juvenile justice system in Philadelphia have used participatory advocacy to build a youth- led movement— the Youth Art & Self- Empowerment Project— whose goals are to keep young people out of the criminal justice system and expand their opportunities for a better future (Ford et al., 2013). Several law schools have created programs to empower youth emancipated from the foster care and juvenile justice systems to engage in self- advocacy (Krebs, Pitcoff, & Shalof, 2013). Similar programs have been established in Oakland, California, and Baltimore. In Pittsburgh, New York, and San Francisco, grassroots organizations have expanded the participation of children and youth in advocacy through the use of social media coupled with conscious efforts to acknowledge the agency of those most affected by changes in the nation’s educational system (Ramey, 2013). In Porte Alegre, Brazil, and on a smaller scale in some US cities, participatory bud- geting has been used to involve neighborhood residents in promoting social justice at the local level (Santos, 1998). Figure 9.5 illustrates how this works in New York.
In Serbia, Bosnia– Herzegovina, and Kosovo, regional and local women’s organizations have based their organizing and advocacy on United Nations’ resolutions to expand women’s participation in decision- making processes, par- ticularly with regard to issues of security and transitional justice (Irvine, 2013). In the United States, Latino mothers have joined with teachers to fight for a more socially just education for their children through the use of participatory action research (PAR) (Rodriguez, 2012). (For further discussion of PAR, see Chapter 10.) Professionals in the public health field have partnered with faith- based organizations and corporations in numerous communities to address
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
310 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
the social determinants of health, such as poverty (Levin, 2013; Simon, 2006). Finally, throughout the world, advocacy groups have revitalized movements for justice among public- sector workers, nongovernmental employees, and individ- uals experiencing homelessness by emphasizing the participation of individuals and groups that are most affected by deteriorating workplace conditions and the lack of affordable housing (Rottmann, 2012; Zufferey, 2011).
Challenges of Social Justice Advocacy
Engaging in social justice advocacy is not without its risks— both to advocates and to the people with whom they work. In addition to the political obstacles cited previously and the usual challenges of advocacy work— insufficient resources and time, the complexity of many issues, lack of awareness within the public and among key decision- makers, and the danger of reverting to top- down approaches to pro- moting change— advocates for social justice also confront a unique set of problems. For example, a study of rural mental health practitioners engaged in social justice advocacy found that “in rural communities, becoming involved in social justice could be beneficial, damaging, and at time both, depending on the various contex- tual circumstances” (Bradley, Werth, Hastings, & Pierce, 2012, p. 356).
Advocates for social justice also have to address a number of persistent chal- lenges and ethical issues. Among these challenges are finding a way to balance the efforts involved in promoting community mobilization with political feasibility
How does PB work in NYC?
1. Neighborhood Assemblies (Sep-Oct)
identify community needs, select delegates
5. Implementation & Monitoring
of projects
4. Community Vote (March)
2. Delegate Meetings (Oct-Feb)
develop proposals
3. Project Expos (Feb)
share proposals and get community feedback
F igu r e 9 .5 Participatory Budgeting in Action
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 311
within a political climate characterized by hyperpartisanship and fiscal austerity; determining how residents of a diverse community can work together when they may have little experience in such intergroup cooperation; sustaining constitu- ents’ or clients’ involvement in the advocacy process in the context of busy and stressful lives; combining civic and political participation; balancing “doing the right thing” (i.e., what is consistent with social justice values) and doing things the right way (i.e., what is most likely to achieve defined goals); and, recently, using technology effectively in order to “do politics” in virtual communities.
Although they work toward the goal of social justice, advocates still have to confront ethical dilemmas that are present in all forms of social work practice, such as the unequal relationship that exists between them and their clients and constituents. This is particularly significant in determining the degree of risk that clients and constituents can be expected to take. Another ethical dilemma reflects the danger of paternalism— specifically, whether efforts to mobilize constituents or clients involve a degree of manipulation. A third issue revolves around the prin- ciple of self- determination. For example, what should advocates for social justice do when the people with whom they are working decide (i.e., self- determine) to advocate for an unjust goal, such as opposing the construction of affordable hous- ing or the establishment of a halfway house for deinstitutionalized mental health clients in their neighborhood? Finally, because the process of policy advocacy inevitably involves compromise, advocates must decide which types of compro- mise are necessary to achieve their goals and which betray social justice principles.
Among the other challenges social justice advocates occasionally confront is the emergence of organizational rivalries or mistrust among coalition partners because of different organizational priorities or personality conflicts (Carlisle, 2010; Jordan & Van Tuijl, 2000). Other barriers to effective advocacy include a lack of practice experience in the advocacy arena or sufficient knowledge about the issues that vulnerable populations, such as the elderly, confront (Kwong- Leung & Jik- Joen, 2006); the difficulty of integrating advocacy with social and/ or health care services because of the presence of different professional cultures, staffing patterns, and organizational priorities (Wiggins et al., 2013); and different conceptions among racial and ethnic minorities and indigenous people about the purposes and processes of advocacy (Bowes & Sim, 2006; Weaver & Congress, 2009). The struggles within the environmental justice movement are vivid, often painful examples of the latter (Bullard, 2004; Kuehn, 2014). As with practice with individuals and communities (see Chapters 5 and 6), social justice advocacy is impossible if it is based on notions of deficit (Fitzgerald, 2009). This point is par- ticularly important because studies have found the following (Strolovitch, 2006):
Organizations are substantially less active when it comes to issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups than they are when it comes to issues affecting
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
312 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
more advantaged subgroups. In spite of sincere desires to represent disad- vantaged members, organizations downplay the impact of such issues and frame them as narrow and particularistic in their effect, while framing issues affecting advantaged subgroups as if they affect a majority of their members and have a broad and generalized impact. Consequently, issues affecting advantaged subgroups receive considerable attention regardless of their breadth of impact, whereas issues affecting disadvantaged sub- groups do not. (p. 894)
Consequently, at both micro and macro levels, social justice advocates must adjust their strategies and tactics to the particular issues and context rather than adopt a “one- size- fits- all” approach ( Jordan & Van Tuijl, 2000).
Social justice advocates face all these challenges because the changes they seek are often controversial and highly politicized. Consequently, they need to decide if their campaigns will focus on a single issue or make multiple, often broader demands and how explicitly they should highlight the ideological dimensions of their goals. Will their demands be considered incremental reforms that are consistent with existing policies, or will they be regarded as a radical change that diverges from widely held values and goals? Is the campaign intended to influence policy, shape public opinion, or change policy actors? On a practical level, advocates need to determine if their issue is winnable and if a sustained campaign is feasible in the current context. The latter is particularly important because of the two basic rules of policy advocacy:
1. Nothing happens overnight. 2. You cannot change rule No. 1.
The work of social justice advocates is particularly difficult in politically con- servative times. Nevertheless, by modifying their strategies and tactics, advo- cates for social justice can still achieve some successes, as recent victories in such diverse arenas as the courts (the Supreme Court decisions on marriage equality and affordable housing policies), the executive branch (new rules on immigra- tion, overtime pay, and environmental pollution), and legislatures (the creation of universal pre- kindergarten programs) demonstrate. They can distinguish between minimum and optimum changes and focus on winnable battles that do not deplete their organization’s resources or the hopes of their constituents. They can reduce the cost of proposed policy changes or demonstrate their economic or fiscal benefits to society. They can use an advocacy campaign to build for future efforts in a more fertile political environment. This involves strengthening their reputations as realistic, informed, principled, credible, and trustworthy advo- cates in the eyes of clients, constituents, policymakers, and the media.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 313
Like clinical social workers, advocates must also be aware of how their per- sonal conduct, their conscious use of self, affects their practice. Effective advo- cacy requires the exercise of self- control and the ability to separate personal feelings and professional judgment. Policymakers often posture or bait advocates with whom they disagree. Rather than take this bait, effective advocates are self- critical, admit their ignorance if necessary, educate rather than lecture those with whom they disagree, strive to build relationships rather than attack and alienate their opponents, stay focused on the long term, and are consistent and constant in their efforts.
Media Advocacy
Increasingly, advocates for social justice use various forms of media strategically “to advance public policy by applying pressure to policymakers and opinion lead- ers” (Wallack & Dorfman, 1996, p. 293). Media advocacy today is an essential tool to sustain movements for social justice. Given the increased importance of the media in shaping today’s policy environment, it is important for advocates to remember that the main goal of media advocacy is not media coverage alone but, rather, to change policy or public awareness of an issue. Media advocacy is also an effective tool to position one’s organization as a credible source of vital and some- times unique information; maintain positive relationships with media contacts; advance long- term advocacy goals; and communicate one’s message clearly and consistently to diverse audiences.
Media advocacy can also be an effective way to use established institutions to promote nonestablishment or even antiestablishment goals. Positive media coverage can confer legitimacy on social justice efforts; conversely, it can under- mine or misinterpret them through selective and subjective reporting or through a blackout of coverage. The power of media has a direct impact, therefore, on the strategic choices of social justice organizations and has significant implications for how they motivate constituents to participate in social change efforts.
It is thus useful for social justice- oriented organizations to keep the following points in mind: News media do not mirror the world; they constitute it. Their subjective, often biased presentation of events not only shapes people’s percep- tions of their environments but also becomes reality. If an organization is per- ceived as a serious threat to the status quo, rather than as a legitimate proponent of an issue, mainstream media could withdraw coverage. If this occurs, like the proverbial tree falling in an otherwise empty forest, the “sounds” the advocacy organization makes will simply not be heard.
Consequently, social justice organizations must balance their interests and the interests of their clients and constituents with those of the media. This is
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
314 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
increasingly difficult in a global economy in which corporate control of media has increased. Despite their self- interests, media have cleavages that can provide social justice organizations with the openings to promote their agenda. In sum- mary, attracting media attention is a calculated risk that requires thoughtful strategy.
Media are generally classified into three categories: paid media, “earned media,” and social media. Paid media consists of advertising or public service announcements (PSAs) in newspapers and on radio, television, or the Internet. Many social justice organizations cannot afford advertising but can, with some effort, persuade media to run their PSAs on a pro bono basis. Earned media con- sists of items that appear in print, electronic, and digital sources, such as news sto- ries, letters to the editor, op- ed essays, and reports on web- based blogs. This type of media is generally far more accessible to social justice organizations, although there are numerous obstacles to its effective use, such as ensuring that news sto- ries are timely and accurate and that letters or op- ed pieces get published.
Social media includes Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Instagram. (More apps will definitely appear before this book is published.) Although social media is the most technologically “current” form of media, there are several challenges associated with its use, including digital literacy gaps that particularly affect the vulnerable populations with whom social justice organizations work, the diffi- culty of identifying and employing a single voice for the organization, boundary issues arising from the ways social media is used and interpreted, and the pres- ence of weak ties between the media and its audience.
Given the complexity of the media environment, what can social justice advo- cates do to use media effectively? Here are a few general guidelines:
1. An organization’s media strategy should be closely connected to its over- all strategy. They should complement each other rather than pursue separate paths.
2. Organizations should be realistic in their assessment of the possible benefits of media and be careful not to overuse the media as a social change tactic. This includes being realistic about the use of the organization’s resources.
3. Organizations should use media strategically by targeting their message differently to specific audiences. For example, policymakers pay more atten- tion to op- ed pieces, editorials, letters to the editor, targeted press releases, media events, and (sometimes) blogs and social media such as Twitter. The general public usually responds better to T V stories and cable T V segments, newspaper articles, radio coverage, the publications of groups to which they belong, appealing Internet blogs, and social media such as Facebook or Instagram.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 315
4. Given the abundance of items the media cover and the short attention span of the public, organizations need to be as creative as possible in both how they use media and what they communicate through media.
5. Organizations need to be aware that the manner in which an issue is framed is critical to whether it generates a positive response.
As discussed previously, framing an issue involves selecting “some aspects of a perceived reality and [making] them more salient” (Entman, 1993, p. 51). Frames express broad principles through “cues”— words or topics that trigger an emotional response. The language used to convey these frames is particularly important. Think of the different reactions you have to the following ways of formulating an issue: urban sprawl versus suburban development, pro- choice versus pro-abortion advocates, insurgents versus terrorists, and estate tax ver- sus death tax. No media story is framed on a “clean slate.” Advocates need to be aware that each story, particularly those that address controversial issues, is based on certain assumptions or preconceptions about people and their problems.
Social justice organizations confront several other challenges in their efforts to obtain positive and consistent media coverage. Media tend to present social problems in episodic (individual and short- term) frames instead of in thematic (collective and long- term) ones. Media often regard news as a form of entertain- ment (for financial reasons); coverage of issues tends to focus on the game of pol- itics, and the competition between players, instead of the substance of policies or whom they affect. In addition, media tend to construct issues in terms of oppos- ing rights or moral principles, not their underlying economic or political causes. Finally, because they reflect the values of the dominant culture, media tend to frame issues in terms of their individual rather than group or social impact, which runs counter to a social justice approach.
According to the Center for Media Justice (2014), justice- oriented advo- cacy organizations can reframe media issues to the advantage of their clients and constituents by adopting one of two approaches. They can address the “big idea” behind an issue by raising new questions about its origins or consequences, explain why the issue matters or should matter, identify what is really at stake, and emphasize the values underlying the issue. Alternately, they can focus on how to frame the “back story” by selecting the best ways to illustrate their mes- sage; define the conflict at hand; and situate the story in its historical, social, political, or cultural context. They can also identify the heroes and villains in the story and interpret its meaning.
To sustain the social justice mission of your organization, it is important to involve constituents whenever feasible in crafting media messages. Use the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
316 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
creation of a media message to clarify the nature of the problem(s) constitu- ents face, assign responsibility for the problem, indicate what is at stake if the problem is not addressed, and dismantle prevailing stereotypes about people affected by the problem or the nature of the problem. It is also important to include in the message how the organization’s vision shapes the proposed prob- lem solution and to identify what concrete action(s) you want those who hear your message to take.
How can social justice organizations get their message heard amid the cacoph- onous voices in today’s media environment? There are several “tried and true” approaches that advocates should keep in mind which reflect themes that should be familiar to all social workers: Be careful in how issues are framed, convert the personal into the political, develop and use reciprocal relationships, target pro- posed interventions effectively, and use innovative means to address persistent problems. Some ways to apply these themes to media advocacy are discussed next.
The “24/ 7” news cycle requires advocacy organizations to respond rapidly to breaking news. If possible, designate regular spokespersons to be the pri- mary, consistent media contacts or the individuals who post comments on the organization’s website or Facebook or Twitter account. The media and the public resonate to stories that focus on people rather than statistics or ideas. It is important, however, not to lose sight of the larger social justice issues and to avoid presenting issues in a manner that might reinforce the tendency to blame people for their problems. It is also important not to exploit a situation and to address such issues with sensitivity, particularly if it involves a human tragedy that affects your clients or constituents (e.g., using a mass murder to advocate for gun control too soon after the event occurs). A timely op- ed essay or letter to the editor in an influential newspaper can be more effective in such circumstances.
Social justice organizations can get their “stories” heard in several different ways. Sometimes, they can create news through a press release (Figure 9.6). They can also “pigg yback ” on existing news or use the “hook ” of an unex- pected event. Assuming it reflects the social justice values and goals of the organization, a good issue to exploit has the following qualities: It is contro- versial; broad enough to link to the organization’s specific cause (e.g., health care); reflects a clear injustice (e.g., the police killing of an unarmed youth); or involves a milestone, anniversary, or breakthrough. Other qualities of a good story include the participation of a celebrity or unusual messenger (e.g., Warren Buffett’s support of changes in the tax code to address income inequality), the presence of humor or irony, and something with a local angle (Dorfman, 2003).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 317
Tips for Media Interviews
1. Control the agenda: Your media strategy must be linked to your organization’s overall strategy and specific desired policy outcomes. Remember: An interview is not a conversation. It is an opportunity (or series of opportunities) to make a point. Here are some examples: • Policies should create/ expand opportunity for all Americans. • Policies should enable all children to contribute to society. • Policies should reflect our shared values.
F igu r e 9 . 6 Press Release Example Source: Child Welfare League of America (http:// w w w.cwla.org/ newsevents/ news20120607LGBTQ.htm).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
318 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
• Policies should reflect the diversity/ reality of a multicultural society. • Policies should reflect and reinforce social solidarity and
interconnectedness. Divide your message into three parts:
• What is the problem? • What is the solution? • Why does it matter that we address the problem? (the “so what”
factor) 2. Stylistic tips
• Keep your sentences short. Use shorter words to convey complex ideas.
• Vary your cadence. Slow down (especially with print media). Wait for the next question. Restate the question for emphasis. Try to keep your style relaxed, especially on TV, which is a “cool medium.”
• Restate powerful images/ messages (e.g., “Our children are exposed to . . . ”).
• Use colorful language and illustrations. • Focus your interview on a specific goal. Do not tell everything at once. • Focus on one component of a problem at a time. • Do not list a range of issues/ problems that affect your clients or
constituents. • Use research/ action “bullets” (e.g., “We’ve learned that . . . ”). • Do not be afraid to express passion in your use of words (e.g., “We are
concerned that . . . ”). • Use verbs that show ownership of the issues (e.g., “We understand or
know or have learned that . . . ”). • Do not use jargon or name specific programs (that only policy wonks
understand). • Ask a rhetorical question (“Imagine if . . . ”). • Personalize your response— Use good examples to illustrate absurd
possibilities of the issue you are addressing. Tell a good story. • Focus on positives. Do not use terms that frame the issue solely in
negative ways. • Avoid statements that are too broad. • Use powerful metaphors and “social math” (quantify the problem) to drive
issues home and provide specific examples around emotion- laden issues.
Remember:
• The press is not always an enemy. Do not blame the media for unfavorable coverage or hold a grudge against a reporter. Try to maintain your sense of humor and move on.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 319
• Make the media’s job easier. Take the time to build ongoing personal relationships with media representatives; offer a service (new information) to help reporters and editors meet their deadlines; look for ongoing ways to help them do their jobs (e.g., briefings).
• Use a variety of media vehicles and find creative ways to reach journalists in different communities.
• Provide specific media contacts and outlets with consistent messages (preferably with a local angle) and information relevant to their respective audiences in formats they find most useful and timely. Understand how different media affect different audiences and how to use them. To ensure consistency and continuity, limit the number of organizational spokespersons.
• Be careful what you commit to paper. There is no such thing as “off the record.”
Monitoring and Evaluating Advocacy Efforts
In today’s accountability- oriented climate, social justice advocates must demon- strate the effectiveness of their efforts in order to maintain their credibility with clients, constituents, policymakers, the media, external funders, and the general public. Many advocates, however, resist evaluating their work for sev- eral reasons: It is time- consuming and resource intensive; it requires a degree of self- criticism that often feels uncomfortable, particularly among groups that have long been excluded and marginalized by the dominant culture; and it is difficult to develop clear measures of effectiveness (Homan, 2016). Ironically, although advocacy for social justice is an ethical imperative for social workers, there have been few attempts to determine whether such advocacy is effective in achieving its goals or whether it is cost- effective (McNutt, 2011).
Like the assessment of the impact of an intervention or a program, the evaluation of advocacy efforts has multiple purposes. The most obvious is to determine whether the effort achieved its immediate goals and objectives. Was a particular policy change adopted? Did funding for a specific program increase or was a proposed budget cut defeated? Has public awareness of and sympathy for an issue or constituency increased? Did a ballot measure pass or was one your organization opposed defeated? The more difficult part of evaluating an advo- cacy effort involves process evaluation— to determine what specific strategies and tactics worked and did not work. This is critical not only to demonstrate the efficacy of your organization or group to supporters but also to identify how to improve future advocacy efforts and to involve constituents and clients in sustainable and meaningful ways.
In evaluating social justice advocacy, there are three additional issues to consider: (1) whether socially just processes were used to achieve socially just
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
320 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
outcomes, (2) whether meaningful changes in public opinion on an issue occurred (this can sometimes be measured through polling), and (3) whether the media advocacy strategies employed were effective. These types of evaluation, although costly in terms of time and resources, can be very helpful in determining how to frame and target future advocacy efforts.
Measuring process outcomes also requires social justice advocates to adopt a multiple frame perspective— that is, to consider short- term, medium- term, and long- term goals and consequences. This is particularly important because of the complexity and ambiguity of social justice goals and the challenge of translating social justice principles into actions due to the frequently unprec- edented nature of what advocates are trying to achieve. In cooperation with constituents, advocates should ask the following questions in evaluating the processes used in their advocacy efforts:
1. How were decisions made? 2. Who made the decisions? 3. Were the processes used effective? Were they sufficiently participatory? 4. What actually happened in discussions of strategies and tactics? 5. Which targets were selected? By what means? 6. Who took action? To what extent? In what ways?
Through direct and indirect observation— that is, through a combina- tion of self- ref lection, candid group discussions, consultation with third parties, and review of media coverage— advocates should assess the impact of their efforts on the major contextual components of their current and future work. These include the advocacy organization, group, or coalition as a whole, both internally and in regard to its reputation within the public and the media, and among policymakers; its leadership and decision- making structure; its use of resources; the effectiveness of various strategies and tac- tics; and its external relationships with coalition partners, allies, and support- ers. An important element of the evaluation process is clarif ying the evolving meaning of “success” and translating this definition into both objective and subjective measures.
As discussed in previous chapters, applying the concept of praxis also requires advocates to engage in an honest assessment of what actually happened; deter- mine what the advocacy efforts actually accomplished (and what would have occurred if nothing had been done); and, in situations involving multiple goals and objectives, estimate the impact of advocacy efforts on each outcome. The overall questions you want to answer are as follows: Was the advocacy effort worth the outcome? Which advocacy strategies and tactics helped achieve which goals and objectives, and at what cost? Should the organization replicate or revise these strategies and tactics in the future?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 321
Measuring “Successful” Community Participation
There are four areas to evaluate in determining the extent to which a social justice advocacy effort was successful in promoting the participation of service users or constituents. First, what impact did the advocacy effort have on people’s overar- ching values and behavioral norms? For example, was it successful in reorienting people’s values toward more justice- centered principles? How inclusive was the advocacy effort at all stages of the process? To what extent did the advocacy effort remove barriers to people’s participation and reflect the beliefs of constituents in its goals and processes?
Were the goals and objectives of the advocacy effort and the means to influence them clear and comprehensible to all potential actors? Did the advocacy process create incentives for building and strengthening community and promoting rec- iprocity of exchange (e.g., equality, mutuality, and sustained commitment)? The experience of the pioneering Mobilization for Youth organization in New York City during the early 1960s provides an excellent illustration of the gains, losses, problems, and pitfalls of community- focused advocacy (Purcell & Specht, 1965).
A second area to assess is the structure of the participation process. Was the process fair and inclusive? Did it emphasize partnership and collective decision- making rather than competition and hierarchy? To what extent did it foster com- munity cohesion about vision, community identity, and the goals of the advocacy effort? Did it promote leadership development, particularly among elements of the community that have historically been ignored? Did it enable the commu- nity to acquire a greater sense of power and control over its destiny?
A third, related issue to assess is the nature of the participation process. Questions to address in this regard include the following: Did the advocacy organi- zation or group emphasize genuine participation, or did it succumb to a more tradi- tional task orientation that emphasized “efficiency” over empowerment? What was the extent of community participation in terms of breadth of participation (How many community members were involved?), depth of participation (Around what issues?), and frequency? Around what type of issues did community members play an active role (e.g., major strategic decisions or small, narrow questions)? What was the impact of the advocacy effort on intracommunity relationships, particularly in diverse communities and those with low levels of social capital or scant histories of community involvement? To what degree did community members take responsi- bility for the decision- making process and its outcomes (success or failure)? How did the advocacy effort enhance the knowledge, skills, and self- confidence that community members need to participate in the future?
Finally, the evaluation of an advocacy effort should reflect on its impact on the organization’s external relationships with government agencies, influential nonprofit groups, and other professionals, inside and outside social work. With what levels or departments of government was the advocacy effort more or less
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
322 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
successful? What are the constraints on future advocacy of existing policies and services? What external resources (money, alliances, etc.) will be needed in the future and from what sources? What role did professionals play and what impact did that have on the overall advocacy effort? How did the advocacy effort affect the community’s future relationships with allies, competitors, or opponents?
The following is a framework to help advocacy organizations evaluate their level of success in promoting meaningful community participation:
A Framework for Assessing Community Participation
The following five- axis framework can be used to measure the extent to which clients, constituents, and community members have been involved in social justice advocacy efforts:
Axis 1— Community power and decision- making: This includes such factors as equal access to information; a common set of principles based on a clear definition of social justice and/ or human rights; the right of everyone in the community to contribute to the com- munity’s agenda; transparency in all final decisions, which would be reached by consensus; rotating leadership roles; and a collective, nonhierarchical conception of leadership and power.
Axis 2— Community identification/ boundaries: This contains such components as the presence of clear but permeable boundaries to iden- tify who is or is not a community member; a positive, self- determined identity (accepted by external forces) in which every member has a sense of belonging, history, and continuity; and a culture that inte- grates, respects, appreciates, and embraces diversity in all its forms, which strives to empower members to find their unique place in the community, fosters sustainable relationships between individuals and groups, and establishes a common standard of behavioral norms.
Axis 3— Community needs and strengths: This refers to the importance of a community participating in identifying and defining its own needs, strengths, weaknesses, and goals. Supporters and allies from outside the community can become involved in advocacy efforts if they operate from an empowerment theory framework (as opposed to a deficit model) in making community assessments. Their role would be limited to consultation and technical assistance based on community input (Rivera & Erlich, 1998).
Axis 4— Community relationships and problem- solving: The features here reflect the community’s culture and climate. In order for com- munity members to be full participants in social justice work, the community must be a safe place, characterized by inclusivity and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 323
reciprocal, dynamic relationships between individuals and its orga- nizations. The community needs to establish and maintain a com- mon space that is designed, recognized, utilized, and “owned” by all members. Processes need to be established to handle internal and external conflicts effectively and in a manner that produces solutions that respond to the needs and interests of all stakeholders. Finally, in order for the change effort to be sustained, the community strives to meet its needs, as it defines them, through resources that are accessible and over which it can exercise some influence and control.
Axis 5— External structures and community well- being: This refers to the relationship between the community and the external institutions with which it interacts. Ideally, these institutions would take into consider- ation the wants, needs, and cultural diversity of the community. Open communication would exist, and a balance of power between the insti- tutions and the community would be maintained. Decisions that affect the community would not be imposed unilaterally because the commu- nity’s right to self- determination would be recognized. The community would have the ability to access external resources, and there would be a reciprocal sharing of knowledge, assets, resources, and power.
Question
What should be the limits of a community’s power? For example, what hap- pens when the community is biased or its leaders are corrupt?
Using Polls to Determine the Effectiveness of Advocacy
Increasingly, advocacy organizations, particularly those that are larger and bet- ter financed, are using opinion polls to determine the impact of their efforts on public opinion. Although such polls can be helpful in enhancing advocacy efforts, like all research methods, they must be used judiciously. Advocates should first ask: What do we really want to know? Why do we want this infor- mation? How will we use it now and in the future? To what extent might it influence our efforts to achieve socially just goals and engage in socially just processes? The last question is particularly important because of the powerful temptation to tailor advocacy efforts to the current climate of opinion, even when that climate is unsympathetic to social justice ends.
There are several potential pitfalls, therefore, in the preparation and use of opinion polls and in the analysis of their results. Advocates must take particular care in training volunteers, especially if inexperienced constituents are involved in the polling process, and in selecting outside consultants for technical assis- tance. They must also pay special attention to the wording of polling questions
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
324 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
(which can significantly influence the outcome), the selection of the sample, and the methods used to maintain and secure polling data. Once data are collected, advocates must be wary of overanalyzing the results, focusing on meaningless relationships, overstating cause and effect, confusing respondents’ attitudes and behaviors, and ignoring the context in which polling questions are posed.
There are several other obstacles to the use of polls to measure the effectiveness of advocacy efforts. One involves the development of a representative sample. Many individuals no longer possess landline telephones; others are difficult to contact due to their work schedules. In addition, many people are distrustful of pollsters, particularly if they ask questions about controversial issues. Finally, some people are reluctant to express opinions to pollsters that reflect their lack of knowledge about an issue or attitudes that may be considered prejudicial or discriminatory. Nevertheless, if adjustments are made for these potential problems, judicious use of polling can be a valuable tool to determine which advocacy strategies and tactics are most effective. Although polling is costly and time- consuming, when used wisely it can save advocacy organizations time and money in the future (Lake, 1987).
Evaluating Media Efforts
The process of evaluating media advocacy is similar. Its purpose is to make judg- ments about which media strategies worked and to generate knowledge about the media that can be helpful to an advocacy organization and its constituents in the future. As with any assessment process, it begins by asking the right ques- tions: What do you want to know about the media? Is that information avail- able? How will you get that information? How will you use that information?
In assessing social justice media advocacy, the following are important cri- teria to consider: the extent to which the advocacy effort has relied on media coverage to achieve its ends, the degree of “fit” between the social justice message the organization wishes to communicate and the media audience, and the nature and saliency of the issue. Another important factor is the sociocultural and polit- ical context at the time of the advocacy effort. In discussing advocacy on behalf of environmental issues, Liévanos (2012) asks, “How and why were aspects of the environmental justice frame institutionalized into regulatory policy while others were not?” (p. 481). Other examples include how media coverage of eco- nomic inequality evolved as a result of the “Occupy movement” and whether its coverage reflected or influenced public attitudes about the issue. The presence of other issues that are competing for the public’s attention also affects media advocacy, particularly around complex and controversial topics that the media may be reluctant to cover or may cover only in superficial, often misleading ways.
In evaluating media advocacy efforts, other questions to consider include the following: Which media events were most effective in conveying your advocacy
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
9. Creating and Implementing Socially Just Policies 325
message or in changing or mobilizing public opinion? Did media attention match your original reasons for seeking coverage? How extensive (and in- depth) was the coverage? How was your issue framed by different types of media? What impact did the coverage have on building support among the public or policymakers? Did media advocacy strengthen or weaken your relationships with other groups?
Summary
This chapter focused on the relationship of social justice values to the substance of social policy and the policy development process. It discussed how social justice prin- ciples can influence the policy process, various methods of promoting social justice through policy advocacy, and how the strategic use of information in the media can help achieve social justice goals in a socially just manner. It concluded with a discus- sion of how advocacy efforts and attempts to expand the participation of clients and constituents in social justice work can be evaluated. Chapter 10 addresses various dimensions of social justice research, including evaluation and participatory action research— research methods that can also have a significant impact on practice, pol- icy, and advocacy at the local and national level (Chapman & Schwartz, 2012).
Discussion Questions
1. How do different views about the role of government reflect different concep- tions of social justice? Select an issue about which you are concerned. What are the implications of these views for policy development that addresses this issue?
2. What forces in the current environment create obstacles to the development of socially just policies that would address this issue? Which forces facilitate their development?
3. With which definition of a socially just policy do you most agree? How would you apply this definition to social policies that address an issue you care about?
4. Identify an issue that affects the people with whom you work or the organi- zation in which you work. How does the framing of this issue (by govern- ment officials, the media, etc.) affect the policies that have emerged to address this issue? How might the issue be framed differently from a social justice perspective?
5. What advocacy strategies would you use to enhance current policies that address this issue? How would you integrate a social justice perspective into both your advocacy goals and the means through which you would attempt to achieve these goals?
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1. We frequently refer to this article in this chapter because although it refers to health research, we find its points highly relevant to all social work research that seeks to make social justice issues central to all phases of the research process.
10
Socially Just Research and Evaluation
Introduction: The Role of Research and Evaluation in Promoting Social Justice
This chapter discusses the role that research and evaluation play in the promo- tion of social justice. We agree with Clark and Hollander (2005) that
for real opportunity and social justice in health research, two conditions must be present: A scientific community must produce relevant informa- tion through a rational deliberative process and groups affected by find- ings must be aware of and able to use the information. (p. 30)1
Several authors have considered this topic, such as Fraser (2009), Brown and Strega (2005), Denzin and Giardina (2006), Smith (2006), and Potts and Brown (2005). Furthermore, as Potts and Brown so eloquently state,
Being an anti- oppressive researcher means that there is political purpose and action to your research work. Whether that purpose is on a broad soci- etal level or about personal growth, by choosing to be an anti- oppressive researcher, one is making an explicit personal commitment to social jus- tice. Anti- oppressive work involves making explicit the political practices of creating knowledge. It means making a commitment to the people you are working with personally and professionally in order to mutually fos- ter conditions for social justice and research. It is about paying attention
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 327
2. For purposes of this chapter, we do not consider corporations to be persons as has been declared by the Supreme Court in cases such as Citizens United.
to, and shifting, how power relations work in and through the process of doing research. (p. 255)
The authors who write about social justice and research have also indicated their preferred methodologies: textual analysis (Newton, 1990; Woods & Kroger, 2000), sometimes “infused with feminist ideas” (Fraser, 2009, p. 92), narrative analysis (Riessman, 1993), or a scripting approach (Simon, 1996). We argue, spe- cifically, that research and evaluation help to reduce power discrepancies among service users, providers of services, and all other stakeholders by providing each entity with information about the outcomes and processes that ensue from the service activity and the opportunity to fully participate in them. Possessed with the same information, if it is accepted as valid, each of these entities can use that information to point out whether it is “losing out” or in some way being dis- advantaged by these outcomes and processes and to take action to rectify the situation. Danso’s (2015) perspective is very similar to our own based on similar sources.
Needless to say, the research process can sometimes cause injury to persons and systems. At this point, ethical and value considerations enter the picture. For example, an outcome may be that service users have been awarded a resource (e.g., money, facilities, and policy changes) that impinges on the resources of the agency or some other organization or person.2 A value position can be taken here that is derived from the concept of justice. The practitioner might argue that a just outcome is for the service users to have a “right” to the benefits obtained as a result of the social worker’s research activities.
On the other hand, the service users may not have obtained their desired out- come. For example, parents may not have succeeded in obtaining a service from the school that they believed their children needed. They may argue this is an unjust outcome and seek further redress. Or, a service user may have been trying to reduce her anxieties and, when this is not achieved, may argue that the agency policy denied her the type or quantity of service she needed to attain this goal.
From the beginning of service, stakeholders should be involved in all aspects of the research and evaluation processes; this is discussed in more detail later. For example, investigators sought to determine the outcomes of a project to help patients with breast cancer cope with their illness and its consequences. The women were interested in determining whether they lived longer with this ser- vice than those who did not receive it, whether they were able to tolerate their treatment better, and whether their personal outlook was more optimistic and less depressed. These questions can be answered through evaluation processes.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
328 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
Service users may question any aspect of the evaluation or research process, such as the measures that will be evaluated to determine the effectiveness of a program or service; the measurement tools used; how data will be collected; who will have access to the data; how the outcomes will be disseminated; how much or little time will be allocated to the data collection procedures; whether the ways the data are collected reflect the biases and attitudes of the data collectors, espe- cially if the data are collected by the service providers; what the consequences will be if their responses reflect negatively (or even positively) on the service pro- viders; and how their responses will affect future services they may require.
Since the Flexner Report (Flexner, 1915), social work has been engaged in a quest for a knowledge base to legitimize its professional status (Ehrenreich, 1985; Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). Social work’s master narrative has shaped the various components of this quest through its definition of the research process— from the formulation of a researchable question to the selection of appropriate meth- odologies, the development of suitable research instruments, the interpretation of data, and the assessment of its implications. This has had enormous impacts on the conceptualization, production, and dissemination of knowledge in the field of social welfare, with major implications for the theory and practice of social work (Fook, 2002; Kirk & Reid, 2002; Payne, 2005) and for the profession’s abil- ity to achieve its social justice goals.
The growing emphasis in schools of social work and professional journals on intervention research and “evidence- based practice” and the concomitant focus on increasingly sophisticated quantitative methodologies have been based on a dual rationale: the enhancement of the quality of social work scholarship to improve the effectiveness of social services and the need to strengthen the com- petitive position of the social work profession in the occupational and academic marketplace (Gambrill, 2004; Thyer, 2007). On a more subtle level, it may also be a means to reassert the master narrative in the face of theoretical, methodolog- ical, and political critiques (Elkins, 2005; Gibbs & Gambrill, 2002; Webb, 2001).
Power and knowledge are synthesized through the discourses produced by master narratives, including “the structure of statements, terms, categories and beliefs that are expressed through organizations and institutions” (Dominelli, 2002, p. 33). In these discourses, the preservation of binary oppositions— “differ- ence”— helps maintain the existence of dominant/ subordinate roles, including those between workers and clients. The master narrative’s construction of our understanding of knowledge and research through a positivist tradition, which takes for granted that “practice can and should be based on ‘proven facts’ gener- ated through [quantitative research] . . . rather than ‘less rigorous’ research designs, intuition [i.e., analogical thinking], practice wisdom or theory” (Trinder, 2000, p. 41), has a direct impact on the practice of social work, the structure of social service agencies, and the application of social science (Laslett, 1998).
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 329
Changes in how the profession constructs the meaning of knowledge, research, and evidence have been introduced with little assessment of their effects on the long- standing mission of social work and the character of schools of social work and social service agencies. A peculiar feature of these current trends is how quickly they have been incorporated into social work’s master narrative with- out regard for the intellectual and ideological contradictions involved, despite what Kirk and Reid (2002) refer to as an ill- suited application of physical sciences methods to social work. Although the debate between postpositivists and post- modernists has been instructive, evidence- based intervention research continues to be ascendant, and fundamental epistemological questions such as “What is knowledge?” “How do we know it?” and “Does truth equal validity?” remain unanswered (Witkin & Harrison, 2001).
In its current form, the definitions that underlie social work research reflect unacknowledged biases about such key terms as “evidence,” “knowledge,” and “knowing” (Collins, 2009; Fawcett, Featherstone, Fook, & Rossiter, 2000; Littell, 2008). Finally, by promoting research on the effectiveness of established interventions as a means of addressing contemporary social problems, rather than analyzing their structural roots, social workers implicitly accept these problems as inevitable— as conditions to be managed rather than eliminated. Indirectly, this new emphasis contradicts the profession’s focus on social justice.
Critique of Research Methodologies
Epistemology
This issue concerns whether the concepts and theories underlying the approach to research and evaluation are valid. Essentially, it examines how “knowledge” in a particular situation is being defined. From a social justice perspective, this involves the assessment of the research methods being used to determine whether they reflect cultural biases, structural inequities, or unquestioned and potentially erroneous assumptions. For example, when service users are asked to indicate their gender, a classification of male/ female leaves out a range of possible ways people identify their gender. Or a question regarding what degree the service users view the service as satisfactory may not reflect that to them the word “satis- factory” may have many different meanings. These issues are particularly salient when questionnaires or other measurement instruments are translated into another language ( Jani & DeForge, in press).
Given these issues, the debate over whether investigators should utilize qual- itative or quantitative measures may oversimplify the challenges of research and pay insufficient attention to how the service users being studied perceive their realities. This is not to be construed as an argument for using only qualitative
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
330 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
3. We, however, do not deny the idea that the personal experiences of the worker and the service users are also relevant data. In addition, the memory and understanding of these expe- riences will affect how these persons view and utilize other data. This idea is highly compat- ible with, and may be intrinsic to, a social justice approach that seeks to empower all actors. In summary, determining how knowledge is integrated with experience is important to this consideration.
data; quantitative measures may provide insights into an important component of a complex situation. For example, service users in a group setting may be asked about the proportion of other group members they thought listened to what they have said; this may offer valid information about how they perceived this aspect of the group situation.
The Purpose of Knowledge Development
We also subscribe to the general notion that social work practice should have an evidence base. The important question here is what constitutes evidence. Ultimately, data are filtered through the minds of each person examining the data. This interpretation is affected by each person’s current and past experiences such as interactions with others, cultural beliefs, and ways of perceiving experi- ence.3 Knowledge is also cumulative and will be stored in many ways for future use in what may be a very different context. Although comparisons between past and present data can support the validity of a hypothesis or theory, a social jus- tice perspective demands that the cultural context and power relationships at the time the data were collected and analyzed and at the time they are reviewed be considered.
Criteria for Valid and Useful Knowledge
From a social justice perspective, this means that knowledge used to inform prac- tice incorporates the perspectives and interests of the service users. Although the perspectives of other systems must be considered at times, the needs and interests of the service users are paramount. These different perspectives must be consid- ered in the following circumstances:
• When it is necessary to provide a context that explains the roles of these other systems in the processes and outcomes
• When these other systems possess power that has been a source of the oppression of the service users
• When the views held by individuals in these other systems help to explain the views and experiences of the service users
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 331
4. The men were fully informed that this was an element of the program when they entered it and had a chance to react to and question this.
An example of this series of issues is a research- evaluation project of a family vio- lence prevention program in a not- for- profit family service agency. The outcomes were measured by observations of family interactions during sessions, individual reports from the abused family members, and reports from the police of calls from abused family members requesting police protection. The program had special components for the abuser, usually a male in the family, and the abused persons were predominantly women and children. A comprehensive social jus- tice approach requires that the families concerned determine whether family observations are appropriate; where, when, and how these observations would occur; how the data obtained from these observations are interpreted; and what conclusions and practice implications are drawn from them.
Because the program sought to empower as well as protect the women in these families, when the men were treated in the men’s program, their wives were also interviewed as to whether they continued to experience abuse.4 The women were also asked about their experiences with the police and about the responsiveness of the police. Finally, the women and men were both interviewed with respect to their experiences with program staff. In addition, the investigators interviewed a sample of police to ascertain their attitudes toward the women who were abused. The agency’s staff members were also interviewed to determine their attitudes toward the program. Admittedly, all of these interviews added to the cost of the research. Nevertheless, the investigators believed that unless they secured fund- ing for all these activities, they would not have a valid picture of the program from a social justice perspective.
Power Relationships: Researcher– Subjects
Social justice- oriented investigators will consider the impact of likely power dif- ferentials among themselves, research subjects, and others who are interested in, involved in, and affected by either the research process or its outcomes. The fol- lowing are specific examples:
• Investigators have power by virtue of their knowledge, organizational sanction, and linkage to an educational institution or to the organization sponsoring the research. If the research is funded by the government, this may also be a source of influence in such situations. An example of this kind of power was demonstrated when one of the authors conducted his doctoral research. He asked a group of teenagers for permission to record their group
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
332 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
5. These authors seem to emphasize clinical decision- making here, but we view the concept of evidence- based practice as applicable to any level of social work practice.
meeting and then asked them to complete questionnaires about the session. They gave permission, with one member commenting, “Who are we to stand in the name of science?!”
• Subjects may fear that their responses will cause harm to themselves although the investigator pledges confidentiality. This fear may even extend to situations in which individual data are not revealed but the aggregated data will have consequences when persons in authority learn, for example, that some subjects are critical of the services provided or persons in authority.
Evidence- Based Practice
Evidence- based practice (EBP) is a term that is very widely used in social work, as well as in other professions (e.g., medicine). According to Jenson and Howard (2008), this practice
is a five- step process used to select, deliver, and evaluate individual and social interventions aimed at preventing or ameliorating client problems and social conditions. At its most basic level, EBP seeks to systematically integrate evidence about the efficacy of interventions in clinical decision- making. (p. 158)5
From a social justice standpoint, we do not take issue with the concept of EBP, as such, but how it is sometimes interpreted and applied. The following are some concerns we have in this regard:
1. What constitutes evidence? Some scholars tend to restrict evidence to quan- titative studies, although this restriction is seldom specified in definitions of EBP.
2. Practitioners’ anecdotal evidence or so- called “practice wisdom” is sel- dom used to supplement other findings, thus negating the power of the practitioner.
3. Service users’ opinions are seldom elicited in the choice of interventions and the selection and evaluation of the evidence, thus negating their power. Their views on the effects of the intervention may not be considered, and outcomes may be measured by other evidence such as of behavior change or of the views of significant others, which may reflect different values and underlying cul- tural norms and assumptions.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 333
6. It can be argued that all research not directed at a specific nonmarginalized population (e.g., male managers of NGOs) will not be affected by this principle. In addition, some research is intended to be a sample of a very large population containing people of many different backgrounds for which this principle is legitimately modified. Nevertheless, many
4. Although researchers today are likely to assess the evidence in terms of its applicability to the ethnicity, gender, religion, age, and geographical location of the service users, this standard may not be utilized in the selection of the evidence or the means by which it is collected and analyzed.
5. The ongoing involvement of service users in the determination of how the evi- dence is to be defined and utilized, or in assessing the services offered them, is not often found in articles relating to specific instances of EBP, thus further disempowering service users in the research process.
Tenets of Research Activity That Promote Social Justice
Brown and Strega (2005) view socially just research as “research from, by, and with the margins” (p. 6). They use the term “marginalization” as a “context in which those who routinely experience inequality, injustice, and exploitation live their lives” (p. 6). The work of these scholars has heavily influenced our point of view, and we are indebted to them for the following discussion. Brown and Strega (2005) assert,
Being marginalized refers not just to experiences of injustice or discrim- ination or lack of access to resources. In the research context, it acknowl- edges that knowledge production has long been organized, as have assessments of the ways producing knowledge can be “legitimate,” so that only certain information, generated by certain people in certain ways is accepted or can qualify as “truth.” Historically, this has meant that those on the margins have been the objects but rarely the authors of research, and the discomfort that those on the margins feel about adopting tradi- tional research processes and knowledge creation has been interpreted as their personal inability or failings. (p. 7)
Related to this point of view, we have developed a number of principles that we believe should be observed in socially just social work research:
• Marginalized groups should have a role in the formulation of the research, research design, measurement of variables, collection and interpretation, and dissemination of research results whenever the research has specific relevance for these groups.6
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
334 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
research grant- awarding entities require that the proposal for research address this issue, and if the principle has not been observed or only observed partially, they require an explanation as to why this is the case.
7. The worker will have to be able to recognize these, and this will require regular efforts for the workers to raise their own consciousness.
8. It is, of course, possible that those in power may legitimately benefit from the results. This does not mean the research should not be done. This is a complex issue that merits more con- sideration than it has received.
• The researcher should draw on the insights that are offered by critical approaches to knowledge development, such as critical race theory and feminism.
• When indigenous peoples or people of different cultures and ethnicities are involved in the research, their ways of knowing should be understood and incorporated in the research processes and procedures.
• Research processes should be adopted that explicitly and implicitly challenge relations of domination and subordination when these exist.7 These will be enhanced if researchers consider who will benefit from the outcomes of the research.8
• Researchers should engage in praxis by moving back and forth between theory and practice, reflecting on how innovative and critical research theories might be applied, and then modifying theories as a result of their practice experience.
• Research should relate to the enhancement of “empowerment,” particularly in terms of its analysis of power relations and recognition of systemic oppressions (Brown & Strega, 2005, pp. 9- 10).
Brown and Strega (2005)
challenge a broad range or currently popular research methodologies, across the range of positivism to postmodernism, by noticing that they all draw from a narrow foundation of knowledge based on the social, his- torical, and cultural experiences of White men: the dominant and hege- monic ideology under which we all live and in whose image the academy is constructed. (p. 10)
They argue (and we agree) that
research cannot challenge relations of dominance and subordination unless it also challenges the hegemony of current research paradigms. In order to make overt how power relations permeate the construction and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 335
legitimation of knowledge, the question of the researcher’s location and political commitments, which are obscured by methodological claims to objectivity, neutrality, and gender and race blindedness, must be taken up. (p. 11)
The Qualitative– Quantitative Issue in Research
There is no doubt that many researchers committed to fighting injustice and furthering justice favor qualitative approaches. There are a number of reasons for this, although qualitative approaches can also present problems from a social justice perspective.
One reason for preferring qualitative research is that the persons who are the subjects of qualitative research have more power and control over the data. In interviews, for example, they can determine the nature and content of their responses, increasing the likelihood that they will influence the frames of refer- ence through which their lives and experiences will be interpreted. This reduces the possibility that the interviewer will bias the responses by the questions posed and by verbal and nonverbal indications of how much attention is being paid to each issue. Even the identities of the interviewer (e.g., gender, color, and physical appearance) will influence what the interviewee says. It is also unlikely that the interviewees will be fully forthcoming if they have little or no acquaintance with the interviewer or if they speak a different language. For these reasons, many social justice- oriented researchers spend time establishing a connection with the interviewees before engaging in the research process. This further empowers interviewees as they learn the skills necessary for this task.
Qualitative approaches may also involve the researchers in observing natu- ral settings in which potential interviewees interact, such as group meetings and informal settings (e.g., while people are standing in line or sitting in a waiting room). Biases can also enter here, as researchers decided what and how to record, store, and analyze information. These may involve the persons who review the raw data, analyze its meaning, and draw implications from the results. In some research projects, it may also involve research subjects in recording their observa- tions and comparing them to those of the researcher(s). This process, of course, is time- consuming and can be costly, but it is more likely to collect reliable information.
Another qualitative approach is the collection of life histories (narratives) or biographies. This can involve collecting information from the members of the group being studied and/ or from significant persons in their lives. The informa- tion collected may or may not be valid or complete on its own, but this limitation can be minimized by having the individuals being studied review the data and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
336 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
how it is analyzed or reported. Although the data may not reflect an accurate and complete story, if they are reported carefully, they can reflect the perceptions of the individual(s) and add richness to the findings (Musson, 1998).
The data from any type of qualitative research (or any research for that mat- ter) must be recorded, analyzed or interpreted, and presented to an “audience.” The greatest fidelity, perhaps, is when an audiovisual recording is made. Even then, the intrusiveness of this process may have an impact on the events being observed. The analysis of such recordings, however done, can also be expensive and time- consuming.
The researcher committed to the principles of social justice espoused in this book will consider particularly how power differentials and differing cognitive perspectives (some of which are privileged) affect all research processes. As stated throughout this chapter, the involvement of the people in the population being studied is essential in resolving these issues or diminishing their impact. Their participation can influence the design of the observation process, how results are interpreted, and how findings are disseminated. It is also important that partici- pants be informed in advance that any collection of data by whatever means can be discontinued at the request of the participants.
Qualitative research may also be iterative in nature in that the researchers and participants may examine data, revise or expand their research findings on the basis of this analysis, and return to gather more data by similar or different means as a result of questions raised by this examination. This underscores the need for a close partnership between researchers and participants.
Some qualitative research approaches use existing documents such as reports, letters, social histories (Andrews, 2007), newspaper articles, and even literature in the form of books, short stories, and poetry. A poor example of this is a study by Cmiel (1995) that purported to provide the history of a Chicago children’s institution that began as a residence for children of Civil War widows (Chicago Nursery and Half Orphan Asylum) and later became a residential treatment agency. The author attributed the changes in the institution largely to societal changes in the field of child welfare.
One of the authors of this book had an intimate knowledge of this children’s institution because it was his field placement and an agency at which he had been hired as a consultant. His personal information was that the agency hired a new director in 1949, after many examinations of its program, partially due to the extensive changes in child welfare that were occurring but also due to child abuse of the residents. Cmiel (1995) largely relied on written reports and board min- utes and did not contact many living persons who had a different perspective on the agency. Chapin Hall closed in 1984, and Cmiel again attributes this to deinstitutionalization and other policy and funding shifts. Although that is true,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 337
this author was also aware (although no longer connected to the agency) of child abuse occurring in the institution. None of these occasions were reported in any of the documents examined by Cmiel.
This example illustrates the limits of relying on selected documents (espe- cially those created by powerful persons) to determine cause and effect. The use of such documents should be supplemented— through a process referred to as “triangulation”— by other sources of information, such as interviews with peo- ple who had knowledge of the situation or reports on the situation written by outsiders. This is a social justice issue because the powerless and the oppressed (especially the children and their families) were not given a voice in interpreting developments that affected them.
Another important issue in both qualitative and quantitative research is cul- tural consciousness and reflexivity. This issue has received much attention and is particularly related to the concept of cultural humility (National Association of Social Workers, 2008). The issue here goes beyond the idea that the researcher should have knowledge of the culture of participants in the research. It is equally important to recognize that people from different cultures may have different ways of knowing, imparting what they know, and even viewing reality. The researcher must acquire knowledge of these matters and use this knowledge to develop a trusting relationship with participants. An example of these issues with reference to research with indigenous Canadian peoples is provided by Kovach (2005), Absolon and Willett (2005), and Thomas (2005).
The previous discussion is not intended to imply that quantitative approaches are inherently unjust. Our main argument is that qualitative approaches are more likely than quantitative ones to express the voices of oppressed peoples in ways that enable them to take ownership of their views in their own languages, ways of viewing their realities, and to express their own thoughts and feelings relevant to the matter at hand. Sometimes, with the understanding of all the stakeholders, researchers will need to sample the views and experiences of large populations. In such cases, quantitative instruments can ensure that all respondents are respond- ing to the same stimuli (e.g., instrument questions). There are also data that are obtained which represent an almost universally recognized variable (e.g., age, area of residence, length of time an event occurred, and country of birth), although these data do not represent what these “facts” mean to the respondent. An exam- ple of such a variable that has recently been recognized as more complex than pre- viously considered is gender. Persons such as transsexuals may view themselves as having unique gender attributes with regard to how their physical attributes, psychological sense of themselves, and gender history relate to their environment.
From a social justice perspective, there are strong advantages to using so- called “mixed methods” research in which some aspects of the views and experiences of
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
338 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
people are identified through quantitative methods, whereas the personal mean- ing of these findings is discovered through qualitative methods. In socially just research, however, all of the data are gathered, recorded, analyzed, and inter- preted by various stakeholders, especially participants.
Community- Based Participatory Action Research
An approach that is frequently utilized by investigators committed to social jus- tice principles is “community- based participatory action research.” This approach draws heavily on research approaches developed much earlier by Lewin (1947) and many of his associates. Action research involved processes to design research, to examine the outcomes and the utilization of these outcomes in changing social situations, and in an iterative manner to design and implement new research activity in the light of such changes or lack of change. The participatory aspect is integrated with the action research when the stakeholders (certainly including those whose behavior is examined in the research) are involved in full partnership with the researchers in all phases of the investigation. Social justice issues will be an essential feature of such research if the goals of the research are to promote social justice or ameliorate social injustice. According to Sohng (1996, as quoted in Gouin, Cocq, & McGavin, 2011), “PR (participatory research) was originally designed to resist the intellectual colonialism of Western social research into the Third World development process” (p. 80). Gouin et al. state, “The central concern in PR is the production and ownership of knowledge by oppressed groups with the intention of defining their own realities and mobilizing for action (p. 264).
An excellent example of socially just participatory action research is presented by Gouin et al. (2011). The authors are staff members of what is described as “a not- for- profit and nonhierarchical Canadian social justice organization” called Inter Pares. They were mandated to conduct research on the practice of this organiza- tion. They note that the staff members were committed to “process and consen- sus.” The focus of the organization was on changing the way Canada engaged in international development. This led to the organization’s financial and political support to “organizations in the Global South acting on issues of common con- cern: reproductive rights and women’s health, violence against women, civil liber- ties, migration, human rights, resource extraction, and food sovereignty” (p. 262).
Gouin et al. (2011) observed the principles of this kind of research in all aspects of their research activity as follows:
• They specified that the purpose of their research is to determine “how Inter Pares’ feminism informs its day- to- day functioning and programming and how it relates to results achieved” (p. 263). Specifically, they sought to “learn,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 339
affirm, and question: Where is the organization now? How did it get here? Where is it going?” (p. 263).
• A small group of staff members from various positions within the organization were referred to as the “research cluster.” Members of this cluster arrived at all decisions by consensus and presented them to the full Inter Pares staff for discussion and final decision- making.
• Data were collected through multiple methods, including interviews, focus groups, and workshops “carried out with current and former staff, current and former board members, counterparts in Canada, Latin America, Asia, and Africa, funders, and other collaborators” (p. 266).
Phases of Social Justice Research
We can more specifically identif y social justice issues in research and evalua- tion by discussing them in relation to what we view as phases of the research process.
Planning
Due to practical limitations in funding and sponsorship, choices must be made regarding which research questions are addressed. In addition, in a democracy concerns about social justice should guide research choices. Thus, how practi- tioners choose the problems that become the focus of their research is an import- ant component of efforts to achieve social justice.
Clark and Hollander (2005) amplify this assumption by addressing such questions as how research is distributed and measured and how democratic soci- eties can ensure a just distribution of research. Social justice requires that the voices of women and members of minority groups be heard when determining what problems should be researched. This means that the input from such groups requires greater transparency in the research process that goes well beyond “informed consent.”
Data Collection
The process of data collection raises many social justice issues. One is that the choice of a sample may reflect biases. Various funding bodies now insist that the sample be representative with regard to race, ethnicity, color, gender, and age. Often, research limits the involvement of one or another of these groups in the research sample but claims that the findings are universally applica- ble. Even the choice of data collectors should be considered because research
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
340 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
subjects may respond differently to people they view as similar or different from themselves on the basis of cultural or social characteristics.
Data Analysis
The analysis of data has important consequences for how research is used to inform practice and program development. As Montague (1964) states,
The scientist is put in the position of having to make available the facts, for the benefit of those who may wish to judge the evidence for them- selves. . . . Facts do not speak for themselves but are at the mercy of who- ever chooses to give them meaning. (p. 137)
Thus, from a social justice perspective, the investigator should disclose to relevant audiences, especially the people whose views and experience have been studied, the approach that was taken in the analysis, why it was chosen, and how the research design is appropriate for the “subjects” and the issues being studied. Some analytic approaches seek to account for variations in responses from members of different social groups, whereas others do not. The researcher may indicate that too few (or no) members from a given group have been included in the research sample, but he or she must then explain why this occurred and how it was factored into the analysis of the findings. The federal government, in fact, usually insists that this question must be addressed in funding proposals and the exclusion of some groups justified. The response of the researcher to this question should also be included in explanations of the analysis. As Clark and Hollander (2005) state,
Despite the well- trod territory of minority suspicion of public health based on the Tuskegee Syphilis Study (Gamble, 1997; Reverby, 2000) and other unethical “scientific” undertakings, an unspoken and perhaps greater dan- ger is the unaddressed research questions, uncollected data, and the misin- terpreted and/ or underestimated findings. . . . The data we do not have and the questions we do not ask deprive various publics of relevant life- giving and life- saving information. A question for deliberation is why are “we” (disciplines) complacent with incomplete health knowledge, poor under- standing, and inadequate dissemination of findings, even as yet another study of White males confirms what is already known. (p. 36)
Interpretation of Findings
In research, in addition to analyzing data, the findings are typically “inter- preted”— that is, explained often by reference to previous research and established
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 341
theories. There are ways in which findings that are unacceptable to the research- ers, funders, or audiences may be explained away. For example, in a hypothetical study that examined alcohol use, the researchers may “explain away” a finding that did not meet their expectations and biases by claiming that the analysis was biased, the instruments were inaccurate, or the significance level was too large (i.e., there was too great a chance that the result was due to variation among sam- ples and not an indication of a strong likelihood of the truth of the findings).
Dissemination of Findings
A major issue in this regard is how results are reported to “underserved poor groups” (Clark & Hollander, 2005). As Clark and Hollander state,
Many underserved poor groups desperately need critical skills to interpret data. However, in the absence of such skills, cannot researchers be more mindful of delivering . . . information in a way that is useful, persuasive, and understandable? This is really a challenge of interpretation, transla- tion, and dissemination. (p. 40)
Socially just research should be reported in a form that is readable and under- standable to all persons to whom the research is relevant. If the study produces extensive statistical data, these might be included in an appendix for those who are interested. It might be appropriate to give oral presentations with useful dia- grams to some audiences. Socially justice- oriented research is also likely to be related to social change efforts, and this relationship should be explicated and included in oral and written presentations.
Evaluation
The following are principles that apply to research whose purpose is to eval- uate a particular form of intervention or program. A socially just evaluation will include both an evaluation of the outcomes and the processes utilized to attain these outcomes. The former answers the question as to whether the outcomes desired by the researchers, participants, and other stakeholders have or have not been achieved. The methods used to study this question will be consistent with all of the research principles discussed throughout this chap- ter. Often, the outcomes desired by those with less or more power will differ. For example, participants may have desired, as one of their goals, that certain discriminatory social policies be changed. The policymakers in the agency or higher levels may have desired to maintain the status quo. Presumably, this
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
342 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
issue will have been negotiated before the evaluation began but should again be recognized in the evaluation process.
In addition to measuring the outcomes of a service or program, the evalua- tion should analyze the processes through which it was delivered. This will help answer such questions as the following:
• To what extent and how were the voices of participants heard and heeded in designing and implementing the evaluation?
• To what extent and how were the voices of participants heard and heeded in the interpretation of the data that were collected?
• To what extent and how were the voices of participants heard and heeded in the dissemination of the results?
• To what extent and how were the voices of participants integrated into efforts to achieve social and personal change as a result of the evaluation and in plan- ning future research to carry the process of change forward?
Any evaluation also raises a series of power issues. An evaluation process may also help empower the recipients of service because their assessment of existing services or programs (if not suppressed) can have major consequences for the sponsoring organization or staff. On the other hand, the organiza- tion is likely to have more power than the recipients of service in determining how the evaluation will be disseminated (and to whom) and to what extent its recommendations will be implemented. Thus, to conduct a socially just evaluation, the power of the organization(s) involved should be considered in advance.
It is not often done, but we suggest that those who supplied the data are able to use the findings to promote social change whether or not the agency or organization approves their use of data about themselves and their situations. This is a difficult issue because the organization should also have some rights regarding the reliability and validity of the data and how they are presented as well as the ability to negotiate with other stakeholders regarding such issues. How researchers can create a “level playing field” in these contested and sometimes conflict- ridden circumstances is a matter that requires further exploration.
Unintended Consequences
The research process can also produce so- called “unintended consequences.” For example, the process of data collection may uncover additional issues besides the ones that led to the evaluation; this process may also stimulate any of the parties
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 343
to take other actions as a result of what is being said or written. The following are brief examples of this phenomenon:
• While knowing that an evaluation is underway, a worker or an agency perceives that the might uncover evaluation negative aspects of the service before the evaluation is completed. This might lead the worker or the agency to alter the evaluation process. The participants can be helped to recognize and oppose this.
• The service may be modified in other ways (e.g., as a result of unexpected developments or external pressures) while the evaluation is being conducted, and the impact of these changes should be considered in the assessment of the evaluation.
• The presence of researchers observing the agency may have a variety of consequences, such as the agency hiding practices, altering practices, or failing to cooperate with the investigators.
• One of the authors of this book had the experience of being invited to help evaluate a child protection program. He worked diligently with a team from the agency to conduct the evaluation. At the completion of the project, he wrote a final report that was provided to the agency. He was not as committed then to the ideas of social justice as he is today. Thus, participants in the evaluation (families referred to the agency because of allegations of abuse) were in no way involved in the research, although relevant staff were fully involved at each stage of the process. After he completed work with the agency as an outside researcher, he discovered through his perusal of journals that the agency staff had written and published an article based on the research. His participation was noted nowhere, and the agency authors presented a totally positive interpretation of the data; only data that supported favorable views of the agency were included. This example illustrates that good faith is not sufficient and that carefully drafted agreements that describe in detail which parties have the right to do what with the data should be developed before the evaluation begins. Ideally, this agreement would incorporate the socially just research principles described in this chapter.
• The other author was hired to conduct an evaluation of the youth services bureaus of a suburban county. Although the evaluation involved the active participation of all the relevant service actors (e.g., police, probation officers, social workers, and county administrators), none of the recipients of services were included. The evaluation identified both positive and negative features of these agencies, but the study’s conclusions did not reflect the views of the youth or their families. Because service providers from different professions
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
344 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
varied in their assessment of the programs, the inclusion of service users could have had a decisive impact on what the evaluation found and how the results were interpreted.
In the best of circumstances, the findings of an evaluation can be used to promote positive changes in programs and services. For example, Baumann, Domenech Rodriguez, and Parra- Cardona (2011) conducted community- based applied research with Latino immigrant families according to ethical and social justice principles. Their intention was to culturally adapt, implement, and evalu- ate an evidence- based parenting intervention known as PMTO. PMTO has been culturally adapted for dissemination among Spanish- speaking Latino families in the United States, Mexico, and Puerto Rico. This investigation conformed to most of the social justice principles in research discussed throughout this chap- ter. To show how they did this, we list the ways that the research was conducted:
1. Recognizing the social and political context of the research: The researchers rec- ognized that Latinos comprise a large proportion of the foreign- born citizens of the United States; this has led to recent changes in the social and politi- cal context of the country, and these changes have produced resistance such as exclusionary legislation. The authors state that these changes have deeply affected their own research, their practice, and their personal well- being. Their article discusses the challenges these developments posed to their research studies and how they “negotiated these political, contextual, and social challenges from within socially just social paradigms, which combined a community- based orientation with rigorous scientific traditions” (p. 132).
2. Community- based orientation: The authors’ community- based orientation is “built on the nuanced and critical analysis forwarded by community- based participatory research (CBPR).” They indicate that “CBPR is a collaborative approach that prescribes equal participation from researchers and commu- nity members in all dimensions of the research process” (p. 132).
3. Contingencies affecting practice in the environment: The authors saw the parenting issue as affected by contingencies outside the home, such as their immigration status and existing immigration laws, institutional discrimi- nation, and the need for language and other forms of cultural adjustment. They emphasize that “neither parents or children are pathologized, rather the problem is situated in the interaction between them” (p. 133).
4. Cultural adaptation of instruments: The investigators engaged in a process of cultural adaptation of existing materials with the help of a mentor who was knowledgeable and skillful in this process. The adaptation involved learning about the most pressing needs from community members regarding issues
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
10. Socially Just Research and Evaluation 345
of parenting and general life challenges. This took place with the help of key community leaders and members in the research enterprise.
5. Replications: There were several replications of the project. In one, per- formed in Utah, the principal investigator and three research associates were first- generation immigrants and another was the daughter of international immigrants; the implications of this issue were carefully considered.
6. Researchers’ roles: In some ways, the researchers went beyond the usual roles of researchers— for example, buying groceries and supplies for participants. In obtaining data, families were seen in their own homes when this was required to enhance their sense of comfort and safety.
7. Awareness of how participants coped with oppression: At times, participants were arrested or deported, and parents in the study stepped forward to care for their children.
8. Gaining access to participants: In the project’s implementation in Michigan, community leaders introduced the researchers at key community events. At these events, researchers asked parents where they would be comfortable meeting for the project; the parents clearly indicated they would prefer to meet in churches or private homes and not in schools or community centers.
9. Protection of participants: One of the research procedures involved tape recording of sessions. Participants were very quiet when they learned of this, and they indicated that if they said certain things, there could be repercus- sions from immigration authorities. This led to a very lengthy discussion of the role of the researchers and the protection of information, which ulti- mately led to participants’ assent to the recording process.
10. Ethics: The investigators regularly consulted appropriate codes of ethics regarding the roles they assumed in obtaining resources, making referrals to agencies, and providing other services, and they were comfortable that they had not violated any of these.
11. Justification for combining science and actions for social justice: The authors conclude that “exclusively maintaining a sole focus on strong science can become a sophisticated oppressive tool for scientific imperialism” (p. 147). They also “confirmed that delivering strong science by listening to the voices of the families . . . and sharing their struggles constitutes a bona fide strategy to help them increase their quality of life” (p. 147).
Summary
In this chapter, we discussed the important role played by research and eval- uation in socially just practice. An important dimension of this is the prin- ciple that individuals and groups affected by the research must play a role in
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
346 P A R T I I : D O I N G J U S T I C E
designing the research and must be aware of and able to use the information derived through the research. We discussed and gave example of the types of research often utilized by researchers committed to the principles of social justice. We also discussed the epistemologies drawn upon by these researchers. This included a discussion of what we consider to be valid and useful knowl- edge and research.
We then discussed the various ways the research had an impact upon those affected by the consequences of the research or who were included as “subjects” in the process itself. This includes the power relationships between those studied and those doing the studying. Current practice/ research models were discussed, such as evidence- based practice, and we considered what such practice should entail to be considered socially just.
In addition, specific details of the research process that promote social jus- tice were reviewed, including the role of marginalized groups, the use by the researchers of critical theories, the different ways of knowing that are exhib- ited by people from different cultures, the degree to which the research ques- tions relations of domination, and how the concept of praxis is applied to the research process.
We also raised the issue of whether qualitative or quantitative research is more compatible with socially just principles. The chapter also included a description of the phases of the research process from planning to dissemination and how socially just issues are reflected in each of these phases. We provided a discussion of a particularly important method of socially just research— community- based participatory action research. Finally, we examined the issues involved in eval- uation research. We explored such tenets as the study of both process and out- come, the effect of power disparities on the research process, and the impact of the social and political context.
Discussion Questions
1. Choose a social work practice issue in which you are interested. How might you use research to help address the social injustices that the issue reflects?
2. Choose a practice issue about which you might engage in research. How would you integrate a social justice approach into that research?
3. Using the Internet, a refereed journal article, or a published report, select a piece of social work research that addresses an issue about which you are concerned. Discuss how this research did or did not concern itself with social justice in the way it was conceptualized or conducted.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary
Action system: The individuals, groups, organizations, families, or others with whom practitioners interact to accomplish the purposes defined by the worker and the client system.
Alienation: Alienation is a concept that refers both to an individual psychological condition— often characterized as estrangement from the self and from society as a whole— and to the social conditions that underlie and promote it. Marx believed that general alienation was rooted in the loss of control on the part of workers over the nature of the labor task and over the products of their labor.
Animation/ animateur: Social animation is a process of social and community change developed in French- speaking Canada that attempts to increase commu- nity participation by focusing on a specific issue. It combines features derived from the confrontational approaches developed by Saul Alinsky and the more consen- sual approaches described by Murray Ross. In France and Francophone Canada, community organization is taught in schools of animation sociale.
Apartheid: Apartheid was the system of rigid racial separation and oppression in South Africa that ended officially with the first multiracial national elections in 1994. It is an Afrikaans word meaning “separation” or literally “aparthood” (or “apartness”). In English, it has come to mean any legally sanctioned system of eth- nic segregation.
Bhagavad Gita: The Bhagavad Gita is perhaps the most popular and most loved reli- gious text in Hinduism, written between 200 bce and 200 ce. In its 18 chapters, a variety of perspectives on religion and faith are discussed. The most prominent theme is the idea of faith and devotion being the primary means of salvation.
Capabilities approach: An approach to social justice developed by the economist Amartya Sen and the political philosopher Martha Nussbaum. They argue that a socially just system of social welfare must also involve marginalized individu- als and excluded groups in socially just process policymaking processes. This per- spective incorporates a growing awareness of the impact of different cultural and
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
348 Glossary
historical contexts, includes nonmaterial resources among the “goods” to be dis- tributed, considers the implications of multiple forms of power on policymaking, and argues that policies should be specifically tailored to address different types of oppression and manifestations of privilege.
Case advocacy: Advocacy efforts designed to improve the situation of one or a lim- ited number of individuals, families, or communities, for example, to obtain bene- fits for which they are eligible.
Casework: The method of social work practice with individuals to help them achieve their goals. The term has been enlarged to include work with couples and families; the term sometimes used in these circumstances is family casework.
Caste system: A caste system is a social system that divides people into a hereditary hierarchy. Each caste has its own customs that restrict the occupations and dietary habits of its members and their social contact with other castes. Some believe that the caste system in India was originally based on color distinctions between the conquering Aryans and the darker, native Dravidians. Some scholars have charac- terized the racial hierarchy in the American South as a caste system.
Charity organization societies (COS): Nonprofit organizations established in the last quarter of the 19th century in the United States that applied principles of “scientific charity” to the organization and distribution of public and private relief. These organi- zations later developed the method of social work practice known as social casework.
Class or cause advocacy: Advocacy efforts to improve the situation of many individ- uals, families, or communities that share common characteristics or needs at one time, usually by changing laws or policies.
Client system: The individuals, families, groups, or larger systems with whom prac- titioners contract to provide social work services and whose goals and needs are primarily taken into account.
Code of Hammurabi: The Code of Hammurabi was developed in Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) in approximately 1686 bc. It is one of the earliest sets of laws found and is often considered the first example of the legal concept that some laws are so basic as to be beyond the ability of even kings to change. This concept lives on in most modern legal systems and has given rise to the phrase “written in stone.”
Collectivism: A view that people are social beings who depend on one another for the satisfaction of primary and social needs.
Community action programs: Neighborhood programs created by the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 that were required to provide “maximum feasible partic- ipation” by community residents in the development and implementation of social services.
Conscientization: Conscientization is a popular education and social concept devel- oped by the renowned Brazilian pedagogue and educational theorist Paulo Freire and is grounded in critical theory. Conscientization means breaking through
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 349
prevailing mythologies to reach new levels of awareness— in particular, awareness of oppression and being an “object” in a world in which only “subjects” have power.
Constructivism/ social construction: Constructivism is the application of the idea that reality is socially and psychologically constructed through social interactions. Social construction is a concept developed by postmodernists that postulates that reality is neither fixed nor objectively determined but, rather, is a subjective reflec- tion of the cultural values and beliefs, primarily of dominant groups. The use of this lens provides a different interpretation of contemporary approaches to indi- vidual and social problems.
Critical consciousness: Continuous examination of one’s own positionalities (social positions) in order to recognize one’s own standpoints and to continue to learn about the ways in which our life experiences are shaped by our status and identities.
Critical theory/ critical race theory: Critical theory is a sociological theory that originated in critical legal studies in the late 1970s. It aims to uncover the assump- tions and masks that keep us from a full and true understanding of how the world works. A major goal of critical theory is to reveal how surface reality often contra- dicts the underlying reality. Learning to critically examine race relations is a key part of critical race theory. Examining everyday interactions, and finding the racial component in them, can help move the cause of racial equality beyond a simplistic “color- blind” approach.
Cultural humility: A cultural humility perspective invites an experience of “not knowing,” curiosity, and openness to the wide range of cultural lenses that guide, sustain, and reinforce our individual uniqueness. It frees social workers from the need to possess knowledge of a range of cultural differences. Cultural humility subverts the professional impulse to maintain power and control and encourages awareness of the cultural experiences and internalized cultural meanings of others.
Devolution/ policy devolution: The transfer of responsibility for the funding and delivery of social policies and programs from the federal government to the states and from state governments to local governments that began in the United States in the 1970s.
Dharma: In Hinduism, dharma is the doctrine concerning the religious and moral rights and duties of each individual; it generally refers to religious duty, but it may also mean social order, right conduct, or simply virtue. In Buddhism, dharma has two distinct meanings: It refers to religious truth, namely Buddhist teaching as the highest truth; it is also used as a technical term to denote a constituent element of experience or any existing thing or phenomenon.
Dialectical: A process that includes an original state (a thesis), contradictions or conflicts that arise within that state (its antithesis), and a resolution (or synthesis) that creates a new state. This process may occur in the world as well as in thought processes.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
350 Glossary
Dialogue: A process of conversation between and among people in which each per- son listens carefully and thoughtfully to what others say and contributes one’s own ideas only after listening to others and fully considering the implications of what one has heard.
Dichotomous thinking: Creating false categories and choices that omit consider- ation of the full range of possibilities and in which such thinking reflects the posi- tion of privilege of the speaker.
Economic globalization: The transformation of the world economy that began in the 1960s and 1970s. It is characterized by the dominance of market values, increased power of financial institutions, the rapid mobility of capital, greater interdependence of national economies, and a widening gap between rich and poor nations. See neoliberalism.
Empirical: Knowledge that relies or is based solely on experiment and observation rather than theory, intuition, experience, and other ways of drawing conclusions.
Empowerment: A process and goal through which individuals, singly and in groups, gain mastery and control over their lives and become active in efforts to change their environments. It contains both political– economic and psychosocial components.
Engagement: The process in which practitioners and others (usually the client sys- tem) develop a relationship involving a mutual effort to define and accomplish agreed- on purposes.
Enlightenment: The Age of Enlightenment (or the Age of Reason) was a European intellectual movement of the 17th and 18th centuries in which ideas concerning God, reason, nature, and man were blended into a worldview that inspired revolu- tionary developments in art, philosophy, and politics. Central to Enlightenment thought were the use and celebration of reason. The Enlightenment produced modern secular theories of psychology and ethics and radical political theories. One of the Enlightenment’s enduring legacies is the belief that human history is a record of general progress.
Environmental justice: A concept that emerged in the 1980s and 1990s that merged a civil rights approach to environmental activism. The US Environmental Protection Agency defines environmental justice as “the fair treatment and mean- ingful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environ- mental law, regulations, and policies.” The environmental justice movement takes different forms in different areas of the world and is often linked to efforts to erad- icate poverty and environmental racism.
Environmental set: The context in which communities and organizations are sit- uated and with which they must interact. It includes the physical environment, the demographics of the community, the political and cultural climate, the nature of technology, and the availability and location of the material and nonmaterial resources they need to fulfill their goals.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 351
Epistemic privilege: Immediate subtle cultural knowledge and affective experience of the oppression of others and one’s favored position.
Epistemology: The study or theory of the nature, sources, and limits of knowledge. Eurocentric/ Eurocentrism: Eurocentrism is the practice, conscious or otherwise, of
placing emphasis on European (and, generally, Western) theories and ideas at the expense of those of other cultures. Implicit in this definition is the assumption that Western concepts, such as individualism, human rights, freedom, social jus- tice, and the separation of church and state, are universal.
Feminism: On the most basic level, feminism is the principle that women should have political, economic, and social rights equal to those of men. More broadly, it refers to the movement to win such rights for women and to end oppression against women in all forms. Within feminism, there are many approaches to the applica- tion of this principle, including radical, Marxist, and liberal.
Feminist planning/ feminist process: An egalitarian model or organizational struc- ture and decision- making that originated within the feminist movement during the 1960s and 1970s. In this model, there are no formally recognized leaders, and all decisions are made by consensus. It has later been adopted in whole or in part by environmental justice, peace organizations, and antinuclear groups. One advan- tage of this model is that it empowers staff and members through its collective conception of leadership. It tends to be more effective in smaller organizations and within organizations that possess a high degree of demographic and ideological homogeneity.
Founder’s syndrome: A phenomenon in which an organization increasingly becomes defined primarily by the leader or leaders who established it rather than by its stated mission and goals. This creates a quasi “cult of personality” in which the organization becomes overidentified with the personal qualities and rivalries of its leader(s). This distorts the organization’s focus, strategy development, external relationships, and public image.
Fraternity: Originally, brotherhood among a disparate body of people united in their interests, aims, beliefs, and goals. Although the concept emerged during the French Revolutionary era when politics was dominated by men, no contemporary contrast with “sisterhood” is intended by most of those who today embrace fraternity. The goal, rather, is to establish in the wider community the sorts of feelings and behav- iors for each other that brothers and sisters are assumed to possess. It suggests a sense of belonging to a unit with which one can readily, if not naturally, identify.
Fundamentalism/ fundamentalist: “Fundamentalist” describes a movement to return to what adherents consider the defining or founding principles of their reli- gion. Recently, it has come to refer to any religious enclave that intentionally resists identification with the larger religious community in which it originally arose, on the basis that fundamental principles on which the larger religious group is suppos- edly founded have been displaced by alternative principles hostile to its identity.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
352 Glossary
Religious fundamentalism is a modern phenomenon characterized by a sense of embattled alienation in the midst of the surrounding culture.
General will: A theory of Jean- Jacques Rousseau, an 18th- century French political philosopher, that in a democratic society the state represents the general will of its citizens and that in obeying its laws each citizen is pursuing his or her own indi- vidual and collective interest. All citizens, therefore, are equal and have no more power or influence than any other citizens.
Generalist practice: A form of social work practice in which practitioners seek to help a client system achieve its goals through a variety of methods, which may include work with individuals, families, groups, communities, and organizations, as well as efforts to influence social policy.
Group process: The changes that occur over time in group conditions, including the interactions among members, group structures, group norms, group climate, and emotional expressions in the group. It also refers to the ways in which a specific group operates to achieve its goals.
Group structure: The pattern of relationships in a group such as communications, division of labor, and attraction or rejection of members to each other.
Hegemony/ hegemonic: As developed by Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, hege- mony is a concept referring to a particular form of dominance in which a ruling class legitimates its position and secures the acceptance if not outright support of those below it through the use of a range of social and cultural mechanisms. The concept of hegemony underscores how dominance and subordination become defined as part of the normal structure of society and are woven into the institu- tional frameworks of major aspects of social life, from the family to education and organized religion.
Historicism/ historicity: Historicism has three meanings. In its first sense, it encom- passes the idea that history can be explained in terms of fixed laws or principles. Knowledge of such patterns enables us to understand the past and predict the future. In its second sense, historicism is a perspective that argues that any aspect of social life can be understood only in the context of the historical period in which it exists. This implies that everything from cultural ideas to the structural charac- ter of social relationships and institutions is historically “relative” and cannot be compared across historical periods. The concept has been used by postmodernist thinkers to assert that there is no absolute truth about deep philosophical ques- tions that should stand for all time. Finally, the term is used by some Christian fundamentalists to refer to that form of Biblical exegesis that holds that the Bible is able to predict the future, especially the “end of times.”
Indigenous people/ indigenous culture: The people who were the earliest inhabi- tants of a given area, prior to the formation of a nation- state, and their descendants who continue to live in that area. They do not belong to the dominant nation of that nation- state and are sometimes referred to as First People or First Nations.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 353
The United Nations defines indigenous peoples as “those which, having a histori- cal continuity with pre- invasion and pre- colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now pre- vailing in those territories, or parts of them.”
Influence: The use of power to affect the behavior of others. Influence may be the result of expertise, status, formal authority, or personal charisma.
Internalized oppression: This describes the conscious and unconscious adoption of beliefs, attitudes, and cultural messages that distorts the self- concept of members of oppressed groups. It is an internal (psychological) manifestation of the external conditions of oppression that is often associated with the inability of members of oppressed groups to realize their potential.
Intersectionality: A concept that reflects the understanding that power and oppres- sion exist on many levels and are not based solely on one’s race, gender, and class but often are the result of compounded layers of each acting in concert. It also refers to the idea that everyone has multiple identities related to the statuses one occupies and that the combination of these multiple identities determines one’s perspec- tive on and action in the world. Some scholars and activists have criticized the use of the concept because it lacks a specific focus on oppressed populations and may undermine efforts to focus on their unique conditions.
Involuntary clients: Clients who are compelled to participate in a social work service under threat of some negative consequence if they fail to do so (e.g., expulsion from school, incarceration, and loss of benefits). In recent years, the number of clients who are involuntary has increased considerably. This has challenged the underlying premises of social work practice.
Iron law of oligarchy: A concept developed by the political scientist Roberto Michels. He postulated that within hierarchically structured organizations, a small group would ultimately come to dominate all decision- making. This oligar- chy often develops over time, based on personal relationships, access to power and resources, and/ or ideological compatibility. It excludes most staff and all clients and constituents from the process of establishing organizational goals and evaluat- ing the organization’s work.
Justice/ social justice: In the simplest sense, justice is a concept largely based on social contract theory that refers to fairness or equity and to the process of people getting what they deserve. In a legal sense, for example, justice consists of treating every- one according to the law— of guaranteeing civil rights and following prescribed procedures in a consistent and evenhanded way. Distributive or social justice, how- ever, involves less precise notions of what is fair, especially in the distribution of resources and rewards such as wealth. In a highly influential work, philosopher John Rawls argued that equality and equal liberty should prevail unless inequality serves the best interests of everyone. Robert Nozick, on the other hand, argues that justice is done when interference with individual freedom is minimized,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-08-29 23:26:51.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
1.D.Textbook-Social_Work_and_Social_Justice_Concepts,_Challenge..._----_(Pages 354-432).pdf
354 Glossary
especially in relation to the state. Recently, the concept has been synonymous with the application of human rights, although this linkage has been criticized for its Eurocentric focus.
Karma: The doctrine of Karma states that one’s state in this life is a result of actions (both physical and mental) in past incarnations, and action in this life can deter- mine one’s destiny in future incarnations. Although the action of karma may be compared with the Western notions of sin and judgment by God or gods, Karma is held to operate as an inherent principle of the Universe without the intervention of any supernatural being. Most teachings state that for common mortals, having an involvement with Karma is an unavoidable part of day- to- day living. Karmic law is universally applicable, and only those who have attained liberation from rebirth, called nirvana, can transcend it.
Leadership, group: The acts of an individual that increase the effectiveness of the group. This is sometimes divided into task leadership (aiding the group to accom- plish its tasks or concrete goals) and social– emotional leadership (aiding the group’s members to develop and maintain relationships and/ or deal with their affects).
Liberation theology: Liberation theology is an important and controversial theolog- ical school in the Roman Catholic Church that emerged after the Second Vatican Council. It has had particularly widespread influence in Latin America and among the Jesuits. Liberation theology seeks to express religious faith by helping the poor and working for social justice, human rights, and political and social change. Liberation theologians have sometimes been criticized as purveyors of Marxism, and the Vatican has sought to curb their influence by appointing more conservative prelates.
Marxism/ Marxist: Marxism is a political practice and social theory based on the works of Karl Marx, a 19th- century philosopher, economist, journalist, and revolu- tionary. Marx drew on Hegel’s philosophy, the political economy of Adam Smith, the economics of David Ricardo, and the ideas of 19th- century French socialism to develop a critique of society that he claimed was both scientific and revolution- ary. The Marxist theory of history posits class struggle as history’s driving force, and it views capitalism as the most recent and most critical historical stage. There have been many conflicting interpretations and definitions of Marxism, and it has influenced the scholarship of both Marxists and non- Marxists and a wide range of political and social movements since the 19th century.
Maternalism/ maternalist: Maternalism has three meanings. First, it refers to social practices grounded in women’s concern for children, especially when those practices extend beyond the home into community and/ or political arenas. Maternalism has been used particularly to describe the activities of Progressive Era social reformers in the United States who shaped the emerging welfare states’ policies concerning mothers and children. Second, maternalism refers to discourse that highlights women’s connection to and responsibility for children and that
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 355
emphasizes differences (which may be conceived either as biologically based or as socially conditioned) between men’s and women’s contributions to family and society. Third, maternalism is sometimes used to describe feminist theory that cri- tiques the cultural devaluation of mothering and that articulates the contributions of maternal practice to social and political life.
Mau Mau: A militant Kikuyu- led nationalist movement of the 1950s in Kenya that advocated violent resistance to British domination in Kenya. Kikuyu resistance spearheaded the independence movement, and Jomo Kenyatta, jailed as a Mau Mau leader in 1953, became prime minister of independent Kenya in 1963.
Meta- or master narrative: A way of thinking that unites knowledge and experience to seek to provide a definitive, universal truth. The concept of a master narrative emerges out of postmodernism. A master narrative reflects the ideology of the dominant culture and, as the sum of all culturally available narratives, it reflects the dominant discourse of a society. One of the key functions of master narratives is the construction of an assumed normative experience. A meta- narrative is an attempt to explain a broad range of historical or contemporary phenomena within one overarching framework. It can be a religious doctrine (e.g., Christianity) or a secular one (Marxism). Postmodernists reject all meta- narratives on the grounds of their inherent subjectivity.
Modern/ modernism: In Western culture, modernism refers to the necessity of an individual rejecting previous tradition and, by creating individual techniques, pro- duces work that is original to that artist. In general, the movement, especially in the arts, constituted a radical break with the past and concurrent search for new forms of expression. Modernism fostered a period of experimentation in the arts from the late 19th to the mid- 20th century, particularly in the years following World War I. In an era characterized by industrialization, rapid social change, and advances in science and the social sciences, modernists felt a growing alienation incompatible with Victorian morality, optimism, and convention. They sought a more authentic response to a much- changed world.
Monitoring: The act of examining the processes through which individual, group, community, and societal interventions are implemented and the outcomes they produce. It may utilize such approaches as collecting critical incidents, administer- ing structured instruments, and obtaining the views of participants.
Multiculturalism: Multiculturalism refers to the historical evolution of cultural diversity within a community, organization, or society; to the policies that embrace and support or reject and restrict that diversity; and to a cultural and political cli- mate that promotes that diversity. Some critics of multiculturalism express concern that by amalgamating all forms of diversity, the concept obscures the particular challenges and forms of oppression that different groups experience.
Mutual aid: The process in which people help one another to accomplish individual and social goals through such activities as support, supply of resources, emotional
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
356 Glossary
expression (e.g., empathy), awareness of common conditions, affirmation of the ideas of others, and provision of information. Mutual aid organizations emerged in the United States in virtually every immigrant and racial/ ethnic/ religious minority community to aid their members by filling in gaps in services provided by government and mainstream nonprofit organizations.
NAFTA: The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was negotiated between the United States, Mexico, and Canada between 1991 and 1993. It is the largest free trade area in the world. The agreement facilitates cross- border invest- ment, and it includes side agreements addressing cooperation on labor and the environment. NAFTA has become a controversial domestic politics issue, being opposed mainly by unions and environmentalists.
Negritude: A literary and ultimately political movement that emerged from the intellectual environment of Paris in the 1930s and 1940s and from Black writers, such as Aimé Césaire, Léon Damas, and Léopold Sédar Senghor, joining together through the French language to assert their cultural identity, protest French colo- nial rule and forced assimilation, and respond to the alienated position of Blacks in history. From a political standpoint, negritude was an important aspect to the rejection of colonialism. Emerging at the cusp of African independence move- ments, negritude made an impact on how colonized people viewed themselves. The movement faded in the early 1960s after its objectives had been achieved in most African countries.
Neoliberalism: Neoliberalism is a political philosophy and movement that emerged concurrent with economic globalization during the 1960s and 1970s. Its main points include the elimination of government restrictions on the market (deregu- lation), the reduction of government’s role in social welfare (the dismantling of the welfare state), privatization of services (in the interest of “efficiency”), and replac- ing the concept of “the public good” or “community” with “individual responsi- bility.” Neoliberals prefer market- oriented and individually focused solutions to people’s problems.
Nirvana: In Indian religious thought, the transcendent state of freedom and enlight- enment achieved by the extinction of desire and individual consciousness. Nirvana is the supreme goal of the disciplines of meditation, particularly in Buddhism. This state is in opposition of suffering in which all greed, aversion, delusion, ignorance, craving, and ego- centered consciousness are extinguished.
Outcome: The change in individuals, groups, or larger systems as a result of an inter- vention. It may be measured immediately after the intervention or at a later time. It should be distinguished from output, which refers to the extent of effort but not the impact of that effort.
Pan- Africanism/ Pan- African Movement: A political, philosophical, and cultural movement founded in approximately 1900 to secure equal rights, self- government, independence, and unity for African peoples. Despite variations in its application,
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 357
the concept has a set of shared assumptions. Pan- Africanists tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single “race” with a shared cultural unity and historical fate. Cultural and intellectual manifestations of Pan- Africanism have focused on recovering or preserving African traditions and emphasizing the contributions of Africans and those in the African diaspora to the modern world. Politically, Pan- Africanists have invariably fought against racial discrimination and for the political rights of Africans and descendants of Africans. Some of the concepts of Pan- Africanism have influenced the social work field in the form of Afrocentrism.
Participatory action research (PAR): This approach to research design, implemen- tation, and evaluation involves processes to adapt to changing social situations and, in an iterative manner, to design and implement new research activity in the light of such changes. The participatory aspect is integrated with the action research when the stakeholders (certainly including those whose behavior is examined in the research) are involved in full partnership with the researchers in all phases of the investigation. It is a particularly popular and effective approach among social justice organizations.
Participatory budgeting: A policymaking and planning process that has been adopted at the local level in the United States and Latin American nations. Through local councils, it attempts to enhance and make more meaningful the participation of community residents in determining the fiscal priorities of local government.
Pathologized: Alluding to some behavior or attribute of another as an aspect of men- tal illness. Some behaviors that are socially or culturally based have been “patholo- gized” as a means of denying or ignoring their environmental origins.
Popular education: An approach to community organizing and mobilization that has been particularly influential in shaping practice in Latin America and has been used throughout the world by labor unions, faith- based organizations, self- help organizations, and cooperatives. It emphasizes helping people redefine their place in the social structure and modify norms, role expectations, and community self- identification. The approach is consistent with social work’s emphases on a strengths perspective and empowerment.
Popular sovereignty: The concept developed during the late 18th and 19th centuries that the “people” should rule. In theory, it has been a basic principle of Western political systems for the past two centuries. Some critics argue, however, that increasing economic inequality has undermined the concept and replaced it with an oligarchy of wealth.
Positionalities: The various statuses one occupies (e.g., class, gender, and race); one may be aware of these or oblivious to them.
Positivism: A system of philosophy developed by August Comte that knowledge is based solely on observable facts and their relationship to each other.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
358 Glossary
Postmodern/ postmodernism: A diffuse cultural and artistic trend or movement that emerged in the 1950s. Philosophically, postmodernists question or reject claims of absolute certainty and objective truth that they regard as assertions of privilege or political power. The central premise of postmodernism is the rejection of all “meta- narratives.” Postmodernism is largely a reaction to the assumed cer- tainty of “modern” scientific efforts to explain reality. For this reason, postmodern- ism is highly skeptical of explanations that claim to be valid for all groups, cultures, traditions, or races and instead focuses on the relative truths of each person. It relies on concrete experience and interpretation rather than abstract principles and a fixed view of reality. Postmodernism is “post” because it is denies the existence of any ultimate principles, and it lacks the optimism of there being a scientific, philosophical, or religious truth that will explain everything for everybody— a characteristic of the so- called “modern” mind. The paradox of postmodernism is that by scrutinizing all principles with skepticism, even its own principles are not beyond questioning.
Power: Having the influence, position, ability to punish, personal attributes, and resources to determine the behavior of other individuals and systems or to define the alternative courses of action available to them.
Power analysis: A full examination of the power of individuals, groups, and larger systems active in a given situation.
Practice: In social work, practice is understood to mean the actions of social workers with client systems based on a foundation that synthesizes knowledge derived from research, the experiences of self and others, and the profession’s values and ethics.
Practice principle: A prescription about the actions of social workers that combines a propositional statement (based on knowledge and theory) and a commenda- tion providing guidelines for appropriate actions (which are derived from ethical imperatives).
Praxis: A dynamic process in which the practitioner engages in an action based on principles, examines the consequences of the action, and revises the principles and components of the action based on this examination. This is done in an iterative manner.
Privatization: The transfer of responsibility for social policy and program implemen- tation and funding from government to either for- profit or nonprofit organiza- tions. It is an important component of neoliberalism. Although usually done in the name of greater efficiency, privatization has primarily concentrated wealth in fewer hands and shifted the social costs of the market onto those segments of the population least able to pay for them.
Privilege: The unearned advantages of an individual or group associated with social categories that have higher status in society.
Process: The moment- to- moment changes in ideas, actions (verbal and nonverbal), and interactions between persons or within a group.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 359
Progressive Era: A period of reform in US history (~1890– 1917) in which the first major government and nonprofit social welfare and social service programs were created and the social work profession emerged.
Rank and file movement: A social movement of radical social workers from public- and private- sector organizations that emerged in the early and mid- 1930s. It both promoted the interests of social workers as workers and engaged in coalition work and advocacy on behalf of the needs of all workers in US society. It reached the peak of its influence in the mid- to late 1930s when its membership exceeded that of the mainstream American Association of Social Workers.
Reflection: The review of one’s actions, engagement in social processes, and social context that provides increased awareness of the effects of these factors on one’s practice.
Reflexivity: The experience of ourselves in relation to our practice, social roles, ideas, historical context, and assumptions. It is an important component of socially just practice.
Satygraha: (Sanskrit for truth + path/ way) The philosophy of nonviolent resistance most famously employed by Mohandas Gandhi in forcing an end to British rule in India. It has also been translated as “civil disobedience,” “passive resistance,” “truth force,” or “the willingness to endure great personal suffering in order to do what’s right.” It is considered the philosophy behind nonviolent protest. Satyagraha seeks to conquer through submission. It involves refusing to submit to or cooperate with anything perceived as wrong, while adhering to the principle of nonviolence in order to maintain the tranquility of mind required for insight and understand- ing. The principle played a significant role in the US civil rights movement led by Martin Luther King, Jr.
Scientific charity: The application of principles of scientific management (e.g., effi- ciency and bureaucracy) by the charity organization societies to the administra- tion of private charities and public relief programs in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Small group: A set of two or more individuals in face- to- face interaction such that the behavior of each person has the potential of having an impact on the other individuals in the set.
Social capital: A concept that refers to the combination of interpersonal, intergroup, and interorganizational relationships that exist in a community. Scholars refer to two types of social capital. “Bonding” social capital refers to long- standing social ties that often exist within tightly knit, homogeneous, insular communities, whose relationships are characterized as “horizontal” (i.e., more egalitarian). “Bridging” social capital refers to the connections that exist between a community and indi- viduals, groups, organizations, and institutions outside the community that pos- sess material and nonmaterial resources the community needs. These relationships are generally referred to as “vertical” because they are largely between groups with
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
360 Glossary
unequal power. In general, whereas low- income and low- power communities may possess considerable “bonding” social capital, privileged communities possess con- siderably more “bridging” social capital.
Social Gospel movement: A religious movement among American Protestants that developed after the Civil War. It emphasized New Testament teachings that addressed the needs of the poor and vulnerable in society. It inspired the activism of some early social work leaders such as Jane Addams, the cofounder of the social settlement Hull House in Chicago.
Social settlements: Agencies first created in the United States and Great Britain in the late 19th century, some of which still exist today. Settlements initially involved persons (called “residents”) living in a neighborhood facility (called a “settlement house”) through which they offered concrete services needed by the community, including education, recreation, child care, health care, and job train- ing. Settlement house workers also engaged in advocacy efforts on behalf of a wide range of social reforms.
Social structure: The social components (individuals, groups, and institutions) of a particular situation, usually in interaction with each other. Social structure also reflects issues of power, status, resource distribution, cultural knowledge, and access to these “goods.” These components may interact in collaborative, cooper- ative, or conflict- ridden relationships to each other.
Social system: A society or component of a society composed of interacting indi- viduals embedded in larger structures and incorporating smaller structures. The component entities may engage in setting goals, using various forms of interaction, and granting rewards, while having more or less possession of resources and other sources of power.
Social– ecological model: A model of practice that views practice situations as embedded in a system that consists of the situations as well as their social, biolog- ical, and physical environments. According to this model, there is constant inter- action among these entities; a change in one is likely to produce changes in others. Practitioners should examine these interactions and use this examination as the basis of action.
Stakeholder: Each individual involved in an interaction who, by virtue of his or her status, roles, and power, is invested in the preferred outcomes of that interaction.
Standpoints: The views and preferences of individuals involved in interactions based on their roles, power, values, history, culture, and understanding of the interaction.
Subjugation: The denial of resources, power, self- determination, freedom, employ- ment, educational choice, or means of expression by one group in society to another based on such attributes as ethnicity, race, age, national origin, class, gender, reli- gion, or sexual orientation.
Swaraj: The title of the first definitive writing of Mohandas Gandhi literally means “self- rule in India.” In its more mature forms, it expresses many of Gandhi’s basic
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Glossary 361
ideas and philosophies of life. Gandhi believed that only nonviolent means could achieve Swaraj.
Target system: This is the system that practitioners attempt to change through their work with and on behalf of the client system.
Totalitarian/ totalitarianism: Totalitarianism is a political system in which all citizens are subject to state authority in all aspects of day- to- day life. It goes well beyond authoritarian regimes, dictatorships, or typical police state measures, and even beyond those measures required to sustain total war with other states. It involves constant brainwashing achieved by propaganda to erase any potential for dissent, by anyone, especially the state’s agents, and to achieve complete control over people’s inner and outer lives. It is, perhaps, most vividly depicted in George Orwell’s novel, 1984.
Transparency: The act of making one’s ideas and affects visible to others. Unintended consequences: The outcomes of an action that were not the original
purposes of the action and, in some instances, could not have been foreseen. Universalist/ universalism: Philosophically, the belief that all principles and
norms are “universally” applicable to humanity. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights is an example of the application of this idea. In the policy arena, universal policies are those whose benefits are made available to all citizens or all members of a particular demographic group (e.g., the aged) regard- less of income. In the United States, examples of universal policies include public education, Social Security retirement benefits, and Medicare.
Varna: The ancient culture of India was based on a system of social diversification according to spiritual development. Four orders of society were recognized based on the four main goals of human beings and established society accordingly. These four groups were the Brahmins, the priests or spiritual class; the Kshatriya, the nobility or ruling class; the Vaishya, the merchants and farmers; and the Shudras or servants. These four orders of society were called “varna,” which has two mean- ings: “color” and a “veil.” As color, it does not refer to the color of the skin of people but, rather, to the qualities or energies of human nature. As a veil, it shows the four different ways in which the Divine Self is hidden in human beings.
Vatican II: The Second Vatican Council was convened by Pope John XXIII in October 1962 and ended on December 8, 1965. Its announced purpose was spiritual renewal of the Church and reconsideration of its position in the mod- ern world. The most spectacular innovation of the Council was the invitation extended to Protestant and Orthodox Eastern churches to send observers. Another obvious feature was the diversity of national and cultural origins among those who attended. Unlike the previous 20 ecumenical councils, Vatican II was not held to combat contemporary heresies or deal with awkward disciplinary questions. Among its most important achievements were the vernacularization of the liturgy and promotion of greater lay participation, acknowledgment of the need for the
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
362 Glossary
Church to adapt to the contemporary world, the Decree on Ecumenism, and the Declaration on Religious Freedom.
War on Poverty: The policy initiatives of the Johnson administration during the mid- to late 1960s that focused on the needs of low- income Americans. It included the Job Corps, Head Start, the Older Americans Act, and community action programs.
Way of Jain: Jainism is the smallest and one of the oldest of the 10 major world reli- gions; it has been a significant force in Indian culture, philosophy, art, architec- ture, sciences, and politics. At the heart of right conduct for Jains lie the five great vows: nonviolence (Ahimsa)— not to cause harm to any living beings; truthfulness (Satya)— to speak the harmless truth only; nonstealing (Asteya)— not to take any- thing not properly given; chastity (Brahmacharya)— not to indulge in sensual plea- sure; and nonpossession/ nonattachment (Aparigraha)— complete detachment from people, places, and material things.
Worker system: The professional entity contracted with by the client system to enable the client system to achieve change in the target system. The worker system may be an individual, coworkers, or a team.
Zapatistas: The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN)) is an armed revolutionary group based in Chiapas, one of the poorest states of Mexico. The EZLN claims to represent the rights of the indigenous population, but it also considers itself and is considered by others to be part of the wider anticapitalist movement, fighting for democracy, peace, and justice for all Mexicans and for all people. The Zapatistas are con- sciously opposed to neoliberalism. The group takes its name from the Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata; its members view themselves as his ideological heir and the heir to 500 years of indigenous resistance against imperialism.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References
Abbott, E. (1924). Immigration: Select documents and case records. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Abramovitz, M. (1999). Regulating the lives of women: U.S. social policy from colonial times to the present (Rev. ed.). Boston, MA: South End Press.
Abramovitz, M. (2012). Theorizing the neoliberal welfare state for social work. In M. Gray, J. Midgley, & S. Webb (Eds.), The Sage handbook of social work. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Absolon, K., & Willett, C. (2005). Putting ourselves forward: Location in aboriginal research. In L. Brown & S. Strega (Eds.), Research as resistance: Critical, indigenous and anti- oppressive approaches (pp. 97– 126). Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Ackerman, N. W., Beatman, F. L., & Sherman, S. N. (1961). Exploring the basis of family therapy. New York, NY: Family Service Association of America.
Acuña, R. F. (2007). Occupied America: A history of Chicanos (6th ed.). New York, NY: Pearson Longman.
Addams, J. (1902). Democracy and social ethics. New York, NY: Macmillan. Addams, J. (1912). The spirit of youth and the city streets. New York, NY: Macmillan. Aeschylus. (1956). The Oresteian trilogy (P. Vellacott, trans.). Baltimore, MD: Penguin. Afro American Information Service (Ed.). (1975). The tasks ahead: Selected speeches of
Samora Machel. New York, NY: Author. Aguilar, L. E. (1978). The history of Marxist ideas in Latin America, 1890– 1977. In
Marxism in Latin America. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Aguilar, M. I. (2007). The history and politics of Latin American theology. London,
UK: SCM Press. Ahluwalia, B. K., & Ahluwalia, S. (1982). Netaji and Gandhi. New Delhi, India: Indian
Academic Publishers.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
364 References
Akimoto, T. (2014). Social justice in an era of globalization: Must and can it be the focus of social welfare policies? Japan as a case study. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 48– 60). London, UK: Routledge.
Alban- Metcalfe, J., & Alimo- Metcalfe, B. (2009). Engaging leadership part two: An integrated model of leadership development. International Journal of Leadership in Public Services, 5(2), 5– 13.
Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New York, NY: New Press.
Alexander, M. G., & Levin, S. (1998). Theoretical, empirical, and practical approaches to intergroup conflict. Journal of Social Issues, 54(4), 629– 639.
Alexander- Floyd, N. G. (2012). Disappearing acts: Reclaiming intersectionality in the social sciences in a post- Black feminist era. Feminist Formations, 24(1), 1– 25.
Ali, A., & Lees, K. E. (2013). The therapist as advocate: Anti- oppression advocacy in psychological practice. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 69(2), 162– 171.
Alinsky, S. D. (1971). Rules for radicals: A practical primer for realistic radicals. New York, NY: Random House.
Allyn, D. (2011). Mission mirroring: Understanding conflict in nonprofit organiza- tions. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 40(4), 762– 769.
Alperovitz, G. (2011). America beyond capitalism: Reclaiming our wealth, our liberty, and our democracy (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Democracy Collaborative Press.
Alston, M. (2013). Environmental social work: Accounting for gender in climate disas- ters. Australian Social Work, 66(2), 218– 233.
Alston, R. J., Harley, D. A., & Middleton, R. (2006). The role of rehabilitation in achieving social justice for minorities with disabilities. Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation, 24(3), 129– 136.
Alsup, R. E. (2009). Liberation psychology: Martin Luther King, Jr.’s beloved commu- nity as a model for social creativity. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 49(4), 388– 408.
American Assembly. (2001). Racial equality: Public policies for the twenty- first cen- tury. The ninety- eighth American Assembly (4th ed.). Harriman, NY: American Assembly, Columbia University.
Anderson, J., & Carter, R. W. (2003). Diversity perspectives for social work practice. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Andrews, J. (2001) Group work’s place in social work: A historical analysis. Journal of Sociology and Social Work, 28, 45.
Andrews, J. L. (Ed.). (1993). From vision to action: Social workers of the second genera- tion. St. Paul, MN: University of St. Thomas.
Andrews, J. L. (1997). Helen Hall and the settlement house movement’s response to unemployment: Reaching out to the community. Journal of Community Practice, 4(2), 65– 75.
Andrews, M. (2007). Exploring cross- cultural boundaries. In D. J. Clandinin (Ed.), Handbook of narrative inquiry: Mapping a methodology (pp. 489– 511). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 365
Appiah, K. K. (2006). Cosmolitianism: Ethics in a world of strangers. New York, NY: Norton.
Aquinas, T. (2002). On law, morality, and politics (R. J. Regan, Trans.). Indianapolis, IN: Hackett.
Arceo, S. M. (1985). Compromiso cristiano y liberación [Christian compromise and liber- ation]. México, DF: Ediciones Nuevomar, Centro de Estudios Ecuménicos.
Aristotle. (1980). The Nicomachean ethics (D. Ross, Trans.; Revised by J. L. Ackrill & J. O. Urmson). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Aristotle. (2009). The politics (E. Barker, Trans.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Armstrong, F. (2012). Landscapes, spatial justice and learning communities. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16(5– 6), 609– 626.
Arnold, F. (1974). Kenyatta and the politics of Kenya. London, UK: Dent & Sons. Arnstein, S. R. (1969). A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the American
Institute of planners, 35(4), 216– 224. Arredondo, P., & Perez, P. (2003). Expanding multicultural competence through
social justice leadership. The Counseling Psychologist, 31(3), 282– 289. Arrigo, B. A. (2013). Recognizing and transforming madness, citizenship, and
social justice: Toward the revolution in risk management and the overcoming of captivity— A response to Brown and Ward. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 57(6), 712– 719.
Asmal, K., Chidester, D., & James, W. (Eds.). (2003). Nelson Mandela: From freedom to the future, tributes and speeches. Jeppestown, South Africa: Jonathan Ball.
Augustine of Hippo. (2005). City of God (P. G. Walsh, Trans.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Austin, A. (2006). Achieving Blackness: Race, Black nationalism and Afrocentrism in the 20th century. New York, NY: New York University Press.
Babkina, A. M. (2004). Affirmative Action: An annotated bibliography. New York, NY: Nova Science.
Badawi, J. (1995). Gender equity in Islam. Burr Ridge, IL: American Trust Publications. Bailey, M. J., & Danziger, S. (Eds.). (2013). Legacies of the War on Poverty. New York,
NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Baldwin, M. (2010). Towards a social work of resistance: Social work as political
activity— Resisting the status quo. Unpublished paper presented at the Joint World Conference on Social Work and Social Development, Hong Kong.
Banks, S. (2011). Ethics in an age of austerity: Social work and the evolving new public management. Journal of Social Intervention: Theory and Practice, 20(2), 5– 23.
Baronov, D. (2000). The abolition of slavery in Brazil: The “ liberation” of Africans through the emancipation of capital. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
Barr, S., & Smith, R. (2009). Towards educational inclusion in a transforming soci- ety: Some lessons from community relations and special needs education in Northern Ireland. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 13(2), 211– 230.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
366 References
Barusch, A. S. (2006). Social justice and social workers. In Foundations of social pol- icy: Social justice in a human perspective (2nd ed., pp. 3– 23). Belmont, CA: Thomson Brooks/ Cole.
Bates, K. A., & Swan, R. S. (2010). You can get there from here, but the road is long and hard: The role of public, private, and activist organizations in the search for social justice. In Through the eye of Katrina: Social justice in the United States (2nd ed., pp. 439– 449). Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press.
Bateson, G., Jackson, D. D., Haley, J., & Weakland, J. (1956). Toward a theory of schizophrenia. Behavioral Science, 1, 251– 264.
Bauer, J. R., & Bell, D. A. (Eds.). (1999). The East Asian challenge for human rights. London, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Baumann, A., Domenech Rodriguez, M., & Parra- Cardona, J. R. (2011). Community- based applied research with Latino immigrant families: Informing practice and research according to ethical and social justice principles. Family Process, 50, 132– 148.
Bauman, Z. (2001). Conversations with Zygmunt Bauman. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid modernity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Bauman, Z. (2004). Wasted lives. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Baynton, D. C. (2001). Disability and the justification of inequality in American his-
tory. In P. K. Longmore & L. Umansky (Eds.), The new disability history: American perspectives (pp. 33– 57). New York, NY: New York University Press.
Beck, E. (2012a). Strategies for preventing neighborhood violence: Toward bring- ing collective efficacy into social work practice. Journal of Community Practice, 20(3), 225.
Beck, E. (2012b). Transforming communities: Restorative justice as a community building strategy. Journal of Community Practice, 20(4), 380.
Beck, E. L., & Eichler, M. (2000). Consensus organizing: A practice model for com- munity building. Journal of Community Practice, 8(1), 87– 103.
Beito, D. (2001). From mutual aid to the welfare state: Fraternal societies and social ser- vices, 1890– 1967. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Bell, D. A. (2004). Race, racism, and American law (5th ed.). New York, NY: Aspen. Bell, L., & Desai, D. (2011). Imagining otherwise: Connecting the arts and social jus-
tice to envision and act for change: Special issue introduction. Equity & Excellence in Education, 44(3), 287– 295.
Bender, T. (1975). Toward an urban vision. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Bennett, L., & Segerberg, A. (2012). The logic of connective action: Digital media and the personalization of contentious politics. Information, Communication & Society, 15(5), 739– 768.
Bentley- Williams, R., & Morgan, J. (2013). Inclusive education: Pre- service teachers’ reflexive learning on diversity and their challenging role. Asia- Pacific Journal of Teacher Education, 41(2), 173– 185.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 367
Berger, M. T., & Guidroz, K. (2009). A conversation with founding scholars of intersectionality— Kimberlė Crenshaw, Nira Yuval- Davis, and Michelle Fine. In M. T. Burger & K. Guidroz (Eds.), The intersectional approach: Transforming the academy through race, class, & gender (pp. 61– 78). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Berlin, I. (1978). Concepts and categories. London, UK: Hogarth. Berlin, I. (1996). Karl Marx: His life and environment (4th ed.). New York, NY: Oxford
University Press. Berlin, I. (2002). Two concepts of liberty. In H. Hardy (Ed.), Isaiah Berlin, liberty.
New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Berman- Rossi, T., & Miller, I. (1994). African Americans and the settlements during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Social Work with Groups, 17(3), 77– 94.
Bernard, B. (2006). Using strengths- based practice to tap the resilience of families. In D. Saleeby (Ed.), The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice, 4th ed. (pp. 197– 215). Boston: MA: Pearson Education, Inc.
Bernard, S. M. (1995, September). Catolicismo y democracia. Paper presented at the meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Washington. Retrieved May 10, 2008, from http:// lanic.utexas.edu/ project/ lasa95/ benard.html.
Berry, J., & Portney, K. (1997). Mobilizing minority communities. American Behavioral Scientist, 40(5), 632– 644.
Bertalanffy, L. V. (1969). General system theory: Foundations, development, applica- tions. New York, NY: Braziller.
Bethell, L. (1991). The decline and fall of slavery in nineteenth century Brazil. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 1, 71– 88.
Bettez, S. (2011). Critical community building: Beyond belonging. Educational Foundations, 25(3– 4), 3– 19.
Bettez, S., & Hytten, K. (2013). Community building in social justice work: A crit- ical approach. Educational Studies: Journal of the American Educational Studies Association, 49(1), 45– 66.
Bieler, D. (2012). Possibilities for achieving social justice ends through standardized means. Teacher Education Quarterly, 39(3), 85– 102.
Bisman, C., & Koggel, C. (2012). Gender justice and development: Local and global. Ethics and Social Welfare, 6(3), 213– 215.
Blau, J. (2014). The political- economy of U.S. social policy. In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice (pp. 101– 123). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Blitz, L., & Kohl, B. (2012). Addressing racism in the organization: The role of white racial affinity groups in creating change. Administration in Social Work, 36(5), 479– 498.
Boal, A. (2008). Theatre of the oppressed. London, UK: Pluto. Boer, R., & Okland, J. (Eds.). (2008). Marxist feminist critiques of the Bible. Sheffield,
UK: Sheffield Phoenix Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
368 References
Bolland, J. (2002). Neighboring and community mobilization in high- poverty inner- city neighborhoods. Urban Affairs Review, 38(1), 42– 69.
Bordoloi, S., O’Brien, N., Edwards, L. L., & Preli, R. (2013). Creating an inclusive and thriving profession: Why the American Association of Marriage and Family Therapy needs to advocate for same- sex marriage. Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, 25(1), 41– 55.
Bottomore, T. (Ed.). (1991). A dictionary of Marxist thought (2nd ed.). Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.
Bourdieu, P. (2003). Firing back against the tyranny of the market 2 (L. Wacquant, Trans.). New York, NY: New Press.
Bowes, A., & Sim, D. (2006). Advocacy for Black and minority ethnic communi- ties: Understandings and expectations. British Journal of Social Work, 36(7), 1209– 1225.
Boyd, L., Gupta, F., & Kuzmits, F. (2011). The evaporating cloud: A tool for resolv- ing workplace conflict. International Journal of Conflict Management, 22(4), 394– 412.
Boyte, H. C. (1980). The backyard revolution: Understanding the new citizens’ move- ment. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Bradley, J. M., Werth, J. R., Hastings, S. L., & Pierce, T. W. (2012). A qualitative study of rural mental health practitioners regarding the potential professional conse- quences of social justice advocacy. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 43(4), 356– 363.
Branom, C. (2012). Community- based participatory research as a social work research and intervention approach. Journal of Community Practice, 20(3), 260.
Braveman, P. A., Kumanyika, S., Fielding, J., Laveist, T., Borrell, L. N., Manderscheid, R., & Troutman, A. (2011). Health disparities and health equity: The issue is jus- tice. American Journal of Public Health, 101, 149– 155.
Bravo, C. (1994). En busqueda de la paz [In search of peace]. In C. Bravo (Ed.), Chiapas: El evangelio de los pobres: Iglesia, justicia, y verdad. México, DF: Ediciones Temas de Hoy Para, Espasa Calpe Mexicana S.A.
Brawley, E. A., & Martinez- Brawley, E. E. (1999). Promoting social justice in partner- ship with the mass media. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 26(2), 63– 86.
Braxton, E. T. (2010). Healing the wounded organization: The role of leadership in cre- ating the path to social justice. Tamara Journal for Critical Organization Inquiry, 8(3– 4), 89– 118.
Briones, R., Jin, Y., Kuch, B., & Liu, B. (2011). Keeping up with the digital age: How the American Red Cross uses social media to build relationships. Public Relations Review, 37(1), 37– 43.
Brodie, J. M. (2009). Little cases on the middle ground: Teaching social justice law- yering in neighborhood- based community lawyering clinics. Clinical Law Review, 15(2), 333– 385.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 369
Brodkin, M., & Coleman Advocates for Children and Youth. (1993). Every kid counts: 31 ways to save our children. San Francisco, CA: Harper San Francisco.
Brower, A., Garvin, C., Hobson, B., Reed, B., & Reed, H. (1987). The effects of the gender and the race of the leader in group process. In Proceedings of the 1984 annual group work symposium. New York, NY: Haworth.
Brown, L., & Strega, S. (Eds.). (2005). Research as resistance: Critical, indigenous, and anti- oppressive approaches. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Canadian Scholar’s Press.
Brown, M. (1999). Race, money, and the American welfare state. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Brown, W. W. (1847). Narrative of William W. Brown, a fugitive slave: Written by him- self. Boston, MA: Anti- Slavery Office.
Bryan, J., & Henry, L. (2012). A model for building school– family– community part- nerships: Principles and process. Journal of Counseling & Development, 90(4), 408– 420.
Bryer, D., & Magrath, J. (1999). New dimensions of global advocacy. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 28(1), 168– 177.
Buck, A. (2007). The policy- demand for social research in civil justice: The UK per- spective. Zeitschrift für Rechtssoziologie, 28(2), 165– 178.
Bullard, R. D. (Ed.). (2004). The quest for environmental justice: Human rights and the politics of pollution. San Francisco, CA: Sierra Club Books.
Burdick, J., & Hewitt, W. E. (Eds.). (2000). The church at the grassroots in Latin America: Perspectives on thirty years of activism. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Burghardt, S. (2013). Macro practice in social work for the 21st century: Bridging the macro– micro divide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Burke, E. (2001). Reflections on the revolution in France ( J. C. D. Clark, Ed.). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. (Original work published 1790)
Burnes, T., & Ross, K. (2010). Applying social justice to oppression and marginaliza- tion in group process: Interventions and strategies for group counselors. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35(2), 169– 176.
Butcher, H. L., Banks, S., Henderson, P., & Robertson, J. (2007). Critical community practice. Bristol, UK: Policy Press.
Butz, D. A., & Plant, E. A. (2006). Perceiving out group members as unrespon- sive: Implications for approach- related emotions, intentions and behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91(6), 1066– 1079.
Cabral, A. (1966). The weapon of theory. Paper presented at the Tricontinental Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, Havana, Cuba. Retrieved July 25, 2008, from http:// www.marxists.org/ subject/ africa/ cabral/ 1966/ weapon- theory.htm.
Cabral, J., Chavan, A., Clarke, T., Greacen, J., Hough, B., Rexer, L., . . . Zorza, R. (2012). Using technology to enhance access to justice. Harvard Journal of Law & Technology, 26, 241ff.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
370 References
Cahill, D. (2011). Beyond neoliberalism? Crisis and the prospects for progressive alter- natives. New Political Science, 33(4), 479– 492.
Calma, T., & Priday, E. (2011). Putting indigenous human rights into social work prac- tice. Australian Social Work, 64(2), 147– 155.
Campbell, J. (with Moyers, B.). (1991). The power of myth. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Campbell, T. (1989). Seven theories of human society. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Canfield- Davis, K., Gardiner, M. E., & Joki, R. A. (2009). Social justice leadership in
action: The case of Tony Stewart. Journal of Ethnographic & Qualitative Research, 3(4), 205– 217.
Caputo, R. (2000). Multiculturalism and social justice in the United States: An attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable within a pragmatic liberal framework. Race, Gender, and Class, 7(4), 161– 182.
Caputo, R. K. (2002). Social justice, the ethics of care, and market economies. Families in Society, 83(4), 355– 364.
Carey, G., & Riley, T. (2012). Fair and just or just fair? Examining models of government— Not for- profit engagement under the Australian Social Inclusion Agenda. Health Education Research, 27(4), 691– 703.
Carli, L. L., & Eagly, A. H. (2001). Gender, hierarchy and leadership: An introduction. Journal of Social Issues, 37(4), 629– 636.
Carlisle, S. (2010). Tackling health inequalities and social exclusion through partner- ship and community engagement? A reality check for policy and practice aspira- tions from a social inclusion partnership in Scotland. Critical Public Health, 20(1), 117– 127.
Carlton- Laney, I. B. (Ed.). (2001). African American leadership: An empowerment tra- dition in social welfare history. Washington, DC: NASW Press.
Carmichael, S., & Hamilton, C. V. (1967). Black power: The politics of liberation in America. New York, NY: Random House.
Carson, E. D. (1993). A hand up: Black philanthropy and self- help in America. Washington, DC: Joint Center for Political Studies.
Carson, M. J. (1990). Settlement folk: Social thought and the American settlement move- ment, 1885– 1930. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Castelloe, P., Watson, T., & White, C. (2002). Participatory change: An integrative approach to community practice. Journal of Community Practice, 10(4), 7– 32.
Center for Media Justice. (2014, October 9). Echoing justice: Communications strategies for community organizing in the 21st century. Retrieved from http:// centerforme- diajustice.org/ resources.
Chakrabarty, B. (2006). Social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge.
Chambers, C. A. (1963). Seedtime of reform: American social service and social action, 1918– 1933. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Chan, S. (1991). Asian Americans: An interpretive history. Boston, MA: Twayne.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 371
Chapman, S., & Schwartz, J. P. (2012). Rejecting the null: Research and social justice means asking different questions. Counseling and Values, 57(1), 24– 30.
Chaskin, R. J., & Joseph, M. L. (2010). Building ‘community’ in mixed- income devel- opments: Assumption, approaches, and early experiences. Urban Affairs Review, 45(3), 299– 335.
Chen, Y. (2014). Public engagement exercises with racial and cultural “others”: Some thoughts, questions, and considerations. Journal of Public Deliberation, 10(1).
Cheung, F. M., & Halpern, D. F. (2010). Women at the top: powerful leaders define success as work+ family in a culture of gender. American Psychologist, 65(3), 182.
Chew, L. (2004). Reflections on Buddhism, gender and human rights. In K. L. Tsomo (Ed.), Buddhist women and social justice: Ideals, challenges and achievements. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Chisholm, L. (2013). Exploring the future of lifelong learning: Advocacy, research and footprinting. International Review of Education/ Internationale Zeitschrift Für Erziehungs wissenschaft, 59(3), 373– 382.
Clark, M. D., & Hollander, R. B. (2005). Addressing equity in health research: Applying a democratic education framework for social justice. Journal of Negro Education, 74(1), 30– 42.
Clarke, C. (2014). By its absence: Literature and the attainment of social justice con- sciousness. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social jus- tice (pp. 480– 491). London, UK: Routledge.
Cmiel, K. (1995). A home of another kind: One Chicago orphanage and the tangle of child welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Coatsworth, J., Santiseban, D., McBride, C., & Szapocznik, J. (2001). Brief strategic family therapy versus community control: Engagement, retention, and an explo- ration of the moderating role of adolescent symptom severity. Family Process, 40, 313– 331.
Cohen, A. (2009). Many forms of culture. American Psychologist, 64(3), 194– 204. Cohen, B., & Austin, M. (1997). Transforming human services organizations through
empowerment of staff. Journal of Community Practice, 4(2), 35– 50. Cohn, F. M. (1943). Workers’ education in war and peace. New York, NY: Workers’
Education Bureau of America. Collins, P. H. (2000). Toward a politics of empowerment. In Black feminist
thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed., pp. 273– 290). New York, NY: Routledge.
Collins, P. H. (2009). Black feminist thought (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Combahee River Collective. (1982). All the women are white, all the blacks are men, but
some of us are brave. Cambridge, MA: Author. Commission on Social Justice. (1994). Social justice: Strategies for national renewal—
The report of the Commission on Social Justice. New York, NY: Vintage/ Ebury.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
372 References
Connelly, J. B. (2014). The Parthenon enigma: A new understanding of the West’s most iconic building and the people who made it. New York, NY: Vintage.
Conrad, R. (1972). The destruction of Brazilian slavery, 1850– 1888. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Conway, P., & Lassiter, K. (2011). Opportunity knocks: The intersection of commu- nity social work and food justice praxis. Arete, 32(2), 5– 32.
Conze, E. (Ed.). (1964). Buddhist texts through the ages. New York, NY: Harper Torchbooks.
Cooper, C., Riehl, C. J., & Hasan, A. (2010). Leading and learning with diverse fam- ilies in schools: Critical epistemology amid communities of practice. Journal of School Leadership, 20(6), 758– 788.
Coser, L. A. (1956). The functions of social conflict. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Council on Social Work Education. (2008). Educational policy and accreditation stan-
dards. Alexandria, VA: Author. Council on Social Work Education. (2015). Educational policy and accreditation
standards— Revised. Alexandria, VA: Author. Craig, K. M., & Rand, K. A. (1998). The perceptually “privileged” group mem-
ber: Consequences of solo status for African Americans and Whites in task groups. Small Group Research, 29(3), 339– 358.
Crenshaw, K. (1990– 1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43, 1241– 1299.
Crenshaw, K. (1995). The intersection of race and gender. In K. Crenshaw, G. Peller, & K. Thomas (Eds.), Critical race theory (pp. 357– 383). New York, NY: New Press.
Cross, J. (2013). Gifted education as a vehicle for enhancing social equality. Roeper Review, 35(2), 115– 123.
Cullen, A. (1976). Harambee! The prime minister of Kenya’s speeches, 1963– 1964. Nairobi, Kenya: Oxford University Press.
Curseu, P. L., Schruijer, S., & Boros, S. (2007). The effects of groups’ variety and dis- parity on groups’ cognitive complexity. Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 11(3), 187– 206.
Dai, H. (2011). Surviving in “localistic communitas”: Endogenous multicultural com- munity organizing among migrant workers in post- socialist China. Journal of Social Service Research, 37(2), 165– 179.
Daloz, L . (2004). Chrétiens dans une Europe en construction. Paris, France: Harmattan.
Daniels, D. (1989). Always a sister: The feminism of Lillian D. Wald. New York, NY: Feminist Press at the City University of New York.
Daniels, N. (2001). Justice, health and healthcare. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Available online at http:// www.hsph.harvard.edu/ benchmark/ ndaniels/ pdf/ justice_ health.pdf.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 373
Danso, R. (2015). An integrated framework of critical cultural competence and anti- oppressive practice for social justice social work research. Qualitative Social Work, 14(4), 572– 588.
Davies, N. (1980). The Toltec heritage: From the fall of Tula to the rise of Tenochtitlan. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
Davies, N. (1987). The Aztec empire. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. Davis, A. F. (1967). Spearheads for reform: The social settlements and the progressive
movement, 1890– 1917. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Davy, D. (2013). Understanding the motivations and activities of transnational advo-
cacy networks against child sex trafficking in the greater Mekong subregion: The value of cosmopolitan globalisation theory. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 5(1), 39– 68.
Day, P. J. (with Schiele, J. H.). (2013). A new history of social welfare (7th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.
DeChant, E. (Ed.). (1996). Women and group practice: Theory and practice. New York, NY: Guilford.
Delgado, G. (1994). Beyond the politics of place: New directions in community organizing in the 1990s. Oakland, CA: Applied Research Center.
Denzin, N. K., & Giardina, M. D. (Eds.). (2006). Qualitative inquiry and the conserva- tive challenge. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast.
Dessel, A., Rogger, M. E., & Garlington, S. B. (2006). Using inter- group dialogue to promote social justice and change. Social Work, 51(4), 303– 315.
Dewees, M., & Roche, S. E. (2001). Teaching about human rights in social work. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 21(1– 2), 137– 155.
Dierendonck, D. (2011). Servant leadership: A review and synthesis. Journal of Management, 37(4), 1228– 1261.
Dominelli, L. (2002). Anti- oppressive social work theory and practice. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Dominelli, L. (2007). Human rights in social work practice: An invisible part of the curriculum? In E. Reichert (Ed.), Challenges in human rights: A social work perspec- tive (pp. 16– 43). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Dominelli, L. (2010). Social work in a globalizing world. Malden, MA: Polity. Dominelli, L. (2012). Green social work: From environmental crises to environmental
justice. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Dorfman, L. (2003). Using media advocacy to influence policy. In R. J. Bensley &
J. Brookins- Fisher (Eds.), Community health education methods: A practical guide (2nd ed., pp. 383– 409). Boston, MA: Jones & Bartlett.
Douglass, F. (1847, May 11). The right to criticize American institutions. Speech before the American Anti- Slavery Society, 1817– 1849.
Douglass, F. (2014). Narrative of the life of Frederick Douglass: A narrative of a slave writ- ten by himself. Boston, MA: Anti- Slavery Office. (Original work published 1845)
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
374 References
Douzinas, C. (2000). The end of human rights: Critical legal thought at the turn of the century. Oxford, UK: Hart.
Dover, G., & Lawrence, T. (2012). The role of power in nonprofit innovation. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 41(6), 991– 1013.
Dover, M. (2009, September 11). Putting social justice back into social work. Plenary Panel presentation, National Social Work Action Network. Lecture conducted from University of Bath, UK.
Downey, K. (2010). The woman behind the New Deal: The life and legacy of Frances Perkins— Social Security, unemployment insurance, and the minimum wage. New York, NY: Anchor Books.
Dubois, L., & Garrigus, J. (2006). Slave revolution in the Caribbean, 1789– 1804: A brief history with documents. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1901). The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line. In On sociology and the black community (pp. 281– 289). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
DuBois, W. E. B. (1999). The souls of Black folk. New York, NY: Norton. (Original work published 1903)
Dyck, B., Kleysen, R., Lawrence, T., & Mauws, M. (2005). The politics of organiza- tional learning: Integrating power into the 4I framework. Academy of Management, 30(1), 180– 191.
Eagly, A. H. (2007). Female leadership advantage and disadvantage: Resolving the con- tradictions. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 1– 12.
Edmonds- Cady, C., & Sosulski, M. R. (2012). Applications of situated learning to fos- ter communities of practice. Journal of Social Work Education, 48(1), 45– 64.
Ehrenreich, J. H. (1985). The altruistic imagination: A history of social work and social policy in the United States. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Eichler, M. (2007). Consensus organizing: Building communities of mutual self- interest. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Eisenbeiss, S. (2012). Re- thinking ethical leadership: An interdisciplinary integrative approach. Leadership Quarterly, 23(5), 791– 808.
Eisler, R. (2010, April 12). Roadmap to new economics: Beyond capitalism and social- ism. Tikkun. Retrieved from http:// www.democraticunderground.com/ discuss/ duboard.php?az=view_ all&address=103x529697.
Elkins, J. (2005). Master narratives and their discontents. New York, NY: Routledge. Ellacuria, I. (1976). Freedom made flesh: The mission of Christ and His church ( J. Drury,
Trans.). Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. Ellis, A. P. J., Ilgen, D. R., & Hollenbeck, J. R. (2006). The effects of team leader race
on performance evaluations: An attributional perspective. Small Group Research, 37, 295– 332.
Elshtain, J. B. (2002). Jane Addams and the dream of American democracy: A life. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 375
Emejulu, A. (2011). The silencing of radical democracy in American community development: The struggle of identities. Community Development Journal, 46(2), 229– 244.
English, L., & Peters, N. (2011). Founders’ syndrome in women’s nonprofit organi- zations: Implications for practice and organizational life. Nonprofit Management and Leadership, 22, 159– 171.
Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51– 58.
Epstein, M. (2007). Psychotherapy without the self: A Buddhist perspective. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Estacio, E. (2013). Health literacy and community empowerment: It is more than just reading, writing and counting. Journal of Health Psychology, 18(8), 1056– 1068. doi:10.1177/ 1359105312470126
Esteves, A. M. (2014). Decolonizing livelihoods, decolonizing the will: Solidarity econ- omy as a social justice paradigm in Latin America. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 74– 90). London, UK: Routledge.
Etzioni, A. (1993). The spirit of community. New York, NY: Crown Books. Evans, S. D., Prilleltensky, O., McKenzie, A., Prilleltensky, I., Nogueras, D., Huggins,
C., & Mescia, N. (2011). Promoting strengths, prevention, empowerment, and community change through organizational development: Lessons for research, theory, and practice. Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community, 39(1), 50– 64.
Ewalt, P., Freeman, E., Kirk, S., & Poole, D. (Eds.). (1996). Multicultural issues in social work. Washington, DC: NASW Press.
Fanon, F. (1967). Toward the African revolution (H. Chevalier, Trans.). New York, NY: Evergreen.
Fanon, F. (2004). The wretched of the earth (Rev. ed.; C. Farrington, Trans.). New York, NY: Grove Press.
Fanon, F. (2008). Black skin, white masks (Rev. ed.; R. Philcox, Trans.). New York, NY: Grove Press.
Farnsworth, V. (2010). Conceptualizing identity, learning and social justice in community- based learning. Teaching and Teacher Education: An International Journal of Research and Studies, 26(7), 1481– 1489.
Fawcett, B., Featherstone, B., Fook, J., & Rossiter, A. (Eds.). (2000). Practice and research in social work: Post- modern feminist perspectives. New York, NY: Routledge.
Fellin, P. (2000). Revisiting multiculturalism in social work. Journal of Social Work Education, 36, 261– 278.
Festinger, L. (1950). Informal social communication. Psychological Review, 57, 271– 282. Figueira- McDonough, J. (1993). Policy practice: The neglected side of social work
intervention. Social Work, 38(2), 179– 188. Filler, L. (1960). The crusade against slavery. New York, NY: Harper & Brothers.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
376 References
Finn, J., & Jacobson, M. (2008). Just practice: A social justice approach to social work (2nd ed.). Peosta, IA: Eddie Bowers.
Fisher, J. (1980). The response of social work to the depression. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.
Fisher, R. (1994). Let the people decide: Neighborhood organizing in America (Rev. ed.). New York, NY: Twayne.
Fisher, R. J. (2000). Inter- group conflict. In M. Deutsch & P. T. Coleman (Eds.), The handbook of conflict resolution: Theory and practice (pp. 166– 184). San Francisco, CA: Jossey- Bass.
Fisher, S., Abdi, D. I., Ludin, J., Smith, R., Williams, S., & Williams, S. (2000). Working with conflict: Skills and strategies for action. London, UK: Zed Books.
Fitzgerald, T. (2009). Just leading? Social justice and socially just outcomes. Management in Education, 23(4), 155– 160.
Flexner, A. (1915). Is social work a profession? In Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction (pp. 575– 590). Chicago, IL: Hildman.
Flynn, E. (2013). Making human rights meaningful for people with disabili- ties: Advocacy, access to justice and equality before the law. International Journal of Human Rights, 17(4), 491– 510.
Flynn, F., & Wiltermuth, S. (2010). Who’s with me? False consensus, brokerage, and ethical decision- making in organizations. Academy of Management, 53(5), 1074– 1089.
Flynn, N. (2011). The economic, social and political context of the local community approach to integrated offender management: Theory and practice, rhetoric and reality. British Journal of Community Justice, 9(1– 2), 81– 92.
Foldy, E., & Ospina, S. (2010). Building bridges from the margins: The work of leader- ship in social change organizations. Leadership Quarterly, 21(2), 292– 307.
Foner, E. (1998). The story of American freedom. New York, NY: Norton. Foner, E. (1999). Expert report of Eric Foner to the Federal Court of Appeals, 6th
Circuit, in the cases of Gratz, et al. v. Bollinger, et al. and Grutter, et al. v. Bollinger, et al. Retrieved from http:// www.umich.edu/ ~urel/ admissions/ legal/ expert/ foner.html.
Foner, E. (2002). Who is an American? In Who owns history? Rethinking the past in a changing world (pp. 149– 166). New York, NY: Hill & Wang.
Foner, E. (2015). Gateway to freedom: The hidden history of the underground railroad. New York, NY: Norton.
Fook, J. (2002). Social work: Critical theory and practice. London, UK: Sage. Fook, J. (2014). Social justice and critical theory. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge
international handbook of social justice (pp. 160– 172). London, UK: Routledge. Ford, R., Hershberger, S., Glenn, J., Morris, S., Saez, V., Togba, F., & Williams, R.
(2013). Building a youth- led movement to keep young people out of the adult crim- inal justice system. Children & Youth Services Review, 35(8), 1268– 1275.
Forsythe, D. (2010). Group dynamics (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 377
Forum Organizing Project. (2009). Forum organizer’s guide. Jamaica Plain, MA: Author.
Foucault, M. (1995). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison (A. Sheridan, Trans.). New York, NY: Vintage Books. (Original work published 1975)
Fraser, N. (1989). Unruly practices: Power, discourse, and gender in contemporary social theory. Oxford, UK: Polity.
Fraser, N. (1995). From redistribution to recognition? Dilemmas of justice in a “post- socialist” age. New Left Review, 212, 68– 93.
Fraser, N. (1997). Justice interruptus: Critical reflections on the “ postsocialist” condition. London, UK: Routledge.
Fraser, N. (2000). Rethinking recognition. New Left Review, 3, 107– 120. Fraser, N. (2008). Reframing justice in a globalising world. In K. Olson (Ed.), Adding
insult to injury: Nancy Fraser debates her critics. London, UK: Verso. Fraser, N. (2009). Feminism, capitalism and the cunning of history. New Left Review,
56, 97– 117. Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York, NY: Seabury. Freire, P. (1973). Education as the practice of freedom for critical consciousness. New York,
NY: Continuum. French, J., & Raven, B. (1959). The bases of social power. In D. Cartwright (Ed.),
Studies in social power (pp. 150– 167). Ann Arbor, MI: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan.
Freston, P. (2004). Evangelical Protestantism and democratization in contemporary Latin America and Asia. Democratization, 11(4), 21– 41.
Friendly, A. (2013). The right to the city: Theory and practice in Brazil. Planning Theory & Practice, 14(2), 158– 179.
Fuentes, C. (1968). A change of skin (S. Hileman, Trans.). New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux.
Fuentes, C. (1992). The buried mirror: Reflections on Spain and the New World. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Furman, G. (2012). Social justice leadership as praxis: Developing capacities through preparation programs. Educational Administration Quarterly, 48(2), 191– 229.
Gago Guerrero, P. F. (n.d.). Los principios de la justicia. Cuadernos de Trabajo Social, 7, 87– 108.
Gal, J. (2001). The perils of compensation in social welfare policy. Social Service Review, 75(2), 225– 244.
Galeano, E. (1997). Open veins of Latin America: Five centuries of pillage of a continent. New York, NY: Monthly Review Press.
Galeano, E. (2010). Century of the wind, volume 3 of a trilogy (C. Belfrage, Trans.). New York, NY: Nation Books.
Gamble, D. N. (2012). Well- being in a globalized world: Does social work know how to make it happen? Journal of Social Work Education, 48(4), 669– 689.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
378 References
Gamble, V. (1997). Under the shadow of Tuskegee: African Americans and health care. American Journal of Public Health, 87, 1773– 1778.
Gambrill, E. (2004). Contributions of critical thinking and evidence- based practice to the fulfillment of the ethical obligations of professionals. In H. E. Briggs & T. L. Rzepnicki (Eds.), Using evidence in social work practice: Behavioral perspectives (pp. 3– 19). Chicago, IL: Lyceum.
Gandhi, M. (1917). Mahatma Gandhi: His life, writings and speeches. Madras, India: Ganesh.
Gans, H. (1971, May/ June). The uses of poverty: The poor pay all. Social Policy, 20– 24. Garcia, R. (2013). Social justice and leisure. Journal of Leisure Research, 45(1), 7– 22. Garrison, W. L. (Ed.). (1836, May 21). A call to the New England Anti- Slavery
Convention. The Liberator, 6(21), 83. Garvin, C. (1997). Contemporary group work (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Garvin, C., Glasser, P., Carter, B., English, R., & Wolfson, R. (1985). Group work inter-
vention in the social environment. In M. Sundel, P. Glasser, R. Sarri, & R. Vinter (Eds.), Individual change through small groups (2nd ed., pp. 277– 293). New York, NY: Free Press.
Garvin, C. D., & Tropman, J. (1998). Social work in contemporary society (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Gates, H. L., & McKay, N. Y. (Eds.). (1997). The Norton anthology of African American literature. New York, NY: Norton.
Gay, P. (1966). The enlightenment (2 vols.). New York, NY: Knopf. Geggus, D. P. (2002). Haitian revolutionary studies. Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press. George, J. (1999). Conceptual muddle, practical dilemma: Human rights, social devel-
opment, and social work education. International Social Work, 42(1), 15– 26. George, V., & Wilding, P. (1994). Welfare and ideology. London, UK: Routledge. Gerstle, G. (2001). American crucible: Race and nation in the twentieth century.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Gibbs, L. E., & Gambrill, E. (2002). Evidence- based practice: Counterarguments to
objections. Research on Social Work Practice, 12(3), 452– 476. Gibelman, M. (2000, March). Affirmative action at the crossroads: A social justice per-
spective. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 27(1), 153– 174. Gil, D. (1998). Confronting injustice and oppression: Concepts and strategies for social
workers. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Gilbert, N. (1989). The enabling state: Modern welfare capitalism in America. New York,
NY: Oxford University Press. Gilbert, N. (1995). Welfare justice: Restoring social equity. New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press. Gill, A. (2004). Weber in Latin America: Is Protestant growth enabling the consolida-
tion of democratic capitalism? Democratization, 11(4), 42– 65.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 379
Glasius, M., & Pleyers, G. (2013). The global moment of 2011: Democracy, social justice and dignity. Development & Change, 44(3), 547– 567.
Goddard, T., & Myers, R. R. (2013). Youth justice innovation on the West Coast: Examining community- based social justice organizations through a left realist lens. Western Criminology Review, 14(1), 51– 62.
Goldberg, G., & Elliott, J. (1980). Below the belt: Situational ethics for unethical situ- ations. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 7, 478.
Goode, J. (2006). Faith- based organizations in Philadelphia: Neoliberal ideology and the decline of political activism. Urban Anthropology & Studies of Cultural Systems & World Economic Development, 35(2– 3), 203– 223.
Goodman, D. (2001). Promoting diversity and social justice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Goodman, R., & Burton, D. (2012). What is the nature of the achievement gap, why
does it persist and are government goals sufficient to create social justice in the edu- cation system? Education 3- 13, 40(5), 500– 514. doi:10.1080/ 03004279.2010.550586
Gordon, L. (1991, September). Black and white visions of welfare: Women’s welfare activism, 1890– 1915. Journal of American History, 78, 559– 590.
Gordon, L. (2002). Who deserves help? Who must provide? In R. Albelda & A. Withorn (Eds.), Lost ground: Welfare reform, poverty and beyond (pp. 9– 25). Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
Gorin, S., & Moniz, C. (2014). Health and mental health policy. In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice (pp. 405– 430). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Gouin, R. R., Cocq, K., & McGavin, S. (2011). Feminist participatory research in a social justice organization. Action Research, 9(3), 261– 281.
Graden, D. T. (2006). From slavery to freedom in Brazil: Bahia, 1835– 1900. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press.
Gramsci, A. (2007). Prison notebooks (edited with an introduction by J. A. Buttigieg; A. Callari, Trans.). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Gray, M., Agglias, K., & Davies, K. (2014). Social justice feminism. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 173– 187). London, UK: Routledge.
Grayson, J. (2011). Organising, educating, and training: Varieties of activist learning in left social movements in Sheffield (UK). Studies in the Education of Adults, 43(2), 197– 215.
Green, J. (1999). Cultural awareness in the human services (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Greenberg, J. (2007). Positive organizational justice: From fair to fairer— and beyond. In J. D. Dutton & B. Rose Ragins (Eds.), Exploring positive relationships at work: Building a theoretical and research foundation (pp. 159– 178). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
Greenwald, G. (2014). No place to hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. sur- veillance state. New York, NY: Henry Holt.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
380 References
Greenwood, D. J., Foote Whyte, W., & Harkavy, I. (1993). Participatory action research as a process and as a goal. Human Relations, 46(2), 175– 191.
Gronbjerg, K., & Salamon, L. M. (2002). Devolution, marketization, and the changing shape of government– nonprofit relations. In L. M. Salamon (Ed.), The state of non- profit America (pp. 447– 470). Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
Guo, C., & Saxton, G. (2011). Accountability online: Understanding the web- based accountability practices of nonprofit organizations. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 40(2), 270– 295.
Gupta, M., Boyd, L., & Kuzmits, F. (2011). The evaporating cloud: A tool for resolving workplace conflict. International Journal of Conflict Management, 22(4), 394– 412.
Gutierrez, G. (1973). A theology of liberation. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. Gutierrez, L., & Lewis, E. A. (Eds.). (1999). Empowering women of color. New York,
NY: Columbia University Press. Gutierrez, L., Parson, R. J., & Cox, E. O. (Eds.). (1998). Empowerment in social work
practice: A sourcebook. Belmont, CA: Brooks/ Cole. Gutierrez, L. M. (2001). Working with women of color: An empowerment perspective.
In J. Rothman, J. Erlich, & J. Tropman (Eds.), Strategies of community intervention (7th ed., pp. 209– 217). Itasca, IL: Peacock.
Gutierrez, L. M., GlenMaye, L., & DeLois, K. (1995). The organizational context of empowerment practice: Implications for social work administration. Social Work, 40(2), 249– 258.
Gutierrez, L. M., Nagda, B., Raffoul, P., & McNeece, A. (1996). The multicultural imperative in human service organization. In Future issues in social work practice (pp. 203– 213). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Haijing, D. (2013). Social inequality in a bonded community: Community ties and villager resistance in a Chinese township. Social Service Review, 87(2), 269– 291.
Haley, J. (1984). Ordeal therapy: Unusual ways to change behavior. New York, NY: Jossey- Bass.
Hamilton, D. C., & Hamilton, C. V. (1997). The dual agenda: The African American struggle for civil and economic equality. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Hammond, L. H. (1920). Interracial cooperation: Helpful suggestions concerning rela- tions of White and colored citizens. New York, NY: National Board of the Y WCA.
Hammond, N. (2013). Developing a community psychology service in one local community through a practitioner– researcher pilot study. Educational & Child Psychology, 30(1), 50– 60.
Hammond, N. S. (1993). Warriors and kings: The city of Copan and the ancient Mayan. History Today, 43, 54ff.
Hancock, A. (2007). Intersectionality as a normative and empirical paradigm. Politics and Gender, 3(2), 248– 254.
Hardina, D. (2005). Ten characteristics of empowerment- oriented social service orga- nizations. Administration in Social Work, 29(3), 23– 42.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 381
Harding, S., & Simmons, L. (2010). Community practice and organizing in a time of reaction. Journal of Community Practice, 18(4), 413– 416.
Hare, I. (2004). Defining social work for the 21st century: The International Federation of Social Workers’ revised definition of social work. International Social Work, 47(3), 407– 424.
Harkavy, I., & Puckett, J. L. (1994). Lessons from Hull House for the contemporary urban university. Social Service Review, 68(3), 299– 321.
Harms, L., Middleton, J., Whyte, J., Anderson, I., Clarke, A., Sloan, J., & Smith, M. (2011). Social work with aboriginal clients: Perspectives on educational prepara- tion and practice. Australian Social Work, 64(2), 156– 168.
Harrison, D. A., & Klein, K. J. (2007). What’s the difference? Diversity constructs as separation, variety or disparity in organizations. Academy of Management Review, 32, 1199– 1228.
Hasenfeld, Y. (1987). Power in social work practice. Social Service Review, 61, 469– 483. Hayek, F. A. (1976). The mirage of social justice. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Haynes, G. E. (1912). The Negro at work in New York City: A study in economic progress.
New York, NY: Longmans, Green. Haynes, K. S., & Mickelson, J. S. (2010). Affecting change: Social workers in the political
arena (7th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Hays, D., Arredondo, P., Gladding, S., & Toporek, R. (2010). Integrating social jus-
tice in group work: The next decade. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35(2), 177– 206.
Healy, M., & Sofer, G. (2014). Advocacy at the federal level: A case study of Americorps— How the little guys won. In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice (pp. 237– 258). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hegel, G. W. F. (1964). Hegel’s political writings (T. M. Knox, Trans.). Oxford, UK: Clarendon.
Held, V. (1984). Rights and goods: Justifying social action. New York, NY: Free Press. Held, V. (1995). Justice and care: Essential readings in feminist ethics. Boulder,
CO: Westview. Hepworth, D., Rooney, R., & Larson, J. (2010). Direct social work practice (8th ed.).
Belmont, CA: Brooks/ Cole. Hernandez, J. A. (1983). Principles and ideals of Chicano mutualism. In Mutual aid for
survival: The case of the Mexican American. Malabar, FL: Krieger. Hernandez, V., Montana, S., & Clarke, K. (2010). Child health inequality: Framing a
social work response. Health & Social Work, 35(4), 291– 301. Herzberg, L. (2013). Shared decision- making: A voice for the Lakota people. Child &
Family Social Work, 18(4), 477– 486. Hibbing, J., & Theiss- Morse, E. (2005). Citizenship and civic engagement. Annual
Review of Political Science, 8, 227– 249.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
382 References
Hill Collins, P. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the poli- tics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Hilmers, A., Hilmers, D. C., & Dave, J. (2012). Neighborhood disparities in access to healthy foods and their effects on environmental justice. American Journal of Public Health, 102(9), 1644– 1654.
Hine, D. C. (1990). “We specialize in the wholly impossible”: The philanthropic work of Black women. In K. McCarthy (Ed.), Lady bountiful revisited: Women, philan- thropy, and power (pp. 70– 95). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Ho, M. K., Rasheed, J., & Rasheed, M. N. (2004). Family therapy with ethnic minori- ties. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hobbes, T. (1996). Leviathan. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Hoefer, R. (2012). Advocacy practice for social justice (2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: Lyceum. Holder, A. C. (1922). The settlement idea: A vision of social justice. New York,
NY: Macmillan. Homan, A. C., van Knippenberg, D., Van Kleef, G. A., & De Dreu, C. K. (2007).
Bridging faultlines by valuing diversity: Diversity beliefs, information elabora- tion, and performance in diverse work groups. Journal of Applied Psychology, 92(5), 1189– 1199.
Homan, M. S. (2016). Promoting community change: Making it happen in the real world, 6th ed. Belmont, CA: Brooks/ Cole.
Horwitt, S. D. (1989). Let them call me rebel: Saul Alinsky, his life and legacy. New York, NY: Knopf.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., & Gupta, V. (Eds.). (2008). Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. London, UK: Sage.
Huddleston, J. (1989). The search for a just society. Oxford, UK: George Ronald. Hull, G. T., Bell- Scott, P., & Smith, B. (Eds.). (1982). All the women are White, all
the Blacks are men, but some of us are brave. Old Westbury, NY: Feminist Press at CUNY.
Hunter, R. (1904). Poverty. New York, NY: Grosset & Dunlap. Hyde, C. (1996). A feminist response to Rothman’s “'The interweaving of community
intervention approaches'.” Journal of Community Practice, 3(3– 4), 127– 145. Ife, J. (2001). Human rights and social work: Toward rights- based practice. New York,
NY: Cambridge University Press. Ife, J. (2007). Cultural relativism and community activism. In E. Reichert (Ed.),
Challenges in human rights: A social work perspective (pp. 76– 96). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Ife, J. (2010). Human rights from below. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Iglehart, A. P., & Becerra, R. M. (2011). Social services and the ethnic community: History
and analysis (2nd ed.). Long Grove, IL: Waveland. Ignatieff, M. (2001). The attack on human rights. Foreign Affairs, 80(6), 102– 116.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 383
Imber- Black, E. (2011). Towards a contemporary social justice agenda in family ther- apy research and practice. Family Process, 50(2), 129– 131.
Imoh, A. T. (2012). From central to marginal: Changing perceptions of kinship foster- age in Ghana. Journal of Family History, 37(4), 351– 363.
International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. (1986). Nelson Mandela: The struggle is my life. London, UK: Author.
International Federation of Social Workers (2010). Definition of social work. Retrieved June 6, 2010 from http:// www.eassw.org/ definition.asp.
Irele, A. (1965). Negritude— Literature and ideology. Journal of Modern African Studies, 3(4), 499– 526.
Irvine, J. A. (2013). Leveraging change. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 15(1), 20– 38.
Israel, J. I. (2001). Radical enlightenment: Philosophy and the making of modernity, 1650– 1750. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Ivey, A. E., & Collins, N. M. (2003). Social justice: A long term challenge for counsel- ing psychology. The Counseling Psychologist, 31(3), 290– 298.
Jack, H. (Ed.). (1961). The wit and wisdom of Gandhi. Bombay, India: Perennial Press. Jackson, B. W. (2006). Theory and practice of multicultural organization development.
In B. B. Jones & M. Brazzel (Eds.), The NTL handbook of organization development and change (pp. 139– 154). San Francisco, CA: Pfeiffer.
Jackson, D., & Weakland, J. (1959). Schizophrenic symptoms and family interaction. Archives of General Psychiatry, 1, 618– 621.
Jacobs, H. (2010). Incidents in the life of a slave girl: Written by herself ( J. Fleischner, Ed.). Boston, MA: Bedford/ St. Martin’s. (Original work published 1861)
James, C. L. R. (1963). The Black Jacobins. New York, NY: Vintage. Jani, J. S., & DeForge, B. R. (2014). Contextually appropriate measurement as the
basis for culturally appropriate intervention. Social Work in Public Health, 30(2), 1– 18.
Jani, J. S., & Reisch, M. (2011). Common human needs, uncommon solutions: Applying a critical framework to perspectives on human behavior. Families in Society, 92(1), 13– 20.
Jansson, B. (2005). The reluctant welfare state (5th ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/ Cole.
Jaskyte, K. (2012). Exploring potential for information technology innovation in non- profit organizations. Journal of Technology in Human Services, 30(2), 118– 127.
Jean- Marie, G. (2006). Welcoming the unwelcomed: A social justice imperative of African- American female leaders at historically Black colleges and universities. Educational Foundations, 20(1– 2), 85– 104.
Jensen, J. M. (2008). Reflections and future directions for social work research. Social Work Research, 32(3), 131– 134.
Johnson, A. G. (2001). Privilege, power and difference. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
384 References
Johnson, C. (2005). Meeting the ethical challenges of leadership: Casting light or shadow. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Johnson, C., Dowd, T. J., & Ridgeway, C. L. (2006). Legitimacy as a social process. Annual Review of Sociology, 32, 53– 78.
Johnson, L. R., & Rosario- Ramos, E. M. (2012). The role of educational institutions in the development of critical literacy and transformative action. Theory Into Practice, 51(1), 49– 56.
Jones, P., & Waters, R. (2011). Using video to build an organization’s identity and brand: A content analysis of nonprofit organizations’ YouTube videos. Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing, 23(3), 248– 268.
Jones, R. (1984, February). Four churches in one: Latin American Catholicism. Christian Century, 199.
Jordan, L., & Van Tuijl, P. (2000). Political responsibility in trans- national NGO advo- cacy. World Development, 28(12), 2051– 2065.
Judd, R . G. (2013). Social justice: A shared paradigm for social work and reli- gion? Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought, 32(2), 177– 193.
Kallen, E. (2004). Social inequality and social injustice: A human rights perspective. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Kamal, M. (2014). Achieving development outcomes through technology interventions in a nonprofit organization. Paper presented at the 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS), Waikoloa, HI. IEEE, pp. 4245– 4253.
Kane, L. (2001). Popular education and social change in Latin America. London, UK: Latin American Bureau.
Kanter, B., & Fine, A. H. (2010). The networked nonprofit: Connecting with social media to drive change. San Francisco, CA: Jossey- Bass.
Karakowsky, L., McBey, K., & Miller, D. (2004). Gender, perceived competence, and power displays: Examining verbal interruptions in a group context. Small Group Research, 35(4), 407– 439.
Karenga, M. (2007, February 8). Boukman and the voice for freedom: Standing in sol- idarity with Haiti. Los Angeles Sentinel, p. A- 9.
Karger, H. J. (1988). Social workers and labor unions. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Kasius, C. (Ed.). (1950). A comparison of diagnostic and functional casework concepts,
report. New York, NY: Family Service Association of America. Kaslow, F. (2010). A family therapy narrative. American Journal of Family Therapy,
38, 50– 62. Kasmir, S. (1996). The myth of Mondragon: Cooperatives, politics, and working class life
in a Basque town. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Katiuzhinsky, A., & Okech, D. (2014). Human rights, cultural practices, and state pol-
icies: Implications for global social work practice and policy. International Journal of Social Welfare, 23(1), 80– 88.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 385
Katz, M. B. (2001). The price of citizenship: Redefining the American welfare state. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.
Kaushik, A. (2001). Politics, symbols and political theory. Jaipur, India: Rawat. Keevers, L., Sykes, C., & Treleaven, L. (2006). The policy space as a catalyst for the
push to partnership and participation. Keevers, L., Treleaven, L., Sykes, C., & Darcy, M. (2012). Made to measure: Taming
practices with results- based accountability. Organization Studies, 33(1), 97– 120. Kelley, P. (2011). Narrative therapy and social work treatment. In F. J. Turner (Ed.),
Social work treatment: Interlocking theoretical approaches (5th ed., pp. 315– 326). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Kellough, J. E. (2006). Understanding affirmative action: Politics, discrimination, and the search for justice. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
Kelly, J. J., & Clark, E. J. (Eds.). (2009). Social work speaks: National Association of Social Workers’ policy statements, 2009– 2012. Washington, DC: NASW Press.
Kelsey, B. L. (1998). The dynamics of multicultural groups: Ethnicity as a determinant of leadership. Small Group Research, 29(5), 602– 623.
Kennedy, R. (2013). For discrimination: Race, affirmative action, and the law. New York, NY: Pantheon.
Kenyatta, J. (1968). Suffering without bitterness: The founding of the Kenyan nation. Nairobi, Kenya: East African Publishing House.
Kickbusch, I., & Nutbeam, D. (1998). Health promotion glossary. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization.
Kim, J. F. (2006). Youth as important civic actors: From the margins to the center. National Civic Review, 95(1), 3ff.
Kim, S., Mankoff, J., & Paulos, E. (2014). Exploring the opportunities of mobile tech- nology use in nonprofit organizations. CHI ‘14 Extended Abstracts on Human Factors in Computing Systems, 1939– 1944.
Kim. S.- M., & Sherraden, M. S. (2014). The capability approach and social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 202– 215). London, UK: Routledge.
Kirk, S. A., & Reid, W. J. (2002). Science and social work. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Kirkpatrick, S. A., & Locke, E. A. (1991). Leadership: Do traits matter? The Executive, 5, 48– 60.
Klein, N. (2014). This changes everything: Capitalism vs. the climate. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Kline, M., Dolgon, C., & Dresser, L. (2000). The politics and knowledge in theory and practice: Collective research and political action in a grassroots community organization. Journal of Community Practice, 8(2), 23– 38.
Knight, L. W. (2005). Citizen: Jane Addams and the struggle for democracy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
386 References
Koch, S. C. (2005). Evaluative affect display toward male and female leaders of task- oriented groups. Small Group Research, 36(6), 678– 703.
Kochman, T. (1981). Black and white styles in conflict. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Krebs, B., Pitcoff, P., & Shalof, A. L. (2013). SELF- advocacy education for youth: The role of law school communities in expanding opportunities for system- involved youth. Family Court Review, 51(4), 698– 711.
Kropotkin, P. (1902). Mutual aid. Boston, MA: Porter Sargent. Kuehn, R. (2014). Environmental justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge interna-
tional handbook of social justice (pp. 319– 338). London, IL: Routledge. Kuilema, J. (2013). Social workers and broadband advocacy: Social justice and infor-
mation communications technologies. Social Science Computer Review, 31(3), 291– 305.
Kurasawa, F. (2007). The work of global justice: Human rights as practice. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Kvasny, L., Ortiz, J., & Tapia, A. (2011). A critical discourse analysis of three US municipal wireless network initiatives for enhancing social inclusion. Telematics and Informatics, 28(3), 215– 226.
Kwong- Leung, T., & Jik- Joen, L. (2006). Global social justice for older people: The case for an international convention on the rights of older people. British Journal of Social Work, 36(7), 1135– 1150.
Lacey, A., & Ilcan, S. (2006). Voluntary labor, responsible citizenship, and interna- tional NGOs. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 47(1), 34– 53.
Lai, H. M. (2004). Becoming Chinese- American: A history of communities and institu- tions. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira.
Lake, C. C. (1987). Public opinion polling: A handbook for public interest and citizen advocacy groups. Washington, DC: Island Press.
Lanning, K. (2012). Social psychology and contemporary immigration policy: An introduction. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy (ASAP), 12(1), 1– 4.
Larrabure, M., Vieta, M., & Schugurensky, D. (2011). The “new cooperativism” in Latin America: Worker- recuperated enterprises and socialist production units. Studies in the Education of Adults, 43(2), 181– 196.
Lasch- Quinn, E. (1993). Black neighbors: Race and the limits of reform in the American settlement house movement, 1880– 1945. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Laslett, B. (1998). Gender and the rhetoric of social science: William Fielding Ogburn and early twentieth- century sociolog y in the United States. In J. Cox & S. Stromquist (Eds.), Contesting the master narrative: Essays in social history (pp. 19– 49). Iowa City, IA: University of Iowa Press.
Lauffer, A. (1978). Social planning at the community level. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 387
Lavalette, M. (Ed.). (2011). Radical social work today: Social work at the crossroads. Bristol, UK: Polity.
Le Baron, B. (1966). Negritude: A pan- African ideal. Ethics, 76(4), 267– 276. Lee, E. (2003). At America’s gates: Chinese immigration during the exclusion era,
1882– 1943. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Lee, J. (2001). The empowerment approach: A conceptual model. In The empower-
ment approach to social work practice: Building the beloved community (pp. 30– 55). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Lens, V. (2014). The judiciary and social policy. In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice (pp. 281– 304). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Leonard, P. (1995). Postmodernism, socialism, and social welfare. Journal of Progressive Human Services, 6(2), 3– 19.
Leonard, P. (1997). Postmodern welfare: Reconstructing an emancipatory project. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.
LeRoux, K. (2007). Nonprofits as civic intermediaries. Urban Affairs Review, 42(3), 410– 422.
Leuenberger, D., & Wakin, M. (2007). Sustainable development in public adminis- tration planning: An exploration of social justice, equity, and citizen inclusion. Administrative Theory & Praxis, 29(3), 394– 411.
Levin, J. (2013). Engaging the faith community for public health advocacy: An agenda for the Surgeon General. Journal of Religion & Health, 52(2), 368– 385.
Lewin, K. (1948). Resolving social conflicts: Selected papers on group dynamics (G. W. Lewin, Ed.). New York, NY: Harper & Row.
Lewis, H. (1982). The intellectual base of social work practice: Tools for thought in a help- ing profession. New York, NY: Haworth.
Lewis, H. (2004). The cause in function. In M. Reisch (Ed.), For the common good: Essays of Harold Lewis (pp. 10– 14). New York, NY: Routledge.
Lewis, J. A. (2011). Operationalizing social justice counseling: Paradigm to practice. Journal of Humanistic Counseling, 50(2), 183– 191.
Li, J., Karakowsky, L., & Siegel, J. P. (1999). The effects of proportional representa- tion on intragroup behavior in mixed- race decision- making groups. Small Group Research, 30(3), 259– 279.
Libby, M., Sedonaen, M., & Bliss, S. (2006). The mystery of youth leadership devel- opment: The path to just communities. New Directions for Youth Development, 109, 13– 25.
Lieberman, R. (1998). Shifting the color line: Race and the American welfare state. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Liévanos, R. S. (2012). Certainty, fairness, and balance: State resonance and environ- mental justice policy implementation. Sociological Forum, 27(2), 481– 503.
Linhorst, D. M. (2002). Federalism and social justice: Implications for social work. Social Work, 47(3), 201– 208.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
388 References
Littell, J. H. (2008). Evidence- based or biased? The quality of published reviews of evidence- based practices. Children and Youth Services Review, 30, 1299– 1317.
Lizarraga, F. (2006). La justicia en el pensiamiento de Ernesto Che Guevara [ Justice in the thoughts of Ernesto Che Guevara]. Havana, Cuba: Editorial de Ciensias Sociales.
Lonne, B., McDonald, C., & Fox, T. (2004). Ethical practice in the contemporary human services. Journal of Social Work, 4(3), 345– 367.
Lorenz, W. (2014). The emergence of social justice in the West. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 14– 26). London, UK: Routledge.
Lubove, R. (1968). The struggle for Social Security, 1900– 1935. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Lum, D. (1999). Culturally competent practice: A framework for growth and action. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/ Cole.
Lundblad, K. S. (1995). Jane Addams and social reform: A role model for the 1990s. Social Work, 40(5), 661– 669.
Luttrell, W. (2013). Children’s counter- narrative of care: Towards educational justice. Children and Society, 27(4), 295– 308.
Lyotard, J.- F. (1984). The postmodern condition: A report on knowledge. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Lyotard, J.- F. (1988). The differend: Phrases in dispute. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Lyotard, J.- F. (1992). The postmodern explained: Correspondence 1982– 1985. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Lyotard, J.- F. (with Thebaud, J.- L.). (1985). Just gaming. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Madrick, J. (2006, January 12). The way to a fair deal. New York Review of Books, No. 1, 37– 40.
Maguire, D. C. (2010). Ethics: A complete method for moral choice. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
Maguire, D. C. (2014). Religious influences on justice theory. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 27– 38). London, UK: Routledge.
Maimonides, M. (1949). The code of Maimonides. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Mann, R. D. (1959). A review of the relationship between personality and performance in small groups. Psychological Bulletin, 56, 241– 270.
Mann, S. A., & Huffman, D. J. (2005). Decentering of second wave feminism and the rise of third wave. Marxist– Feminist Thought Today, 69(1), 56– 91.
Marable, M., Steinberg, I., & Middlemass, K. (Eds.). (2007). Racializing justice, disenfranchising lives: The racism, criminal justice, and law reader. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 389
Marbley, A., Bonner, F., Wimberly, C., Stevens, H., & Tatem, B. A. (2006). Harambee: Working together to engender change in communities of color. Educational Forum, 70(4), 320– 336.
Marbley, A. F. (2004). His eye is on the sparrow: A counselor of color’s perception of facilitating groups with predominantly White members. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 29(3), 247– 258.
Margolin, L. (1997). Under the cover of kindness: The invention of social work. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press.
Marshall, T. H. (1950). Citizenship, social class, and other essays. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Martin, P. Y. (2004). Gender as social institution. Social Forces, 82(4), 1249– 1273. Marx, K. (1844/ 1964). Economic and philosophic manuscripts of 1844 (D. J. Struik, Ed.;
M. Milligan, Trans.). New York, NY: International Publishers. Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1848). The communist manifesto. New York, NY: International
Publishers. Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993). American apartheid: Segregation and the mak-
ing of the underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. May, R. A. B. (2007). Introduction: Era(c)ing and (Re)constructing race and the racial-
ized self. Symbolic Interaction, 30(3), 293– 295. Mays, V. M., Cochran, S. D., & Barnes, N. W. (2007). Race, race- based discrimination,
and health outcomes among African Americans. Annual Review of Psychology, 58, 201– 225.
McCarthy, M. (n.d.). The ethics of political advocacy and the integrity of the demo- cratic process. Woodstock Project on Ethics and Public Policy.
McGoldrick, M., Giordano, M., & Garcia- Preto, N. (Eds.). (2005). Ethnicity and fam- ily therapy (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Guilford.
McGoldrick, M., & Hardy, K. V. (2008). Revisioning family therapy: Race, culture, and gender in clinical practice. New York, NY: Guilford.
McIntosh, P. (1988). White privilege and male privilege: A personal account of coming to see correspondences through work in women’s studies. Reprinted in M. L. Anderson & P. H. Collins (2000), Race, class, and gender: An anthology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
McJimsey, G. (1987). Harry Hopkins: Ally of the poor and defender of democracy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
McKay, C. L. (2010). Community education and critical race praxis: The power of voice. Educational Foundations, 24(1– 2), 25– 38.
McKnight, J., & Kretzmann, J. (2008). Mapping community capacity. In M. Minkler (Ed.), Community organizing & community building for health (pp. 157– 172). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
McNutt, J. (1997, December). New communitarian thought and the future of social policy. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 24(4), 45– 56.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
390 References
McNutt, J. (2011). Is social work advocacy worth the cost? Issues and barriers to an eco- nomic analysis of social work political practice. Research on Social Work Practice, 21(4), 397– 403.
McWilliams, W. C. (1973). The idea of fraternity in America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Mead, L. (1986). Beyond entitlement: The social obligations of citizenship. New York, NY: Free Press.
Mead, L. (1992). The new politics of poverty. New York, NY: Basic Books. Mead, L. (1997). The new paternalism: Supervisory approaches to poverty. Washington,
DC: The Brookings Institution. Merry, S. E. (2006). Trans- national human rights and local activism: Mapping the
middle. American Anthropologist, 108(1), 38– 51. Merry, S. E., & Levitt, P. (2008). Law, human rights and social movements: Exploring
the justice scaffold. Unpublished paper presented at “Women and the Law” seminar, April 3– 4, 2008, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI.
Michels, R. (1915). Political parties; A sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy (E. C. Paul, Trans.). London, UK: Jarrold & Sons.
Miley, K. K., O’Melia, M., & DuBois, B. (2009). Generalist social work practice: An empowering approach (6th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson/ Allyn & Bacon.
Miller, D. (1976). Social justice. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Miller, D. (2001). Boundaries and justice: Diverse ethical perspectives. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press. Miller, J. B. (1982). Women and power. Wellesley, MA: Stone Center for Developmental
Services and Studies, Wellesley College. Mills, C. W. (1956). The power elite. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press. Minkler, M. (2004). Ethical challenges for the “outside” researcher in community-
based participatory research. Health Education Behavior, 3(6), 684– 697. Minuchin, S., Montalvo, B., Guerney, B. G., Jr., Rosman, B. L., & Schumer, F. (1967).
Families of the slums. New York, NY: Basic Books. Mondlane, E. (1969). The struggle for Mozambique. Baltimore, MD: Penguin. Mondros, J. B., & Wilson, S. M. (1994). Organizing for power and empowerment.
New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Montague, A. (1964). Man’s most dangerous myth: The fallacy of race (4th ed.).
Cleveland, OH: World Publishing. Moreau, M. J. (1979). A structural approach to social work practice. Canadian Journal
of Social Work Education, 5(1), 75– 94. Morrice, E., & Colagiuri, R. (2013). Coal mining, social injustice and health: A univer-
sal conflict of power and priorities. Health & Place, 19, 74– 79. Morris, A. D. (1984). The origins of the civil rights movement: Black communities orga-
nizing for change. New York, NY: Free Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 391
Morris, P. M. (2002). The capabilities perspective: A framework for social justice. Families in Society, 83(4), 365– 373.
Morris, R., & Freund, M. (Eds.). (1966). Trends and issues in Jewish social work in the United States, 1899– 1952. Philadelphia, PA: Jewish Publication Society of America.
Morrow, H. (2011). Integrating deliberative justice theory into social work policy and pedagogy. Journal of Social Work Education, 47(3), 389– 402.
Moshe Grodofsky, M. (2012). Community- based human rights advocacy practice and peace education. International Social Work, 55(5), 740– 753.
Mosley, J. E. (2013). The beliefs of homeless service managers about policy advo- cacy: Definitions, legal understanding, and motivations to participate. Administration in Social Work, 37(1), 73– 89.
Mullaly, R. P. (2007). The new structural social work. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Oxford University Press.
Mullaly, R. P. (2010). Challenging oppression and confronting privilege: A critical social work approach. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Mullender, A., Ward, D., & Fleming, J. (2013). Empowerment in action: Self- directed group work. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Mulroy, E. A., & Austin, M. J. (2004). Towards a comprehensive framework for understanding the social environment: In search of theory for practice. Journal of Human Behavior and the Social Environment, 10(3), 25– 59.
Murray, C. (1984). Losing ground: American social policy, 1950– 1980. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Musson, G. (1998). Life histories. In G. Symon & C. Cassell (Eds.), Qualitative meth- ods of analysis in organizational research: A practical guide (pp. 10– 27). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Myers, R. R., & Goddard, T. (2013). Community- driven youth justice and the orga- nizational consequences of coercive governance. British Journal of Criminology, 53(2), 215– 233.
Nabuco, J. (1883). O abolicionismo. London, UK: Abraham Kingdon & Co. Nagda, B. A. (2006). Breaking barriers, crossing borders, building bridges: Communication
processes in intergroup dialogues. Journal of Social Issues, 62(3), 553– 576. Nagda, B. A., Kim, C., & Truelove, Y. (2004). Learning about differences, learning
with others, learning to transgress. Journal of Social Issues, 50(1), 195– 214. Nakata, M. (2013). The rights and blights of the politics in indigenous higher educa-
tion. Anthropological Forum, 23(3), 289– 303. Napier, A. Y., & Whitaker, C. A. (1978). The family crucible. New York,
NY: Harper & Row. Narayan, U. (1999). Working together across differences. In B. Compton & B. Galaway
(Eds.), Social work processes (6th ed., pp. 243– 252). New York, NY: Brooks/ Cole. Narayan, U., & Harding, S. G. (Eds.) (2000). Decentering the center: Philosophy for
a multicultural, post- colonial, and feminist world. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
392 References
National Association of Social Workers. (1998). Code of ethics (Rev. ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
National Association of Social Workers. (2008). Code of ethics— Revised. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved January 4, 2015, from http:// www.socialworkers.org/ pubs/ code/ default.asp.
National Association of Social Workers (1981). Working statement on the purpose of social work. Washington, DC: Author.
National Gender Equity Campaign. (2009). Building organizational capacity for social justice. San Francisco, CA: Author.
Nelson, M. C. (1997). Beyond fear: A Toltec guide to freedom and joy: The teachings of Miguel Angel Ruiz. San Francisco, CA: Council Oak Books.
Nenga, S. (2014). Volunteering to give up privilege? How affluent youth volunteers respond to class privilege. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 40(3), 263– 289.
Nietzsche, F. W. (1968). Basic writings of Nietzsche (W. Kaufmann, Ed. & Trans.). New York, NY: Modern Library.
Nkrumah, K. (1961). I speak of freedom. London, UK: Heinemann. Nkrumah, K. (1963). Africa must unite. London, UK: Heinemann. Northouse, P. (2007). Leadership: Theory and practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy, state, and utopia. New York, NY: Basic Books. Nussbaum, M. C. (1999). Sex and social justice. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Nussbaum, M. C. (2003). Capabilities as fundamental entitlements: Sen and social
justice. Feminist Economics, 9(2– 3), 33– 59. Nussbaum, M. C. (2004). Beyond the social contract: Capabilities and global justice.
Oxford Developmental Studies, 32(1). (Lecture originally given June 19, 2003, in Oxford, UK)
Nussbaum, M. C. (2006). Frontiers of justice: Disability, nationality, species member- ship. Cambridge, MA: Belknap.
Nussbaum, M. C. (2011). Creating capabilities: The human development approach. Cambridge, MA: Belknap.
Nweke, O. C., Payne- Sturges, D., Garcia, L., Lee, C., Zenick, H., Grevatt, P., & Dankwa- Mullan, I. (2011). Symposium on integrating the science of environmen- tal justice into decision- making at the Environmental Protection Agency: An overview. American Journal of Public Health, 101(Suppl. 1), S19– S26.
O’Grady, J. (1931). Catholic charities in the United States: History and problems. Washington, DC: National Conference of Catholic Charities.
Ohmer, M. L. (2008). Assessing and developing the evidence base of macro practice interventions with a community and neighborhood focus. Journal of Evidence- Based Social Work, 5(3– 4), 519– 547.
Olkkonen, M., & Lipponen, J. (2006). Relationships between organizational justice, identification with organization and work unit, and group- related outcomes. Organizational Behavior & Human Decision Processes, 100(2), 202– 215.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 393
Ortega, R. M., & Faller, K. C. (2011). Training child welfare workers from a cultural humility perspective. Child Welfare, 90(5), 27– 49.
Ottinger. G. (2011). Environmentally just technology. Environmental Justice, 4(1), 81– 85.
Oxfam. (2006, Spring). Challenging injustice. Oxfam Exchange. Paley, J. (2001). Marketing democracy: Power and social movements in post- dictatorship
Chile. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Palley, E., & Shdaimah, C. S. (2014). In our hands: The struggle for U.S. child care policy.
New York, NY: New York University Press. Pardeck, J. T. (1996). Social work practice: An ecological approach. Westport,
CT: Auburn House. Parker, L. (2008). The cultural context model: A case study of social justice- based clin-
ical practice. Social Justice in Context, 3, 25– 40. Patterson, F. M. (2004). Motivating students to work with elders: A strengths, social
construction, and human rights and social justice approach. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 24(3– 4), 165– 181.
Patterson, J. (2001). America’s struggle against poverty in the 20th century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Payne, M. (2005). Modern social work theory (3rd ed.). Chicago, IL: Lyceum. Payne, M. (2014). Modern social work theory (4th ed.). London, UK: Palgrave
Macmillan. Pazey, B. L., & Cole, H. A. (2013). The role of special education training in the devel-
opment of socially just leaders: Building an equity consciousness in educational leadership programs. Educational Administration Quarterly, 49(2), 243– 271.
Peabody, C. G. (2013). Using photo- voice as a tool to engage social work students in social justice. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 33(3), 251– 265.
Pelton, L. (2005). Frames of justice. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Perdue, T., Prior, M., Williamson, C., & Sherman, S. (2012). Social justice and spiritual
healing: Using micro and macro social work practice to reduce domestic minor sex trafficking. Social Work & Christianity, 39(4), 449– 465.
Perlman, H. H. (1971). Putting the social back in social case work. In H. H. Perlman (Ed.), Perspectives on social case work (pp. 124– 136). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Petrella, I. (Ed.). (2005). Latin American liberation theology: The next generation. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.
Philip, D., & Reisch, M. (2015). Rethinking social work’s interpretation of “environ- mental justice”: From local to global. Social Work Education: An International Journal.
Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty- first century. Cambridge, MA: Belknap. Pincus, A., & Minahan, A. (1973). Social work practice: Model and method. Itasca,
IL: Peacock.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
394 References
Pinderhughes, E. (1983). Empowerment for our clients and ourselves. Social Casework, 64, 331– 338.
Piven, F. F. (2002). Welfare policy and American politics. In F. F. Piven, J. Acker, M. Hallock, & S. Morgen (Eds.), Work, welfare and politics: Confronting poverty in the wake of welfare reform (pp. 19– 33). Eugene, OR: University of Oregon Press.
Piven, F. F., & Cloward, R. (1995). Regulating the poor: The functions of public welfare, revised ed. New York: Vintage.
Plato (1974). The republic (G. M. A. Grube, Trans.). Indianapolis, IN: Hackett. Plato (2013). Republic (C. Emlyn- Jones & W. Preddy, Eds. & Trans.). Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press. Plough, A., Fielding, J. E., Chandra, A., Williams, M., Eisenman, D., Wells, K. B.,
& Magaña, A. (2013). Building community disaster resilience: Perspectives from a large urban county department of public health. American Journal of Public Health, 103(7), 1190– 1197.
Polack, R. J. (2004). Social justice and the global economy: New challenges for social work in the 21st century. Social Work, 49(2), 281– 290.
Poole, D. L., Ferguson, M., DiNitto, D., & Schwab, A. J. (2002). The capacity of community- based organizations to lead local innovations in welfare reform: Early findings in Texas. Nonprofit Management & Leadership, 12(3), 261– 276.
Prasant, J. P. (2014). The Gandhian concept of social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 39– 47). London, UK: Routledge.
Prigoff, A. (2000). Economics for social workers: Social outcomes of economic globaliza- tion, with strategies for community action. Belmont, CA: Brooks/ Cole Thomson.
Purcell, F. P., & Specht, H. (1965). The house on Sixth Street. Social Work, 10(4), 69– 76. Pyke, K. D., & Johnson, D. L. (2003). Asian American women and racialized femi-
ninities: “Doing” gender across cultural worlds. Gender and Society, 17(1), 33– 53. Rambaree, K. (2013). Social work and sustainable development: Local voices from
Mauritius. Australian Social Work, 66(2), 261– 276. Ramey, J. B. (2013). For the public good: Urban youth advocacy and the fight for public
education. Children & Youth Services Review, 35(8), 1260– 1267. Randel, A. E. (2002). Identity salience: A moderator of the relationship between group
gender composition and work group conflict. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 23(6), 749– 769.
Rank, M. R. (2004). One nation underprivileged: Why American poverty affects us all. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Rank, O. (1936). Will therapy: An analysis of the therapeutic process in terms of relation- ship. New York, NY: Knopf.
Rank, O. (1958). Beyond psychology. New York, NY: Dover. Ratts, M., Anthony, L., & Santos, K. N. T. (2010). The dimensions of social justice
model: Transforming traditional group work into a socially just framework. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35(2), 160– 168.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 395
Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Original work published 1971)
Rawls, J. (2001). Justice as fairness: A restatement. Cambridge, MA: Belknap. Reamer, F. G. (1998). The evolution of social work ethics. Social Work, 43(6), 488– 499. Reamer, F. G. (2013). Social work values and ethics (4th ed.). New York, NY: Columbia
University Press. Reed, B., Ortega, R. M., & Garvin, C. (2010). Small group theory and social
work: Promoting diversity and social justice or recreating inequities? In R. R. Greene & N. Kropf (Eds.), Human behavior theory: A diversity framework (2nd ed.). Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publications.
Reed, B. G., & Garvin, C. (1995). Feminist psychodynamic group psychotherapy: The applications of principles. In B. DeChant (Ed.), Women and group psychother- apy: Theory and practice (pp. 127– 156). New York, NY: Guilford.
Reich, R. B. (2012). Beyond outrage: What has gone wrong with our economy and our democracy, and how to fix it. New York, NY: Vintage.
Reichert, E. (2011). Social work and human rights: A foundation for policy and practice (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Reichert, E. D. (2004). Ethics: Human rights and social work. New Social Worker, 11(4), 4– 6.
Reichert, E. D. (Ed.). (2007). Challenges in human rights: A social work perspective. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Reisch, M. (1998). The socio- political context and social work method, 1890– 1950. Social Service Review, 72(20), 161– 181.
Reisch, M. (2002). Defining social justice in a socially unjust world. Families in Society, 83(4), 343– 354.
Reisch, M. (2007). Social justice and multiculturalism: Persistent tensions in the his- tory of U.S. social welfare and social work. Studies in Social Justice, 1(1), 67– 92.
Reisch, M. (2008a). From melting pot to multiculturalism: The impact of racial and ethnic diversity on social work and social justice in the U.S. British Journal of Social Work, 38(4), 788– 804.
Reisch, M. (2008b). The democratic promise: The impact of German Jewish immigra- tion on social work in the United States. In Yearbook of the Leo Baeck (Vol. 53, pp. 169– 190). London, UK: Berghahn.
Reisch, M. (2009). Social workers, unions, and low wage workers: An historical per- spective. Journal of Community Practice, 17(1– 2), 50– 72.
Reisch, M. (2012a). Radical community organizing. In M. O. Weil, M. Reisch, & M. Ohmer (Eds.), The handbook of community practice (2nd ed., pp. 361– 381). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Reisch, M. (2012b). The challenges of health care reform for hospital social work in the U.S. Social Work in Health Care, 51(10), 873– 893.
Reisch, M. (2013). What is the future of social work? Critical and Radical Social Work, 1(1), 67– 85.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
396 References
Reisch, M. (2014a). Introduction to Part I. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge interna- tional handbook of social justice (pp. 9– 13). London, UK: Routledge.
Reisch, M. (2014b). Introduction to Part II. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge interna- tional handbook of social justice (pp. 125– 131). London, UK: Routledge.
Reisch, M. (2014c). Social justice and liberalism. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 132– 146). London, UK: Routledge.
Reisch, M. (2015a). Legislative advocacy to empower oppressed and vulnerable groups. In K. Corcoran (Ed.), Social workers’ desk reference (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Reisch, M. (2015b). The boundaries of justice: Addressing the conflict between human rights and multiculturalism in social work practice and education. In K. Libal, L. Healy, M. Berthold, & R. Thomas (Eds.), Advancing human rights in social work education (pp. 177– 195). Alexandria, VA: Council on Social Work Education.
Reisch, M. (2015c). Coalizione o conflitto: Lavoro sociale e classe lavoratrice negli Stati Uniti, (U.S. social work and the working class: Coalition and conflict.) Zapruder, 37, (Odradek, Rome), 40– 57.
Reisch, M., & Andrews, J. L. (2002). The road not taken: A history of radical social work in the United States. New York, NY: Brunner- Routledge.
Reisch, M., & Guyet, D. (2007). Communities as “big small groups”: Culture and social capital. In R. Cnaan & C. Milofsky (Eds.), Handbook of community move- ments and local organizations (pp. 163– 178). New York, NY: Springer.
Reisch, M., Ife, J., & Weil, M. O. (2012c). Social justice, human rights, values, and community practice. In M. O. Weil, M. Reisch, & M. Ohmer (Eds.), Handbook of community practice (2nd ed., pp. 73– 103). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Reisch, M., & Jani, J. S. (2012d). The new politics of social work practice: Understanding context to promote change. British Journal of Social Work, 42(6), 1132– 1150.
Reisch, M., & Lowe, J. I. (2000). ‘Of means and ends’ revisited: Teaching ethical community organization in an unethical society. Journal of Community Practice, 7(1), 19– 38.
Reisch, M., Wenocur, S., & Sherman, W. (1981– 1982). Empowerment, conscientiza- tion, and animation as core social work skills. Social Development Issues, 5(2– 3), 108– 120.
Reverby, S. (Ed.). (2000). Tuskegee’s truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee syphilis study. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Reynolds, B. C. (1951). Social work and social living. New York, NY: Citadel Press. Reynolds, B. C. (1963). An uncharted journey: Fifty years of growth in social work.
New York, NY: Citadel Press. Reynolds, V. (2012). An ethical stance for justice- doing in community work and ther-
apy. Journal of Systemic Therapies, 31(4), 18– 33. Richmond, M. E. (1917). Social diagnosis. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Richmond, M. E. (1922). What is social casework? New York, NY: Russell Sage
Foundation.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 397
Ridgeway, C. L. (1991). The social construction of status values: Gender and other nominal characteristics. Social Forces, 70(2), 367– 386.
Ridgeway, C. L. (2001). Gender, status and leadership. Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), 637– 655.
Ridgeway, C. L. (2006). Linking social structure and interpersonal behavior: A the- oretical perspective on cultural schemas and social relations. Social Psychology Quarterly, 69(1), 5– 16.
Ridgeway, C. L., Boyle, E. H., Kuipers, K. J., & Robinson, D. T. (1998). How do sta- tus beliefs develop? The role of resources and interactional experience. American Sociological Review, 63(3), 331– 350.
Ridgeway, C. L., & Diekema, D. (1989). Dominance and collective hierarchy forma- tion in male and female task groups. American Sociological Review, 54, 79– 93.
Ridgeway, C. L., Diekema, D., & Johnson, C. (1995). Legitimacy, compliance, and gen- der in peer groups. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58(4), 298– 311.
Ridgeway, C. L., & Erickson, K. G. (2000). Creating and spreading status beliefs. American Journal of Sociology, 106(3), 579– 615.
Ridgeway, C. L., & Johnson, C. (1990). What is the relationship between socio- emotional behavior and status in task groups? American Journal of Sociology, 95(5), 1189– 1212.
Rivera, F., & Erlich, J. (1998). Community organizing in a diverse society (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Rivera, J. A. (1987). Self help as mutual protection: The development of Hispanic fra- ternal benefit societies. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 23(3), 387– 396.
Rodriguez, R. A. (1998). Challenging demographic reductionism: A pilot study inves- tigating diversity in group composition. Small Group Research, 29(6), 744– 759.
Rodriguez, V. R. (2012). Review of “Mothers United: An Immigrant Struggle for Socially Just Education.” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 34(2), 368– 371.
Roemer, J. E. (1996). Theories of distributive justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Rogge, M. (1997). Toxic risk, community resilience, and social justice in Chattanooga, Tennessee. In M. D. Hoff (Ed.), Sustainable development: Studies in economic, environmental, and cultural revitalization (pp. 105– 118). Boca Raton, FL: Lewis.
Rooney, R. (2009). Strategies for work with involuntary clients (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Rorty, R. (1989). Contingency, irony, and solidarity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Rorty, R. (1991). Objectivity, relativism and truth: Philosophical papers (Vol. 3). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Rorty, R. (1998). Truth and progress: Philosophical papers (Vol. 3). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Rose, N. E. (1994). Out to work: Relief programs in the great depression. New York, NY: Monthly Review Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
398 References
Rose, S. (1984). Use of data in identifying and resolving group problems in goal ori- ented treatment groups. Social Work with Groups, 7, 23– 36.
Rothman, J. (1970). Three models of community organization practice. In J. Rothman, J. Erlich, & J. Tropman (Eds.), Strategies of Community Organization (pp. 20– 35). Itasca, IL: Peacock Publishers, Inc.
Rothman, J. (1996). The interweaving of community intervention approaches. Journal of Community Practice, 3(3– 4), 69– 99.
Rottmann, C. (2012). Forty years in the Union: Incubating, supporting, and cata- lyzing socially just educational change. Journal of Educational Change, 13(2), 191– 216.
Rousseau, J.- J. (1994). Discourse on the origins of inequality. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Rowe, M. P. (1990). Barriers to equality: The power of subtle discrimination to main- tain unequal opportunity. Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal, 3(2), 153– 163.
Roysircar, G. (2008). A response to “Social Privilege, Social Justice, and Group Counseling: An Inquiry”: Social privilege: Counselors’ competence with sys- tematically determined inequalities. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 33(4), 377– 384.
Ruether, R. R. (2005). Goddesses and the divine feminine: A Western religious history. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Ruiz, M., & Valverde, M. (2012). Transformative Hispanic- serving institu- tions: Realizing equity praxis through community connections and local solu- tions. Journal of Latinos and Education, 11(3), 189– 194.
Ryan, W. (1981). Equality. New York, NY: Pantheon. Sabbagh, L. (2011). The paradox of decategorization: Deinstitutionalizing race
through race- based affirmative action in the United States. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 34(10), 1665– 1681.
Saint- Just, A. L. L. de (1968). Oeuvres choisies, discours, rapports, institutions republic- aines, proclamations, letters. Paris, France: Gallimard.
Sakamoto, I. (2014). The use of the arts in promoting social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 463– 479). London, UK: Routledge.
Salamon, L. M. (Ed.). (2012). The state of nonprofit America (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
Saleeby, D. (2002). The strengths perspective and social work practice (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Salem, D. (1990). To better our world: Black women in organized reform, 1890– 1920. Brooklyn, NY: Carlson.
Sample, T. S. (2001). Consensus v. conflict strategies. In J. Rothman, J. Erlich, & J. Tropman (Eds.), Strategies of community intervention, 7th ed. Itasca, IL: Peacock.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 399
Sandel, M. J. (1998). Liberalism and the limits of justice (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Sander, R. (2005.). Social work and community initiatives: Does social justice matter? Baltimore, MD: University of Maryland School of Social Work.
Santos, B. de S. (1998). Participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre: Toward a redistribu- tive democracy. Politics & Society, 26(4), 461– 510.
Scanlan, M. (2013). A learning architecture: How school leaders can design for learn- ing social justice. Educational Administration Quarterly, 49(2), 348– 391.
Schein, E. H. (2010). Organizational culture and leadership (Vol. 2). New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons.
Schiele, J. (2000). Human services and the Afrocentric paradigm. New York, NY: Haworth.
Schmidtz, D., & Goodin, R. E. (1998). Social welfare and individual responsibility. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Schneider, J. A. (2009). Organizational social capital and nonprofits. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 38(4), 643– 662.
Schram, S. F., Soss, J., & Fording, R. C. (2014). Welfare and welfare reform in the age of neoliberal paternalism. In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice (pp. 377– 404). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Schrecker, E. (1998). Many are the crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.
Schulman, L. (1999). The skills of helping individuals, families, groups, and communi- ties. Itasca, IL: Peacock.
Schwartz, W. (ed.) (1961). The social worker in the group. In New perspectives on service to groups (pp. 7– 29). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Seabury, B., Seabury, B., & Garvin, C. D. (2011). Theoretical foundations of interper- sonal practice in social work: Promoting competence in generalist practice (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Seebohm, P., Chaudhary, S., Boyce, M., Elkan, R., Avis, M., & Munn- Giddings, C. (2013). The contribution of self- help/ mutual aid groups to mental well- being. Health & Social Care in the Community, 21(4), 391– 401.
Segal, R. (1995). The Black diaspora: Five centuries of the Black experience outside Africa. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux.
Sekhon, J. (2006). Engendering grassroots democracy: Research, training, and net- working for women in local self- governance in India. NWSA Journal, 18(2), 101– 122.
Sen, A. (1992). Inequality reexamined. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Sen, A. (1999). Commodities and capabilities. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Sen, A., & Muellbauer, J. (1988). The standard of living. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
400 References
Sen, R. (2012). New theory for new constituencies: Contemporary organizing in com- munities of color. In M. O. Weil, M. Reisch, & M. L. Ohmer (Eds.), The handbook of community practice (2nd ed., pp. 249– 264). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Senghor, L. S. (1965). Prose and poetry ( J. Reed & C. Wake, Trans.). London, UK: Oxford University Press.
Shaw, T. (2013). Is social work a green profession? An examination of environmental beliefs. Journal of Social Work, 13(1), 3– 29.
Shields, C. (2010). Transformative leadership: Working for equity in diverse contexts. Educational Administration Quarterly, 46(4), 558– 589.
Shippen, M. E., Patterson, D., Green, K. L., & Smitherman, T. (2012). Community and school practices to reduce delinquent behavior: Intervening on the school- to- prison pipeline. Teacher Education and Special Education, 35(4), 296– 308.
Sim, G. (2014). Social justice and cinema. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge interna- tional handbook of social justice (pp. 502– 512). London, UK: Routledge.
Simon, A. (2006). Reflections on promoting social justice: An interview with Art Simon, founder and president emeritus of Bread for the World. Review of Business, 27(2), 4– 6.
Simon, B. L. (1994). The empowerment tradition in American social work. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Singh, A. A., & Salazar, C. F. (2010). Six considerations for social justice group work. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35, 308– 319.
Singh, V. (2014). Qualitative and quantitative methods in libraries (QQML): Special Issue— Social Justice. Social Inclusion, 2(1), 49– 57.
Singleton, G. E., & Linton, C. (2006). Courageous conversation about race: A field guide for achieving equity in schools. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin.
Sklar, K. K. (1995). Florence Kelley and the nation’s work: The rise of women’s political culture, 1830– 1900. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Sklar, K. K. (1998). Social justice feminists in the U.S. and Germany: A dialogue in doc- uments, 1885– 1933. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Skurnick, W. (1965). Leopold Sedar Senghor and African socialism. Journal of Modern African Studies, 3(3), 349– 369.
Smith, A. M. (2008). Neoliberalism, welfare policy, and feminist theories of social jus- tice. Feminist Theory, 9(2), 131– 144.
Smith, L. C., & Shin, R. Q. (2008). Social privilege, social justice, and group counsel- ing: An inquiry. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 33(4), 351– 366.
Smith, R. M. (1997). Civic ideals: Conflicting visions of citizenship in U.S. history. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Smith- Lovin, L., & Brody, C. (1989). Interruptions in group discussions. American Sociological Review, 54(3), 424– 435.
Smyth, P., Reddel, T., & Jones, A. (Eds.). (2005). Community and local governance in Australia. Sydney, Australia: University of New South Wales Press.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 401
Sohng, S. (1996). A Korean gay man in the U.S.: Toward a cultural context for social work practice. In J. F. Longres (Ed.), Men of Color: A Context for Service to Homosexually Active Men (pp. 115– 137). New York, NY: Harrington Park/ Haworth Press.
Solomon, B. B. (1976). Black empowerment: Social work in oppressed communities. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Soltis, S. M., Agneessens, F., Sasovova, Z., & Labianca, G. (2013). A social network per- spective on turnover intentions: The role of distributive justice and social support. Human Resource Management, 52(4), 561– 584.
Spano, R. (1982). The rank and file movement in social work. Washington, DC: University Press of America.
Specht, H. (1969). Disruptive tactics. Social Work, 14(2), 5– 15. Specht, H., & Courtenay, M. (1994). Unfaithful angels: How social work abandoned its
mission. New York, NY: Free Press. Speight, S., & Vera, E . (2003). Multicultural competence, social justice, and coun-
seling psycholog y: Expanding our roles. The Counseling Psychologist, 31(3), 253– 272.
Spleth, J. (1985). Leopold Sedar Senghor. Boston, MA: Twayne. Stephan, W. G. (2008). Psychological and communication processes associated with
intergroup conflict resolution. Small Group Research, 39(1), 28– 41. Stephens, C., & Gillies, A. (2012). Understanding the role of everyday practices of priv-
ilege in the perpetuation of inequalities. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 22(2), 145– 158.
Sterba, J. P. (2009). Affirmative action for the future. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Stern, M. J., & Axinn, J. (2013). Social work: A history of the American response to need (8th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Stiglitz, J. E. (2013). The price of inequality. New York, NY: Norton. Stoesz, D. (2014). Conservatism and social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge
international handbook of social justice (pp. 147– 159). London, UK: Routledge. Stoesz, D., Karger, H. J., & Carrilio, T. E. (2010). A dream deferred: How social work
education lost its way and what can be done. Herndon, VA: AldineTransaction. Stokamer, S. (2013). Pedagogical catalysts of civic competence: The development of a
critical epistemological model for community- based learning. Journal of Higher Education Outreach and Engagement, 17(1), 113– 121.
Stone, D. A. (2008). The Samaritan’s dilemma: Should government help your neighbor? New York, NY: Nation Books.
Stricker, P. (2010). Bringing social justice back in: Cuba revitalises sustainable develop- ment. Local Environment, 15(2), 185– 197.
Strolovitch, D. Z. (2006). Do interest groups represent the disadvantaged? Advocacy at the intersections of race, class, and gender. Journal of Politics, 68(4), 894– 910.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
402 References
Suarez, Z. E., Newman, P. A., & Reed, B. G. (2008). Critical consciousness and cross- cultural social work practice: A case analysis. Families in Society, 89(3), 407– 417.
Sue, D. (1981). Counseling the culturally different. New York, NY: Wiley. Sugrue, T. J. (2005). The origins of the urban crisis: Race and inequality in postwar
Detroit. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Sun, F., & Xiao, J. (2012). Perceived social policy fairness and subjective wellbe-
ing: Evidence from China. Social Indicators Research, 107(1), 171– 186. Sunstein, C. R. (1997). Free markets and social justice. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press. Sunstein, C. R. (2004). The second bill of rights: FDR’s unfinished revolution and why we
need it more than ever. New York, NY: Basic Books. Swalwell, K. (2013). “With great power comes great responsibility”: Privileged students’
conceptions of justice- oriented citizenship. Democracy & Education, 21(1), 1– 11. Swenson, C. R. (1998, November). Clinical social work’s contribution to a social jus-
tice perspective. Social Work, 43(6), 527– 537. Takacs, D. (1993, Summer). How does your positionality bias your epistemology?
Thought & Action (NEA Higher Education Journal), 27– 38. Talmon, J. L. (1970). The origins of totalitarian democracy. New York, NY: Norton. Tannen, D. (1990). You just don’t understand: Women and men in conversation.
New York, NY: HarperCollins. Taylor, J. (2014). Music and social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge interna-
tional handbook of social justice (pp. 492– 501). London, UK: Routledge. Telushkin, J. (1994). Let the law cut through the mountain: Jewish principles of justice.
In J. Telushkin (Ed.), Jewish wisdom: Ethical, spiritual, and historical lessons from the great works and thinkers. New York, NY: Morrow.
Tervalon, M., & Murray- Garcia, J. (1998). Cultural humility versus cultural compe- tence: A critical distinction in defining physician training outcomes in multicul- tural education. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved, 9(2), 117– 125.
Thakur, S. (1996). Religion and social justice. New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press. Theoharis, G. (2007). Social justice educational leaders and resistance: Toward a
theory of social justice leadership. Educational Administration Quarterly, 43(2), 221– 258.
Thomas, H. (1997). The slave trade: The story of the Atlantic slave trade, 1440– 1870. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Thomas, K. W., Fann Thomas, G., & Schaubhut, N. (2008). Conflict styles of men and women at six organization levels. International Journal of Conflict Management, 19(2), 148– 166.
Thomas, M., O’Connor, M., & Netting, F. (2011). A framework for teaching commu- nity practice. Journal of Social Work Education, 47(2), 337– 355.
Thomas, R. R., Jr. (1991). Beyond race and gender: Unleashing the power of your total work force by managing diversity. New York, NY: American Management Association.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 403
Thompson, E. F. (2014). Social justice in the Middle East. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 61– 73). London, UK: Routledge.
Thyer, B. (2010). Cultural diversity and social work practice. Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas.
Thyer, B. A. (2007). Evidence- based practice in the U.S. In B. A. Thyer & M. A. F. Kazi (Eds.), International perspectives on evidence- based practice in social work (pp. 9– 27). Birmingham, UK: Venture Press.
Tilly, C. (1978). From mobilization to revolution. Reading, MA: Addison- Wesley. Titmuss, R. M. (1968). Essays on the welfare state. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Titmuss, R. M. (1976a). Commitment to welfare (Rev. ed.). London, UK: Allen &
Unwin. Titmuss. R. M. (1976b). Essays on the welfare state (3rd ed.). London, UK: Allen &
Unwin. Todd, N. R., & Allen, N. E. (2011). Religious congregations as mediating structures
for social justice: A multilevel examination. American Journal of Community Psychology, 48(3– 4), 222– 237.
Tomasi, J. (2001). Liberalism beyond justice: Citizens, society, and the boundaries of political theory. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Toplin, R. B. (1972). The abolition of slavery in Brazil. New York, NY: Athaneum. Torres- Harding, S. R., Carollo, O., Schamberger, A., & Clifton- Soderstrom, K. (2013).
Values and religiosity as predictors of engagement in social justice. Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community, 41(4), 255– 266.
Towle, C. (1945). Common human needs. Washington, DC: Social Security Administration.
Townsend, J., Zapata, E., Rowlands, J., Alberti, P., & Mercado, M. (1999). Women and power: Fighting patriarchy. New York, NY: Zed Books. (See especially J. G. Townsend & E. Zapata, Introduction (pp. 1– 18); J. G. Townsend et al., Empowerment matters: Understanding power (pp. 19– 45); and E. Zapata, Levels of power: From the person to the world (pp. 150– 163).)
Trinder, L. (2000). Reading the texts: Postmodern feminism and the “doing” of research. In B. Fawcett et al. (Eds.), Practice and research in social work: Postmodern feminist perspectives (pp. 39– 61). New York, NY: Routledge.
Tucker, F. (1913). Presidential address: Social justice. In Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections (Vol. 40, pp. 1– 13). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Tucker, W. J. (1903). The progress of the social conscience. Boston, MA: South End House Association. (Reprint from the Atlantic Monthly, 116(3), 289– 303)
Turbett, C. (2014). Review of “Radical Social Work Today— Social Work at the Crossroads.” Journal of Social Work, 14(1), 96– 97.
Turner, J. (2010). Seeing the poor and moving toward justice: An interactive activity. Social Work & Christianity, 37(2), 142– 160.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
404 References
Turner, K., Hayes, N., & Way, K. (2013). Critical multimodal hip pop produc- tion: A social justice approach to African American language and literacy prac- tices. Equity & Excellence in Education, 46(3), 342– 354.
Twill, S., & Fisher, S. (2010). Economic human rights violations experienced by women with children in the United States. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services, 91(4), 356– 362.
Tyson, G. (Ed.). (1973). Toussaint L’Ouverture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. United States Bureau of the Census (2012). Income, poverty, and health insur-
ance coverage in the United States, 2011. Current Population Reports, P60- 243. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
US Conference of Catholic Bishops. (1986). Economic justice for all: Pastoral let- ter on Catholic social teaching and the U.S. economy. Washington, DC: National Conference of Catholic Bishops.
Van Kleeck, M. (1915). Facts about wage- earners in the United States census [instruc- tional materials]. New York, NY: The New York School of Philanthropy.
Van Kleeck, M. (1932). Social research and industry. In Proceedings of the Second International Conference of Social Work, Frankfurt Main, Germany (4th section, pp. 1– 20). Archives of the University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work, Philadelphia)
Van Kleeck, M. (1934). Miners and management. New York, NY: Russell Sage. Van Knippenberg, D., Haslam, S. A., & Platow, M. J. (2007). Unity through diver-
sity: Value- in- diversity beliefs, work group diversity, and group identification. Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 11(3): 207– 222.
Van Soest, D. (1992). Incorporating peace and social justice into the social work curricu- lum: Curriculum materials and suggestions for faculty and students. Washington, DC: NASW, Peace and Social Justice Committee.
Van Soest, D. (1994). Strange bedfellows: A call for reordering national priorities from three social justice perspectives. Social Work, 39(6), 710– 717.
Van Soest, D. (1997). The global crisis of violence: Common problems, universal causes, shared solutions. Washington, DC: NASW Press.
Van Soest, D., & Garcia, B. (2003). Diversity education for social justice: Mastering teaching skills. Alexandria, VA: Council on Social Work Education.
Verschelden, C. (1993). Social work values and pacifism: Opposition to war as a profes- sional responsibility. Social Work, 38(6), 765– 769.
Vosler, N. R. (1996). New approaches to family practice: Confronting economic stress. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wakefield, J. C. (1988a). Psychotherapy, distributive justice, and social work— Part 1: Distributive justice as a conceptual framework for social work. Social Service Review, 62(2), 187– 210.
Wakefield, J. C. (1988b). Psychotherapy, distributive justice, and social work— Part 2: Psychotherapy and the pursuit of justice. Social Service Review, 62(3), 353– 382.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 405
Wakefield, J. C. (2014). Psychological justice: Distributive justice and psychiatric treat- ment of the non- disordered. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international hand- book of social justice (pp. 353– 384). London, UK: Routledge.
Waldegrave, C. (1998). The challenges of culture to psychology and postmodern think- ing. In M. McGoldrick (Ed.), Revisioning family therapy: Race, culture, and gender in clinical practice (pp. 404– 413). New York, NY: Guilford.
Walker, A. (2002). The right to life: What can the White man say to the Black woman? Seattle Journal for Social Justice, 1(1), Article 1.
Walker, D. (2000). Walker’s appeal, in four articles; Together with a preamble to the col- ored citizens of the world, but in particular, and very expressly to those of the United States of America (P. P. Hinks, Ed.). University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. (Original work published 1829)
Wallack, L., & Dorfman, L. (1996). Media advocacy: A strategy for advancing policy and promoting health. Health Education & Behavior, 23(3), 293– 317.
Wallerstein, N. B., Yen, I. H., & Syme, S. (2011). Integration of social epidemiology and community- engaged interventions to improve health equity. American Journal of Public Health, 101(5), 822– 830.
Wallis, J. (2008). The great awakening: Reviving faith and politics in a post- religious right America. New York, NY: HarperOne.
Walsh, F. (2009). Spiritual resources in family therapy (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Guilford.
Warren, C. J. E. (1954). Brown v. Board of Education. United States Reports, 347, 483. Warren, R. (1983). New perspectives on the American community (4th ed.). Homewood,
IL: Dorsey. Warren, R. L. (1970). The good community— What would it be? Journal of the
Community Development Society, 1(1), 14– 24. Wasonga, T. A. (2009). Leadership practices for social justice, democratic community,
and learning: School principals’ perspectives. Journal of School Leadership, 19(2), 200– 224.
Weaver, B. (2011). Co- producing community justice: The transformative poten- tial of personalisation for penal sanctions. British Journal of Social Work, 41(6), 1038– 1057.
Weaver, H., & Congress, E. (2009). Indigenous people in a landscape of risk: Teaching social work students about socially just social work responses. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 18(1– 2), 166– 179.
Weaver, H. N. (2014). Indigenous struggles for justice: Restoring balance within the context of Anglo settler societies. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 111– 122). London, UK: Routledge.
Webb, S. A. (2001). Some considerations on the validity of evidence- based practice in social work. British Journal of Social Work, 31(1), 57– 79.
Weber, M. (2009). From Max Weber: Essays in sociology (H. H. Gerth & C. W. Mills, Ed. & Trans.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
406 References
Weil, M. O., Gamble, D. N., & Ohmer, M. L. (2012). Evolution, models, and the chang- ing context of community practice. In M. O. Weil, M. Reisch, & M. L. Ohmer (Eds.), The handbook of community practice (2nd ed., pp. 167– 194). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wells- Barnett, I. B. (1970). Crusade for justice: The autobiography of Ida B. Wells (A. M. Duster, Ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Wenocur, S., & Reisch, M. (1989). From charity to enterprise: The development of American social work in a market economy. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
White, J. E. (2000). Democracy, justice, and the welfare state: Reconstructing public care. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.
Whitman, W. (1855). Leaves of grass. New York, NY: Viking. Wiggins, N., Kaan, S., Rios- Campos, T., Gaonkar, R., Morgan, E., & Robinson, J.
(2013). Preparing community health workers for their role as agents of social change: Experience of the Community Capacitation Center. Journal of Community Practice, 21(3), 186– 202.
Wilentz, S. (2005). The rise of American democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln. New York, NY: Norton.
Wills, G. (1992). Lincoln at Gettysburg: The words that remade America. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Wise, S. S. (1909). The conference sermon: Charity vs. justice. In A. Johnson (Ed.), Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections (Vol. 36, pp. 20– 29). Fort Wayne, IN: Fort Wayne Publishing.
Withorn, A. (1986). What is progressive social work? The Bertha Capen Reynolds Society Newsletter, 1(2), 1– 2.
Witkin, S. (1998). Is social work an adjective? Social Work, 43(6), 483– 486. Witkin, S. (1999). Identities and contexts. Social Work, 44(4), 293– 297. Witkin, S. (2000). Writing social work. Social Work, 45(5), 389– 394. Witkin, S. L., & Harrison, W. D. (2001). Whose evidence and for what purpose?
[Editorial]. Social Work, 46(2), 293– 296. Witkin, S. L., & Irving, A. (2014). Postmodern perspectives on social justice. In
M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 188– 201). London, UK: Routledge.
Wodarski, J., & Feit, M. D. (2009). Evidence- based interventions in social work: A prac- titioner’s manual. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas Publisher.
Wolff, J. (2008). Social justice and public policy: A view from political philosophy. In G. Craig, T. Burchardt, & D. Gordon (Eds.), Social justice and public policy: Seeking fairness in diverse societies (pp. 17– 31). Bristol, UK: Polity.
Wood, G. G., & Middleman, R. R. (1989). The structural approach to direct practice in social work. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Woods, M. E., & Hollis, F. (2000). Casework: A psychosocial therapy (5th ed.). Boston, MA: McGraw- Hill.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
References 407
Woods, R. (1905, October). Social work: A new profession. International Journal of Social Ethics, 16.
Wright, R. R. (1920). What does the Negro want in our democracy? In Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work (pp. 539– 545). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Wronka, J. (2008). Human rights and social justice: Social action and service for the help- ing and health professions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wronka, J. (2014). Human rights as pillars of social justice. In M. Reisch (Ed.), The Routledge international handbook of social justice (pp. 216– 226). London, UK: Routledge.
Wynne, L. C. (1984). The epigenesist of relational systems: A model for understanding family development. Family Process, 23, 297– 318.
Young, D. (1999). Complementary, supplementary, or adversarial? A theoretical and historical examination of nonprofit- government relations in the United States. In E. Boris & E. Steuerle (Eds.), Nonprofits and government: Collaboration and conflict (pp. 31– 67). Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press.
Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Young, I. M. (2008). Structural injustice and the politics of difference. In G. Craig, T. Burchardt, & D. Gordon (Eds.), Social justice and public policy: Seeking fairness in diverse societies (pp. 77– 104). Bristol, UK: Polity.
Young, I. M. (2011). Responsibility for justice. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Young, S., McKenzie, M., Schjelderup, L., & Omre, C. (2012). The rights of the child
enabling community development to contribute to a valid social work practice with children at risk. European Journal of Social Work, 15(2), 169– 184.
Young, W. M. (1965). Civil rights— Unfinished business, part two: Civil rights and a militant profession. Proceedings of the National Conference on Social Welfare (pp. 42– 54). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Yunus, M. (with Jolis, A.). (2007). Banker to the poor: Micro- lending and the battle against world poverty. New York, NY: PublicAffairs.
Zinn, H. (1980). A people’s history of the United States. New York, NY: Harper & Row. Zufferey, C. (2011). Homelessness, social policy, and social work: A way forward.
Australian Social Work, 64(3), 241– 244.
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index
Abolitionist movement Brazil, 50– 51 U.S., 47– 49
Absolon, K., 337 “A Call to the New England
Anti- Slavery Convention” (Garrison), 48
Achievements, celebrating, 165 Ackerman, Nathan, 142 Action components, 108 Action steps, 108 Action system, 17, 100
choice, 111– 112 effectiveness, 111
Active power, 249 Active resistance, 15 Activism. See also specific types
global, 269 justice- oriented, 77
Activists vs. philosophers, 86 religious, modern, 31
Addams, Jane, 76 Administrative advocacy, 295 Advertisements
paid, 314 public service announcements, 314
Advocacy, 295– 305 administrative, 295 campaigns, 301 case, 280, 295 cause, 280, 295 class, 295 community participation,
305– 318 (See also Community participation, advocacy)
cycles of change, 297– 299 direct, 299 examples, new models, 308– 310 goals, 296, 299– 300 indirect, 299 judicial, 295 legislative, 295 media, 313– 318 (See also Media
advocacy) message framing, 301– 303 objects and subjects, 309 organizations, effective, 304– 305 organizations, life cycle, 297– 299 outcomes and processes, 296 participatory change, 298 role, 295 social math, 299 value- based, 300– 301
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
410 Index
Advocacy monitoring/ evaluating, 280, 319– 325
community participation, effectiveness polls, 323– 324
community participation, measuring “successful,” 320– 323
media efforts, 324– 325 Aeschylus, 37 Affirmative action, 9, 283 African liberation movements, 54– 62
FR ELIMO and Mozambique independence struggle, 58– 60
Kenya, 54– 55 Kwame Nkrumah and Pan- African
movement, 55– 56 Senegalese anti- colonial struggle and
negritude, 57– 58 South African anti- apartheid
struggle, 60– 62 African National Congress (ANC), 60 Agency, 151
conditions, 153 Agency system, 100 Akimoto, Tatsuro, 87 Alexander- Floyd, N. G., 24 Alinsky, Saul, 227, 254, 264, 296 Alternative concepts, social justice,
26– 70, 75 evolution, 29– 31 framework, 20t, 28– 29 importance, 27 Marxism, Latin America, 67– 69 multiple perspectives, 27 nuanced understanding, 27 regional and ideological
differences, 27 religious ideas, 31– 42 (See also
Religious ideas) secular views, 42– 45 social movements, 45– 67 (See also
Social movements)
Alternative reactions, 14, 122 Alves, Castro, 51 Animateur, 306 Animation, 305 Anti- imperialist movements
Africa, 54– 62 (See also African liberation movements)
Gandhi and India, 51– 54 Anti- slavery movement
Brazil, 50– 51 U.S., 47– 49
Apartheid, South Africa, 60– 62 Appeal, 48– 49 Aquinas, Thomas, 281 Aristotle, 281 Arnstein, Sherry, 305, 305f Asian nations, on human
rights, 86– 87 Assertiveness, 215 Assessment. See also Evaluating;
Monitoring/ evaluating intervention ending phase, 162– 163
Asset- building, community, 242– 243 Assets mapping, 242 Assistance. See also specific types
right to, 225 Associational community, 242 Assumptions
about practice, 16– 23 about practice, socially
just, 102– 105 about social justice, 12– 16 surfacing and decentering, 172
Attitudes, changing, 122 Audits, cultural, 212 Augustine of Hippo, 35 Austin, Michael, 218 Autonomy
individual, religion and, 32 right to, 225
Avoidance, 13, 122
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 411
Bakunin, Mikhail, 33 Baldwin, M., 243 Bargaining, 14, 123 Bass, Rick, 230– 231 Bastos, Tavares, 50 Bateson, Gregory, 142 Baumann, A., 344 Behavior. See also specific issues
changing, 122 Beliefs. See also specific types
changing, 122 Bell, Derrick, 249 Bell- Scott, P., 24 Beloved community, 283 Benevolence, 226 Berger, M. T., 24 Berman- Rossi, Toby, 11 Bernard, B., 145 Bible
on equality, 37– 38 on forgiveness, 36 on freedom, 40 on justice, 33– 36
Bill of Rights, Second, 78 Black Skin, White Masks (Fanon), 57 Black women, objectification and
hyper- sexualization, 24 Boal, Augosto, 67 Bonding social capital, 201– 202,
242, 256 Bose, Subhash Chandra (Netaji), 52 Bottomore, Tom, 236 Boukman, Papaloi (High Priest), 46 Boundaries, internal, 179– 180 Bourdieu, Pierre, 236 Bowen, Murray, 142 Bowes, A., 204– 205 Braxton, E. T., 208 Brazil, antislavery movement, 50– 51 Bridging social capital, 201– 202,
242– 243, 256
Broad- based community organizations, 241– 242
Brown, L., 131, 326, 333– 335 Brown, William, 48 Buddhism, 33
on community, 41– 42 eightfold path, 35 on equality, 39
Candor, 215 Capabilities approach, 284 Capability, 83 Caputo, Richard, 82– 83, 289 Carmichael, Stokely, 57 Case advocacy, 280, 295 Casework, origins, 134 Caste system, 39, 53– 54 Cause advocacy, 280, 295 Cause in function, 259 Celebrating
achievements, 165 group work, 195– 196 intervention ending, 165 practice, socially just, 124– 125
Center for Participatory Change (CPC), 238
Chakrabarty, B., 53 Change. See also specific types
community, 237– 240 cycles, 297– 299 organizational, conflict over, 221– 223 purposive, 222
Charities Organization Societies (COS), 76
Christian Church, Latin America, 62– 67 common good, 67 feminine, 66 liberation theology, 64– 66 new church, 65 regional ideas of social justice, 64 1990s+, 66– 67
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
412 Index
Christian Church, Latin America (Cont.) Spanish Conquest, 63– 64 1960s+ (Vatican II), 64– 65
Christianity on community, 41 on freedom, 41 on justice, 33– 36 slavery, 48
Circular reflexive process, 107, 107f Citizen participation ladder, 305, 305f City of God (Augustine), 35 Civil liberties, 7 Clark, M. D., 326, 339, 340, 341 Clarke, Kenneth, 288 Class advocacy, 295 Class struggle, 9 Client system, 100 Climate, organizational, 203,
211– 216, 216f. See also Culture, organizational
Cmiel, K., 336– 337 Coalitions, community, 270– 273 Cocq, K., 338– 339 Code of Ethics, National Association of
Social Workers, 27, 29, 72, 79 community practice, 233, 246, 273 practice processes and procedures,
112– 113 Cognitive and behavioral models,
144, 148t Cohen, Burt, 218 Cohesion, group, 176– 177 Coit, Stanton, 11 Collaboration
community projects, 270– 273 organizational practice, 201 practice, socially just, 100– 101
Collateral, 17 Collective structure, 206 Collectivism, 104
socially just practice, 104
Collins, Patricia Hill, 248 Communication
community practice, 251– 252 organizational culture, 214– 216
Communitarians, 284 Communitarian social justice, 84– 85 Community
associational, 242 beloved, 283 competent, 231 functions, 231 meaning and definition, 230– 232, 232f personal, 231 religion, 41– 42
Community- based participatory action research, 238– 239, 248, 309, 310f, 338– 339
Community Capacitation Center, 238 Community development model, 258– 261 Community- driven agenda, 227 Community lawyering clinics, 261 Community participation
impact, 320– 321 measuring “successful,” 321– 323 nature, 321 structure, 321
Community participation, advocacy, 305– 318
Arnstein’s ladder of citizen participation, 305, 305f
challenges and ethical dilemmas, 310– 313
core characteristics, 307 disadvantaged, 311– 312 intermediaries, 307 media advocacy, 313– 318 (See also
Media advocacy) models, 308– 310, 308f, 310f objectives, 306 organizational rivalry, 311 roles and actions, 306– 307
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 413
Community planning model, 261– 264 Community practice, 229– 278
asset- building process, 242– 243 assets mapping, 242 broad- based organizations, 241– 242 change, 237– 240 consensus vs. conflict strategies,
266– 268 counternarrative, 233– 234 engagement, 243– 246 ethical dilemmas, 273– 275 evidence- based practice, 231– 232, 232f exercise, leadership, 277– 278 exercise, role play, 276– 277 fundamentals, 233– 235 global activism, 269 goals (exploring), 240– 243 implementing, 265– 270 interorganizational relations, 270– 273 leadership and decision- making,
252– 253 meaning of community,
230– 232, 232f oppression, 246– 247 participation and mobilization, 253– 257 planning (models), 257– 265 (See also
Community practice models) power and empowerment, 240– 241,
246– 251 relationships and communication
styles, 251– 252 structural changes, interventions,
234– 235 theories, 235– 237
Community practice models, 257– 265 community and social development,
258– 261 social or community planning,
261– 264 social or political action, 264– 265 tripartite typology, 257– 258
Community practice relationships, 251– 252 Competent communities, 231 Composition, group, 177 Compulsory motives, 254 Conflict
constructive, 237 group work, 174– 176 power and, 109– 110 rancorous (extra- institutional), 237
Conflict, organizational, 203, 206, 218– 223
change, 221– 223 conventional, 219 ecological approach, 218– 219 normative, 219 organizational culture, 211– 212 problem- solving tool, 220 rancorous, 219 resource allocation, 220– 221, 221f strategic use, 219– 220 systems theory, 218 ubiquity, 218
Conflict strategies, 266– 268 Conflict theorists, 236– 237 Confrontation, 14– 15, 123 Confucianism
on community, 41 on forgiveness, 36
Conscientization, 306 Consciousness- raising, 122 Consensus, 206 Consensus strategies, 266– 268 Consequentialist approach, 227 Conservatives, 284 Constructed rights, 20 Constructionist model, 138 Constructive conflict, 237 Constructivist model, 136t, 138 Context, 8– 9, 104
practice, socially just, 104 social justice, 8– 9
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
414 Index
Contextual analysis, services level, 106– 107
Continuation intervention end, pursuing changes,
163– 164 vs. termination, 158
Contract theory, 281 Conventional conflict, 219 Cooperatives, 205– 206 Council of Social Work Education,
Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards, 23– 24, 27, 72, 233
Counter- storytelling, 261 Cradle- to- grave social welfare
systems, 282 Crenshaw, K., 24 Critical consciousness
community change, 238 community development, 260 definition, 171 group work, 171 organizational, 203 policy development, 131 praxis and, 5, 107f, 126, 126f raising, 5, 107, 120, 120t
Critical race theory, 249 Critical social theory, 17, 236 Critical structural analyses, 180 Criticism, 215– 216 Cruz, Ted, 284 Cuban Revolution, 67– 68 Cult of personality, 204 Cultural audits, 212 Cultural hegemony, 247 Cultural humility, 172– 173, 337 Culture, 8– 9
group, 180– 182 social justice, 8– 9
Culture, organizational, 203, 211– 216, 216f
communication, 214– 216
conflict, 211– 212 cultural audits, 212 diversity and diversity awareness,
212– 214 layers, 211 pluralism, 212 self- perpetuating, 212
Cycles of change, 297– 299
Danso, R., 327 Data analysis, 340 Data collection, 339– 340 Decentering, 172
group work, 181– 182 Decision- making
community practice, 252– 253 ethical, 224– 228 (See also Ethical
dilemmas, organizational) leadership, 207 organizational, structure and,
203– 206 Decision phase, 256 Decision rule, 193– 194 Declaration of Independence,
U.S., 43, 90 Declaration of the Rights of Man and
Citizen, 43, 46 Democracy, 281 Denton, N. A., 92 Denzin, Norman K., 326 Deontological approach, 227 Development. See also specific types
group work, 185– 186 Developmental view, 282 Devolution, 279 Diagnostic school, 134 Dialogue, 189
intergroup, 5, 109 Dichotomies, group, 181 Dichotomous thinking, 102 Difference, honoring, 189
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 415
Digital divide, organizational, 224 Dimensions, group work practice,
186– 196 Direct action, 264– 265 Direct advocacy, 299 Directive- authoritative leadership, 207 Discovery phase, 255 Disenfranchised, 74– 76 Dissemination, research findings, 341 Distribution of social goods, 10 Distributive justice, 44 Diversity
awareness, 213– 214 group, 176– 177 organizational, 212– 213
Divine intervention, 32 Divine right theory, 281 Division of labor, 179 Doing good, 226 Domenech Rodriguez, R., 344 Double blind, 142 Douglass, Frederick, 48, 49, 247 Dover, G., 203, 217 Dowd, T. J., 181 Drive phase, 256 DuBois, W. E. B., 93 Dynamics, group, 167, 173– 175
Ecological approach to practice, 218– 219 Education, 14, 122
community practice, 240– 241 popular, 305 psycho- educational family therapy,
144, 149t reflexive learning, 259
Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards, 23– 24, 27, 72, 233
Eisler, R., 288– 289 Elliott, J., 247 Empowerment
community practice, 240– 241, 248
definition, 248 individual therapy, 137t, 140 organizational, 217– 218 practice, socially just, 118– 119
Ending phase, intervention, 158– 165 celebrating achievements, 165 change in expanding
circumstances, 164 continuation vs. termination, 158 continuing to pursue changes,
activities, 163– 164 evaluation and assessment,
162– 163 feelings, coping with, 162 “I– I” to “we– we,” 160, 161f iterative process, 158 joint action, 159– 160 macro interventions, 160 maintaining changes, 164 mezzo level groups, 159 narratives, 159 processes, 161 spiritual practice or network, 159
Engaging community practice, 243– 246 group work, 188– 191 organizational, 211– 216
(See also Culture, organizational) policies, community participation,
305– 318 (See also Community participation)
policies, working for social justice, 287– 292 (See also Working for social justice)
practice, socially just, 117– 118 Engels, Friedrich, 281 Environmental equality, 292 Environmental justice, 292 Environmental racism, 292 Environmental set, 200, 200f Epistemic privilege, 170
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
416 Index
Equality. See also specific topics environmental, 292 political, 293– 295 religion on, 37– 39 social justice, social policy and,
289– 292 Equation, practice, 100 Equity
outcome, 292 process, 292
Equity praxis, 262 Ethical dilemmas
community participation, 310– 313 community practice, 273– 275 processes and procedures, 112– 113
Ethical dilemmas, organizational, 224– 228
analyzing, 226, 226f approaches, 226– 227 common conflicts, 225– 226 conflicting demands, 225, 255f constancy, 224 macro and micro practice, 225 method, seven- step, 227– 228
Ethics, 112 Ethics of care, 289 The Eumenides (Aeschylus), 37 Evaluating, 14, 122
advocacy efforts, 280, 319– 325 group work, 193– 194 intervention ending, 162– 163 practice, socially just, 123– 124
Evaluation, research, 341– 342 Evidence- based practice (EBP)
community, 231– 232, 232f research, 328, 332– 333 socially just, 99
Evolution, social justice, 29– 31 Expert power, 152, 247 Explaining, 14 Exploring
community practice, 240– 243 group work, 187– 188 organizational, 202– 203 policy, contemporary social,
282– 287, 286f practice, socially just, 115– 117
Expressed needs, 231 Extra- institutional conflict, 237
Facilitator, group work, 175 The Family, 142 Family therapy
process, 150– 165 (See also Social justice work process, individual and family)
system change, 146– 147, 147t– 149t Family therapy models, 141– 146
cognitive and behavioral, 144, 148t integrative, 144, 149t postmodern, 144, 149t psycho- educational, 144, 149t social justice, 144, 145– 146 systems, 144, 148t transgenerational, 143– 144, 147t
Family Therapy with Ethnic Minorities (Ho et al.), 144
Fanon, Franz, 57 Fault lines, group, 174 Feelings
changing, 122 intervention ending, 162
Feminism. See also specific topics and contexts
Christian Church, Latin America, 66 social justice (postmodern), 81
Feminist planning model, 263– 264 Feminist process, 206 Feminist therapy model, 135– 138, 136t Finn, Janet, 17, 98– 99, 145, 189, 236 Fleming, J., 130, 186 Flexner Report, 328
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 417
Follett, Mary Parker, 258 Fook, Jan, 81, 102, 247 Force theory, 281 Forgiveness, 36– 37 Foucault, Michel, 185 Founder’s Syndrome, 204 Four innovation pathologies, 217 Framework, social justice, 20t, 28– 29 Framing, media advocacy, 315 Framo, James, 143 France, Declaration of the Rights of
Man and Citizen, 43, 46 Fraser, Nancy, 81, 326 Frazier, E. Franklin, 93 Freedom
American concept, expanded, 90– 91 religion on, 40– 41
Freire, Paulo, 65– 66, 67, 172– 173, 189, 241, 258– 261
FR ELIMO, 58– 60 French, J., 183 Freud, Sigmund, 134 Fuentes, Carlos, 69 Functional school, 134 Functionings, 83
Galeano, Eduardo, 69 Gama, Luiz, 50 Gandhi, Mohandas, 51– 54 Gans, Herbert, 290 Garcia, B., 138 Garcia- Preto, N., 143 Garnet, Henry Highland, 48, 49 Garrison, William Lloyd, 48 Garvin, Charles D., 150, 164, 168 Gazeta de Tarde, 50 Gender, 10
group composition, 177– 178 inequality, ancient civilizations, 39
Giardina, M. D., 326 Gil, David, 85
Gillies, A., 236 Giordano, M., 143 Glasius, M., 269 Global activism, 269 Glossary, 347– 362 Goals
advocacy, 296, 299– 300 community practice, 240– 243 group, 166– 167 organizational practice, 203– 204 practice, 105 practice principles, 105 socially just practice, 103
Goldberg, Gail, 247 Golden age, 32 Good intentions, unjust
consequences, 18– 19 Gouin, R. R., 338– 339 Governance structure, inequalities/
injustices, 22 Government. See also State
social justice and, 280– 282 Gramsci, Antonio, 247 Grassroots organizing, 264– 265 Great Depression, 77 Great man theory, 252 Great woman theory, 207 Greeks
on equality, 38– 39 on forgiveness, 37
Greenberg, J., 201 Group identification theory, 176 Group work practice, 166– 196
boundaries, internal, 179– 180 case example, 170– 171, 173, 178– 179 celebrating/ terminating, 195– 196 cohesion, 176– 177 composition, group, 177 conflict, 174– 176 critical consciousness, 171 critical structural analyses, 180
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
418 Index
Group work practice (Cont.) cultural humility, 172– 173 culture, 180– 182 decentering, 181– 182 decision rule, 193– 194 development and process, 185– 186 dichotomies, 181 dimensions, practice, 186– 196 diversity, group, 176– 177 dynamics, group, 167, 173– 175 engaging, 188– 191 exploring, 187– 188 facilitator role, 175 fault lines, 174 gender composition, 177– 178 goals, 166– 167 guiding questions, 166 implementing, 192– 193 labor, division of, 179 leadership, 182– 185 (See also
Leadership) legitimacy, 181 member relevance, 170– 173 monitoring/ evaluating, 193– 194 norms, 180– 181 planning, 191– 192 practice principles, 167– 168 praxis skills, 172– 173 purpose, 166– 167, 168– 169 rehabilitation, 169 self- directed, 186 socialization and resocialization,
168– 169 status, 178 status- creating behaviors, 181 structure, group, 177– 180 surfacing and decentering, 172 task, group, 179
Guevera, Ernesto (Ché), 68 Guidroz, K., 24 Gutierrez, Lorraine, 65, 257– 258
Haitian Revolution, 46– 47 Haley, Jay, 142, 143 Hamilton, Charles, 57 Hancock, A., 24 Harambee, 55 Hardy, K. V., 144 Haslam, S. A., 176 Haynes, George Edmund, 93 Hegel, G. W. F., 85, 281 Hegemony, cultural, 247 Held, Virginia, 10, 85 Hepworth, D., 150 Hernandez, V., 288 Hibbing, J., 237 Hierarchical model, 204– 205 Hinduism, 33
on community, 41 on equality, 39 on gender inequality, 39
Hobbes, Thomas, 43 Hollander, R. B., 326 Homan, A. C., 177, 247 Honoring difference, 189 Hooks, Bell, 283 Hopkins, Harry, 77 Horizontal relationships, 201 Hull, G. T., 24 Human capital development, 283 Human needs, common, 42 Human rights. See Rights, human Humility, cultural, 172– 173, 337 Hyde, Cheryl, 257
Identified patient, 145 Identity development, 169 Ife, Jim, 88 “I– I” to “we– we,” 160, 161f Imber- Black, E., 145 Implementing
community practice, 265– 270 group work, 192– 193
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 419
methods, 81 organizational conflict, 218– 223 (See
also Conflict, organizational) policies, social, 299– 305 practice, socially just, 121– 123, 122t
Incidences in the Life of a Slave Girl ( Jacobs), 47– 48
Income distribution gap, 287 India
caste system, 39, 53– 54 Gandhi and independence, 51– 54
Indirect advocacy, 299 Individual autonomy, religion and, 32 Individual therapy
process, 150– 165 (See also Social justice work process, individual and family)
system change, 146– 147 Individual therapy models, 134– 141
constructionist, 138 constructivist, 136t, 138 empowerment, 137t, 140 feminist, 135– 138, 136t multicultural, 136t, 138 narrative, 136t– 137t, 139 psychosocial, 134 radical, 137t, 141 social ecological, 134– 135 solution- focused practice, 137t, 139 strengths, 137t, 139– 140 structural, 135, 136t
Industrial Areas Foundation, 254, 296
Inequalities. See also specific topics forces sustaining and
re- creating, 21– 23 growth, causes, 290– 292 growth, consequences, 291 poverty, 290 (See also Poverty) redistribution, 6– 7 social justice for, 6– 7
Influence, 13 Influential others (influentials),
14, 122 Injustice. See also specific types
forces sustaining and re- creating, 21– 23
universality, 15– 16 Innovation pathologies, four, 217 Institutional change, necessity, 19 Integrative model, 144, 149t Interorganizational relations,
community practice, 270– 273 Inter Pares, 338– 339 Interpersonal interaction,
conventions, 214 Interpretation, 14, 122
research findings, 340– 341 Intersectional perspective, 23– 24 Interventions. See also specific types
selecting, 108 Interview tips, 317– 318 Involuntary clients, 154– 155 Iron law of oligarchy, 204 Irving, A., 80 Islam. See also Muhammed; Qur’an
on gender inequality, 39 Islamic nations, on human rights, 86 Iterative process, 158
Jackson, Don, 142 Jacobs, Harriet, 47– 48 Jacobson, M., 17, 98– 99, 145, 189, 236 Japan, on justice, 87 Jefferson, Thomas, 281 Johnson, C., 181 Joint action, 159– 160 Judaism
on community, 41 on freedom, 41 on justice, 33– 35
Judicial advocacy, 295
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
420 Index
Justice alternative concepts, 26– 70, 75
(See also Alternative concepts, social justice)
environmental, 292 three sides of, 285, 286f
Justice, doing, 129– 131, 130f Just practice, 17
Kamal, M., 224 Kant, Immanuel, 85 Kaslow, F., 141, 143 Kelley, Florence, 76 Kelley, P., 139 Kenyan revolution, 54– 55 Kenyatta, Jomo, 54– 55 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 92, 283 Kirk, Stuart A., 329 Knowledge development, 330. See also
Research and evaluation Kropotkin, Peter, 33 Kuilema, Joseph, 300
Labor, division of, 179 Ladder, citizen participation, 305, 305f Larson, J., 150 Latin America
Marxism, 67– 69 pre- Spanish conquest
(Meso- American), 62– 63 Latin American social
movements, 62– 67 Christian Church, common good, 67 Christian Church, feminine, 66 Christian Church, liberation
theology, 64– 66 Christian Church, 1960s+, 64– 65 Christian Church, 1990s+, 66– 67 Christian Church, Spanish
Conquest, 63– 64 Cuban Revolution, 67– 68 solidarity economy, 68– 69
Lawrence, T., 217 Lawyering clinics, community, 261 Leadership, 182– 185
community practice, 252– 253 core themes, 182– 183 definition, 182 gender expectations, 183 power, 183– 185 race, 183– 184 social categories, 183– 184
Leadership, organizational, 206– 211 as behavior vs. inborn attribute,
208, 253 change, 222– 223 development, 208 directive- authoritative, 207 hierarchical structures and
decision- making, 207 multicultural competence, 208– 209 positive change, 210 praxis, 208 prescriptions, 210– 211 servant, 207 situational view, 209 top- down and exclusionary,
206– 207 transformational, 207, 208, 253 worldwide behaviors, 209– 210 youth involvement, 209
Learning, reflexive, 259 Legal rights, 20 Legal system, in inequalities/
injustices, 22 Legislative advocacy, 295 Legitimacy, 181 Legitimate power, 247 Leonard, Barry, 157– 158 Levels of practice, selecting, 114 Levitt, P., 87 Lewin, Kurt, 338 Lewis, Harold, 105, 259 Liberals, 284
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 421
Liberation theology, 64– 66 The Liberator (Garrison), 48 Libertarians, 283– 284 Liberty
civil, 7 political, 7
Liévanos, R. S., 324 Lincoln, Abraham, 281 Lindeman, Eduard, 258 Linhorst, D. M., 300 Locke, John, 281 Lorenz, Walter, 42 Los Angeles County Community
Disaster Resilience Project, 261 L’Ouverture, Toussaint, 46– 47 Lowe, Jane Isaacs, 227– 228 Luminal, 181
Machel, Samora, 58– 60 Macro conditions, 113– 114 Maguire, Daniel C., 33 Maimonides, Moses, 34 Majority– minority axis, 94 Mandas, 64 Mandela, Nelson, 60– 62 Manipulation, social/ physical
situation, 14 Mapping, assets, 242 Marginalization, research, 333 Martin, P. Y., 181 Marx, Karl, 44, 281 Marxism
Latin America, 67– 69 social justice, 9– 10
Massey, Douglas S., 92 Mass media, 15 Master narratives, 328– 329 Mau Mau rebellion (Kenya), 54– 55 May, R. A. B., 182 McGavin, S., 338– 339 McGoldrick, M., 143, 144
Media advocacy, 313– 318 advertisements, paid, 314 big idea and back story, 315 challenges, 315 constituent involvement, 315– 316 evaluating, 324– 325 framing, 315 general guidelines, 314– 315 hook, 316 interview tips, 317– 318 piggybacking, 316 press release, 316, 317f public service announcements, 314 rapid responses, 316 social media, 314 spokespersons, 316
Member relevance, group work, 170– 173 Merry, S. E., 87 Message framing, advocacy, 301– 303 Meta- narratives, 80 Michels, Roberto, 204 Micro conditions, 113– 114 Middleman, Ruth R., 135 Miller, I., 11 Mills, C. Wright, 201 Minahan, Anne, 17, 99– 100 Minuchin, Salvador, 143 Mixed- methods research, 337– 338 Mobilization, community practice,
253– 257 Model Cities programs, 262 Mondlane, E., 58– 59 Mondragon cooperatives, 205– 206 Mondros, Jacqueline B., 250 Monitoring/ evaluating
advocacy efforts, 280, 319– 325 (See also Advocacy monitoring/ evaluating)
group work, 193– 194 practice, socially just, 123– 124
Montague, A., 340
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
422 Index
Montana, S., 288 Moreau, Maurice J., 135 Morris, A. D., 84 Motives
compulsory, 254 proactive, 254 reactive, 254
Mozambique independence struggle, 58– 60
Mozambique Liberation Front (FR ELIMO), 58– 60
Muhammed on freedom, 40 on gender inequality, 39 on unity and equality, 38
Mullaly, Robert P., 104, 135 Mullender, Audrey, 130, 186 Multicultural leadership competence,
208– 209 Multicultural therapy model, 136t, 138 Mutualistas, 205– 206 Mutuality, organizational practice, 201
Nabuco, Joaquim, 50– 51 Narayan, U., 170 Narrative
counter- , 233– 234 individual therapy, 136t– 137t, 139 intervention end, 159 master, 328– 329 meta- , 80
Narrative model, 136t– 137t, 139 Narrative of the Life of Frederick
Douglass (Douglass), 48 Narrative of William W. Brown, a
Fugitive Slave (Brown), 48 National Association of Social Workers
(NASW) Code of Ethics, 27, 29, 72, 79
community practice, 233, 246, 273 practice processes and procedures,
112– 113
National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Working Statement on the Purpose of Social Work, 79
Natural rights, 20 Natural theory, 280– 281 Needs
common human, 42 expressed, 231 normative, 231 perceived, 231 relative, 231
Negritude, 57– 58 Neighborhood Guild, 11 Neoliberalism
capitalist worldview, 87 reprivatization discourse, 81 values, 205
Netting, F. Ellen, 233 Networks
community, 270– 273 spiritual, 159
Network therapy, 143 New York School of Social Work, 134 Nietzsche, Friedrich W., 281 Nkrumah, Kwame, Pan- African
movement, 55– 56 Normative conflict, 219 Normative needs, 231 Norms, group, 180– 181 Nussbaum, Martha C., 10, 45, 83– 84,
226– 227
Objectivity, 215 O’Connor, M., 233 Oligarchy, iron law of, 204 Oppression. See also specific types
community practice, 246– 247 consequences, addressing, 109 power and, 185
Oresteian trilogy (Aeschylus), 37 Organization, broad- based community,
241– 242
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 423
Organizational models, 204– 206 cooperatives, 205– 206 hierarchical, 204– 205 holistic, 205 pancake, 206
Organizational practice, 198– 228 climate and culture, 203, 211–
216, 216f (See also Culture, organizational)
communication, 214– 216 conflict, 203, 206, 218– 223 critical consciousness, 203 engagement (socially just culture),
211– 216, 216f essential features, 203 ethical decision- making, 224– 228
(See also Ethical dilemmas, organizational)
exploration, 202– 203 horizontal and vertical relationships,
201– 202 internal features vs. external
environment, 202 leadership, 203, 206– 211 mission and goals, 203– 204 models, organizational, 204– 206 mutuality and collaboration, 201 organization- in- environment,
201, 201f planning, 216– 218 positive organizational justice, 201 power and empowerment, 216– 218 rhetoric vs. reality, 199– 200 roles, 198 social capital, bonding and bridging,
201– 202, 242– 243, 256 social interactions, 198 structure and decision- making
processes, 203– 206 technology, 203, 215, 223– 224
Organization- in- environment, 200, 200f Outcome equity, 292
Outcomes advocacy, 296 social work practice, 8
Pan- African movement, 55– 56 Pancake model, 206 Parra- Cardona, J. R., 344 Participation, community practice,
253– 257 Participatory action research (PAR),
community- based, 238– 239, 248, 309, 310f, 338– 339
Participatory change, advocacy, 298 Passive resistance, 15 Paternalism, 226
community participation, 311 Paul, Rand, 284 Perceived needs, 231 Perkins, Frances, 77 Perlman, Helen Harris, 134– 135 Persian Empire, on freedom, 40 Personal community, 231 Person in environment, 134, 200 Persuasion, 154 Photo- voice, 261 Piketty, Thomas, 22 Pincus, Allen, 17, 99– 100 Pinderhughes, Elaine, 138 Planning
community practice, 257– 265 (See also Community practice models)
group work, 191– 192 organizational, 216– 218 policy advocacy, 295– 299 practice, socially just, 119– 121, 120t
Plato, 38, 280– 281 Platow, M. J., 176 Pleyers, G., 269 Pluralism, organizational, 212 PMTO research, 344– 345 Policies, 279– 325. See also Advocacy
challenges, 285
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
424 Index
Policies (Cont.) conflict areas, 284– 285 devolution, 279 engaging, community participation,
305– 318 (See also Community participation, advocacy)
engaging, working for social justice, 287– 292 (See also Working for social justice)
exploring, contemporary social policy, 282– 287
implementing, 299– 305 monitoring and evaluating advocacy
efforts, 280, 319– 325 (See also Advocacy monitoring/ evaluating)
planning, 295– 299 political power, 292– 295 privatization of services, 279 state and social justice, 280– 282 three sides of justice, 285, 286f
Policies, welfare state, 282– 283 Affirmative Action, 283 fundamental rights and equal
opportunity, 282– 283 redress, 283
Political action model, 264– 265 Political equality, 293– 295 Political liberty, 7 Political power, policies and, 292– 295 Political social structure, 7 Politics
religion and, 32 of social justice in social work, 82– 85
Polls, advocacy effectiveness, 323– 324 Popular education, 305 Popular sovereignty, 281 Positionalities, 103– 104 Positive organizational justice, 201 Postmodern models, 144, 149t Poverty
children, 288
Hispanic origin, 287, 287f inequality, 290 race, 287– 288, 287f status quo, 290
Poverty growth causes, 290– 292 consequences, 291
Power. See also specific contexts and types active, 249 as commodity, 247 community practice, 246– 251 conflict and, 109– 110 definition, 183, 247, 249 domains, 248 empowerment, 118– 119 engagement, 190– 191 expert, 152, 247 gender expectations, 183 issues, 13– 15 leadership, 183– 185 legitimate, 247 manifestation, 185 oppression, 185 organizational, 216– 218 political, policies and, 292– 295 practice, socially just, 104 privilege, 185 race, 183– 184 referent, 183, 247 relational, 248 researcher– subject relationship,
331– 332 social categories, 183– 184 sources, community, 250 status, 184– 185 strategies, 13– 15 unequal distribution, 100
Power analyses, recurrent, 104 Power- dependency theory, 249 Practice. See also specific types
assumptions, 16– 23
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 425
phases, 129, 130f Practice, socially just, 17, 98– 126
assumptions, 102– 105 authors’ approach, 101 centrality of social justice, 102– 103 collaboration, 100– 101 collectivism, 104 context, 104 definition, 17– 18, 98– 99, 100 dimensions, 115, 116f, 126f (See also
Practice concepts, socially just) equation, 100 evidence- based, 99 generalist, authors’ perspective,
101– 102 goals and processes, 103 as ongoing journey, 103 people and systems, 99– 101 positionalities and standpoints,
103– 104 power, 104 power analyses, recurrent, 104 principles, 105– 110 (See also Practice
principles) problem conception, 104– 105 processes and procedures, 110– 115
(See also Practice processes and procedures)
service user interests, 105 specific achievements, 104
Practice concepts, socially just, 115– 126 celebrating/ terminating, 124– 125 dimensions, overview, 115, 116f, 126f empowerment, 118– 119 engagement, 117– 118 exploring, 115– 117 implementing, 121– 123, 122t monitoring/ evaluating, 123– 124 planning, 119– 121, 120t
Practice principles action components and steps, 108
analyzing, multiple frames, 106, 106f analyzing, theorizing, and
contextualizing, 105 contextual analysis, services level,
106– 107 definition, 105 group work, 167– 168 intervention selection, 108 key goals and issues, 105 oppression, 109, 246– 247 plan and strategy development, 108 power and conflict, 109– 110 practitioner reflection and reflexivity,
107, 107f worker reflection/ praxis, 107 working with others, 108
Practice processes and procedures, 110– 115
conflict resolution, 110 effectiveness, 111 levels of practice, selecting, 114 macro and micro conditions, 113– 114 purpose, 110– 112 setting, impact, 114– 115 value and ethical issues, 112– 113
(See also Ethical dilemmas, organizational)
Practitioners, 17. See also specific topics attitudes, 153 pressure from others, 154 reflection and reflexivity, 107, 107f
Praxis, 25 critical consciousness and, 5, 107f definition, 208 equity, 262 group work skills, 172– 173 leadership, organizational, 208 worker, 107, 107f
Press release, 316, 317f Pressure from others, 154 Prime directive, 227
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
426 Index
Privatization of services, 279 Privilege. See also Inequalities
epistemic, 170 power and, 185 unearned, 173
Proactive motives, 254 Problem conception, 104– 105 Process. See also specific types
group, 185– 186 social work practice, 7– 8, 29
Process equity, 292 Progressive approaches, 137t, 141 Progressive Era, 76, 258 Psychoeducational model, 144, 149t Psychosocial model, 134 Public service announcements
(PSAs), 314 Purpose
group work, 166– 167, 168– 169 processes and procedures, 110– 112 Working Statement on the Purpose of
Social Work, 79 Purposive change, 222 “Putting the Social Back in Social Case
Work” (Perlman), 134
Qualitative– quantitative research, 335– 338
Qur’an, 35 on forgiveness, 36 on freedom, 40 on gender inequality, 39 unity and equality in, 38
Racial disparities, 287– 288, 287f Racism. See also specific topics
environmental, 292 Racism, institutional
post- World War II, 78 1960s, NASW stance, 79
Radical approaches (model), 137t, 141
Rancorous conflict, 219, 237 Rank, Otto, 134 Rank and file movement, 77– 78, 135 Raven, B., 183 Rawls, John, 44
first principle, 7 second principle, 7 theory of justice, 6– 7 A Theory of Justice, 44– 45, 83
Reactions, alternative, 14, 122 Reactive motives, 254 Reamer, Frederic G., 112 Redress
policies, 283 principle, 6– 7
“Red Scare,” 78– 79 Referent power, 183, 247 Reflection
definition, 107 practitioner, 107 worker, 107, 107f
Reflexive learning, 259 Reflexive process, circular, 107, 107f Reflexivity
practitioner, 107, 107f research, 337
Rehabilitation, group work, 169 Reid, William J., 329 Reisch, Michael, 227– 228 Relational power, 248 Relations between social entities,
unequal, 22 Relative needs, 231 Religious ideas, 31– 42
activists, modern, 31 Bible, 33– 36 Buddhism, 33 community, 41– 42 correcting wrongs, 32 divine intervention, 32 equality, 37– 39
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 427
forgiveness, 36– 37 freedom, 40– 41 golden age, 32 Hinduism, 33 history, 31 politics and status quo on, 32 shared perspectives, 31– 32, 33 social rights and individual
autonomy, 32 ways of living, optimal, 33
The Republic (Plato), 38 Request, 122 Research and evaluation, 326– 346
ethical and value considerations, 327 evidence- based practice, 328, 332– 333 intervention research, 328 master narratives, 328– 329 phases, 339– 345 phases, data analysis, 340 phases, data collection, 339– 340 phases, dissemination
of findings, 341 phases, interpretation of findings,
340– 341 phases, intervention evaluation,
341– 342 phases, planning, 339 phases, unintended consequences,
342– 345 role, 326– 329 stakeholder involvement, 327– 328
Research and evaluation methodologies critique, 329– 339
community- based participatory action research, 248, 309, 310f, 338– 339
criteria, valid and useful knowledge, 330– 331
epistemology, 329– 330 evidence- based practice, 328, 332– 333 knowledge development, purpose, 330
mixed- methods, 337– 338 power relationships: researcher–
subject, 331– 332 qualitative– quantitative issue,
335– 338 tenets promoting social justice,
333– 335 Research cluster, 339 Researcher– subject power relationship,
331– 332 Resistance
active, 15 community practice, 234 passive, 15
Resocialization, 168– 169 Resource allocation conflicts,
220– 221, 221f Results- based accountability
(RBA), 262 Reverence for life, 41– 42 Reynolds, Bertha Capen, 77– 78, 95 Richmond, Mary, 134 Ridgeway, C. L., 181, 185 Rights, human, 19– 21, 85– 88, 89t
Asian nations on, 86– 87 from below, 88 Islamic nations on, 86 matrix, 89t Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, 37, 85– 86 Rogge, Mary, 260 Rooney, R., 150, 154– 155 Roosevelt, Franklin D.
Great Depression policies, 77 Second Bill of Rights, 78
Rorty, Richard, 80– 81 Rose, Sheldon, 193 Rothman, Jack, 257– 258 Rousseau, Jean- Jacques, 36, 43, 281 Rubio, Marco, 284 Ryan, Paul, 284
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
428 Index
Sanders, Bernie, 284 Satir, Virginia, 142 Schulman, Lawrence, 150 Schwartz, William, 102 Seabury, Brett, 150, 164 Second Bill of Rights, 78 Secular views, 42– 45 Self- determination
community participation, 311 right to, 225 vs. self- help, 264
Self- directed group work, 186 Sen, Amartya, 83, 226– 227 Sen, R., 45 Senegalese anticolonial struggle, 57– 58 Senghor, Leopold S., 57– 58 Sequencing of ideas, 215 Servant leadership, 207 Service user. See also specific topics
interests, 105 worldview, 156– 157
Setting, practice, impact, 114– 115 Settlement house movement, 11– 12 Sexism, institutional. See also
specific contexts and topics post- World War II, 78
Sim, D., 204– 205 Skill attainment, 169 Slavery, movements against
Brazil, 50– 51 Christianity and, 48 U.S., 47– 49
Smith, A. M., 326 Smith, B., 24 Social action model, 264– 265 Social capital
bonding, 201– 202, 242, 256 bridging, 201– 202, 242– 243, 256
Social context, 100 Social contract, 44 Social democrats, 284
Social development model, 258– 261 Social Diagnosis, 134 Social ecological model, 134– 135 Social group work, 77 Social identification theory, 176 Social interactions, organizational, 198 Socialization, 168– 169 Social justice, overview, 5– 25
assumptions, 12– 16 case example, 12– 13 culture and context, 8– 9 definitions, 5– 7, 84– 85 distribution of social goods, 10 explicit calls for, 28 forces sustaining and re- creating
inequalities/ injustices, 21– 23 human rights, 19– 21, 85– 88, 89t impermanence, 16 institutional change, 19 interpretive lenses, 12– 13 intersectional perspective, 23– 24 Marxism, 9– 10 power issues, 13– 15 in social work practice, 7– 8 social work’s evolving
conception, 10– 12 universality of injustice, 15– 16 unjust consequences of actions taken
with good intentions, 18– 19 Social justice model, family therapy,
143, 144 Social justice practice. See Practice Social justice work process, individual
and family, 150– 165 agency, 151 beginnings, 150– 151 ending, 158– 165 (See also Ending
phase, intervention) middle, 155– 158 overview, 150, 150f worker, 152– 155
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 429
Socially just practice, 17– 18. See also specific contexts and types
Social math, 299 Social media, 223, 241, 300, 307, 309, 314 Social movements, 45– 67
anti- imperialist, Africa, 54– 62 (See also African liberation movements)
anti- imperialist, Gandhi and India, 51– 54
antislavery, Brazilian, 50– 51 antislavery, U.S., 47– 49 common themes, 45 Haitian Revolution, 46– 47 Latin America, 62– 67 (See also Latin
American social movements) Social planning model, 261– 264 Social reform approach, 264 Social rights, religion and, 32 Social solidarity, creation, 12 Social systems theory, 235– 236 Social work practice. See also
specific topics outcomes, 8 processes, 7– 8, 29 social justice evolving
conception, 10– 12 Social work profession, on social
justice, 72– 97 American Association of Social
Workers, 77 articulation vs. methods of
implementation, 81 disenfranchised, 74– 76 feminism, 81 first formal reference, 74 future, 94– 97 Great Depression, 77 history, 72, 73– 79 human rights, 19– 21, 85– 88, 89t liberal tradition on, 88– 90 majority– minority axis, 94
new views (1970s- 1990s), 79– 81 origins, 73– 76 past in present, 88– 94 politics, 82– 85 post- World War II, 78 pre- World War I (Progressive Era), 76 rank and file movement, 77– 78 “Red Scare,” 78– 79 rhetoric vs. realities, 79– 80 1930s, 77– 78 1990s+, 73 social group work, 77 translation - policies, programs, and
practice, 72– 73 welfare state, 76– 79 World War II, 77– 78
Social Work Today, 135 Socioeconomic social structure, 7 Sohng, Sue, 338 Soja, Edward, 260 Solidarity economy, 68– 69 Solomon, Barbara B., 138 Solution- focused practice model, 137t, 139 South African anti- apartheid
struggle, 60– 62 Spatial justice, 260 Specificity, 215 Speck, Ross, 143 Spiritual practice, 159 Standpoints, 103– 104 Starr, Ellen Gates, 76 State
as natural phenomenon, 280– 281 social justice and, 280– 282
Status group work practice, 178, 181 power and, 184– 185
Status- creating behaviors, 181 Status quo
poverty, 290 religion, 32
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
430 Index
Stephens, C., 236 Stereotypes
challenging deeper meaning, 173 practitioners’, 118 recognizing, 172 settlement houses, 74– 75 teachers’, 163
Stewart, Maria W., 47 Stoesz, David, 43 Strategic family therapy, 143, 145– 146 Strega, S., 131, 326 Strengths model, 137t, 139– 140
for autistic children, 157 Strolovitch, D. Z., 205 Structural analyses, critical, 180 Structural model, 135, 136t Structure(s). See also specific types
group, 177– 180 sustaining and re- creating
inequalities/ injustices, 21– 23 Surfacing, 172 Swaraj, 53 System change, 133
individual and family practice and, 146– 147, 147t– 149t
Systems models, 144, 148t Systems theory, 235– 236 Systems Unlimited (Iowa City, Iowa),
157– 158
Tacit, 181 Target system, 100 Task, group, 179 Technology, organizational, 203, 215,
223– 224 Teleological approach, 227 Terminating
group work practice, 195– 196 practice, socially just, 124– 125
The Family, 142 Theiss- Morse, Ellen, 237
The Journal of Marriage and the Family, 142
A Theory of Justice (Rawls), 6– 7, 44– 45, 83
Thomas, J., 233 Thoughts, changing, 122 Three sides of justice, 285, 286f Tilly, Charles, 254 Titmuss, Richard, 73 Toltecs, 62, 63 Toynbee Hall, 11 Touré, Sekou, 56 Toward the African Revolution
(Fanon), 57 Towle, Charlotte, 42 Transformational leadership, 207,
208, 253 Transgenerational models,
143– 144, 147t Triangulation, 337 Trickle- down policymaking, 291 Tripartite typology, community,
257– 258 Tubman, W. V. S., 56 Turé, Kwame, 57
Uhuru, 55 Unintended consequences, research,
342– 345 United States. See also specific topics
antislavery movement, 47– 49 Declaration of Independence,
43, 90 Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
37, 85– 86 Utilitarianism, 227
Value- based advocacy, 300– 301 Value consistency, 201 Value of , practice processes
and procedures, 112– 113
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Index 431
Value position, on research, 327 Values, 112. See also Ethical dilemmas Van Knippenberg, D., 176 Van Soest, Dorothy, 84, 138 Varna, 54 Vertical relationships, 201– 202 Vosler, N. R., 143
Waldegrave, C., 143 Walker, David, 48– 49 Ward, D., 130, 186 Washington, Forrester, 93 Watzliwick, Paul, 142 Way of Jan, 41 Ways of living, religion and, 33 Weakland, John, 142 Wealth distribution gap, 287 Weaver, Hillary N., 87 Weber, Max, 204 Welfare state, 76– 79 “We– we,” 160, 161f “What to the Slave Is the Fourth
of July?” (Douglass), 49 Whitaker, Carl, 143 Whitman, Walt, 92 Willett, C., 337 Wilson, Scott M., 250 Witkin, Stanley L., 80 Wolf- Almanesreh, Rosi, 160 Women of color, 24 Wood, G. G., 135
Worker. See also specific topics reflection/ praxis, 107, 107f social justice work process, 152– 155
Working for social justice, 287– 292 confounding factors, 288 emerging issues, 288– 289 equality, social justice, and social
policy, 289– 292 holistic approach, 289 poverty, children, 288 poverty, growth, 290– 292 poverty, inequality, 290 poverty, race, 287– 288, 287f poverty, status quo, 290 wealth and income distribution
gap, 287 Working Statement on the Purpose of
Social Work (NASW), 79 World War II
during, 77– 78 after, 78
The Wretched of the Earth (Fanon), 57 Wright, Roosevelt, 93 Wronka, Joseph, 87– 88 Wynn, Lyman, 142
Y WCA, 1930s, 78
Zoroastrianism on freedom, 41 on gender inequality, 39
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice : Concepts, challenges, and strategies. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from windsor on 2021-09-01 03:18:59.
C o p yr
ig h t ©
2 0 1 6 . O
xf o rd
U n iv
e rs
ity P
re ss
, In
co rp
o ra
te d . A
ll ri g
h ts
r e se
rv e d .
SWRK 8621 Social Justice and Social Change F 2021 syllabus (2).docx
SWRK 8621 33 |Social Justice and Social Change | Fall 2021
School of Social Work
|
Classroom Meeting Time(s): |
Friday 3:30 PM – 9:00 PM Saturday 8:30 AM – 4:00 PM
|
|
Classroom Location: |
Online Via Zoom
|
|
Classroom Weekend Dates:
|
September 10 & 11, September 24 & 25 and October 15 & 16 |
Instructor and GA/TA
Instructor Information
|
Name |
Clarissa Campigotto, MSW, RSW |
|
|
[email protected] |
|
Telephone |
Email to schedule a phone appointment |
|
Office Hours |
Mondays from 11:00am to 1:00pm |
Course Description (from the Calendar)
Instructor Availability
The instructor is available to meet with students via Zoom as listed above. Course information and material, including announcements and course updates, will be posted on the website (Blackboard). The easiest way to reach me is via direct email at [email protected]. Please allow up to 24 hours (1 day) for a response via email. I am available to discuss course material or assignments, review graded work, and to talk about any other concerns regarding your learning in this course.
|
This seminar focuses on the critical analysis of systemic injustice. It will consider the history, meaning, consequences and dynamics of barriers that threaten, preclude or compromise the normal participation of selected vulnerable groups in social, economic and political institutions. It will critically examine concepts such as deviance, dependence, need, social control, and oppression. This critical analysis will form the underpinnings for leadership in the development and implementation of strategies for change. |
|
We respectfully acknowledge the territory in which we gather in Mississauga as the ancestral homelands of the Anishnabek, Huron-Wendat, Haudenosaunee (Iroquois), Ojibway/Chippewa peoples and home to the Métis. This territory is covered by the Upper Canada Treaties. The University of Windsor main campus sits on the traditional territory of the Three Fires Confederacy of First Nations, comprised of the Ojibwa, the Odawa, and the Potawatomi.
|
At the end of the course, the successful student will know and be able to:
· Articulate the history, meaning, consequences and dynamics of barriers that threaten, preclude or compromise the normal participation of selected vulnerable groups in Canadian social, economic and political institutions
· Critically differentiate among various lenses to understand differential or discriminatory treatment of oppressed groups in society
· Identify anti-oppressive practice values and the role these values play in leadership, and the development and implementation of strategies for change
|
Course Learning Outcomes
Online Learning
As this course is being delivered remotely, please see the following guidelines for expectations specific to the online environment.
· Students should log on at least 5 minutes before the beginning of class to ensure that their camera, mic, and speakers are working.
· Students should be in a quiet spot where they can focus on the class and not distract other students. Example - in a quiet room in your home. Non-examples – in a coffee shop, in the living room with the TV on.
· Students should make arrangements for other responsibilities during the class session, such as childcare, pets, etc.
Studying Online
If you would need help and strategies, the following resources may be helpful to you
· Recommended Technology for Online Learning
· https://support.zoom.us/hc/en-us
RECORDING OF LECTURES
Students who do not have the necessary accommodations are not permitted to record lectures in any format (audio, video, photograph, etc.). Posting course materials or any recordings you may make to other websites without the express permission of the instructor may constitute copyright infringement.
Course Materials
List of Required Reading(s):
See weekly schedule of required readings which can be accessed by through Leddy Library course-reserve through Blackboard for book chapters (see *).
Textbook
1.Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Social work and social justice: Concepts, challenges, and strategies. Oxford University Press.
Social justice and gender
2.Casey, E., Carlson, J., Two Bulls, S., & Yager, A. (2018). Gender Transformative Approaches to Engaging Men in Gender-Based Violence Prevention: A Review and Conceptual Model. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 19(2), 231–246.
3.Hicks, S. (2015). Social work and gender: An argument for practical accounts. Qualitative Social Work, 14(4), 471-487.
4.Krahé, B. (2018). Violence against women. Current Opinion in Psychology, 19, 6-10.
Social Justice and Racialized Communities
6.Johnstone, M., & Lee, E. (2018). State violence and the criminalization of race: Epistemic injustice and epistemic resistance as social work practice implications. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 27(3) 324-252.
Social justice for Indigenous peoples
7.Alfred, G. T. (2009). Colonialism and state dependency. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 5(2), 42-60.
8.Dennis, M. K., & Minor, M. (2019). Healing Through Storytelling: Indigenising Social Work with Stories. The British Journal of Social Work, 49(6), 1472-1490.
9.Hiller, C., & Carlson, E. (2018). THESE ARE INDIGENOUS LANDS: Foregrounding Settler Colonialism and Indigenous Sovereignty as Primary Contexts for Canadian Environmental Social Work. Canadian Social Work Review / Revue canadienne de service social, 35(1), 45-70.
List of Recommended Reading(s): See weekly schedule below.
10.Brodie, J. (2018). Inequalities & Social Justice in Crisis Times. In J. Brodie (Ed.), Contemporary Inequalities and Social Justice in Canada (pp. 3-25). Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.
11.Gherardi, S. (2017). The Social Worker's Dilemma: Empathy and Progress in the Trump Era. Social Work, 1-1.
12.Mullaly, B., & West, J. (2018). Oppression: An Overview Challenging oppression and confronting privilege: A critical approach to anti-oppressive and anti-privilege theory and practice (3 ed., pp. 1-34). Toronto: Oxford University Press.
13.Collins, P. H. (2015). Intersectionality's definitional dilemmas. Annual Review of Sociology, 41, 1-20
14.Asakura, K., & Maurer, K. (2018). Attending to Social Justice in Clinical Social Work: Supervision as a Pedagogical Space. Clinical Social Work Journal, 46(4), 289-297. doi:10.1007/s10615-018-0667-4
15.Burnes, T. R., & Ross, K. L. (2010). Applying social justice to oppression and marginalization in group process: Interventions and strategies for group counselors. The Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 35(2), 169-176.
16.Knight, C., & Gitterman, A. (2018). Merging Micro and Macro Intervention: Social Work Practice with Groups in the Community. Journal of Social Work Education, 54(1), 3-17.
17.Weinberg, M., &Banks, S. (2019). Practising Ethically in Unethical Times: Everyday Resistance in Social Work. Ethics and Social Welfare, 1-16. doi:10.1080/17496535.2019.1597141
18.Fine, M., & Teram, E. (2013). Overt and Covert Ways of Responding to Moral Injustices in Social Work Practice: Heroes and Mild-Mannered Social Work Bipeds. The British Journal of Social Work, 43(7), 1312-1329. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcs056
19.Bird, M. (2016). Social justice advocacy in the belly of the beast: An illustration of policy change for social work. Affilia, 31(2), 257-262.
20.Krumer-Nevo, M., & Benjamin, O. (2010). Critical poverty knowledge: Contesting othering and social distancing. Current Sociology, 58(5), 693-714.
21.Strier, R., & Feldman, G. (2017). Reengineering Social Work’s Political Passion: Policy Practice and Neo-Liberalism. The British Journal of Social Work, bcx064.
Library Resources
All of the Leddy Library’s online articles, ebooks, streaming videos and more are available through our website http://leddy.uwindsor.ca/ . If you’re working remotely just remember to login first to make sure you can find everything that is available to you.
Students will be able to borrow and access items from the Leddy Library’s print collection during the fall semester in two ways. The library will be offering a contactless print pickup service as well as a digitization request service. For more information please visit http://leddy.uwindsor.ca/contactless-pickup-and-digital-delivery
The library continues to offer a wide range of services for students including research support from librarians , Academic Data Centre support, resource troubleshooting and more. Please visit http://leddy.uwindsor.ca/library-services-during-disruption for up to date information on all our services and hours.
Curriculum and Weekly Schedule
Each student is expected to attend each class, fully, and be on time. In addition, it is expected that, as adult-learners, you will make meaningful and informed contributions to in-class learning through frequent and ongoing participation. Students need to keep the instructor informed of progress and problems. This allows me to keep abreast of how well you are doing with respect to integrating the learning in the course. It is far easier to deal with situations early rather than to wait until they become problems.
Note: Students and instructor will be given two 15-minute breaks and a one-hour lunch/dinner break per class day. The instructor reserves the right to revise the schedule if necessary to meet the learning needs of the class.
Topics Agenda Weekly Readings
|
Day 1
|
· Introduction to the course · Forms of injustice · Foundations of social justice |
Required:
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Chapter 1, 2, and 3
Recommended:
Mullaly, B., & West, J. (2018).
|
|
Day 2
|
· Social justice and social work · Socially just practice · Intersectionality · Anti-oppressive social work · Social justice and individual and family change · Socially just group work practice |
Required: Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016).
Chapter 4, 5, and 6
See also: International Federation of Social Work - Global Definition of Social Work https://www.ifsw.org/what-is-social-work/global-definition-of-social-work/
Recommended:
Collins, P. H. (2015).
Asakura, K., & Maurer, K. (2018).
Burnes, T. R., & Ross, K. L. (2010). |
|
Day 3
|
· Socially just organizational practice · Working with communities to promote social justice · Barriers to promoting social justice
Submit group presentation topics by the end of the class |
Required:
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016). Chapter 7 & 8
Recommended:
Knight, C., & Gitterman, A. (2018).
Weinberg, M., & Banks, S. (2019).
Fine, M., & Teram, E. (2013). |
|
Day 4
|
· Advocacy · Socially just research and evaluation · Creating and implementing socially just policies
|
Required:
Reisch, M., & Garvin, C. D. (2016).
Chapter 9 & 10
Recommended:
Bird, M. (2016).
Krumer-Nevo, M., & Benjamin, O. (2010).
Strier, R., & Feldman, G. (2017). |
|
First paper due October 3rd by 11:59 PM |
||
|
Day 5
|
· Social justice and gender · Social Justice and Racialized Communities · Social justice for Indigenous peoples
|
Required: Social justice and gender Casey, E., Carlson, J., Two Bulls, S., & Yager, A. (2018). Hicks, S. (2015). Krahé, B. (2018).
Social Justice and Racialized Communities Bussey, S. R. (2019). Johnstone, M., & Lee, E. (2018).
Social justice for Indigenous peoples Alfred, G. T. (2009). Dennis, M. K., & Minor, M. (2019). Hiller, C., & Carlson, E. (2018). |
|
Day 6
|
Final Group Presentations |
|
Student Evaluations of Teaching (SET) forms will be administered on the last day of classes, in accordance with Senate policy. However, your feedback is welcomed and encouraged throughout the course.
Assessments
|
Assessment |
Worth Value |
Due Date |
|
In class discussions
|
20% |
Throughout the semester |
|
First Paper Midterm
|
40% |
October 3rd by 11:59 PM |
|
Presentations
|
40% |
October 16, 2020 |
Note: Grades in this course may be curved to comply with the Faculty of Arts, Humanities & Social Sciences (FAHSS) grading Policy.
Assignments and Evaluation Criteria
Assignment Overview
All assignments submitted are considered confidential and will not be read by anyone other than the course instructor or his/her designee. Assignments are to be submitted electronically to the instructor through Blackboard or email. Assignments must be typed and comply with the format set forth in the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.), which is often referred to as the APA Manual. A copy of the APA Manual is available in the Leddy Library. In- class assignments should be electronically submitted to Blackboard before the end of that selected class.
In-class group assignments
Students will work in small groups (3-4 students) to discuss and record answers to questions provided in the class. Questions will relate to the lecture notes, readings from the text, and/or films presented in class. There could be one or more in-class assignments per day. The date of in-class assignments will not be announced in advance. Students are expected to contribute equally to the assignments and each member of the group will receive the same grade on assignments. Please keep the records of your grades insofar as the instructor will not keep copies of the graded papers. No late assignments are allowed for this assignment.
First Paper
This individual assignment requires students to demonstrate their understanding of social justice and change in relation to multiple levels of social work practice (individual/family, group, organizational, community) discussed in weeks 1-4. Students are required to integrate course readings. Further details will be provided in class.
Final Presentation
In groups of 4-5, students will develop a case study and identify and address the social justice issues at each level of social work practice discussed in the course (individual/family, group, organizational, community) and develop an advocacy plan. Students are required to integrate course readings and external academic literature. Further details will be provided in class.
General Instructions/Requirements for Assignments
· Papers must be within the page limits that are given. Any paper that is not within the page limits will receive an automatic grade deduction of one-third letter grade (e.g., B+ becomes B). Papers that are excessively short or long (plus or minus 2 pages of stated page requirements) will not be accepted for evaluation.
· You may not submit the same work (or portions of the same work) for credit in different courses without each instructor’s consent.
· Assignments must be turned in on the date and time it is due. Late assignments will have the mark reduced by one-third letter grade (e.g. A to A-, B+ to B, etc.) per day and will not be accepted after one week. Extensions will be granted only with medical documentation stating that your medical condition prevented you from completing and submitting your paper by the due date, or because of some other severe circumstance, which must be documented and cleared with the instructor.
· The instructor will not accept papers, allow students to take exams, give presentations, or participate in any other type of evaluation in which the student was absent from class and thus unable to receive the material related to the assignment. Students requesting considerations for health, bereavement, or extenuating circumstances should refer to Senate Bylaw 55.
· All assignments will be evaluated using the University Grading Policy. The final grade for the course will be the sum of the weighted grades for each assignment.
· Students’ final grades for the course will not be released to students until they have been approved by the Director of the School of Social Work and the Dean of Graduate Studies and posted on the UWinsite.
Communication with the Instructor
ALL communication from the instructor will be directed to your uwindsor e-mail account. Please check it regularly as some of the communication, even after the course is complete, can be time sensitive. It is your responsibility to ensure that you have updated your e-mail address so you can receive any important news regarding the course. In addition, university policy requires that instructors only respond to Uwin student email accounts. Other accounts such as yahoo, gmail, and so on, will not be responded to, or considered to have been received.
Student Disability Services
The Student Disability Services office http://www.uwindsor.ca/studentaccessibility/ or ext. 3463) arranges accommodations for student disabilities in compliance with the Ontarians with Disabilities Act (ODA). Students with disabilities who require academic accommodations must contact an Advisor in Student Disability Services (SDS) to complete the SDS Registration and receive the necessary Letters of Accommodation. You must present your Letter of Accommodation and discuss your needs with the instructor on, or before, the first day of class as accommodations cannot be made retroactively. The deadlines for submission of documentation and completed forms are available on their website.
UWin FAHSS App
The UWin FAHSS app is available for iOS and Android devices.
Click to download for Apple devices.
Click to download for Android devices.
All students are encouraged to download, register and join their department’s community for information, updates, and services.
Bystander Initiative
The University of Windsor is committed to campus safety for all students. We proudly offer sexual violence prevention education in two ways:
1. Offering Bringing in the Bystander® sexual violence prevention workshops to all students.
Students who complete a highly interactive 3-hour workshop will receive a certificate of completion and may be eligible to receive bonus marks (integration will be noted in participating course syllabi).
To register for a workshop visit: UWindsor’s mySuccess
To find out more visit: UWindsor’s Bystander Initiative
Student Mental Health Strategy
The University of Windsor is committed to fostering a thriving University community that actively promotes mental well-being and supports students to flourish in both their personal and academic lives.
Guiding Principles:
Accessibility and Diversity: We provide mental health services and supports that are visible, barrier-free, non-judgmental, inclusive and equitable.
Empathy and Compassion: We enhance every student’s sense of belonging by infusing empathy, compassion and respect into everything we do.
Empowerment: We build capacity, develop resiliency and empower all members of the campus community to take an active role in building awareness, eliminating stigma and managing mental health issues.
Engagement: We actively engage students, faculty and staff to establish meaningful collaborations, proactively address needs, build capacity and share ideas.
Responsive: We provide relevant and responsive services that are grounded in best practice and are fluid and dynamic in meeting the mental health needs of students.
Shared Responsibility: We share the responsibility for creating the campus conditions that support student success and promote mental wellbeing.
Source: Student Mental Health Strategy, October 3, 2018
Mental Health and Wellness Resources
Therapy Assistance Online (TAO)
Volunteer and become part of the Living Well Lancer Team!
Student Accessibility Services
Student Accessibility Services offer a wide range of programs and services to assist those with learning disabilities.
Student Accessibility Services | [email protected] | 519-253-3000 ext 3288 | Lower Level Dillon Hall
Students seeking academic accommodation for an ongoing, diagnosed disability (whether permanent or temporary) must begin the process by completing the Student Accessibility Services Online Intake Form. Once this is done, you will be contacted to arrange a meeting with an Advisor.
Students with disabilities who require academic accommodations in this course must contact an Advisor in Student Accessibility Services (SAS) to complete SAS Registration and receive the necessary Letters of Accommodation. After registering with SAS, you must present your Letter of Accommodation and discuss your needs with the instructor as early in the term as possible.
Also review Senate Policy on Academic Accommodation for Students with Disabilities.
Student Wellness Resources
From time to time, students face obstacles that can affect academic performance. If you experience difficulties and need help, it is important to reach out to someone.
For help addressing mental or physical health concerns on campus, contact (519) 253-3000:
· Student Health Services at ext. 7002 (www.uwindsor.ca/studenthealthservices)
· Student Counselling Centre at ext. 4616 (www.uwindsor.ca/studentcounselling)
· Peer Support Centre at ext. 4551
24 Hour Support is Available
My Student Support Program (MySSP) is an immediate and fully confidential 24/7 mental health support that can be accessed for free through chat, online, and telephone. This service is available to all University of Windsor students and offered in over 30 languages. Call: 1-844-451-9700, visit https://keepmesafe.myissp.com/ or download the My SSP app: Apple App Store/Google Play.
A full list of on- and off-campus resources is available at http://www.uwindsor.ca/wellness.
Should you need to request alternative accommodation contact your instructor, head or Associate Dean.
Technical Support
IT Services
IT Services is responsible for all technical support for the University of Windsor. If you’re in need of assistance with Blackboard, UWindsor email, and UWinsite, please open a ticket and someone from IT Services will process your request. To open a ticket, visit https://www.uwindsor.ca/itservices/support.
Blackboard
The University of Windsor uses Blackboard as our Learning Management System. If you’re having issues or concerns with navigation through the Blackboard site, please follow this guide: https://uwindsor.teamdynamix.com/TDClient/1975/Portal/KB/ArticleDet?ID=9430&SIDs=2042
Ask.UWindsor
The ask.UWindsor allows you to submit questions to staff members, manage your support requests, and subscribe to knowledge base articles update information. For more information, visit http://ask.uwindsor.ca.
POLICIES AND PROCEDURES
Graduate Students
Grading Policy
The Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences Grading Policy is in keeping with the regulations in Bylaw 55. The purpose of the FAHSS Grading Policy is to:
1. Make grading practices transparent to students;
1. Ensure that grading practices in the Faculty are consistent across the Faculty;
1. Ensure that students are graded fairly and in keeping with the academic standards of the University.
The academic achievement of each student shall be measured according to what the student knows and is able to do in relation to the Learning Outcomes stated on the Course Outline. The level of the student’s achievement of the Learning Outcomes shall be tested in the assessment tools of the course (tests, essays, exams, seminars, etc.) and assigned a grade according to the Grading Scale below.
|
Percentage Letter University Grade Range Grade Grade |
Faculty of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Grade Descriptor |
|
90 – 100 A+ 85 – 89.9 A Excellent 80 – 84.9 A- |
Consistent evidence that the student exceeds all of the performance expectations associated with each learning outcome in the course. |
|
77 – 79.9 B+ 73 – 76.9 B Good 70 – 72.9 B- |
Consistent evidence that the student meets, and in some cases exceeds the performance expectations associated with the learning outcomes in course. |
|
67 – 69.9 C+ 63 – 66.9 C Fair 60 – 62.9 C- |
Consistent evidence that the student meets the performance expectations associated with the learning outcomes in the course at a basic level. |
|
57 – 59.9 D+ 53 – 56.9 D Pass 50 – 52.9 D- |
Some evidence that the student meets the performance expectations associated with the learning outcomes in the course at a minimally acceptable level. |
|
0 – 49.9 F No Credit |
There is clear evidence that the student does not meet the performance expectations associated with the learning outcomes in the course. |
|
IN Incomplete IP In Progress NR No Report |
AEG Aegrotat Standing* P/NP Pass/Non-Pass |
Additional Information
Grades in the 60% to 69% range: Upon the positive recommendation of the program concerned, the Faculty of Graduate Studies may grant credit for not more than two term courses in which a grade of 60-69% has been obtained. Students who receive more than three (3) grades in one-term courses (or equivalent) of less than 70% may be required to withdraw from their program. The regulations of individual programs may be more stringent and in those situations the student must comply with the policies of the program.
Repeated Courses. Where a student repeats a course, both the original mark and the subsequent mark(s) obtained will remain on the student’s official record. However, only the highest mark received will be used in calculating the cumulative and major averages.
In Progress Grade. A grade of IP is recorded at the end of the first term of a two-term course.
Pass/Non-Pass. P/NP grades are recorded on the transcript but have no numeric grade equivalent.
NR Grade. A grade of NR is assigned to a registered student that has no record of submitted work or completed tests and exams; in computing a student’s average, NR is equivalent to 0%.
IN Grade. A grade of Incomplete (IN) may be assigned to a student who so requests at the discretion of the instructor and academic unit head. Such a grade may be granted to a student who has not been able to complete all course requirements by the date of the final evaluations. A grade of IN must be changed to a grade not later than six weeks after the last date of the examination period; if no grade has been assigned by that date, a final grade of 0% is automatically entered in the student’s record by the Office of the Registrar.
IN Grade – Academic Misconduct. An Incomplete grade will be assigned to a student alleged to have committed an act of academic misconduct. The IN grade will remain on the student’s transcript until the matter is adjudicated.
Graduate Appeals
Informal Review of Grades:
Students may review a grade awarded for assigned work at any time during the term the course is being taught, and up to the time the marks are officially submitted to the Office of the Registrar by making an informal inquiry to the instructor responsible for the course.
The purpose of the inquiry is to review the work submitted and to allow for any adjustment of the grade in question where that change is found to be appropriate by the instructor. This inquiry must be done within the time limit established by the instructor but not later than ten working days after the release or publication of the grade by the instructor. This review does not preclude the student from appealing the final grade to the Dean of Graduate Studies.
Where the purpose of reviewing work for which a grade has been assigned is not to request a grade change, course work may be reviewed by students up to six months after the close of the term in which the course was taught, upon reasonable notice to the instructor.
Formal Grade Appeals:
All formal grade appeals must be accompanied by $20 fee which will be refunded to the student if the grade is raised.
Students must submit a formal letter of appeal, including the reason for the appeal and any supporting information, to the Dean of Graduate Studies no later than three weeks after the final mark has been released by the Office of the Registrar.
Considerations for Health, Bereavement or Extenuating Circumstances
Informal Request: A student who wishes to receive consideration on matters affecting or shown to affect his/her academic performance based on medical or compassionate grounds, or unanticipated extenuating circumstances should communicate with the instructor as soon as possible. In such cases, the instructor may choose to handle the matter informally.
Formal Request: A student may also make a formal request for consideration based on medical, compassionate or extenuating circumstances by submitting a letter of rationale, requesting alternate evaluation or accommodation, and supporting documents to the Faculty of Graduate Studies, which will be forwarded to the Head of the department offering the course.
In the case of an informal or formal request, the instructor may grant an ‘aegrotat’ grade on the basis of term work or assign an ‘incomplete’ grade indicating what further work is required and the deadline by which such work must be completed.
Reference: Sections 1.12 and 1.11 of Bylaw 55
Evaluation Procedures
Important Things to Know:
· By the first day of each course, instructors must provide students with a course outline (hard copy of electronic);
· No forms of assessment shall be scheduled or made due on days identified as break days such as reading weeks, holidays, or days that the University is officially closed;
· A student who has three or more final examinations scheduled or due in consecutive time slots over a 24-hour period or three or more final examinations scheduled or due in one calendar day may apply to have one of their examinations rescheduled on a supplemental examination day;
· A student who has three or more major in-term evaluations scheduled or due within a 24-hour period may apply, no later than the end of the first quarter of classes, to seek an appropriate accommodation;
· Instructors must provide meaningful feedback to students on their in-course performance constituting a minimum 20% of the final grade at least two days prior to the voluntary withdrawal deadline.
Reference: Bylaw 55
Use of Digital Learning Resources
The University of Windsor recognizes the value of technology-enabled teaching and learning resources in enhancing learning and student engagement and in achieving learning outcomes and their evaluation.
Instructors may require students to purchase individual access to digital learning resources (online homework tools, simulations, case studies, quizzes, and other interactive learning tools) for assessment purposes, provided that the following conditions are met:
· The cost before taxes is no greater than 10% of the lowest domestic tuition cost for a single-term 3-credit course in the faculty offering the course;
· The assessment constitutes 20% or less of the course grade;
· Digital learning resources are often bundled with text books; students must have the option to purchase the bundled components separately if their purchase is mandatory.
If any of these conditions is not met, the instructor must provide no-fee alternative assessments.
Missing or Cancelling a Lecture/Class/Lab
Purpose: The purpose of this policy is to ensure a consistent learning environment for the students in the Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences. This policy recognizes the importance of safeguarding the safety and well-being of faculty, staff and students and providing an equitable teaching and learning experience.
Cancellation of Scheduled Classes/Lab/Lecture due to Conference/Workshops: Should a professor know at the beginning of semester that s/he will be away at a conference, workshop or other academic commitment during the term, s/he is required to note such absences on the course syllabus. Professors will need to indicate how they plan to make up the missed classes and course work on the syllabus. Course syllabi are required to be submitted to the head/director’s office prior to the beginning of class each semester.
If a professor wishes to reschedule a class/lab/lecture during which no evaluative procedure has been scheduled the professor must have the agreement of the entire class as it would be a change to the official scheduled class time. Otherwise the professor is responsible for covering all the course material in the remaining scheduled class times.
Cancellation of Scheduled Classes/Labs/Lecture due to Illness/Bereavement/Medical Emergency: If an instructor is unable to meet the class due to illness, bereavement, or medical emergency, the following steps need to be followed: If such situation occurs the professor will contact the department head or director’s administrative office and ask the secretary to post an official notice on the classroom door stating the reason for the cancellation. It is the Professor’s responsibility to ensure a notice is posted on the Blackboard course site as soon as possible. The professor will send an email to all students in the class. The email should list the essential information in the subject line of the email, for example SUBJECT: CLASS CANCELLED: SACR-1000 Professor John Hancock, Introduction to Sociology, Thursday, May 10, 2021.
If due to a medical/bereavement/medical emergency, a professor wishes to reschedule a class/lab/lecture during which no evaluative procedure has been scheduled the professor must have the agreement of the entire class as it would be a change to the official scheduled class time. Otherwise the professor is responsible for covering all the course material in the remaining scheduled class times.
If a professor cancels a class/lab/lecture during which an evaluative procedure has been scheduled the professor should make every effort to make provisions to keep the evaluative procedure on the scheduled date by enlisting assistance from a fellow colleague or TA/GA. If that is not possible Bylaw 54, section 2.8 would apply. “If a test or other evaluative procedure cannot be held at the scheduled time because of an emergency the activity will automatically be rescheduled for the next regular class meeting.” If the evaluative procedure is scheduled for the next class, the course material that would have been covered that day would be dealt with in accordance with the paragraph above.
Cancellation of Classes/University Closure due to Weather or Emergency Conditions:
In cases of inclement weather or emergency conditions that may include snow, ice, tornado, explosion, fire, etc. the only person who may cancel classes and/or close the University is the President of the University. Professors are not permitted to cancel classes without seeking permission from their head/director or dean.
If the President has officially canceled classes and an evaluative procedure had been scheduled for that class/lab, Bylaw 54, section 2.8 applies. “If a test or other evaluative procedure cannot be held at the scheduled time because of an emergency, the activity will automatically be rescheduled for the next regular class meeting.”
Other Reasons:
For reasons other than those listed above, classes cannot be cancelled without the prior approval of the head/director or the Dean of the Faculty. Please refer to Bylaw 54, section 2.7 “Changes may be made to the course outline up until the end of the first two weeks of classes. A hard copy of the final version of the course outline must be submitted to the AAU Head by the end of the second week of classes. After the initial first two weeks of the course, the dates referred to in 2.1.2 may be altered only for a compelling pedagogical or administrative reason. In the event of such a change students will receive advance notice of at least two calendar weeks. Notification of the precise dates for tests, handing in assignments, and all other activities (except unannounced quizzes), which will affect the final course grade, must be provided to students at least two calendar weeks prior to that date. The procedures for determining the final grade in a course may not be altered in any circumstance after the first two weeks of the course.”
Notes:
When the University is closed a notice will be placed on the University Webpage, telephone answering system, and Campus Police at ext. 1234. Please also check with the local radio stations in the Windsor/Essex area for updates.
Academic Misconduct
1. Academic Misconduct
Academic misconduct means any action taken by a student that gives the student an unearned advantage in matters affecting his/her academic standing. For professional programs, all actions that result in a breach of the rules of conduct as set out by the professional bodies and adopted in whole or in substance by the relevant professional program as part of its code of conduct shall also be considered acts of academic misconduct.
1. Plagiarism
Plagiarism is the act of copying, reproducing or paraphrasing significant portions of one’s own work, or someone else’s published or unpublished material (from any source, including the Internet), without proper acknowledgement, representing these as new or as one’s own. Plagiarism applies to all intellectual endeavours, including the creation and presentation of music, drawings, designs, dance, photography and other artistic and technical works.
Students have the responsibility to learn and to use the conventions of documentation as accepted in their area of study and instructors have the responsibility of informing students in writing of any significant individual interpretations of plagiarism.
3. Other Academic Misconduct
Other forms of academic misconduct include: cheating, violating exam/test rules, impersonation, academic forgery or fraud, unauthorized collaboration, violating the University scholarship rules, furnishing false information, and tampering or resubmitting an exam/test.
Consequences:
If the instructor believes that academic misconduct has occurred, s/he assigns a grade of IN (incomplete) to the work in question and reports the case to the Department Head, to the Associate Dean of the Faculty, and to the student(s) involved. The Associate Dean of the Faculty is responsible for the adjudication of any alleged case of academic misconduct, including plagiarism, and to assign an appropriate sanction. (Common sanctions include admonition, letter of reflection, mark reduction, censure notation on transcript, suspension, expulsion, depending on the nature of the misconduct and whether it represents a first or subsequent offence.) Students have an automatic right of appeal to the Discipline Appeal Committee. A student wishing to exercise his/her right to appeal a finding of misconduct and/or sanction imposed shall initiate the appeal process within 10 working days of the decision having been issued. (See section 5.4 of Bylaw 31.)
NOTE: An instructor who suspects that a student has committed an act of academic misconduct should meet informally with the student to discuss the matter. At the meeting, the instructor may dismiss the matter and, if appropriate, offer a teachable moment. Should the instructor choose not to dismiss the matter, s/he will forward the matter to the Department Head. In cases where the student does not respond to the invitation or chooses not to meet with the instructor, the instructor will forward the matter to the Head with a note stating that attempts to meet with the student failed.
Teachable Moment means a learning opportunity for a student, whereby the instructor engages in an informal lesson or discussion with the student on the particular matter. This is done in lieu of filing a formal complaint.
Reference: Bylaw 31
Examination Make-Up Policies
The Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences requires students to provide acceptable and documented medical (or equivalent compassionate) reasons to allow make-ups for scheduled tests, midterms, and final exams and/or the submission of late assignments, grades of Incomplete or consideration of Aegrotat Standing.
Acceptable reasons include hospital stays, serious illness, family emergencies (such as serious accidents or illnesses, death) or similar circumstances outside the student’s control. Normally, written documentation is required stating specific reasons and dates.
Arrangements for make-up exams and/or the submission of late assignments must be made as soon as possible. The instructor sets the date and format for make-up exams. The make-up exam will usually be different from the original exam, but will be equivalent in terms of testing objectives, format, level of difficulty, material covered, length of examination, etc.
Students may, but are not required to, use the Verification of Student Illness or Injury form for documenting illness.
Additional Notes:
Both faculty and students should be familiar with the following:
Senate Policy on Conduct of Exams and Tests
Senate Policy on Plagiarism Detection Software
Senate Policy on Student Code of Conduct
Senate Policy on Student Evaluations of Teaching (SET)
Reference: Policy on Acceptance of Medical Notes
Academic Accommodations
The University of Windsor is committed to ensuring that reasonable and appropriate academic accommodations are provided to students with documented disabilities. Disabilities are those conditions designated by the Ontario Human Rights Code.
It is understood that all members of faculty, instructional staff and administrative staff share the responsibilities outlined in the Ontario Human Rights Code for the provision of accommodations to students with disabilities.
More detailed accommodation policies and procedures are available for review on the Student Accessibility Services’ website.
Academic Accommodations:
An accommodation refers to any service, equipment, or arrangement that is put in place to support a student with a disability in the university setting and is meant to enable students to best perform the essential requirements of their academic program.
Note: Accommodations do not undermine or compromise the essential requirements of the courses or curricula established by the academic regulatory bodies of the university. An appropriate academic accommodation will not provide an unfair advantage but rather minimize the impact of, and the barriers caused by, the disability.
Reference: Policy on Academic Accommodation for Students with Disabilities
Discrimination in Academic Instruction, Evaluation, or Appeal
A student who believes s/he has experienced discrimination, bias, sexual or other forms of harassment and irregular procedures in regards to academic instruction, academic evaluation, or academic grade appeals should first attempt to resolve the matter with the Department Head, Faculty Dean or Associate Vice-President, Student Experience before filing a formal petition with the Procedures and Discrimination Committee through the University Secretariat.
Reference: Bylaw 32
Sexual Misconduct
Sexual misconduct is an umbrella term encompassing all forms of sexually inappropriate behavior and sexual violence. These include, but are not limited to, sexual harassment, sexual assault, threat of sexual assault, criminal harassment (including stalking and cyber-harassment), relationship violence, and gender-based misconduct.
The Sexual Misconduct Response and Prevention Officer provides confidential support, referrals and assistance to individuals related to experiences of sexual misconduct.
To report an incident, to get support or to access resources, visit the Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct website.
Students of Concern and Behavioural Intervention
The University of Windsor is committed to maintaining a safe working, learning, and living environment for all members of the campus community. Students who display behaviours that are worrisome, disruptive, intimidating, troublesome and/or threatening should be considered Students of Concern and should be referred to the Assessment and Care Team.
The Assessment and Care Team (ACT) is responsible for coordinating information, strategies, support services and resources to assist students who may be in distress and/or exhibiting behaviours of concern. In administering the Behavioural Intervention Plan, the team encourages student health and well-being, a successful academic experience and a safe campus environment.
A behaviour of concern is any behaviour shown through a student’s appearance or verbal or written community that is worrisome to others around them. Some examples include:
· Behaviours that regularly interfere with classroom environment or management;
· Notable changes in behaviour or appearance;
· Overly aggressive behaviour toward others;
· Inappropriate, strange or unusual behaviours;
· Overreaction to situations;
· Written or verbal statements endorsing violence;
· Written or verbal threats, direct or indirect, to self or others;
· Anger management problems;
· Appearance of being overly nervous, tense or tearful;
· Expressions of suicidal thoughts or feelings of hopelessness
If a member of campus believes that a student’s behaviour is an imminent threat to self or others or the campus premises, they should dial 911 or call Campus Police at ext 4444 immediately.
In the absence of an emergency, the Assessment and Care Team should be alerted through the completion of the online Care Alert form.
Reference: Behavioural Intervention Plan, Office of Student Experience
COVID-19 Emergency Academic Plan
The following academic plans may be implemented until April 30, 2021:
· Suspension of Senate Bylaw 55 (Graduate Academic Evaluation Procedures) to allow for greater flexibility in the evaluation of student performance and recording of grades provided that the intent of the bylaws is respected;
· Redesign of courses, changes to academic evaluation, and altering of modes of delivery of classes, provided that the learning outcomes of the program can still be met;
· Alteration of semester timetables, class schedules and examinations periods.
Reference: COVID-19 Emergency Academic Plan
5
Description Social Justice and Social Change - Group Assignment.docx
Final Group Presentation: October 16th, 2021
In a group of 4-5, students will identify a social justice issue and address the issues at each level of social work practice discussed in the course.
The purpose of this group assignment is for students to take their theoretical and conceptual learning from the individual assignment and strategies discussed in class and identified in the social work literature, to develop a socially just practice plan. Students are asked to choose a group, community, and population which experiences injustice in Canada, and then develop a case study, and identify strategies to promote inclusion and advance social justice at each of the levels of practice discussed in class. The group presentation should be delivered in MS Power Point format and should focus on the following:
· Need to integrate the course readings and relevant external scholarly and grey literature.
· Need to identify, discuss and integrate relevant practice strategies from the social work literature.
· Use standard APA formatting.
· Marks for style (spelling, grammar, sentence structure, etc.) will be considered.
· The presentation will be graded according to rubrics below:
Requirements:
I. Introduction
i. Background information/assessment on the community, including its boundaries as you see it (if relevant), relevant history, relevant demographics/statistics, and the problem(s) to be addressed (an extended elaboration on the problems noted in the introduction that includes discussion on causation.
ii. Has the issue/problem been widely recognized? What do earlier efforts to address the issue/problem reveal?
iii. Articulate the implications to the community if the issue/problem is not addressed.
II. The Proposed Intervention
i. General overview of your plan with a rationale.
ii. What is the expected effect of the proposed intervention on the identified issue/problem?
iii. Justify the proposed intervention by using the literature and material addressing theories on development, research, class discussion/ppt slides.
III. Design of the Proposed Intervention
i. Define goals and indicators for the intervention.
ii. Identify the capacity of assets and agency resources that can be mobilized to assist in achieving the goal of the intervention. This includes but is not limited to potential for collaborations and partnerships, the existing resources (physical, human, and financial), leadership capacity, and the existing expertise and experience.
iii. What are the community strengths and weaknesses and how might they influence the proposed intervention? What individuals and groups can be expected to oppose the intervention and how might you deal with such opposition?
iv. Other possible issues or unintended consequences (if any) of the proposal and how might you address these?
IV. Summary/Conclusions
|
Rubric for Assignment 3 |
|||||
|
A/Academic writing standards |
|
|
|
|
|
|
· Assignment requirements carefully followed · Facts and opinions clearly differentiated · Appropriate social work terminology, tone, and voice are used (up to 5 points) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
B/Evidence of critical thinking of the major ideas, analysis, and concepts of community mobilization and intervention |
|||||
|
· Gives example, provides references and citations to the peer-reviewed research literature. The important points are: (1) appropriateness of the literature; (2) integration and application of relevant literature · Provides evidence addressing theories on community development, community organizing, mobilizing and intervention · Demonstrates logic of argument and presents a coherent, succinct and consistent flow of ideas with pertinent examples (e.g., goals and interventions; the capacity of assets and agency resources mobilized; assessment of strengths and weaknesses)
(up to 10 points all together) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
C/Evidence of effective intervention design |
|
|
|
|
|
|
· Provides well-defined and relevant goals and indicators · Shows pertinent examples of 4-6 capacities, assets and/or agency resources mobilized; assessment of strengths and weaknesses · Effectively discusses strengths and weaknesses of community · Identifies forces opposing the intervention and outlines effective strategies to deal with such opposition · Other possible issues or unintended consequences (if any) of the proposal and how might you address these?
(up to 15 points all together) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
D/Overall impression |
|
|
|
|
|
|
· Length of presentation (no more than 35 minutes) · Demonstrates ability to work effectively in a team to develop and present presentation · Prepares and hands in to the instructor at the beginning of the presentation a hard copy of the presentation with all members’ names, student IDs, e-mails and the presentation topics on it · Delivery style (e.g., eye contact, reading directly from slides) (up to 10 points all together) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
TOTAL out of 40 |
