Commodity project ( 500 words )

Iong-term global CO, emissions 104

Major global environmental treaties/conferences, 1972-2C15 107

Global Internet users by regions (2015) 1 1 6

Examples ofjustice-globalist organizations 1 I 9

Global wealth distribution (2or5) 1 34

Chapter 1

Globalization: a contested concePt

Illmgl the earliest appearance of the term'globalization' in* rndich ftaguage can be traced back to the 193os, it was not -" more than half a century later that the concept took the

dbysmrm. 'Globalization emerged as thebrtzzytord of the U*because it captured the increasingly interconnected rh of social life on our planet mediated by the ICT revolution dlLcilobal integration of markets. Twenty-five years later, dtfizrSon has remained a hot topic. Indeed, one can d'dtions of references to the term in both virtual and pfrlV.ce.

fudely, however, early bestsellers on the subject-for aadq enichi Ohmae's Thc End of the Nation State or Thomas hm's TIu l*nu and, the Olioe Tree-left, their readers with tlSqill;OcimFression of globalization as an unstoppable Lgmang spreadingthe logic of capitalism and Western values |rrzfitzting local traditions and national cultures. This *qti*l notion of globalization as a ruthless techno_economic imroll€rflattening local, national, and regional scales also rytreil as the spectre of i\mericanization' haunting the rest of frEdd- S\rch widespread fears or hopes, depending on how one llebot zuch homogenizing forces, deepened further in the 2tIXb &ring the so-called Global War on Terror spearheaded by Lihbal military superpower-the United States. Moreover, the

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current public debates about the power status of America in the age of Ttump and the corresponding rise of the 'BRICS' (Brazil,

Russia, India, China, and SouthAfrica) have done little to soften this popular dichotomy casting the West against the'rest'. As a result, many people still have trouble recognizing globalization for what it is: a complex and uneven dynamic linking the local (and the national and regional) to the global-as well as the West to the East, and the North to the South.

As an illustration of such a more nuanced understanding of globalization as a thickening'global-local nexus'-or what some Global Studies scholars refer to as glocalizatinn-let us consider the world's most popular sports went: the men's Football World Cup. First orgarrized in 1930 bythe International Federation of Association Football (FIM), the event was soon seen as the ultimate national contest pitting counhy against counhy in the relentless pursuit of patriotic glory. The World Cup has since been held every fouryears (except for 194,2 and 19,1,6) in host countries located on all

continents except Oceania- In facL this tra"nsnational rotation ofhost countries coupled with the event's name World Cup' (instead of Nations Cup )-gives us a first inclication of why the global should not be rigidly separated from the national. But let us delve more deeplyinto the matter and consider even more telling facts. Indeed,

the 2O14 World Cup will shed light on the complex glocal' dynamics tt* define the phenomenon we have come to call globalization'.

The global-local nexus and the Brazilian World Cup

The twentieth FIFA World Cup for men's national football was held from rZ June to 13 July 2O14 in Brazil. The 32 best national teams from atotal of 2O7 original contestants competed for the coveted Golden Globe Trophy. These included five nations from Africa, four from Asia, thirteen from Europe, four from North and Central America, and six from South America. Sixty-four games were played in twelve Brazilian cities, drawing alive crowd of over five million spectators. More than a million tourists

hamdtheworldvisited Brazil in June 2o1,{, which reflects rhtase of nearly 3OO per cent from June 2013. More than il1rent qf international tourists arrived by air, 27 per cent by d,odthe rest came by boat. More than ll million game ticket ltEr*fom *ere received by FIFA but only 3 million could be In*il ir advance to the general public (see Figure A).

EddElJocal dynamics are rather obvious here: national teams f;fo9 in Brazilian stadiums in front of a mixture of local, rfftrd,andglobal spectators as well as avirtual global audience

Ett No ol tickets allocated to the public

(by residency)

H 1,636,294 llHStates 203,964 tsrra 63,128

60,991

EsH 58,690 ffn{*r 52,509 firHa 40,902 Gr* 40,200 fur 35,347 ktoo 35,006 ktafa 30,026 .hdt 22,942 *kedand 17,880 IHpdands 16,374 Uuguay S*t

L6'11? 13,886

tsad 12,443 Ecuador 11,762 Rrssian Federation 10,858 nary 1 0,1 55

N- Gilobal tieket allocatioas for the 2O14, FIFA World Cup in Brazil . fur .r-ta taken ftom 'Global Ticket Allo@tious for the 2oI4 FIIA World Cup in Bruill fr r/Thcoure-fi fa.com/mm/document/toumment/competirion I o 2 / aa / 29 / 89 / hfupiuubere_l2o7l1_v7_eng_neutral.pdf>

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watching the games on TVs and digital streaming devices. Indeed, the Brazilian World Cup was shown in every single country and territory on Earth. The in-home coverage of the competition reached an audience of over 3.2 billion people-<l,5 per cent of the global population-who watched at least a few minutes of the event Awhopping 695 million people followed at least twenty oonsecutive minutes ofthe championship match between victorious Germany and runner-up Argentina.

Money matters related to the World Cup are equally'glocal' in nature. Brazilian authorities spent about 913 billion to finance the mega-event, including g2 billion for security purposes. Still, the World Cup was a good deal for the host nation. The Brazilian Ministry of Tourism reported that tourism and investment would bring in $13.5 billion within a year and an extra $9o billion in revenue over ten years. The World Cup-related infrastructure projects alone generated l million jobs, of which /ro,ooo became permanent. Over the four-year cycle 2O1O-14,, the games generated

$4.8 billion in revenue for FIFA. 92.11, billion was made in TV rights,

$1.6 billion in sponsorship revenue, with the most significant contracts going to such powerful TNCs as Adidas, Coca-Col4 Visa, Emirates, McDonalds, Castrol, Sony, Hyundai Motor Group, Johnson & Johnson, and Budweiser. When the glocal mega-event ended on 13 July 201.1, FIFA happily pocketed a handsome net profit of $asa million, which pushed the transnational organization's total financial reserves to over $r.s billion.

The ofrcial World Cup match-ball, too, was an impressive example ofthe glocal dynamics constituting globalization. Supplied by Adidas, a successful TNC headquartered in Germany, the football received the name 'Brazuca'from the majority of over a million Brazilian fans voting in a naming contest via social media. Brazuca means 'our fellola/ in Portuguese and is used by Brazilians to describe their national pride in their national way oflife. In spite of their apparent local and national identity, however, the Brazucas were manufactured by low-wage workers at the Forward Spots

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r*rfzinthe Pakistani town of Sialkot (replicaballs were made in ft+ DesigDedto have a more accurate and repeatable flight U*teprotolpe Brazucas were thoroughly tested in locations ariry ell sorts of climates and altitudes in ten countries on three darat+ These trials took nearly three years and involved 6o0 a-l*imt players to make sure that the Braauca worked for all ;t'ftmdthegame. Finally, the football contains chemical qmndsproduced in several countries and plastics generated hpcUdem imported from the Middle East and Norway. South b-Initt su+ersized container ships carried the transnationally d Braarcas to football fans around the world.

[:*do Lionel Messi and J. Lolre in common? Efphqr tLe most striking illustration of how globalization q:lltaneoustywithin and across all geographical scales tHrlmdtre most celebrated superstars ofthe Brazilian HG\re GeArgentinian superstar Lionel Andr6s Messi, the El} mct valuable player, and American singer-entertainer Fs-Lqtz.'J. Io'performed the official anthem of the 201.1, t.ffiil Cqr at its opening ceremony together with the |h,Amizn rapperArmando Christian P6rez ('Pitbull) and -lrEhil ezzrlian singer-songwriter Claudia Leitte ('Claudhina).

hilgsTinto aworking-class family of Spanish and Italian Lqlin ltffirio, Argentina, little 'Leo', as Lionel was called, Hlrqlapassion for football at a very early age. However, his hctapro,fessional player was threatened when, at the age of f;brc diagnosed with growth hormone deficiency-a malady lhn{nteal $l,ooo per month in hormone treatments. Unable tbnryfuthe injections in a country collapsing under the strain aHh..lomomic erisis of 1g9g-2ool-a topic we will turn to fo(lryiler e-the Messi family turned for help to relatives in '!!-'ltre, Spain. They managed to arrange Lionel's transfer to the h-.f'Tfootball club FC Barcelona-also known as'Barqa'-io

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spite of his unusually young age of lB. In 2ool, the entire Messi family relocated to Barcelona and moved into an apartment near the club's legendary stadium, Camp Nou. Although Lionel has remained in Barcelona for his entire football career so far, he has maintained close ties to his hometown of Rosario and even refuses to sell the old family house. Indeed, the global football icon has often referred to himself as an Argentine'local boy'. At the same time, he has not only contributed to the soccer glory ofhis adopted Spanish city, but has also accepted the global task of serving as a tireless goodwill TINICEF ambassador, engaged in charitable eforts aimed at helping lrrlnerable children around the world. Still, Messi's positive image was tarnished when a Barcelona court found him and his father guilty oftax fraud and sentenced them to suspendedjail sentences and huge monetaryfines.

Messi's career at Barqa is the stuf of football legends. Considered by some as the best football player of all time, the Argentine striker has broken all club records, leading his team to seven Spanish'La Liga national league championships, four European championship titles, and three Copa del Rey titles so far. Messi is to date the only football player in history to win the FIFAs Ballon d'Or Award for Best Male Football Player in the World five times, four of which he won consecutively 2OO9-12. He has also won three European Golden Shoe awards. Already the all-time scoring leader in both La Liga (over 3OO goals) and a single European Champions League match (five goals), the z8-year-old football wizard scored his 5OOth career goal on 3 February 2016 in a match that pitted Barga against FC Valencia. In that month, Messi's awesome global popularity was reflected in the staggering number of 81,364,,376 'Likes'that graced his Facebook page.

Despite his stellar city club achievements, Lionel Messi's greatest moments to date have come on the global stage in Brazil, where he led his national team to an impressive second place flnish (see Illustration 1). This made Argentina the most successful

I !- rl.si scoring at the zol4, FIFA World Cup.

ful trrrg.irqn country of the 2014 World Cup, surpassing the Ii!#d hct and football superpower Brazil, which placed a &ryftdng fourth. Proudly wearing the iconic blue and ft*iped number 10 jersey of his nation, Messi dazzled local d6fdalfr.s alike with his ball-playing skills, speed, elegance, dgrl.mring instincts. Although his team lost the championship 1a[ eteinst Germany in heart-breaking fashion in extra time, tki mn the Golden Ball for the best player of the tournament. L&rd tre Argentine striker and many of his fellow footballers lfrming in Brazilian World Cup stadiums embodied the glocal {qrtuics of globalization as they played for national teams that cEtainedlocal and global audiences while simultaneously *ining the football identity that linked them to their contracted *inglobal cities around the world.

-{l"arefrl deconstruction of FIFAWorld Cup entertainer Jennifer r-?r rtveals similar glocal dl,namics that showwhywe should t 4pmach globalization as a disconnected phenomenon fr*ing above local and national contexts. Jennifer Llmn Lopez

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was born in 1969 in New York City to Puerto Rican immigrants. Growing up in the world's most multicultural city, J. Lo began performing as a singer and dancer at the age of 5. As a young woman, she danced in a musical chorus that toured Europe and later acted as a singer, dancer, and choreographer in the Japanese TY show Sgnchronicity. Her breakthrough to stardom came in 1997 in the title role of the biographical musical drama Selena. The fllm featured the life and career ofthe late Tejano music star who exerted a remarkable transcultural appeal across North and Latin America. Thanks to J. Lo's talent, the movie was a big box office success, grossing $35 million in the USA alone.

With a few exceptions, like the 2OO3 commercial failure of the romantic movie Gigli, J. Lo has been enjoying a stellar career as a singer-actor that includes appearances as ajudge in the TV mega-show,4m erican I dol. ll 2012, she released'On the Floor', one of the best-selling singles of all time. The music channel \rH1 ranked Lopez in the top tier on its list ofthe'Greatest Pop Culture Icons', and she was honoured by the World Music Awards with the Legend Award for her contribution to the arts. Hailed for her ability to traverse difficult racial boundaries, J. Lo developed a musical style that mixes a number of genres such as Latin pop,

dance, R&8, hip hop, rock, funk, house, and salsa. In manyways, both her personal background and her style ofmusic can be characterized as a form of 'hybridization'-the process of mixing different cultural elements and styles. As we will explore in more detail in Chapter 5 ofthis book, such cultural hybridization processes have been greatly accelerated by globalization.

On 12 June 2014, J. Lo took centre stage at FIFAs World Cup Opening Ceremony at the Arena de S5,o Paulo in S5o Paulo, Brazil (see Illustration 2). In her flashy green, Lebanese-designed playsuit, the sparsely dressed superstar was joined by fellow artists Pitbull and Claudhina in the performance of 'We Are One (Ole OIa)', a song that reached a top 2O spot on the billboard charts oftwenty-seven countries on four continents. This glocal

t- .tr" trr FilH- rnd Claudhina performing trIze Are One (Ole Ob) at tLI.rfEAWoddCup Opening Ceremony, 56o Paulo, Brazil, Ilh,orr1.

f'FA S,orld Cup anthem was co-written by the performing trio dm dr dixr artists hailing from three continents: the Colombian rDr-il !trlxrtia- the Dane Thomas Troelsen, the Australian Sia fus. ti:e -{nerican Lukasz'Dr Luke' Gottwald, the Canadian Fierr Crrkuit'Ilalter, and Moroccan-Swede Nadir Khayat Xcffi,re- -{ clear erample of today's hybriil, global-local creations dm*irl culture. the commercial success of 'We Are One' rroi nucfo to the cross-cultural creativity of these songwriters. li:recrtr- the song served as a global appeal to humanity to come Elmtr'as one' and tackle the serious global problems of the ::w cmtur-r. Indeed, such global awareness is especially evident m Fsix.lli three successful albums that are appropriately titled: ritu&i lFarming(zotz), Climate Change (2016), and, yes, uhmii=srron (2014).

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So what-in addition to their multilingual facility and their remarkable transnational appeal-do the US Latino pop star performing a globalized World Cup anthem and an Argentine football legend playing for a Spanish city club have in common? They are both the products and catalysts ofglobalization processes

that make more sense when considered as a global-local nexus we call glocalization'.

In fact, even the embarrassing comrption scandal that rocked FIFA in the years following the immensely popular Brazilian World Cup reflects the global-local clynamics of globalization as they applyto transnational crime. In 2015, the federal US agencies, the FBI and the IRS, arrested several FIFA officials on suspicion ofbribery wire fraud, racketeering, and money laundering. The investigations

related to these arrests and eventual indictments also unearthed collusions between South American, Caribbean, and North American sports marketing executives with strong ties to FIFA.

Atotal of eighteen individuals from flfteen countries were indicted, including nine FIFA officials. When it became clear that such global criminal activities had even tainted the selection processes

for several FIFAWorld Cup sites as well as the 2o11 FIFA presidential election, the Attorney General ofSwitzerland decided to investigate Sepp Blatter, the long-term Swiss FIFA President,

for criminal mismanagement. In December 2015, FIFAS Ethics Committee-representing all continental football bodies-banned Blatter and Michel Platini, the Head of UEFA, from all

football-related activities for eight years (reduced in 2016 to six years). Although the FIFA comrption scandal sorely tested the

confidence ofbillions ofglobal fans in the virtuousness oftheir beloved sport, it also serves as a perfect example ofthe glocal

character ofglobalization as evident in the transnational dynamics of localized criminal actions, and the ensuing global cooperation iunong

national government agencies that tracked down the local culprits.

Our deconstruction of the Brazilian World Cup and the corruption

scandal following in its wake has prepared us to tackle the rather

hnnngtaskof assembling aworking definition of a contested qtttr*has pnorren notoriously hard to pin down.

ffi a definition of globalization ffi hrs bEel yax'iously used in both the popular press dsfmicliterature to describe a process, a condition, a lhtrfue, and an age. Given that these competing labels htr5rdflftrrent meanings, their indiscriminate usage is often hailintites confusion. For example, a sloppy conflation ftcad ondition encourages circular definitions that ftErm. fteoften-repeated truism that globalization (the HrEilcbmore globalization (the condition) does not *rlfurmeaningful analytical distinctions between

ft"l-r{ '' -+ we adopt three diferent but related terms. l}f.rydtPifies a social condition characterized by

@omiq political, cultural, and environmental andflows that make most of the currently

andboundaries irrelevant. Yet, we should not gfobalityis already upon us. Nor does the term

Itrl}-o.L*rydnete endpoint that precludes any further &FtI-aL lf,oreover, we could easily imagine different

of globality: one might be based primarily rl* dindividualism, competition, and laissez-faire q5,rme another might draw on more communal rdoryerative social systems, These possible *t trirunm b the firndam entally in d,etermirwte ch.ara,cter

dobality.

hi, h us ad.qt glnbal imaginary to refer to people's growing

-furcofthickening globality. Again, as we have seen in

-cqle ofttre 2014 World Cup, this is not to say that national

frameworks have lost their power to provide qL*ift a meaningfirl sense of home and identity. But it would

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be a mistake to close one's eyes to the weakening of the national imaginary as it has been historically constituted in the 19th and zoth centuries. The intensification ofglobal consciousness destabilizes and unsettles the nation-state framework within which people have imagined their communal existence. As we shall see in Chapter /, the rising global imaginary is also reflected in the current transformation ofthe conventional ideologies and social values that go into the articulation of political agendas and programmes.

Fi;lally, globalixardon is a spatial concept signifring a set of social processes that trartsform our present social condition of conventional nationality into one of globality. As we noted in our deconstruction of the Brazilian World Cup, however, this does not mean that the national or the local are becoming extinct or irrelevant. In fact, the national and local are changing their character and social functions as a result of our movement towards globality. At its core, then, globalization is about shiftingforms of human contact. Like 'modernization' and other verbal nouns that end in the suffix '-ization', the term'globalizatiori suggests a sort of dynamism best captured by the notion of 'development' or'unfolding' along discernible patterns. Such unfolding may occur quickly or slowly, but it always corresponds to the idea ofchange, and, therefore, globalization denotes transformation.

Hence, academics exploring the dynamics of globalization are particularly keen on pursuing research questions related to the theme of social change. How does globalization proceed? What is driving it? Does it have one cause or is there a combination of factors? Is globalization a continuation of modernity or is it a radical break? Does it create new forms ofinequality and hierarchy? Notice that the conceptualization of globalization as a dl,namic process rather than as a static condition forces global studies scholars to pay close attention to newforms of connectivity and integration. Yet, whenever researchers try to bring their object of

hmsharlerfocus, they also heighten the danger of disagreements over definitions. Our subject

One of the reasons why globalization remains a mc-t is because there exists no academic consensus

ffi d$cial pnocesses should be prioritized.

wse, globalization is an uneven process, meaning innrious parts ofthe world are afiected very

transformation of social structures and kryB 6e social processes that make up globalization

and explained by various commentators in ways. Scholars not onlyhold

Tiih r€gard to proper definitions ofglobalization, on its scale, causation, chronology, impact,

ldicyoutcomes. The ancient Buddhist parable andtheir encounter with the elephant helps

mdemic controversy over the nature and various tlobalization.

sfrolars did not know what the elephant looked to obtain a mental picture, and thus the

desired, by touching the animal. Feeling its trunk, rm agued that the elephant was like a lively snake.

robbing along its enormous leg, likened the animal oifmassive proportions. The third person took

aud insisted that the elephant resembled a large, lte fourth man felt its sharp tusks and declared it

Ercd spear. Each of the blind scholars held firmly to what constituted an elephant. Since their scholarly

rzs riding on the veracity oftheir respective findings, frHrs, orentually ended up arguing over the true nature of

(see Illustration g).

Dqriugacademic quarrel over which dimension contains the

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gfobalization represents a postmodern version ofthe

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3. The globalization scholars and the elephant.

parable ofthe blind men and the elephant. Even those few remaining scholars who still think of globalization as a singular process clash with each other over which aspect ofsocial life constitutes its primary domain. Many global studies experts argue that economic processes lie at the core ofglobalization. Others privilege political, cultural, or ideological aspects. Still others point to environmental processes as being the essence of globalization. Like the blind men in the parable, each globalization researcher is partly right by correctly identiffrrgone important dimension of the phenomenon in question. However, their collective mistake lies in their dogmatic attempts to reduce such a complex phenomenon as globalization to one or two domains that correspond to their own expertise. Surely, a central task for the new field ofglobal studies must be to devise better ways for gauging the relative importance of each dimension without losing sight of the interdependent whole.

Despite such differences ofopinion, it is also possible to detect some thematic overlap in various scholarly attempts to identifii the core qualities ofglobalization processes. Consider, for example, the two influential definitions ofglobalization shown in Box 1.

point to four additional qualities or characteristics globalization. First, it involves both the creation networks and the mubiplication of existing

cut across traditional political, economic, gwgraphical boundaries. As we have seen in

Brazilian World Cup, today's media combine fi/ overage with multiple streaming feeds into

fuis and social networking sites that transcend sernces.

quality ofglobalization is reflected in the eapansion of social relations, activities, and connections.

markets reach around the globe, and electronic amund the clock. Gigantic and virtually identical

malls have emerged on all continents, catering to those

-suiho

cen afford commodities from all regions of the d-irduding products whose various components were

ffi@applies to FIFA as well as to other non-governmental rTfL:rtions, commercial enterprises, social clubs, and countless

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regional and global institutions and associations: the UN, the EII, the Association of South EastAsian Nations, the Organization ofAfrican Unity, Doctors Without Borders, the World Social Forum, and Google, to namebut afew.

Third, globalization involves the intensifi.cation and acceleration of social exchanges and activities. As the Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells has pointed out, the creation of a global network society has been fuelled by'communication power', which required a technological revolution powered chiefly by the rapid development of new information and communications technologies. Proceeding at breakneck speed, these innovations are reshaping the social landscape of human life. The World Wide Web relays distant information in real time, and satellites provide consumers with instant pictures of remote events. Sophisticated social networking by means of Faceboo\ Instagram, and Twitter has become a routine activity for more than two billion people around the globe.

Fourth, as we emphasized in our definition of the global imaginary globalization processes do not occur merely on an objective, material level but they also involve the subjective plane ofhuman consciousness. Without erasing local and national attachments, the compression of the world into a single place has increasingly made global the frame of reference for human thought and action. Hence, globalization involves both the macro-structures of a'global community'and the micro-structures of 'global personhood'. It extends deep into the core ofthe personal selfand its dispositions, facilitating the creation of multiple individual and collective identities nurtured by the intensifring relations between the personal and the global.

Having succinctly identified the core qualities ofglobalization, let us now compress them into a single sentence that yields the following siort definition ofglobalization:

,m refers to the erparuion and intensffication of

-t rfuions and coruciousness across world-tirne and

tu *itle of our boo( however, we ought to do even better.

ury sltmt definition of globalization :

,ffibn is abod grouing uorlduide interconructioitg,

L{tg,hus consider an important objection raised by Shdies scholars sensitive to historical matters: is rcalty all that diflerent from the centuries-old

nodernization? Some critics have responded to this fortc negative, contending that even a cursory look s8Bests that there is not much that is new about

globalization. Hence, before we explore in some rnrin dimerrsions of globalization, we should give this afrirhearing. After all, a critical investigation of

alleged novelty and its relationship to modernity EfitdrrtIat€d to yet another question hotly debated in

what does a proper chronology and historical

ntnton of globalization look like? Let us turn to Chapter 2 lL- -Grrrsto these questions.

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