Sociology of Sport Unit VI Compare & Contrast Assignment

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SPORTS FANDOM AND POLITICAL ATTITUDES

EMILY A. THORSON* MICHAEL SERAZIO

Abstract A majority of Americans identify as sports fans, and sports broadcasts attract substantially larger audiences than news on both broadcast and cable television. But despite the outsize role of sports in American life, we know little about how—or whether—sports fan- dom is related to political attitudes. This paper draws on a representa- tive survey to examine (1) the association between sports fandom and political opinions; and (2) opposition to the “politicization” of sports. Republicans and Democrats are equally likely to follow sports closely. However, sports fandom is positively associated with individualistic attributions for economic success and support for the US military. In addition, conservatives are more likely to resist the intrusion of partisan politics into sports.

In the summer of 2016, San Francisco Forty-Niners quarterback Colin Kaepernick chose not to stand for the singing of the US national anthem in order to spotlight racial injustice and police violence. Other professional and amateur athletes soon joined the protest, setting off a national conversation about the appropriateness of Kaepernick’s actions (Eligon and Cacciola 2016). Many on both the left and the right who disapproved of players’ participation in the protest invoked an enduring cliché: that sports and politics do not and should not mix (Zirin 2013).

In this paper, we argue that despite what some fans and commentators might wish to believe, sports and politics are closely intertwined. A nationally

Emily A. Thorson is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA. Michael Serazio is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, USA. The authors thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback. This work was supported by a $16,350 grant from Boston College’s Research across Departments and Schools Program awarded to Emily Thorson and Michael Serazio. *Address correspondence to Emily Thorson, Syracuse University, Department of Political Science, 100 Eggers Hall, Syracuse, NY, 13244, USA; email: ethorson@ gmail.com.

doi:10.1093/poq/nfy018 Advance Access publication May 25, 2018

Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 2, Summer 2018, pp. 391–403

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representative survey investigated the relationship between sports fandom and political attitudes. While many may view sports as an escape from social and economic problems (Huizinga 1949; Wann et al. 2001), the results suggest that sports culture may reinforce subtle messages about the causes of and remedies for those problems.

Politics in Sports

Two-thirds of Americans self-identify as sports fans (Jones 2015), and sports broadcasts are consistently among the most-watched television programs (Billings 2011). In 2015, 93 of the 100 most-watched television shows were live sports broadcasts—up from just 14 of the top 100 in 2005 (Nielsen 2016). Nearly a quarter of all Americans spend money at least once a month on sports (Luker 2016), contributing to some $60 billion worth of annual revenue (Broughton 2015).

These financial high stakes have incentivized the sports industry to actively maintain sports as an apolitical cultural form in order to avoid alienating fans through partisan politics (McAllister 1998). Broadcast commenters are often criticized by fans for bringing political issues into sports discourse (Rowe 2004), and in some cases team management has explicitly discouraged ath- letes from taking up political causes (Zirin 2013). However, just as supposedly apolitical cultural phenomena like television dramas (Lenart and McGraw 1989), commercial advertising (Oakenfull and Greenlee 2005), and even Harry Potter (Mutz 2016) can shape political attitudes, sports can and does convey subtle ideological messages (Houlihan 1994; Sage 1998; Whannel 2005). In this paper, we argue that while partisan conflict may still be anomalous in professional sports, sports culture reinforces values that are relevant to—if not explicitly about—politics. By “sports culture,” we refer not only to media coverage of sports, but also to the many other public-facing components of the professional sports industry, from merchandise to online advertising.

First, both professional athletes and sports announcers often deliver a straightforward narrative in which victory is solely a function of effort: it is hard work and strategy that wins games, not structural or monetary advantage (Brohm 1978; Sage 1998). Sports culture implicitly assumes the existence of a “level playing field” (Goldman and Papson 1998) and often valorizes long- shot underdogs (Sage 1998). This framing may reify a narrative of “economic individualism” (Schlozman and Verba 1981) in which Americans attribute economic success to individual effort rather than to structural advantages (Alesina and Angeletos 2005; Bullock 2008).

H1: Sports fandom is positively associated with the attribution of economic success to individual effort.

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Sports culture also contains messages about gender (Bernstein and Blain 2002). By producing coverage largely “by men, for men, and about men” (Bruce 2013), media coverage of sports has prioritized male strength (Elias and Dunning 1986; Nelson 1994). Content analyses of sports coverage have found that women athletes are accorded just a fraction of the hours of broad- cast attention given over to male counterparts (Cooky, Messner, and Musto 2015). When women are ceded the spotlight, they are often infantilized and sexualized (Duncan 2006). Sports culture’s treatment of women, we argue, may be associated with regressive attitudes toward women off the field as well as on (Messner, Duncan, and Jensen 1993; Duncan 2006; Cooky, Messner, and Musto 2015).

H2: Sports fandom is positively associated with endorsement of tradi- tional gender roles.

The role of sports as a vehicle for militaristic ambitions has both a long his- tory and a conspicuous present (Houlihan 1994; Rugg 2016). The ancient Greeks used sport to “rehearse” for military action, and the modern Olympics was born of French ambition to toughen up its youth in the aftermath of defeat by Germany (Guttmann 1998; Burstyn 2000). More recently, a 2015 Congressional report found that the Department of Defense had spent $10.4 million on marketing contracts with professional sports teams, with the goal of improving the military’s public standing and boosting recruiting (Hogg 2015; Huetteman 2015; Rugg 2016). The historical connection between sports and military, as well as these recent advertising campaigns, may both factor into sports fans’ attitudes toward the military (Butterworth 2012).

H3: Sports fandom is positively associated with support for the military.

These hypotheses are relational rather than causal. Sports culture may shape attitudes; indeed, the very fact that many people perceive sports as apoliti- cal may decrease the likelihood that they counterargue against the ideological messaging contained within it (McDonald and Birrell 1999; Mutz and Nir 2010). At the same time, it is also plausible that these same messages shape who chooses to become a fan in the first place (Fox and Williams 1974; Shah et al. 2007). Thus, this study attempts not to establish a definitive causal rela- tionship between sports fandom and political attitudes, but to assess whether such a relationship exists at all—a necessary first step toward investigating questions of causal inference.

Our final hypothesis examines perceptions of—and reactions to—the explicit encroachment of politics into sports. Historically, liberal agitators have often instigated the “intrusion” of politics into sports (Earp 2010). In the 1960s, Muhammad Ali protested the Vietnam War draft and Olympic sprinters

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Tommie Smith and John Carlos ascended the medalist podium while raising a Black Power salute. More recently, the issues of gay marriage (former punter Chris Kluwe’s advocacy for same-sex marriage) and immigration (Latino athletes’ contemplating a boycott of the Arizona all-star game in response to a controversial immigration law) followed a similar pattern, in which those seeking to “keep politics out of sports” were largely defending conservative positions (Leitch 2014). We expect that this historical precedent will lead con- servatives to more strongly defend the world of sports from perceived political incursion.

H4: Conservative political attitudes will be associated with opposition to the explicit politicization of sports.

Methods

An online survey (N  =  1,051) was conducted in November 2016 in partner- ship with Civis Analytics. Civis links the TargetSmart VoterBase file (which contains information on over 191 million voters and 58 million unregistered, voting-age consumers) to panelists from online survey companies.1 The sur- vey was conducted online between November 1 and November 3 and took approximately seven minutes to complete. It included four blocks of questions: fan identity, political attitudes, opinions about the politicization of sports, and demographic questions. See Appendix for complete survey wording.

FAN IDENTITY

These questions were designed to measure respondents’ consumption of sports media as well as their immersion in sports culture. An initial question asked respondents if they identified as a fan of or closely followed profes- sional or collegiate football, basketball, baseball, or another sport. Then, for each sport they followed, they indicated whether they had engaged in six dif- ferent fan-related behaviors (e.g., wearing team clothing or posting on social media) (Donavan, Carlson, and Zimmerman 2005; Wann 2006), as well as how frequently they watched or listened to games. The full scale, an additive index that ranged from 0 to 30 (M = 7.3, SD = 7.6, α = .89), was recoded into

1. The sample is drawn from opt-in internet panels. Civis defines a target population (in this case, US adults) using demographic characteristics and stratifies on these characteristics with the goal of recruiting a sample that reflects that general population of US adults. Individuals are selected using proportional allocation by strata. Finally, Civis employs weights with the goal of making the survey representative of the general population both demographically and geographically. This is a nonprobability sample, so a response rate cannot be calculated. The analyses in this paper are based on weighted data, though the results are nearly identical with unweighted data.

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quintiles to create a variable that classified fan intensity on a scale that ranged from zero (no sports involvement) to four (high sports involvement).2

POLITICAL ATTITUDES

The next set of questions asked about a range of political attitudes. Questions were randomized within the block. To assess attitudes about economic mobil- ity, respondents were asked about the extent to which they thought eight differ- ent factors contributed to a person’s “ability to improve themselves financially and get ahead in life.” Individualistic causal attribution was measured with three questions asking people how important they believed ambition, hard work, and good money management skills are to economic success (1–4 scale, M  =  3.6, SD  =  .52, α  =  .77). Endorsement of traditional gender roles was measured with three questions (1–5 scale, M = 2.3, SD = .87, α = .61). This index had relatively low reliability, suggesting it may not adequately capture the underlying concept. Support for the military was measured by with an index of three questions (1–5 scale, M = 3.80, SD = .97, α = .82).3

POLITICIZATION OF SPORTS

Respondents answered three agree-disagree statements, such as “It is appro- priate for athletes to speak publicly about political subjects” (α  =  .77, 1–5 scale, M  =  3.0, SD  =  .1.0). They also answered the following open-ended question: “What do you think is good and/or bad about politics mixing with sports (for example, athletes endorsing candidates or talking about issues)?”

DEMOGRAPHICS

Finally, participants answered a series of demographic questions including gender, income, education, and ideology.

Results

In previous representative national surveys, about two-thirds of Americans identify as sports fans (Jones 2015). Our survey showed a similar distribution, with 73 percent of respondents saying they identify as a fan or closely follow a sport. Football was the most popular sport, with 56 percent identifying as fans, followed by baseball (38 percent) and basketball (26 percent). Finally,

2. Using the full scale produced substantively similar results. The quintiled version is used in table 1 to aid in interpreting the magnitude of effects. 3. For each of these indices, we follow recommendations that .70 is an acceptable criterion of reliability if there is good evidence for validity and the scale is made up of fewer than 10 items (Loewenthal 2001).

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19 percent of respondents said that they were a fan of another sport (these included golf, hockey, and soccer). Almost half of respondents (42 percent) identified as fans of more than one sport.

For just one sport—basketball—does the political orientation of fans dif- fer significantly from that of non-fans. Basketball fans are more likely than those who do not follow sports to lean Democratic (t(4.66) = 1052, p < .001) and identify as liberals (t(5.45) = 1052, p < .001).4 For each of the other three sports, the partisanship and ideology of fans was statistically indistinguishable from that of non-fans.

Table 1 includes three models examining the relationship between fan inten- sity and individualistic attributions for economic success (H1), traditional gen- der roles (H2), and support for the military (H3). Each OLS regression includes the same set of demographic control variables: party identification (leaners recoded into party), ideology (measured on a 0–1 scale), race (a dummy vari- able for white), income, education, sex, age, and church attendance.

Unsurprisingly, Democratic party identification and liberal ideology are negatively associated with all three attitudes. Model 1 shows that those with

4. Basketball’s fan base is disproportionately composed of people from groups who traditionally identify as Democrats. It has the highest percentage of non-white fans (18.8 percent) as well as a lower median fan age.

Table 1. Sports and political attitudes

Model 1: Individual attributions

Model 2: Traditional gender roles

Model 3: Support for military

B (SE) B (SE) B (SE)

Constant 3.520*** (0.09) 3.353*** (0.15) 4.228*** (0.16) Democrat –0.094* (0.04) –0.192*** (0.06) –0.279*** (0.06) Ideology

(Liberal) –0.261*** (0.07) –1.225*** (0.11) –1.184*** (0.12) White –0.147** (0.05) 0.106 (0.08) –0.159* (0.09) Income 0.026*** (0.01) –0.010 (0.01) 0.004 (0.01) Education –0.023 (0.02) –0.089*** (0.02) –0.095*** (0.03) Female 0.126*** (0.03) –0.332*** (0.05) –0.006 (0.06) Age 0.042** (0.02) –0.016 (0.02) 0.147*** (0.03) Church

attendance 0.001 (0.01) 0.029 (0.02) 0.032 (0.02) Fan intensity 0.034** (0.01) 0.011 (0.02) 0.112*** (0.02) N 1,051 1,051 1,051 R-squared 0.27 0.26 0.23

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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higher incomes are more likely to endorse individualistic attributions for eco- nomic success, which corresponds with existing research suggesting that the wealthy are unwilling to attribute their success to external factors (Hunt 2004). As H1 predicted, fan intensity is significantly associated with the belief that economic success is due to individual effort. A one-unit change in fan intensity (measured on a five-point scale) is associated with about a .034 change (on a four-point scale) in attitudes. Regular consumers of sports are bombarded with narrative frames that emphasize victory as a product of hard work, and these frames may have downstream effects on attitudes toward economic success. Similarly, those who are attracted to individualistic narratives of success may gravitate toward sports culture.

Model 2 shows that, as we might expect, women are significantly less likely to endorse traditional gender roles. Fan intensity is not associated with support for traditional gender roles: H2 is not supported (though it is worth noting that the dependent variable is only weakly reliable, suggesting that it may not be an appropriate measure of the underlying attitude). However, men are much more likely than women to follow sports in the first place. A third of women (34.7 percent) say they do not follow a sport or identify as a fan, compared to just 18.7 percent of men. While sports viewership may not be explicitly associated with support of traditional gender roles, it does illustrate a substantial gender divide in cultural preferences.

Model 3 offers substantial support for H3. Fan intensity is strongly and significantly associated with support for the armed forces. The magnitude of the relationship is substantial; a one-unit increase in the fan intensity scale is similar to the effect of moving up one age cohort (e.g., from 50–64 to 65+). The persistent military presence in the presentation of games may inculcate a positive view of the military, and it is also quite plausible that people who tend to support the military are especially drawn to organized sports. Regardless of the mechanism, these results confirm the wisdom of the Pentagon’s strategy of sponsoring military appreciation initiatives within sporting events (most notably in football, the nation’s most popular sport).

Finally, H4 predicted that political conservatism would be associated with stronger opposition to the intrusion of politics into sports. Table  2 offers strong support for H4. Conservatives are substantially more likely to oppose the mixing of sports and politics. This finding dovetails with the association between conservative attitudes and sports fandom. Insofar as the domain of sports does support some traditional conservative values, conservatives may be more threatened by a disruption to this status quo. In addition, whites are more likely than non-whites to characterize the politicization of sports as inappropriate, as are older respondents. This attitude may be partly attribut- able to the fact that, historically, most ideological challenges that have arisen in sports have come from left-leaning agitators. In addition, this survey was fielded as Colin Kaepernick’s protest was in the news. The salience of the

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Kaepernick protest might also explain the strong and significant effect of race, since his protest was explicitly aimed at drawing attention to race issues. In the open-ended question asking people to discuss their general opinions on mixing sports and politics, a number of respondents specifically mentioned the protest, with comments like “Disrespecting the national anthem should be immediate cause for termination.”

Conclusion

This project fits within a long research tradition examining how popular entertainment can both shape and reflect attitudes about political topics. Entertainment, including sports, is often perceived as an escape from real- world problems, and many open-ended responses rejected the idea that sports should or could be political, expressing sentiments like “watching sports is an outlet or escape from real life.” The results of this study suggest that such escapism may be more perception than reality.

On the aggregate level, Republicans are no more likely than Democrats to identify as sports fans and are no more intense in their fandom. However, examining specific issue areas shows a strong relationship between sports fan- dom and support for the military and individualistic attributions of economic success. This relationship persisted even after controlling for a number of potential confounding factors, including demographic characteristics as well as partisanship and ideology.

These results should not be interpreted as definitive evidence that immer- sion in sports culture changes attitudes. Because these data are observational,

Table 2. Opposition to the politicization of sports

B (SE)

(Constant) 3.467*** (0.18) Democrat –0.039 (0.07) Ideology (Liberal) –1.196*** (0.14) White 0.289** (0.09) Income –0.025 (0.01) Education –0.063* (0.03) Female 0.037 (0.06) Age 0.076** (0.03) Church attendance –0.020 (0.02) Fan intensity 0.018 (0.02) N 1,051 R-squared .135

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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the observed association could be a result of other variables not included as controls. Personality traits like support for individualistic values (Markus 2001), behaviors like entertainment media consumption more broadly, and demographic factors like occupation could all affect both political attitudes and sports fandom. In addition, it is possible that any causal relationship runs in both directions. The implicit messages contained within sports culture may well increase the likelihood that those who already hold conservative attitudes gravitate toward sports as a cultural diversion.

Ideological messaging is omnipresent in sports culture. This study takes a first step toward unpacking the complicated relationship between sports and politics. Future research could gain additional causal leverage by examining this relationship experimentally (e.g., by manipulating the messages con- tained within sports coverage), as well as examining how our understanding of politics is informed by our experience of sports, from the “horse race” to “game-changers.”

Appendix

Which of the following sports do you consider yourself a fan of and/or follow on a regular basis? Please select all that apply. Football; Basketball; Baseball; Other [open-ended]; None of the above

[Asked only to those who said they followed football] In the last year, which of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college football game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college football team’s logo; Read an article about a professional or college football team; Talked about a professional or college football game with someone; Watched a pro- fessional or college football game on television; Posted about professional or college football on social media

[Asked only to those who said they followed basketball] In the last year, which of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college basketball game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college bas- ketball team’s logo; Read an article about a professional or college basketball team; Talked about a professional or college basketball game with someone; Watched a professional or college basketball game on television; Posted about professional or college basketball on social media

[Asked only to those who said they followed baseball] In the last year, which of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college baseball game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college baseball team’s logo; Read an article about a professional or college baseball team; Talked about a professional or college baseball game with someone; Watched a pro- fessional or college baseball game on television; Posted about professional or college baseball on social media

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[Asked only to those who said they followed football] During a typical foot- ball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen to on the radio per week?

Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4 [Asked only to those who said they followed basketball] During a typical

basketball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen to on the radio per week? Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4

[Asked only to those who said they followed baseball] During a typical baseball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen to on the radio per week? Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4

How important is being a fan of your favorite team to your life? Very important;

Somewhat important; Not too important; Not at all important; I don’t have a favorite team

What sports team do you follow most closely? [open-ended] Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

- It is important for the U.S. to have a strong military force in order to be effective in dealing with our enemies.

- Military spending should be increased. - The best way to ensure peace is through military strength.

Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

- Discrimination against women is a problem in the U.S. - It is common to see women treated in a sexist manner on television. - It is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside

the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.

Some people use the term economic mobility to describe the ability of indi- viduals to move up or down the income ladder over a lifetime or from one generation to the next. How important do you think the following factors are to a person’s economic mobility, that is, their ability to improve themselves financially and get ahead in life? [Not important at all; A  little important; Important; Very Important]

- Growing up in a good neighborhood - Good money management skills - Access to quality K–12 education - Hard work - Great ability or talent - Having ambition - Knowing the right people - Coming from a wealthy family

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Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

- Professional sports teams should prohibit athletes from publicly discuss- ing politics.

- It is appropriate for athletes to speak publicly about political subjects. - Sports and politics should not mix.

What do you think is good and/or bad about politics mixing with sports (for example, athletes endorsing candidates or talking about issues)? [open-ended]

Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

- I seldom worry about whether other people care about me. - If other people don’t seem to accept me, I don’t let it bother me. - I have a strong need to belong. - It bothers me a great deal when I am not included in other people’s plans.

Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a: Democrat; Republican; Independent;

Another party; No preference? Which party comes closer to your views? Democrat; Republican

Do you consider yourself to be: Very conservative; Somewhat conservative; Moderate; Somewhat liberal; Very liberal

Who will you vote for in the election for President in November? Hillary Clinton; Donald Trump; Gary Johnson; Jill Stein; Other; Not sure; I probably won’t vote

If you added together the yearly income of all the members of your fam- ily who were living at home last year, which of the following ranges best describes your total household income? Less than $10,000; $10,001–$20,000; $20,001–$30,000; $30,001–$40,000; $40,001–$50,000; $50,001–$75,000; $75,001–$100,000;

$100,001–$120,000; More than $120,000; Not sure Aside from weddings and funerals, how often do you attend religious ser-

vices? More than once a week; Once a week; Once or twice a month; A few times a year; Seldom; Never

What is the highest level of education you have completed? Less than high school; High School/GED; Some college; 2-year college degree; 4-year col- lege degree; Master’s degree; Doctoral degree; Professional degree (JD, MD)

Are you male or female? Male; Female

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