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Sport as an analogy to teach life skills and redefine moral values: A case study of the

‘Seedbeds of Peace’ sport-for-development programme in Medellin, Colombia

Article ■ April 2018

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Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 25 Journal of Sport for Development

www.jsfd.org

Sport as an analogy to teach life skills and redefine moral

values: A case study of the ‘Seedbeds of Peace’ sport-for-

development programme in Medellin, Colombia

Stephen Hills1, Alejandro Gómez Velasquez2, Matthew Walker3

'London Metropolitan University, The Guildhall School of Business and Law

2EAFIT University, Department of Law

3Texas A&M University, Department of Health and Kinesiology

Corresponding author email: [email protected]

ABSTRACT

A history of drug trafficking in Medellin, Colombia, resulted

in the city receiving the dubious distinction of being the

murder capital of the world in 1991. Over a quarter of a

century later, drug trafficking has left a complex legacy of an

illegal and violent culture, which has subsequently eroded

values systems that leave disadvantaged children vulnerable

to criminal activities. To begin addressing this social problem,

the Conconcreto Foundation has leveraged Colombia's

passion for football in its sport-for-development (SFD)

‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne. A case study design was

used to illustrate how the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne

uses football as an analogy to teach life skills and redefine

moral values. This case study adds to the limited theoretical

understanding of how sport works in social change and further

equips SFD practitioners with a sport mechanism not

previously discussed in the literature.

BACKGROUND

The size and scope of the Sport for Development and Peace In

1991 the city of Medellin, Colombia, had the dubious

distinction of being the murder capital of the world with a

total of 6,349 murders, which equated to a murder rate of 380

per 100,000 people.1-2 This was the peak of Medellin's darkest

days as the drug trafficking activities of Pablo Escobar and his

Medellin Cartel brought violence, terror and corruption to the

city. Although a quarter of a century has now passed, the drug

traffickers have left a complex legacy of an illegal and violent

culture and eroded values systems that leave disadvantaged

children vulnerable to criminal activities, which is happening

from an increasingly early age.3-4 This social problem is being

addressed by the Conconcreto Foundation's ‘Seedbeds of

Peace' Programme. The purpose of this case study is to

understand the sport mechanisms used to strengthen moral

values and teach life skills to prograimne participants.

SPORT FOR DEVELOPMENT LITERATURE

REVIEW

Despite the popularity of sport as a vehicle for social change,5

there is limited scientific evidence regarding its effectiveness6-

7, and a limited understanding of how sport can impart social

change.6·8-11 Previously, sport for development (SFD) has

been encumbered by “overly romanticised, communitarian

generalisations about the ‘power' of sport for development"11

(p 13861 and dependence “on the supposed inherent properties

of sport to achieve desired outcomes".11 (p 6091 However, sport

can also have negative effects. This realisation has at least

required conditions to be attached to sport before assuming its

positive effect.

Conditions

According to Sugden13 football, when well designed, is able

to contribute to building bridges between otherwise divided

communities. More specifically, Bruening et al.14 argued that

SFD programmes should be intentionally designed in order to

achieve social change. In a sport-based service learning

intervention, they found that intentional

Keywords: Sport-for-development, Football, Latin America, Colombia

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 26 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

design elements such as continuous programming at the same

sites each semester, students signing up for weekly shifts and

van rides with peers between campus and their community

contributed to the development of social capital. However,

given that these intentional design elements are broader

programme processes rather than the sport component of the

intervention, clearly such a finding is not specific to SFD.

Similarly, Lyras and Welty Peachey6 proposed a sport-for-

development theory (SFDT) advocating that sport practices

should be based on moral principles, mixed teams, traditional

and non-traditional sports, and a variety of sport and physical

activities to attract and sustain a more representative

population. In addition, the authors noted that sport should be

educational and that coaches and instructors should serve as

positive role models and agents of change. These suggestions

provide an undergirding theoretical framework of how sport

can work for social change and be challenged when we

substitute the word sport for art. Given the equal applicability

of Lyras and Welty Peachey's principles to art, it is suggested

that rather than representing a SFD theory, these are simply

generic principles for vehicles of change in social interventions

whether that vehicle be sport, art, cooking, or embroidery.

As such, the claim of Lyras and Welty Peachey6 (p 3241 that

"SFDT provides the essential features and structure to

scientifically explain, describe, and predict how sport can

effect social change" is incorrect. They are proposing a set of

conditions that sport or any vehicle of change should aspire to,

thus not adding to the understanding of how sport can work for

social change. Bringing the focus back to sport, Coalter11

distinguished between necessary and sufficient conditions for

social change. According to Coalter,11 participation in sport is

only a necessary but not sufficient condition for social change

within the context of SFD programmes. For example, sports

may serve as sites for socialisation rather than causes of

socialisation outcomes.15 As such, in order for the possibility

of social change to occur, there is a need to consider sufficient

conditions beyond the necessary condition of sport.11 For

example, Lyras and Welty Peachey6 suggested that for social

change to occur, sport should be blended with cultural

enrichment activities and global citizenship education.

To summarise, the causal relationship of SFD is not as positive

and linear as originally assumed because the proposed sport-

only conditions are not necessary for social change to occur.

Even when positive conditions are attached to sport, it is

viewed as a necessary rather than sufficient condition, and

whereby change can only occur if sport is supported by a

broader system of social change.11 However, because much of

the conditions proposed can be equally applicable to other

vehicles of change, there has been limited progress in

understanding how sport itself can work for social change. The

research that has best contributed to such understanding is that

which has focused on the mechanisms of sport within social

interventions.

Mechanisms

There is a risk that by dismissing the romanticised

generalisations about the ‘power' of sport with supposed

inherent properties to achieve social change,7·11 the role of

sport in development will also be dismissed. To avoid this,

there is a need to refocus our thinking about SFD programmes

by identifying the mechanisms by which sport, as part of a

broader intervention, is contributing to social change. To

overcome the "simple one-dimensional notion of the ‘power of

sport'"11 (p 6091 and the treatment of sport as "a collective noun

that hides more than it reveals",11 (p 5951 a shift to better

understand the mechanisms, processes, experiences, and

relationships to achieve the desired social outcomes is

warranted.16

Any analysis of mechanisms must be facilitated by the

development of a programme theory, which is a sequence of

presumed causes, actions, processes and effects17. According

to Coalter (2013)11 such an approach is effective in describing

mechanisms. For example, Coalter18 distinguished between

two broad approaches of Sport Plus and Plus Sport. The Sport

Plus approach to SFD prioritises traditional sport for

development objectives of increased participation, sporting

skill development, and sustainable sport organizations, (i.e.,

development of sport). Secondarily, the Sport Plus approach

seeks to use sport to address broader social issues (i.e.,

development through sport), and thus gives limited attention to

the mechanisms by which sport can contribute to social

change. In contrast, the Plus Sport approach prioritizes

developmental outcomes (e.g., behaviour change) and focuses

on specific processes and mechanisms specifically designed to

achieve social change where sport plays a specific role as part

of a broader set of processes. Thus far, only Green (2008)19

has attempted to articulate the mechanisms by which sport can

contribute to social change.

Sport for Social Inclusion

According to Green,19 sport for social inclusion programmes

are designed to provide sporting opportunities to specific

populations regarded as underserved, at risk, or www.jsfd.org

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 27 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

disengaged. This approach serves sport by increasing the

number and diversity of sport participants. Participants are also

served from a perspective of equity and distributive justice by

providing sport opportunities to those who do not have access

to homogenous participation opportunities. This categorization

relies upon the various myths of sport and, according to

Green,19 such beliefs are so ingrained that it is not necessary to

do anything more than provide access to sport because benefits

will accrue as a function of participation. An example of a

sport for social inclusion prograimne from Arnaud20 described

a prograimne that embedded the principles and values of the

sports culture to minority populations. However, upon closer

inspection of the use of sport in the example, sport was not

serving to embed principles and values, instead only serving as

a hook to "bring children, adolescents and young adults

together’ and as a neutral setting "by minimizing differences so

to integrate immigrant populations”(p 5771

As a further example of sport for social inclusion, Green19

referred to the case of Belfast United whereby football was

used to bring Irish Catholic and Protestant youth together to

form a football club. This football club served as a site that

required participants to undertake integrated activities so to

minimize hostilities between the Catholic and Protestant

participants. Green19 assumed that by "embracing the

performance ethos of the competitive sport culture, participants

are no longer focused on ethnic differences”.1? 133-134)

However, this assumption that sport is distracting participants

from their differences is less realistic than a theory of change

whereby sport is a neutral site to bring disparate groups

together so that they might understand and accept each other's

differences.

In scrutinising these examples, it can be concluded that the

category of sport for social inclusion fails to accurately convey

the way in which sport is being used to achieve development.

The emphasis on sport to ‘bring together' participants indicates

that sport added value in serving as a hook to engage

participants. The assumption that the sport culture (i.e., sport's

inherent positive values) added value to encourage participants

to engage in a desired behaviour does not provide a realistic

understanding of the role of sport in integration. Furthermore,

the assumption that sport alone can enable developmental

outcomes hinders the purpose of establishing the role of sport

in social change because such a contention makes no effort to

understand why sport might work.

Sport as a Universal Neutral Language

An arguably more accurate understanding of the examples

used by Green19 can be found in Pierre De Coubertin's vision

of sport as a site for peace and cross-national understanding.

Sport works because of its social and cultural significance21

that acts as a hook to bring disparate groups together.

However, according to Coubertin, sport works because it is

‘universalisable' (i.e., a universal language) and provides a

cultural contact point22. McCormack and Chalip (19 88)23

noted that specific socializing experiences that particular sport

settings provide result in positive developmental outcomes.

This understanding of the role of sport is reflective of

Sugden's12 description of the Football for Peace S4D

programme, which aimed to construct bridges between

neighbouring Jewish and Arab villages in Israel. Football was

used as a hook to bring the disparate groups together.

However, the developmental outcomes could not have been

achieved without values-based coaching to promote mutual

understanding and engender a peaceful coexistence.12 Sport

worked as a universal neutral language to bring disparate

groups together from which other prograimne processes could

be used to promote mutual understanding.

Sport as Diversion

According to Green,19 the S4D category of Sport as Diversion

involves diverting deviant behaviours with socially desirable

ones. Green19 used the example of Midnight Basketball to

illustrate this category. This S4D prograimne in Chicago

recognised the social problem of inner city criminal

behaviours between 10 p.m. and 2 a.m. As such, the

prograimne was designed to reduce criminal activity via

diverting participants from undesirable criminal behaviour to

the desirable sport participation behaviour by providing the

opportunity to play basketball between 10 p.m. and 2 a.m.,

when the target group may otherwise be engaged in criminal

activity. In this case, basketball provided value because it was

identified as an attractive sport to the target group of inner-

city, African-American male youths. Thus, basketball served

as a hook to attract the target group away from an undesirable

behaviour; the choice of sport was dependent on the

attractiveness to the intended participants. Indeed, other sports

have been used for other target groups such as Midnight Table

Tennis in Hungary.

As such, it can be concluded that sport is not serving as a

diversion, as Green19 suggests. The use of sport to attract

participants is not a sufficient condition for success because in

order to divert the target group away from criminal

behaviours, it is also necessary to schedule the ‘hook' to cover

the period of 10pm to 2am. In this sense, it is the scheduling,

rather than the sport in itself that is serving as a diversion.

Thus, an accurate description of Midnight

www.jsfd.org

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 28 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

www.jsfd.org

Basketball is the use of sport as a hook with effective

scheduling as a diversion.

Sport as a Replacement or Alternative

A more meaningful understanding of how sport can be used in

development is as a replacement, whereby sport meets the

needs that were previously being met by anti-social behaviour.

For example, the Walker Research Group24 described how

boxing clubs were used to replace the sense of community that

was previously being met by gang involvement and how

controlled fighting in the ring was used to replace uncontrolled

fighting on the streets. Similarly, sport can also be used as an

alternative, whereby sport creates a barrier to engaging in anti-

social behaviour. For example, the Walker Research Group24

described how the health demands of boxing (e.g., a nutritious

diet and running) were used to replace excessive drinking and

smoking. Of course, vehicles other than sport could be used as

a replacement or alternative, but the malleability and

multidimensional nature of sport21 makes it a viable and highly

attractive replacement mechanism.

Sport as a Hook

Green19 proposed sport as a hook and as a further category of

S4D programmes, defining its two components as: (1) the use

of sport to attract participants, and (2) the provision of other

core social services, such as tutoring and counselling. Walker,

Hills, and Heere25 assessed an employment programme

supported by an English Premier League football club,

whereby participants were engaged by the football brand

before employability training was delivered. The authors

argued that without the hook of a professional football club,

participant recruiting would have been encumbered. The value

of sport as a hook can be attributed to its global following and

the uniquely strong connections that sport fans have with

brands26. However, as Green19 pointed out that while sport can

be very attractive to certain target groups, other groups might

not share the similar sentiments. For example, those who more

strongly identify with music, dance, art, and technology would

not be attracted to a sport-based program. Yet, according to

Green,19 it happened to be the context of sport (and sport

activities) that dominate the ‘social and developmental'

landscape. This could be for several reasons: (1) the passion

for sport exceeds that of other potential vehicles of social

change, (2) sport is a stronger hook since target groups have

stronger affinities with their favourite sports/leagues/teams

than with their favourite music/bands/artists, or (3) when used

as a hook, sport offers something more in the delivery of a

prograimne, for example, as an analogy.

Although sport as a hook is the prevalent use of sport in

development, a criticism of Green's19 additional requirement

of providing other core social services is that it excludes S4D

prograimnes that make use of sport as a hook, but which do

not provide other core social services. In returning to the

example of Midnight Basketball, a component of this

prograimne was to use sport as a hook, but the additional

component was the scheduling to divert from criminal

behaviours, rather than core social services.

Sport and Life Skills

The use of sport to develop life skills has been broadly

discussed within the sport psychology literature. For example,

Danish and Nellen27 described two sport-related prograimnes

to enhance life skills and sport skills in under served

adolescents. Sport psychology techniques such as goal setting

were used to teach life skills. From the description of these

prograimnes, however, other than make use of techniques that

are used within a sport setting, as well as many other settings,

there is minimal leveraging of sport, other than as a hook.

Papacharisis et al.28 argued that sport participation teaches

valuable skills and attitudes that can be applied to daily life.

However, this reflects a mythopoeic view of sport.16 Similarly,

Gould and Carson (2008) 29 link sport participation with the

development of life skills, rather than intentionally designing

sport14 to develop life skills.

STUDY PURPOSE

The preceding discussion underscores the existing limitations

to understand how sport can work for social change through

life skills education. Although a more modest understanding of

the ‘power' of sport and the need for it be part of a broader

system of social change has been realised, the majority of

research has focused on the sport conditions (e.g., intentionally

designed) that contribute to social change. However, even

when presented as the sport- for-development theory,6 the

proposed conditions are equally important to non-sporting

vehicles for change. Rather than looking at conditions, greater

understanding will be garnered from a focus on the

mechanisms of the sport components of SFD prograimnes.

Thus far, only Green19 has attempted to articulate such

mechanisms. However, there is a lack of clarity in Green's

conceptualisations of the role of sport in social change.

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 29 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

www.jsfd.org

Sport for social inclusion refers only to the outcomes desired

from using sport, rather than how sport is used. Sport as

diversion is a misrepresentation of the role of sport because

sport is actually being used as a hook with the programme's

scheduling serving as the diversion tool. Finally, sport as a

hook does convey a role of sport, but the additional

requirement of core social services being attached is, again,

part of the broader prograimne systems, rather than a use of

sport. As such, it can be concluded that the different

mechanisms of sport in development have not been clearly

articulated or fully represented in the academic literature. The

study shall start to address this gap in knowledge by

specifically analysing the sport mechanisms within the

‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne theory. Such focus on a single

programme can be justified because “given the diversity of

participants, prograimnes, processes, relationships and desired

outcomes it is not possible to develop a definitive or

prescriptive prograimne theory - each prograimne requires its

own prograimne theory to reflect its context".11 (p 6071

METHOD

This study engaged in qualitative research, making use of

observations and interviews. This approach sought to provide

a complex and holistic picture of the ‘Seedbeds of Peace'

prograimne in its natural setting30 and thus attempted “to make

sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings

people bring to them" 31(p- 3) The strategy of inquiry adopted in

this research was a case study, undertaking empirical inquiry

to investigate the research phenomenon in-depth and within its

real-life context. ‘Seedbeds of Peace' was selected as a critical

case32 and an example of best practice in terms of illustrating

a theory of change that made use of sport as an analogy to

achieve social change, which had not previously been

articulated in the sport-for-development literature.

This study was undertaken by two sport management

academics, one from the United Kingdom and one from the

United States, and a political science academic from Medellin,

Colombia. Given that the participant observations and

interviews required data to be interpreted, it is important to

acknowledge the backgrounds of the researchers and how

these might influence the interpretation of the data. Both sport

management academics have five years of prior experience

studying SFD interventions in the United Kingdom and United

States. As such, it is inevitable that interpretation of ‘Seedbeds

of Peace' will be influenced by expectations of SFD

interventions from contexts outside the developing world.

Although this cannot be completely avoided, the presence of a

third researcher from the research setting of Medellin added a

perspective that can mitigate the lack of cultural awareness of

the British and American researchers. The political science

academic has a detailed understanding of the local context,

having studied the social problems that ‘Seedbeds of Peace' is

addressing for four years. Indeed, it was through the contacts

of this member of the research team that access to the

prograimne was negotiated. These different perspectives were

sought in the research team's formation so to understand

‘Seedbeds of Peace' not just as a SFD intervention, but as a

social act whose meaning needs to be understood with

reference to the local context.

Data Collection

Over the course of five months from the beginning of May

2016 to the end of September 2016, the research team

undertook extensive fieldwork consisting of intervention

observations and foundation staff interviews to develop a

detailed understanding of the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne

and its use of football as an analogy. According to Patton

(2005),34 case data consists of all the information one has

about each case, including interview data and observations.

The research team observed in excess of thirty sessions of the

‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne, across different

neighborhoods and across different age groups, which are

detailed later in this article. Two members of the research team

(the British and Colombian academics) conducted

observations separately, not participating in the sessions or

bringing any undue attention to themselves so as to not

interrupt the natural setting of the intervention 35 and to help

reduce the risk of participants' behaviours being modified due

to their awareness of being observed, (i.e., Hawthorne's

Effect36)

Prior to the sessions, the researcher had a brief conversation

with the coach delivering the session so to understand the

session goals. Researchers made use of a standardised

observation instrument, which Heinrich et al.37 ) illustrates,

whereby notes were taken under the standardised headings of

session goals, participants, activities, sport mechanisms,

reflection and hypotheses between goals and mechanisms with

the aim of being able to identify the sport mechanisms within

the broader prograimne theory of ‘Seedbeds of Peace'.

According to Coalter,16 a prograimne theory is a sequence of

causes and presumed effects underpinning interventions,

which articulates the hypotheses about the relationships

between social problems, participants, prograimne

mechanisms and processes, intermediate impacts (i.e., the

effect on participants), and broader outcomes (i.e., individual

behavioral or social changes).

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 30 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

In order to more accurately map out the ‘Seedbeds of Peace'

prograimne theory, six semi-structured interviews were

conducted with the Chief Executive of the Foundation who

designed the prograimne methodology. A semi- structured

interview guide was designed so to fill in the gaps in the

prograimne theory covering the topics of social problems,

participants, prograimne mechanisms and processes,

intermediate impacts and broader outcomes. Questions such as

‘What steps were taken to move participants from their original

state to your desired state?' were used. Each of the six

interviews lasted approximately 30 minutes and were

conducted in the private office of the Chief Executive.

Interviews were digitally recorded using a dictaphone and

professionally transcribed in preparation for analysis.

Data Analysis

Notes from the standardised research instrument and semi-

structured interview transcriptions were analysed using an

inductive coding strategy to extract themes and quotes related

to the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne theory. All three

researchers individually analysed the transcriptions using a

line-by-line open coding procedure to “expose the thoughts,

ideas, and meanings contained therein". 38 (P 102) A selective

coding process was used whereby only data relevant to the

sport mechanisms and prograimne theory were analysed.

Segments of relevant and meaningful text were identified with

and initial codes were attributed39. Axial coding was then used

to group these segments of text into larger abstract categories

in order to sort, synthesize, organize, and reassemble the data40.

The three researchers read each other's memos and discussed

their insights, comparing coding and categories before reaching

a consensus on the findings and the selection of representative

quotes. The lead author wrote up the consensus before the other

two researchers reviewed to ensure accuracy. Validity of the

qualitative data was ensured through: (1) the use of multiple

methods of data collection (observations and interviews), and

(2) the use of multiple researchers to reduce researcher bias.41

THE SOCIAL PROBLEM

Colombia lived its darkest days in the 1980s and 1990s when

the country's illegal drug trade was at its peak bringing armed

violence, terror and corruption.2 The city of Medellin was at

the forefront of these problems as the home of the Medellin

Cartel and its boss Pablo Escobar, who during the peak of their

operations were supplying 80% of the cocaine going into the

United States42. Drug trafficking planted its roots in all sectors

of the population and created a culture and manner of social

behavior that became ingrained in society43. Young people

were among the most affected by the rise of drug trafficking

and the lifestyles it proposed because they saw it as an easy

opportunity to escape poverty44. As a result, society faced a

loss of values, principles and a growing de-legitimization of the

State45. The absence of a real understanding of the options of

citizen participation, the mechanisms for the proper resolution

of conflicts, and the absenteeism of citizens - generated by fear

and mistrust - caused the situation to become more and more

critical and also relegated citizens to be silent spectators,

victims and/or perpetrators of the armed conflict.46

Today, violence in Colombia has mutated and diversified its

manifestations.47·48 Currently, Medellin does not face the

same difficulties or the same actions of illegal armed

groups.49-51 However, a complex legacy of drug trafficking

remains, which is a lingering culture and lifestyle based on the

idea of easy money and disrespect for existing minimum

social agreements52. This culture and lifestyle based upon

material and aesthetic values remains the social norm.

Violence continues to have an important social capital and the

culture of illegality remains.3 As such, illegal actors are still

successful in recruiting children to their illegal and violent

activities.

‘SEEDBEDS OF PEACE’ INTERVENTION

The Constructora Conconcreto Business Group (Grupo

Empresarial Constructora Conconcreto) originated in the city

of Medellin. In 1986, in the middle of the city's darkest days, it

created the Conconcreto Foundation (Fundación

Conconcreto), seeking to channel its social investments and

improve the quality of life for Colombians. Since its inception,

the foundation has focused its actions on contributing to the

transformation of the culture of illegality and developing tools

to promote critical, responsible thinking among its

participants. The Foundation developed different projects,

which have aimed to strengthen social networks, rescue civic

values and, above all, seek innovative and peaceful ways to

solve problems and create an attractive future for children.

Since 1990, the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne has become

the principal outcomes of the Conconcreto Foundation.

When the case study fieldwork was undertaken, the ‘Seedbeds

of Peace' prograimne was in operation in nine M e d e l l i n

n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . W i t h i n t h e s e n i n e

neighbourhoods there were a total of N=25 groups in

operation, broken up according to age group, looking after a

total of 995 children. The Foundation was in contact with the

children for one session of two hours per week, every www.jsfd.org

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 31 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

www.jsfd.org

week for the whole year. At the start of each year, each group

chose what they would be doing throughout the year, which

became their vehicle for social change. Educational or

diversionary vehicles chosen included graffiti, dance, arts and

crafts, theatre and cooking. The most popular choice, as would

be expected in Colombia, was football. Out of the 25 groups, 6

chose football.

Target Group

‘Seedbeds of Peace' operates in a variety of Medellin

neighbourhoods and the Conconcreto Foundation assists them

in identifying neighborhoods with the greatest need.

Neighborhoods are selected for participation if they meet three

conditions that the Foundation has defined. First,

neighbourhoods lack social and economic opportunities as

informed by Gobernación de Antioquia and Alcaldía de

Medellin in their quality of life survey. Second, these

neighborhoods have illegal groups that are operating in the

barrio, as informed by local police. Finally, the neighborhoods

have a high ratio of at least 20% of under 18-year-olds, as

informed by local police. To achieve greater impact, the

Foundation begins its training process with children aged

between 7 and 10 years old with an expectation that children

remain with the Foundation for several years, potentially until

they leave school at 17, 18 or 19 years old. The typical

duration of participants in the prograimne, however, is five

years. As a result, participants engage in a process of growth

over several years. There is an even number of boys and girls

participating in the prograimne, the majority of whom are

white, with some Afro-Colombian and indigenous

participants.

Programme Theory

The ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne takes a preventative

approach to the above social problem. The ‘Seedbeds of Peace'

aims to redefine the target groups' values system so that it is

based upon moral values, rather than material and aesthetic

values that come with a culture of illegality pursuing ‘easy

money' through criminal activities to escape poverty. The

Conconcreto Foundation defines values as the important and

lasting beliefs about what is good or bad, acceptable or

unacceptable and desirable or undesirable. They believe that

these beliefs have a direct influence upon behaviour and

whether the target group go on to engage in pro- or anti-social

behaviour. For a long time, ‘Seedbeds of Peace' focused only

on strengthening the moral values of its participants. However,

in 2014, a new chief executive identified a need to, in addition

to strengthening the moral values of participants, develop the

life skills of participants.

The Conconcreto Foundation's view of life skills as an

important moderating factor between values and behaviour

change. Even if the target group has a positive values system,

they do not have the life skills to execute behaviours that

would typically manifest from a positive value system and

they remain vulnerable to negative influences and illegal

actors. Fife skills mitigate the vulnerability of participants to

risks by increasing their individual resilience. As such, in

order to elicit pro-social behaviour, the Foundation seeks to

provide a safe and positive framework and environment,

whereby participants have the opportunity to not just develop

or redefine their values systems, but also to equip participants

with life skills. This approach helps ensure that programme

participants have every opportunity to live their life in a

manner which reflects their beliefs about what they believe is

right, acceptable, and desirable.

CASE STUDY FINDINGS

The teaching of life skills alongside the strengthening and

redefining of moral values was achieved via three separate

components of the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne. The first

component of a ‘Life Skills Curriculum' used football as an

analogy to establish life skill principles via a football game or

drill before extending and applying it to other contexts. The

second component of ‘Moral Dilemmas' involved the

discussion and reflection of moral dilemmas in football

matches before extending and applying these to other contexts.

The third component of ‘Life Projects' tested and applied

participant learning of life skills and redefining of moral

values, so to reinforce development from the other two

components.

Life Skills Curriculum

The ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne used football as an

analogy to deliver a life skills curriculum. It was observed

across many sessions with different groups and different

coaches that life skills principles were first established via a

football-based game or drill before being extended and applied

to other contexts. For example, to teach decisionmaking,

‘Seedbeds of Peace' used a game whereby participants

undertook shooting drills under two different conditions. The

aim of the game was to accurately shoot the football to marked

corners of the goal. First, participants, one-by-one, received a

pass from the coach and were required to shoot the ball at the

targets without being permitted to take a touch or control the

ball first. Second, the drill was modified so that participants

were required to receive the ball by first taking a touch, so that

the ball was

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 32 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

controlled. Then, the coach encouraged the students to take

their time and consider their options before executing their

shot.

After several rounds of this drill in both the conditions of

hitting the ball first time and controlling the ball before

striking, the coach called the group together to reflect upon this

drill. Reflection involved participants sitting quietly and the

coach addressing questions to the group. Those who wanted to

answer would raise their hand and the coach would select one

to three participants to answer each question. The participants

were asked whether they were more effective and accurate

when they tried to hit their shot the first time, or after they

controlled the ball and took their time before shooting. As

expected, participants generally responded that they were more

accurate and effective when using control and taking their time.

The coach then asked participants to reflect upon why using

control and taking their time allowed them to shoot more

accurately and effectively. As expected, they generally

responded that when shooting the ‘first time' they were not

given the opportunity to analyse the shooting situation, to look

up and see their targets and to make adjustments to themselves

so that they were in the correct position to receive the ball and

shoot accurately at the targets.

Finally, the coach asked the participants to reflect on being

controlled, taking their time and analysing situations before

executing an action and whether this principle could be

extended and applied to other areas of their lives. As expected,

the participants generally responded that being controlled,

taking their time and analysing situations would lead to more

effective decision-making in a variety of aspects of their life.

For example, some participants referred to examples where

their friends ask them to participate in something that is wrong,

such as drinking alcohol or smoking. By not being controlled

and analysing the situation some participants reflected that they

were more vulnerable to peer pressure and thus more likely to

engage in such behaviours, but if they were controlled, took

their time and analysed such ‘wrong' behaviours, they would be

more likely to make the ‘right' decision of not engaging in such

acts. Using football as an analogy, the ‘Seedbeds of Peace'

prograimne also sought to develop the life skills of prudence,

problem-solving, creative thinking, critical thinking, effective

communication, interpersonal relationship skills, self-

awareness, empathy and emotional regulation. These life skills

have been identified by the World Health Organisation as the

necessary aptitudes required for effectively developing and

facing life. According to the Foundation Chief Executive,

participants required these skills because, we were aiming to

strengthen their value system, but we realised that the kids did

not have the tools at their disposal in order to behave morally.

For example, in order to choose to not participate in crime, our

kids need to have other options in life.

Moral Dilemma Reflections

It was also observed across many sessions, groups and coaches

that football was further used to discuss and reflect upon moral

dilemmas. Some ‘Seedbeds of Peace' sessions were dedicated

to football matches, utilising the standard rules of the game

whereby the group was divided into teams and rotations so that

all teams played each other. Experiences during these football

matches were used to discuss and reflect upon moral

dilemmas. At the end of all the matches, before the end of the

session, the coach called the group together to reflect upon

moral dilemmas related to a specific value. For example,

following one session the coach asked participants to reflect

upon honesty. He asked if a player on the defending team had

last touched the ball before it went over the goal line; he, as the

referee, had not seen this and incorrectly awarded a goal kick

instead of a corner kick, so he questioned how should the

defender should react. Although there was no consensus that

the defender should inform the referee, some argued that it was

not the responsibility of the defender to inform the referee and

that such an action was not dishonest. There was a general

consensus, however, that the defender should not deliberately

attempt to influence the referee by claiming to not have

touched the ball, even if this was detrimental to the team

winning. The coach asked participants to further reflect upon

this value-based principle and how it could be extended and

applied to other areas of their lives. Some participants reflected

that if they had done accidental damage to somebody else's

property that they should be honest and own up to this.

Life Projects

Finally, the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' programme engaged

participants in year-long life projects using their chosen

vehicle of change, football, as detailed in interviews with the

Foundation Chief Executive. Within the context of the

prograimne, a life project is a project that aims to improve the

everyday life of their community by overcoming a social

problem. At the start of the year, each group was asked to

identify a social problem in their community. As described by

the Foundation Chief Executive, “one of our groups were

concerned about drug dealers in their community and the use

of drugs by friends and classmates as young as eleven years

old." According to the Chief Executive, the coach and other

Foundation staff empowered participants to design and www.jsfd.org

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 33 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

www.jsfd.org

deliver a life project that would help alleviate this social

problem using football as a vehicle for change, whereby a

group hosted a football event for their community.

Members of the community, including parents, teachers and

friends, were invited by the group to attend the event. The

event commenced with football-based games and drills that the

group designed and delivered in connection with messages they

wanted to deliver to combat the social problem of illegal drugs.

For example, there was a game that required heading the

football, which was used as an analogy to accompany the

message, ‘use your head, don't take drugs'. Other messages

included ‘tackle wrong decisions', ‘analyse situations to make a

good move', ‘score your life goals' and ‘give drugs the red

card'. These messages were also painted on signs and put up

around the football pitches where the event was being held.

The group also made bracelets for event attendees with the

messages on them, which were given out at the end of the

event.

It was the intention of the Foundation Chief Executive that the

life projects strengthen the moral values of participants. The

Foundation Chief Executive recognised that,

Whilst skills can be taught via a curriculum, values are internal

beliefs that cannot be taught. As such, we simply wanted to

provide the children with the opportunity to discuss and reflect

upon moral issues and engage in moral acts to benefit others.

According to the Chief Executive, the life projects provided

such an opportunity by encouraging participants to think about

problems they faced not just by themselves but also by others

in their community. The life projects also provided a platform

to discuss moral issues. As observed in several sessions,

participants were asked to reflect upon how they could help

others and why they should help others. In the process of

choosing a social problem, participants were asked to reflect

upon the causes of a social problem and the choices of actors

within that social problem. They were asked to reflect upon

whether the behaviours of actors linked to the social problem

were right or wrong, moral or iimnoral and to reflect upon why

this was the case. According to the Foundation Chief

Executive, such discussions provided an opportunity for

participants to strengthen or redefine their moral values. The

Chief Executive reflected that,

The life projects seme to reinforce strengthened or redefined

moral values by putting participants beliefs into actions, so that

they could experience the feelings associated with helping others

and acting in a moral fashion.

DISCUSSION

By focusing on sport mechanisms, as Coalter advocates,11

rather than conditions13·6·14, it has been possible to provide a

vivid description of a previously undescribed role of sport in

social change, which can be described generally as ‘sport as an

analogy'. An analogy is a comparison between things that have

similar features in order to help explain a principle or idea.

The ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne designed football so that

comparisons could be made to other contexts so to teach life

skill principles and reflect upon moral dilemmas. Specifically,

with the life skills curriculum, a football-based game or drill is

designed to reflect a principle or idea associated with a life

skill. Through the football- based game or drill, it is intended

that participants will gain an understanding of the principle or

idea as it relates to football. Following the game or drill,

participants are asked to reflect on what they have experienced

and to articulate the principle or idea. Once coaches infer that

participants have understood the principle or idea within a

footballing context, they ask participants to reflect upon other

contexts where that principle or idea would be important and

useful to them. Through a well-designed game13 that delivers a

clear principle or idea, it is intended that participants will be

able to identify how the principle or idea can be applied in

other contexts.

Football has the potential to work effectively as an analogy for

social change for several reasons. First, as already well

established in the SFD literature, sport serves as a hook to

engage target groups.19 Football is the sport that Colombians

are most passionate about, so it follows that it should work

effectively to hook participants. However, unlike Green's

category of sport as a hook, which relies on non-sport

processes for development once sport has worked as a hook,

football also serves as the analogy, so to achieve development.

Sport works well as an analogy because, if well designed, it is

fun and meaningful. For example, without the use of football

as an analogy, teaching the principle of stopping and thinking

in order to problem solve is highly abstract and thus has

limited associations that participants can make in order to learn

the principle. It is suggested that using sport can take abstract

concepts and apply these concepts using the rich content of

sport, so that deeper learning occurs.

The finding that sport can be used as an analogy in an attempt

to achieve social change speaks to the flexibility of

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 34 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

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sport, rather than the romanticised notions that sport is blessed

with inherent properúes that will achieve social change.7,11 In

order for sport to function as an analogy it has to be well

designed13 and intentionally designed.14 However, the use of

sport as an analogy was only identified when analysing sport

mechanisms for social change, as Coalter advocates,16 rather

than analysing the conditions that sport needs to meet in order

to deliver social change6 This mechanism was discussed

within a broader prograimne theory,17 whereby sport served as

a hook19 but also as an analogy so to take a Plus Sport

approach,18 and functioned as both a necessary and sufficient

conditions for social change.11 Although the effect of sport as

an analogy on life skills was not tested, this study shows that

the use of analogies creates clear links between sport and life

skills; participants are likely to be more effective in developing

life skills than if they had simply participated in sport.28 29

Research Implications

This study established a way to use sport in development that

had not previously been articulated within the academic

literature, which adds to the number of ways that SFD

practitioners can leverage sport for social change. Rather than

simply using sport as a hook,19 sport can now be used in a more

integrated manner that increases its influence within a broader

system of change. Within the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' prograimne,

sport was still utilised to engage a target group, but the engaged

sport was also designed to teach life skills and redefine moral

values. Using sport as an analogy provides a flexible tool

whereby sport can be intentionally designed14 to deliver a

potentially unlimited number of messages and principles that,

in turn, can contribute to a potentially limitless number of

social outcomes. As such, sport's ability to engage no longer

just gets participants in the door, but it can be used to engage

participants in the components that impart the desired change.

For example, Walker et al.,25 described the use of a Premier

League football brand to engage unemployed youths in

employability training. The sport brand was used to ‘sign up'

participants, but after the sign-ups, that generic employability

training was used to achieve the employment outcomes. In

contrast, ‘Seedbeds of Peace' engaged participants with

football, but also kept participants engaged in the wider

processes designed to develop life skills and redefine moral

values.

Limitations

This study only analysed the mechanisms and processes of

‘Seedbeds of Peace', rather than measuring its effect. As such,

it is not possible to draw conclusions on the effect of utilizing

football as an analogy. Rather, this study only describes the

untested mechanism of using sport as an analogy. The practical

implications of this study would be greater if ‘Seedbeds of

Peace' was found to have a significant effect on participants

learning life skills and redefining moral values. Such a study

could be conducted via a quantitative experimental design

where these significant effects were mapped against the

mechanism of football as an analogy in order to instil greater

confidence in the ability of sport as an analogy to contribute to

social change.

This study only analysed the mechanisms and processes of

‘Seedbeds of Peace', rather than measuring its effect. As such,

it is not possible to draw conclusions on the effect of utilizing

football as an analogy. Rather, this study only describes the

untested mechanism of using sport as an analogy. The practical

implications of this study would be greater if ‘Seedbeds of

Peace' was found to have a significant effect on participants

learning life skills and redefining moral values. Such a study

could be conducted via a quantitative experimental design

where these significant effects were mapped against the

mechanism of football as an analogy in order to instil greater

confidence in the ability of sport as an analogy to contribute to

social change.

Future Research

This study has highlighted a previously unarticulated sport

mechanism for social change, but there are likely many other

sport mechanisms still to be defined within the academic

literature. Further case study research of SFD prograimnes may

identify further sport mechanisms to add to the toolkit of S4D

practitioners. Also, so to complete the picture of the ‘Seedbeds

of Peace' programme, future research is needed to understand

its effect as well as the processes by which it operates. A

longitudinal quasi- experimental study is already underway,

measuring the life skills and values of participants. Comparator

groups within the ‘Seedbeds of Peace' that use alternative

vehicles for change (e.g., music) and also control groups not in

receipt of any intervention have been established in order to

measure the effectiveness of both ‘Seedbeds of Peace' and also

sport as an analogy in relation to other vehicles of change. If a

statistically significant effect of ‘Seedbeds of Peace' is found,

there can be greater confidence in the use of sport as an

analogy. In comparing the use of sport with other vehicles of

change, it may be possible to isolate the effect of sport by

holding all variables other than the vehicle of social change

constant. In mapping mechanisms to differences in effect,

greater understanding of how sport works in social

Volume 6, Issue 10, February 2018 35 Hills et al. Journal of Sport for Development

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change can be achieved, overcoming limitations of the SFDT6

that proposed conditions equally applicable to other vehicles of

change.

CONCLUSION

The Conconcreto Foundation has leveraged Colombians'

passion for football in an attempt to tackle the lingering

problem from the illegal and violent culture created by Pablo

Escobar and the Medellin Cartel. The ‘Seedbeds of Peace'

Programme designed football so that comparisons could be

made to other contexts; such a design also taught its

participants life skill principles and how to reflect upon moral

dilemmas by using football as an analogy, which has not

previously been discussed in the academic literature.

Articulation of this sport mechanism has extended

understanding of how sport works for social change beyond

sport as a hook,19 adding to the toolkit of SFD practitioners.

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