2 Essays about Western United States
Sources and instructions/204, Final Exam, Fall 2020 .pdf
AMS 204: Final Exam
***Before you read further: 1) There are no late final exams. The deadline for this exam is firm
and final. 2) Do not collaborate with other students on this exam, and do not use outside
sources. Be particularly cautious with class-wide group messages.
Deadline and procedures for turning in the exam:
The exam is due by 5:00 PM, Wednesday, December 9. This is a firm deadline; you may not
turn in a final exam late. You’ll submit the exam through Turnitin on the course’s Blackboard page.
When you submit the exam, turnitin provides you with a submission receipt. If you want to confirm
the receipt of the exam beyond that receipt, you can email me.
Meetings and assistance with the exam:
If you’d like to talk with me about the exam, just email me ([email protected]), and we can set
up a Zoom meeting. If you want to meet about the exam, let me know by no later than 11:00 AM,
Tuesday, December 8.
Policy on academic misconduct:
***DO NOT COLLABORATE WITH OTHER STUDENTS ON THIS EXAM.
***DO NOT USE OUTSIDE SOURCES.
***BE PARTICULARLY CAREFUL WITH CLASS-WIDE GROUP MESSAGES.
This is a reminder that students are expected to be familiar with and adhere to the university’s
official Academic Misconduct Policy, available at: https://provost.ua.edu/academic-misconduct/.
Some specific things to keep in mind for this take-home exam:
- Adhere to the university’s policies regarding plagiarism.
- You are forbidden to use any outside sources for these essays.
- This is not a group or collaborative project. Do not work with other students--either
electronically or in person--on the essays.
- If you have questions about any aspect of these policies, ask me.
Citations:
You need to cite all of the information--not just the direct quotations--in your essays.
When you use information or a quote from one of the readings, identify the reading and page
number(s) in parentheses at the end of the sentence(s) containing the information or quote. (If
you’re citing Standoff, provide the episode number and the timestamp in your citation.) Be sure that
your citations include specific page numbers. In the body of your essays, you should have citations
every couple of sentences.
Writing the essays:
This is a take-home exam, so use all that time to write these essays carefully and thoughtfully.
Be sure that you have proofread and revised your essays before you submit them. Be sure that your
essays address the relevant readings for each topic.
I will evaluate your essays based on: the clarity and logic of their organization; the quality of
their writing and analysis; and their use of the relevant readings. (You should find the guides that I’ve
included in the papers folder helpful when it comes to the grammatical, stylistic, and organizational
elements of academic writing.)
Shoot for around 3 double-spaced pages for each essay. (If you’re under this, you’re probably
not going to be addressing the topic thoroughly or with enough detail; if you’re way over this, you’re
probably not going to have a clear, focused, and organized essay.)
Essay topics:
Write an essay on each of the following topics. You are writing two essays—one for each topic.
Combine your essays into one document/file to submit them through Turnitin.
Topic One: Gendering the West
Write an essay that uses at least four sources from the course to discuss the significance of
gender in Western studies. Your essay should address: 1) ideas about masculinity and the role of
those ideas in the mythology of the West; and 2) the complex reality of gender relations and roles
within Western households.
You have the sources from the entire course (all the readings and the Standoff podcast)
available for your use. Be sure that you organize your essay and balance your evidence so that you: 1)
address the topic clearly and thoroughly, and 2) give roughly equal detail and analysis to each of your
sources.
Topic Two: Real Westerners?
In Where I Was From, Joan Didion writes about the ambiguity surrounding the role of “new
people” in California and the West. Write an essay that uses Where I Was From and at least three
other sources from the course to discuss ideas about insiders and outsiders throughout the West.
Your essay should analyze: 1) the various ways the sources discuss and depict different Wests and
different types of Westerners; and 2) the region’s complicated and often contradictory ideas and
reactions regarding migrants and newcomers.
You have the sources from the entire course (all the readings and the Standoff podcast)
available for your use. Be sure that you organize your essay and balance your evidence so that you: 1)
address the topic clearly and thoroughly, and 2) give roughly equal detail and analysis to each of your
sources.
Sources and instructions/Chan, Ethnic Diversity, Nativism, and Racism in the California Gold Rush.pdf
A People of Exceptional Character: Ethnic Diversity, Nativism, and Racism in the California Gold Rush Author(s): Sucheng Chan Source: California History, Vol. 79, No. 2, Rooted in Barbarous Soil: People, Culture, and Community in Gold Rush California (Summer, 2000), pp. 44-85 Published by: University of California Press in association with the California Historical Society Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25463688 Accessed: 09-10-2019 15:50 UTC
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3 A People of Exceptional Character Ethnic Diversityy Nativismy and Racism
in the California Gold Rush
Sucheng Chan
Those who marvel (or shudder, as the case may be) at California's current "changing
demographics" are off the mark, for California has not just recendy become an eth nically diverse state; it has always been one. Even before people from all over the
world converged on California during the Gold Rush, this section of the Pacific Coast already had a larger number of Indian tribes, speaking different languages and
following disparate cultural practices, than any other region of comparable size in North America. In the eight decades preceding the Gold Rush, the population mix was further diversified by the arrival of Spanish-speaking colonists, a majority of
whom were of mixed Spanish, Mexican Indian, and African ancestry but all of whom became Mexican nationals following Mexico's independence from Spain in 1821.1 Then, after 1848, the influx of aspiring miners and adventurers from the other sections
of the United States, from various countries in Europe, as well as from Mexico, Chile,
Peru, Canada, Hawaii (at that time an independent kingdom), China, Australia, and New Zealand, turned California's populace into a truly variegated mosaic.
The California Indians and the Californios (people of Spanish and Mexican Cal ifornia) have long been a part of the state's demographic complexity, but the story of these groups, who were California residents at the time that the shiny yellow metal
was discovered in 1848, is told elsewhere in this volume. This chapter will focus on
immigrants who arrived during the Gold Rush. The groups selected for study are not necessarily the most numerous ones. Rather, the focus is on those whose presence affected how gold-rush society became stratified. Thus, even though African Amer icans were U.S. citizens and not immigrants per se, and even though their number in the state was very small until the 1940s, a discussion of their experiences will be
included because their situation throws into sharper focus the complex interplay of
ethnicity, nativity, and race?three important sorting mechanisms or organizational
44
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 45
axes in any society's social structure.2 A fourth factor, class, will not be considered due to space limitations, while a fifth, gender, is discussed in a separate chapter. Fi
nally, despite the central importance of San Francisco during the gold-rush years, this chapter deals only with the mining areas.
Immigrants and minorities have been treated in writings about the Gold Rush in
three bodies of literature: general histories of California, book-length studies of the Gold Rush, and writings on specific ethnic groups who populated the state from 1848 to the early 1860s.3 The states pioneer historians?Hubert Howe Bancroft,
Theodore Hittell, and Josiah Royce?were quite aware of the injustices perpetrated
against Indians, Mexicans, Chilenos, Chinese, and "South Sea Islanders," though they can hardly be considered champions of these nonwhite peoples. Bancroft called
the killing and expulsion of nonwhite groups "disgraceful" and "cowardly," while Royce characterized the Gold Rush as a period during which "civilization sometimes
seemed to have lapsed into semi-barbarism."4 The next generation of writers in the early twentieth century?John McGroarty,
Henry Norton, Zoeth Eldredge, and Gertrude Atherton?romanticized the Span ish and Mexican periods by sentimentalizing them on the one hand, and sanitizing their accounts on the other hand. Apart from the Spanish-speaking people, little was said about other ethnic groups, with the exception of the Chinese, whose presence
historians were quite aware of.5 Surveys of California's growth published in the 1920s, 1930s, and early 1940s by Charles Chapman, Robert Cleland, Rockwell Hunt and Nellie Sanchez, and John Caughey?the first professionally trained historians of the Golden State?were more realistic in portraying the oppression of some eth nic groups, but that did not mean the internal histories of immigrant and minority communities were studied on their own terms.6
The first author to posit a direct linkage between the multiethnic population that poured into California during and after the Gold Rush and its unusual pattern of cultural, social, political, and economic development was the crusading lawyer and journalist Carey McWilliams. In California: The Great Exception (1949), he linked the discovery of gold to the state's demographic composition. California, he said, "has not grown or evolved so much as it has been hurtled forward, rocket fashion, by
a series of chain-reaction explosions. ... It was, of course, the discovery of gold that
got California off to a flying start. . . . Not gold alone, but the magic equation 'gold
equals-energy,' is the key to the California puzzle." That energy has also come from
its people: "the exceptional character of the population is one of the master keys to the contradictions and paradoxes of the state. Yet, at the same time, the Californi ans are representative of the American people."7 Californians represent not a random
but, rather, a selective sample of the people from their countries or regions of origin.
According to McWilliams, "a selection of this sort tends to heighten, to emphasize, the diverse traits and characteristics of the populations from which the migrants have
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______________________________________^______^_HP^^:'"\:.j_^___p ''?5J^??SS^T ^i^^^^a^^^^^^^^^^^^l
^^^^Hp: ^ W, ?-. ^m. :mJr fiEy*, ^* llM_________8
A daguerreotype of a Chinese man by the early California photographer Isaac Wallace Baker. Although California became ethnically diverse in the eighteenth
century with the arrival of Spanish colonists, who included men and women of Spanish, Indian, and African ancestry, the discovery of gold radically changed the composition of California's population, luring fortune hunters from every quarter of the globe and creating a cosmopolitan society without precedent in
American history. Courtesy Oakland Museum of California.
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 47
been drawn." Many newcomers to California abandoned much of their cultural baggage and experimented audaciously with new social forms, in the process en dowing the state with its extraordinary dynamism.8
A quarter-century would pass before McWilliams's bold thesis would be picked
up and elaborated on in the textbooks published during the 1960s and 1970s by An drew Rolle; Walton Bean; Ralph Roske; William Beck and David Williams; David Lavender; and Edward Staniford.9 In these works, divergent approaches were used
to discuss the experiences of nonwhite minority groups: some authors continued to
treat each group in chapters of their own, others to compare them within a single
chapter, and yet others to weave their stories into the master narrative. The 1972 work
by Lavender was the first California history text to intersperse segments, albeit brief
ones, about various nonwhite groups into the main story line, instead of treating them in separate chapters or sections. Furthermore, by noting that a majority of the
American stampeders were young, healthy, white, and Protestant?that is, by speci fying their age, ethnicity, and religion, however fleetingly?he initiated a historio graphical move away from the prevailing tendency to depict the Yankee Argonaut as
"universal man" or, more precisely, as the quintessential miner.10
The general histories published in the last two decades, which include a number of
anthologies, are all liberal in outlook and inclusive in coverage. Many aspects of im migrant and minority life are woven into the larger narrative in the works of Howard
DeWitt; Kevin Starr; James Rawls; Richard Rice, William Bullough, and Richard Orsi; Sucheng Chan and Spencer Olin; and David Wyatt.11 Even these works, how ever, do not use race, ethnicity, nativity, class, and gender explicitly as categories of
analysis in the way that the many New Western Historians have employed such con cepts. Practitioners of the New Western History, on the other hand, have paid little attention to the California Gold Rush, so there has been less cross fertilization of
ideas among scholars in the two related fields than one might hope for.12 In contrast to the general histories of California, works of synthesis on the Gold
Rush penned by Owen Coy, John Caughey, Rodman Paul, William Greever, Otis Young, Jr., J. S. Holliday, Paula Marks, and Malcolm Rohrbough contained more
material on immigrants and minorities.13 Of these, Paul's work, California Gold, re mains seminal more than half a century after its first appearance, not only because the author was fully aware of the multinational origins of the gold-rush population, but also because he recognized the technological contributions that various groups had made to mining. Writing in the 1990s, in Precious Dust, Marks told the stories of the African Americans, Australians, British, California Indians, Chilenos, Chi
nese, Frenchmen, Germans, Irish, and Mexicans quite fully in a chapter entitled "Natives and Strangers." In Days of Gold, Rohrbough includes information on for tune hunters from Australia, Great Britain, China, Chile, France, Hawaii, Ireland,
Mexico, and Peru, as well as on Native Americans and Californios. But his chapter
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48 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
that focuses on the experiences of these groups, entitled "Threats from Within, Threats from Without: Fear, Hostility, and Violence in the Gold Rush," gives the reader a better picture of what was done to these foreigners and minorities than what
mining life was like for them.
An unusual study that taps the multiethnic roots of the Gold Rush is Bacon, Beans, and Galantines, a book by Joseph Conlin about the food eaten by the miners,
who had no problems crossing ethnic boundaries when it came to their appetites. When they wanted to break their monotonous diet of salted pork or jerked beef, beans, flapjacks, hard biscuits, coffee, and (on Sundays) liquor, they sought out French cuisine, whenever it was available and when they could afford to splurge. The
desire for "Frenchy food" was more than a matter of taste preference: eating French
food, then, as now, was a sign of wealth and culture. Men who came to seek their fortune welcomed opportunities to display a little of whatever wealth they had ac quired. When the miners did not have much to spend but still wanted some variety,
they ate Chinese food.14 Two other important comparative and multiethnic studies
of the Gold Rush are a two-part article by Doris Wright published in 1940-41 and a long article by Ralph Roske that appeared in 1963.15
In the existing literature on specific ethnic groups, the amount available about a particular group is roughly inversely proportional to its members' degree of visible difference from the traits commonly stereotyped as Anglo-American. Thus, very little has been published about the British or Germans in California, despite their commanding numbers among the state's foreign-born population in the early decades
of statehood (see table 3.1). In California, the English-speakers, as well as the Ger
mans (many of whom could speak English, were Protestants, and were considered de sirable immigrants?that is, orderly, intelligent, and solid, with "little wish to return
to their native country"), were usually treated as honorary Americans. Much more has
been written about the French, the European immigrants with the strongest ethnic identity. A sizable corpus is available on California's religiously distinct Jewish im
migrants. Though most of the studies on California Jews are more filiopietistic than scholarly, they are nonetheless valuable for recovering that group's history.16
The largest amount of ethnic literature has been published about the racially marked groups who appeared during the Gold Rush or shortly thereafter, but as dis connected bodies of writing, these works have seldom been brought into conversa tion with one another in comparative studies. Most of the studies either focus on the
internal dynamics of the groups in question or, when they do examine a particular
group's interaction with others, the attention has almost always been on its members'
relationship to the Anglo-American majority and not to other immigrant or mi nority groups. While a significant portion of the works on African Americans in California is about the gold-rush period, relatively few items deal with black min ing activities per se. Rather, they focus on the black struggle for civil rights. The writ
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 49
TABLE 3.I The Most Numerous Foreign-born Groups in California, 1850-i8yo
Nationality 1850 i860 i8jo Chinese 660 34,935 48,790
English 3,050 12,227 19,202 French 1,546 8,462 8,063 German 2,926 21,646 29,699 Irish 2,452 33,147 54,421 Italian 228 2,805 4,660
Mexican 6,454 9,150 8,978
source: Allyn C. Loosley, Foreign Born Population of California, 1848-1920 (San Francisco: R &c E Research Associates, 1971), 33. Loosley culled his figures from the 1850, i860, and 1870
U.S. censuses of population for the state of California.
note: The figures for 1850 are undercounts since the census schedules for three populous counties?San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Contra Costa?were lost. Even if the enumera
tions for those three counties had not been lost, the 1850 figures would still be undercounts,
given the transience of the mining population, their scattered and remote locations in the gold country, and the lack of roads.
ings on California's Chinese are voluminous, yet not much attention has been paid to the Chinese as gold miners. The number of studies on gold-rush-era Mexicans,
Chilenos, and Peruvians is smaller than might be expected?given their perceived differences from Anglo-Americans?probably because their stay was short: most were driven out of the state within five years of the gold discovery.17 A recent bibli
ography of articles from scholarly journals and more popular periodicals compiled by
Robert Santos corroborates my own findings regarding the unevenness of ethnic coverage.18
The ethnic-specific writings are compensatory in nature: because the general his tories of California have not taken notice of the state s immigrants and minorities in a satisfactory way, authors have produced separate works to fill gaps in our knowl
edge. However, the style and tone of these ethnic-specific writings are quite dated, since many of them were published before the quantitative methods and theoretical
assumptions of the new social history became influential. Moreover, they have not
been integrated into the general gold-rush historiography. Therefore, they have per
formed an additive, but not a corrective, function in terms of revising the field.19 The
present essay is a preliminary attempt to move the story of immigrants and minori
ties from the periphery closer to the center of gold-rush scholarship by placing some commonly known facts into a new framework and reinterpreting their sig nificance and meaning.
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50 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
GEOGRAPHY, ORDER OF ARRIVAL, AND LOCATIONAL PATTERN
Among the aspiring miners who descended upon California after the gold discovery in early 1848, geographic origin was the most important determinant of their order
of arrival, given California's isolation and the difficulty of getting there. That arrival sequence, in turn, affected where miners of various nationalities tended to congregate
in the gold country. And where they gathered and in what relative numbers im pacted their interaction with the hordes of Americans who began showing up in the spring of 1849 and who overnight became the majority population, not only in terms
of numbers, but also in terms of political power, economic control, social dominance,
and cultural influence. Finally, the social hierarchy within each ethnic group in
fluenced how the various groups perceived, ranked, and treated one another.
The above aspects of gold-rush society did not remain static. Even though the un
precedented international migration, i.e., the rush per se, lasted only half a dozen years, it can still be divided into three periods: (1) the first mining season of 1848,
when surface gold was abundant, (2) the period from 1849 to the early 1850s, which was dominated by labor-intensive placer mining; and (3) the years after 1852, when mining
became increasingly industrial and capital-intensive. This periodization scheme is based on three criteria: changes in mining methods and business organization, changes
in class relations associated with the respective methods and organizations,20 and changes in the pattern of race and ethnic relations among the various groups.
In 1848, the state s estimated population included perhaps 150,000 California In dians and between 14,000 and 15,000 non-Indians. Of the latter, slightly more than half were Americans and Europeans who had drifted into Alta California, Mexico's northernmost province, in the quarter century before the discovery of gold. The rest were mixed-blood Californios. California Indians, Californios, and pre-gold rush settlers from the United States and Europe were the first prospectors to reach
the gold fields in mid-1848 after Sam Brannan broadcasted James Marshall's dis covery. When the American military governor, Col. Richard Mason, who had taken
charge of California after the outbreak of the Mexican-American War, toured the gold country in the summer of 1848, he estimated that half or more of the 4,000-plus miners he saw busy at work were California Indians. Some of them were laboring for Californios or Americans, while others were digging for themselves.
Since trading, whaling, and sea-otter-hunting ships regularly plied the Pacific Ocean during the mid-nineteenth century, news of the gold discovery reached the
shores lapped by that body of water before people in the eastern, midwestern, and southern United States or Europe received the same information. Accordingly, the first foreign gold seekers to show up came from lands to the north, south, and west of California rather than to its east. Among the 6,000-plus people who made their
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 51
way to California in 1848, foreigners outnumbered Americans. The first large con
tingent of Americans?an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 people?came from Oregon, which was still a territory at the time, while a smaller number came from Hawaii.
James Marshall's find was first publicized in a Hawaiian newspaper, the Polyne sian, on June 24,1848, before the news even reached Oregon. The schooner Louise, which had left San Francisco for Honolulu on May 31, brought not only the news but also two pounds of gold as proof of its find. By mid-July, signs of "gold fever" had
broken out in Honolulu, with as many ships as were available being outfitted for the
journey to the Pacific Coast.21 That summer, a large proportion of the Americans and Europeans residing in the islands, along with scores of native Hawaiians (whom Americans in California called "Kanakas"), sailed for the new El Dorado. The na
tive Hawaiians, though small in number, worked in many locations and were rec
ognizable as a distinct group.22 In journeying eastward across the Pacific, they were following the footsteps of native Hawaiians who had earlier touched California's
shores while working in ships from New England engaged in the hide-and-tallow trade that had flourished during the Mexican period; Hawaiians had also accompa nied John Sutter as he established his estate, New Helvetia, in the Sacramento Val
ley in 1839. A few months after the first exodus from Hawaii, a reverse migration be
gan. As rain and snow fell on California's Sierra Nevada, many miners, including individuals who had not previously lived in the islands, departed for Hawaii to spend the winter months in a warmer clime.
Trade grew along with the movement of people. All available clothing, shoes, raincoats, guns, bullets, gunpowder, knives, cooking utensils, shovels, pickaxes, Irish
potatoes, sweet potatoes, sugar, molasses, coffee, and cattle in Hawaii?the dry goods mostly imported from England and the United States, the food grown in Hawaii?were shipped to California for sale at very high prices. The depletion of these goods in the islands caused inflation there. Between 1848 and 1852, Hawaii, along with Oregon, Mexico, and Chile, supplied the bulk of the food eaten in Cal ifornia's gold country. From the mid-i85os onward, however, imported foodstuffs de clined in importance as California became increasingly self-sufficient.23 Next came thousands of Mexicans and Chilenos and a smaller number of Peru
vians. News of California's gold strike first reached Chile on August 18,1848, when the brig J.R.S.?named for its owner, the merchant Juan Ramon Sanchez?docked
at Valparaiso after a voyage of sixty-four days from San Francisco. Many of the ship's crew were missing because they had deserted to join the hunt for gold when the ship was anchored in San Francisco Bay. The news did not generate much ex
citement until the schooner Adelaide arrived from California on September 12 with gold dust worth $2,500. Then, when the brig Correro de Talcahuano docked on No
vember 3 with another 130 pounds of gold dust, the rush was on.24 The first forty five people to depart from Valparaiso were American and English merchants who
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52 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
had settled in Chile, many of whom had become Chilean citizens and married lo
cal women. The English-speaking businessmen owned and operated Valparaiso's warehouses, hotels, restaurants, saloons, brothels, and gambling parlors. Valparaiso had become a busy port after legislation was passed in 1835 to make it into a "port of
deposit." Under this arrangement, foreign merchants did not have to pay customs duty when they unloaded their goods and stored them in the government's ware houses, if such goods were destined for reshipment to other countries. All they had
to pay was a small deposit fee.25 Such savings made the port popular with foreign traders. During the Gold Rush, with hundreds of ships from the U.S. East Coast stopping for fresh water and provisions after rounding Cape Horn, Valparaiso be came an even more bustling port of call. Smaller Chilean ports like Talcahuano and Concepcion also prospered in the early 1850s.
There are no reliable statistics on how many people from Chile joined the Gold Rush, and of those how many were English and American expatriates and how many were native Chilenos. However, we do know that by July 1849, the government
had issued three thousand passports to California-bound emigrants.26 In addition, thousands had left without passports. The number of people who simply departed
became so large that the government decided to abolish the passport law. On July 2,
1849, theAlta California reported that 5,677 men and 209 women had arrived by sea
between April 12 and June 30,1849. Of these, 1,360 men and 70 women had come from Chile.27 So, even after the Yankee influx had begun, people from Chile still
comprised almost one-quarter of the total seaborne arrivals. Like Hawaii, Chile exported many commodities to California: flour, dried beans,
jerked beef, canned sardines, dried fruit, saddles, bridles, spurs, furniture, and even prefabricated houses.28 In the early 1850s, an estimated three-fourths of the flour consumed by the miners came from Chile. But this trade declined as California be gan growing its own food.
The other sizable group of Latin Americans, Mexicans, traveled mainly over land or by a combination of land and sea routes. Of the 5,000-plus persons who came overland during the first mining season of 1848, about half were from Oregon
Territory, 200 to 350 were from the United States, and 2,000 to 3,000 were from Mexico.29 The latter almost all hailed from the province of Sonora, with smaller numbers from Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Durango. While most of them traveled overland the entire way?following the old Anza Trail to Yuma, then across the Colorado Desert and through the San Gorgonio Pass to Los Angeles, and up the coast to the mines?some set sail from the port of Guaymas on the eastern shores of the Sea of Cortez (also known as the Gulf of California). The first organized overland caravan left Hermosillo in October 1848, but smaller parties had begun
drifting northward a few months earlier.
Many Sonorans were already familiar with California. During the Spanish period,
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 53
they had comprised the bulk of the setders sent north to colonize Alta California.
Then they had flocked to Rancho San Fernando in southern California when gold was discovered there in 1842.30 In the first few months of 1849?that is, before Americans showed up in droves?an additional 6,000 Sonorans found their way to the mines, despite the Mexican government's worries about depopulating the prov ince and thereby leaving the frontier unguarded against Apache raids. Given the rel
ative proximity of their homeland to California, the Sonorans were seasonal mi grants: at least half returned home at the end of each mining season.31
As in Hawaii and Chile, stores in Sonora were also stripped of their merchandise,
which was taken north for sale at great profit. Even more problematic was the de parture of thousands of mules?the main mode of transportation in rugged terrain
without roads?which were sold in California for many times their price in Mexico.
Although thousands of mules from the American Southwest and plains were also eventually driven to California to pull its pack trains, experienced muleteers pre ferred the sturdier Mexican mules, which were reared for the transportation of goods rather than for use as farm draft animals, as American mules were.
The smallest group of Latin Americans came from Peru. Peruvians first heard about Marshall's find in the late fall of 1848. On October 3, Lt. Lucien Loeser, who
was carrying a tea caddy of gold to Washington, D.C., on behalf of Col. Richard Mason, stopped at Payta. Either he or someone else from the Lambayeque?the ship that had carried him to Payta?apparently left behind a copy of the newspaper
Californian, dated August 14,1848 (the first issue published since the paper's work ers had closed shop and left for the mines several months earlier). The DelTridente on October 17 reprinted an article from the Californian describing Marshall's find in detail. El Comercio, a newspaper in Lima, Peru's capital, then reprinted the Del Tri dente article on November 6. The news soon reached Callao, located only a few miles from Lima and the chief port for exporting guano. On November 30, the first ship with Peruvian passengers bound for California set sail from Callao.32 The num ber of Peruvian gold seekers is even more uncertain than the number of Chilenos and Mexicans, as many Spanish-speaking people were counted as Chilenos in the available statistics of passenger arrivals in San Francisco.
New Zealanders received the news in November 1848 when an American whaler,
the Balfour, put into port with several newspapers from Hawaii. Australians heard
about the strike the following month, when the Sydney Morning Herald on December 23 reprinted extracts from Honolulu's Polynesian about the discovery. Australians ini
tially were not enthusiastic to join the rush. During the first six months of 1849, only 679 passengers sailed on twenty-five vessels to California. Once news filtered back of
Australians who had struck it rich, however, the exodus began in earnest. Thousands
left even though newspaper editors intoned against the dangers of depopulating Aus
tralia.33 There were worries about depopulation because the total population of Aus
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54 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
tralia at that time?including male and female "convicts under sentence of trans portation" but excluding the indigenous Aborigines?was only about 400,000. The population in New Zealand was less than 30,000 people of European ancestry, not counting the native Maoris. That is why leaders in both Australia and New Zealand
worried about the impact of the potential loss of manpower on their countries' devel
opment. However, they could not stop ships loaded with California-bound passengers
from leaving. The British convicts had been transported from Britain to Botany Bay,
a penal colony set up in Australia. After landing in San Francisco, many acquired notoriety as the "Sydney Ducks/'34 even though the penal colony was not in Syd ney itself. However, since Sydney was the chief port of embarkation for California, in the eyes of Americans all Australians came from Sydney. The Australian and New
Zealand migration slowed to a trickle in 1851, when gold was discovered in Australia itself?in New South Wales?thereby precipitating a reverse flow that included many non-Australians. But a sufficient number remained in California to comprise 43 per
cent of the British-origin immigrants in San Francisco when the 1852 state census was
taken.35 In other words, a sizable fraction of the first gold seekers of British birth to ar rive in California came not from Great Britain but from Australia.
Trade between the southern continent and California continued to flourish even
after the emigration stopped. Australia exported a large variety of goods to Califor
nia, including jerked beef, bacon, lard, butter, cheese, split peas, beer, champagne, sherry, pharmaceutical drugs, woolen blankets, boots, shoes, nails, axes, window glass, paint, rope, candles, cooking utensils, and prefabricated wooden houses.36
The above, then, were the groups whose arrival predated that of the Forty-niners.
Though the miners, regardless of their national origins, spread themselves out in search of rich deposits, their locational pattern was not entirely random. Discernible
clusters of people did emerge. For the most part, people from the same national or eth nic origins worked and lived together, although occasionally multinational or multi ethnic groupings could be found. The Scottish journalist and artist J. D. Borthwick, for
example, encountered a party of two Americans, two Frenchmen, two Italians, and two
Mexicans led by a German doctor. William Downie, another Scotsman, established Downieville in Sierra County after prospecting there with a party of seven African Americans, an Irishman, a Hawaiian, an Egyptian, and several Americans.37
The route taken by a particular group to reach the gold fields influenced where its members tended to gather. Gold-bearing ore could be found in three areas: in the far
north along the Trinity and Klamath rivers and their tributaries, in the Northern Mines in the Sierra and foothills north of the gold discovery site at Coloma, and in the Southern Mines in the Sierra and foothills south of Coloma.38 A significant number of British Columbians, many of whom were British-born, and Oregonians
dug for the precious metal in the Trinity-Klamath-Shasta region, which they traversed as they journeyed southward. American Forty-niners who had crossed the Great
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 55
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The town of Sonora, seat of Tuolumne County, in the Southern Mines, January 1852. Settled in 1848 by Mexicans from the state of Sonora, the famous gold camp was for some time largely Hispanic in population and character, but the imposition of the Foreign
Miners'Tax in 1850 drove most of the Sonorans and other Spanish-speaking miners from the diggings. California Historical Society, FN-3140J.
Plains and the Rocky Mountains dominated the Northern Mines in Plumas, Butte, Sierra, Yuba, Nevada, Placer, El Dorado, and Amador counties because the southern
branch of the California Trail cut through the Sierra Nevada at Carson Pass and Donner Pass, which led to the Northern Mines. The largest contingent of Latin Americans prospected in the Southern Mines?in Calaveras, Tuolumne, and Mari posa counties?because as they trekked northward they reached that area first. The 1850 U.S. census counted 159 Chilenos in Calaveras County and 209 in Tuolumne County. The 1852 California state census showed the presence of 1,077 Chilenos in Calaveras County and 443 in Tuolumne County.39 By the early 1850s, an estimated 12,000 Sonorans and Chilenos were mining in and around SonorianTown (the name
was later shortened to Sonora?the largest mining camp in Tuolumne County, named after its main residents). In addition to Sonora, many other mining camps in the area bore names reflective of their inhabitants' origins, such as Chile Gulch, Chile Bar,
Santiago Hill, Spanish Flat, Spanish Bar, and Spanish Dry Diggins.40 A second reason that Latin American miners were concentrated in the southern
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56 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
area was that they were the people who knew best how to work the "dry diggings" of the Southern Mines, where relatively little rain fell and the streams were smaller
and more often intermittent. Obtaining gold under dry conditions was laborious in
deed. The main methods used in placer mining?panning, using the rocker or cra dle, the long torn, or flumes and sluices?all required a large amount of water. When
water was insufficient, a technique called aventamiento, or "dry washing," was used. The miners would dig up the pay dirt, dry it in the sun, and pulverize it into fine gravel. If the lumps were too large or too hard to be broken up manually, they were crushed in a Mexican arrastre or a "Chili mill" powered by horses, donkeys, or mules.
The mill's enormous stone pieces were hewn out of solid rock by experienced stone cutters. To winnow the gold-bearing sand, the Latinos twirled it in a bowl and tossed the contents high into the air with a circular motion. On a breezy day, the lighter particles of dirt would be blown away by the wind as they fell. When there
was no wind, the miners had to use their own powerful breaths. The heavier gold particles dropped directly into a bowl or blanket or cowhide lying on the ground.41
Though Latin American miners had also worked claims in the Northern Mines in 1848, after 1849 they became rarer in that region because those who dared to venture into the area were driven away by the newly arrived Americans, British, and Germans, who often acted in concert against them. The only Latin Americans wel comed in the Northern Mines were muleteers, who brought needed supplies even during the foulest weather.
The Chinese?the other major group of trans-Pacific migrants?began drifting in after 1848. There is no reliable evidence on when news of the gold strike first
reached China, but it was probably in late 1848, as ships from the United States, En gland, and Hawaii engaged in the China trade regularly called at Hong Kong, which had been ceded by China to Great Britain at the end of the First Opium War in 1842. Canton, located upriver from Hong Kong, became the chief point of departure for Chinese emigrants to the "Old Gold Mountain"?the Chinese name for San Francisco (in contrast to Australia, the "New Gold Mountain"). According to Ban croft, there were 54 Chinese in California on February 1, 1849, 791 by January 1,
1850, and around 4,000 by the end of 1850.42 The first arrivals were merchants and artisans who remained in San Francisco to trade. Only when more than 20,000 Chinese landed in 1852 did large crowds of them fan out all over the mining coun
ties, where they became ubiquitous. Thus, their story belongs primarily not to the
first two periods of the Gold Rush, but to its third.
FROM ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS TO NATIVISM
The various groups of miners were conscious of their ethnicity and drew distinctions
between themselves and others by the names they used to refer to one another, by the
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 57
clothing they wore, and by the religious faiths they professed. Americans lumped all
Spanish-speakers together derisively as "greasers," while the latter called Americans and other people of European descent "gringos." The longtime resident Californios,
for their part, distinguished themselves from the recently arrived Sonorans, calling the latter calzoneros blancos (white breeches) after the Sonorans' flowing white pants.43 The Sonorans, in turn, could be differentiated from the Chilenos; the former wore
long serapes, which differed in color and design from the latter's shorter ponchos.
Americans and Europeans, regardless of their former stations in life, all sported the "miners' uniform," consisting of a broad-brimmed slouched hat, a red or blue flannel
shirt, a patterned kerchief, blue denim pants, a thick belt to which was attached at least one bowie knife and a pistol, and leather boots. The men also wore beards and
were contemptuous of clean-shaven faces. The only European immigrants who did not adopt the miners' uniform were the Jews, who continued wearing their dark suits, which they could do because few of them engaged in mining. Instead, they mo
nopolized the clothing trade. Jewish peddlers and merchants could be found every where in the gold country, selling not only clothing but also jewelry, guns, knives, and
sundry other articles. The Chinese also had a uniform of their own. Each man shielded himself from the sun with a mat-woven conical hat and wore a dark blue
cotton collarless shirt and matching pair of loose pants. Leather boots were the one
item of American-made clothing that many Chinese miners bought and wore.
After 1849, when Americans and Europeans overwhelmed the native population and the early immigrants who had come in 1848, new monikers came into use. The
French, who began arriving in late 1849, preferred to mingle with the Latin Adiier
icans and so they, too, were found in greater numbers in the Southern Mines. Ap parently, they felt more comfortable among Catholics who spoke a cognate Ro mance language than among English-speaking Protestants. Intensely proud of their own language and culture, few Frenchmen tried to master English. For that reason, the Yankees called them keskydees because they were often heard asking each other, "Quest-ce qu'il dit?" (What did he say?).The Germans were referred to as "Dutch"?
a mispronunciation of Deutsch. Actually, the term "Dutchmen" encompassed more than Germans: Yankees used it to refer to all Europeans except for the British, French, and Italians.
Despite their awareness of cultural differences, the miners of different national
origins worked amicably alongside one another in the first mining season of 1848. It
was a peaceful summer because there was plenty of surface gold to be had and for
eign miners numbered only in the thousands. But conditions changed with the coming of the Forty-niners, almost 90,000 of whom poured in that year?about 40,000 by sea and 40,000-plus overland. The seaborne travelers, about three-fifths
of whom were Americans and two-fifths foreigners, came by way of the Isthmus of Panama or around Cape Horn (and, after July 1851, over the Isthmus of Tehuante
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58 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
pec in Nicaragua). They began showing up in the early spring. Of the overland ad venturers, approximately three-fifths drove wagon trains across the Great Plains and over passes through two forbidding ranges?the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada. The rest traversed Mexico. Those who crossed the plains did not be
gin arriving until late summer and early fall because they had not been able to be gin their journeys until the spring thaw. About half of the people emerging out of
Mexico were Mexicans; the rest were Americans, especially southerners and Texans, who had chosen the southern route. In 1850, about half of those who came by sea
had set sail from foreign ports. In the next few years, the proportion of foreigners among the seaborne arrivals declined to between one-fourth and one-third of the to tal. As these weary fortune hunters made their way to the mines, ethnic conscious
ness quickly became transformed first into nativism and then into racism. Unlike ethnic consciousness, nativism and racism were and are more than attitudes, feelings,
and thoughts. Rather, they were and are often manifested in action?action to dis criminate against or harm members of other groups.
As John Higham and Ray Billington have persuasively demonstrated, American nativism?the fear of and hatred toward foreigners?has deep and multifarious roots that stretch back to the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Anti-Catholicism
was one of its cornerstones. Then, during the American War of Independence, the
burgeoning nationalism felt by Americans made European traditions and institu tions suspect, so animosity toward foreigners (initially Europeans) was added to antagonism toward the Pope. Up to the late 1840s, anti-Catholicism was directed mainly against Irish immigrants. Then, in the aftermath of the 1848 revolutions in Europe, tens of thousands of people, especially from Germany and France, fled to the New World to escape the social, economic, and political upheavals that ensued.
Radical political ideas came along as part of their cultural baggage. Their presence rekindled anxieties that Americans had harbored since the late eighteenth century
over the chaos that might ensue should the status quo be overthrown violently. Anti-radicalism thus emerged as yet another ingredient in the nativist brew. Fi nally, the belief that the United States's Anglo-Saxon heritage was what gave the na tion its greatness added a racialist strain to American nativism.44
Among the Argonauts, nativism first reared its ugly head in Panama in January 1849, when General Persifor F. Smith, who was en route to California to assume
command of the American military forces there, declared that he would "consider everyone not a citizen of the United States, who enters on public land and digs for
gold, as a trespasser." He promised to drive all such trespassers out by force. Inflamed by Smith's words, the hundreds of Americans gathered at the isthmus awaiting pas sage to the gold fields became further agitated when the first Pacific Mail Steamship
Company steamer, the California, arrived carrying many Chilenos and Peruvians. When the Forty-niners finally reached the mines after an arduous journey, they
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 59
were upset to find that Spanish-speaking miners had got there before them and seemed to have found the richest claims. In addition, among the Argonauts were many veterans of the Mexican-American War, who had learned to see Mexicans as
enemies. The nationalism and anti-Mexican stereotypes aroused during that conflict added fuel to the fire of nativism.
Because most of the Americans had no experience in gold mining, they were at first glad to learn from the Sonorans and Chilenos. Once they had acquired some knowledge, however, they became jealous of the latter's success. Their nativist sen timents quickly found expression in action. First, the aspiring Yankee miners formed
local ad hoc associations and drew up regulations to govern how claims could be made and kept. In general, at each locality, the miners who had congregated there held a meeting to decide what size a claim might be, depending on the auriferous content of the sands and the difficulty of working the ground or riverbank or bed.
Each individual could hold only one claim, except for the person who had made the find, who was entitled to two claims. The claims had to be officially recorded with
an elected recorder. To hold a claim, a miner had to work it a specified minimum number of days per specified time period. Thus, miners enjoyed only usufructuary rights over their claims, with disputes settled at miners' meetings or by the recorder
or alcalde. Such ostensibly democratic rules accorded well with the miners' desire to level social ranks. The miners' uniform also became a useful mechanism for socio
economic leveling: when everyone looked alike, dress could not be used as an emblem
of wealth or status. Another practice that facilitated such leveling was the common
use of nicknames only, so that anyone who wished to camouflage or disown the identity he or she had possessed "back in the States" could do so.45
In the American miners' eyes, however, these egalitarian practices did not apply to foreign "interlopers." Fired by their sense of Manifest Destiny, Yankee miners felt
that since the United States had gained possession of California as a result of the na
tion's victory in the Mexican-American War, all the wealth in the state belonged only to themselves?the land's new masters. In fact, of course, everyone, regardless of national origin, was a trespasser, for the federal government failed to pass any leg islation until the 1866 Lode Law to determine how gold might be taken.46 In the ab
sence of appropriate laws, the assumptions underlying Manifest Destiny determined proprietary rights.
The miners' nativism was a complex phenomenon, for it also contained a strong dose of class antagonism. They scrutinized foreign groups to see whether the mem
bers of a particular group worked mainly as lone prospectors, as informal partners, as members of formally constituted joint-stock companies, or in a type of master servant or master-slave combination. They noticed that some Sonoran and Chileno
miners were peons who had been brought to California to dig gold for their patrones,
while some Californios and pre-gold-rush Anglo-American settlers were using Cal
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60 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
ifornia Indian laborers in the same way.47 Assuming that such people were incapable
of egalitarian relationships, Yankees deemed them unacceptable in the communities springing up in the gold country. By the same logic, Americans from the southern states who had brought their slaves to mine for them were not welcomed either. All
"capitalists" and their subservient "cheap labor" were perceived as enemies of "Amer ican working men"?something all the Yankee miners considered themselves to be in their present circumstances, when each man was supposed to work his own claim.
The Yankee miners used two methods to drive the foreigners out?physical in timidation and discriminatory rules and laws. Initially, nativist sentiments applied across the board; even the British and Germans experienced antipathy.48 But once
the expulsion campaign began, the English, Irish, and Germans lined up on the side of Americans against the other foreigners, in the process solidifying their own stand
ing as honorary Americans.49 In contrast, the French encountered hostility partly be cause of their apparent disinterest in adopting Anglo-American language and cul
ture, partly because they kept mainly to themselves both in San Francisco and in the
mines, and partly because of their friendly relations with the Latin American min ers. Declared the authors of The Annals of San Francisco:
The French complain that they are not treated so kindly... as are the Germans. The
reason seems obvious. It is because they do not take the same pains to learn the Amer
ican language and character. The naturalized Germans are professed and acknowl
edged brethren; the French?foreign in manner and physical appearance, in thoughts
and hopes?can never be considered as such... . the wild glorification of Frenchmen
to every thing connected with their beautiful France, is often a neglectful insult to the land that shelters them.50
In short, Americans found French cultural chauvinism offensive.
As for why the French chose to associate not with Americans but with Mexicans, Chilenos, and Peruvians, no definitive explanation has been given. One possible hypothesis is that, in addition to their shared Catholicism, the social composition of the French miners, as well as the route used by many of them to get to California,
may account for their affinity for the Spanish-speakers. Jacques Moerenhout, the French consul at Monterey, first notified the French government of the gold dis covery in a letter dated May 15,1848. Then, on August 17, he sent Paris a long dis
patch reporting what he had seen during a six-week tour of the gold country.51 The first newspaper article on the gold discovery appeared on November 13,1848, in Le Journal des Debats, which reprinted a piece from a New York newspaper.52 But only
after the French press began to publicize President James K. Polk's December 5, 1848, message to the U.S. Congress did the French public begin to believe the news.
In January 1849, the first advertisement appeared indicating that a ship, Le Meuse, had been chartered to sail for San Francisco on February 15. However, the first
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 6l
A French miner delightedly discovers an enormous gold nugget in Travail en Californie, one of a series of three hand-colored lithographs published about 1850 in Paris. "Upon reaching the diggings," runs the caption, "the workers seize their tools and compete with one another in their search for fortune. Here the rocks raised by the pickax yield gold nuggets; there, with the scraper, the ore is pulverized and the gold gathered?and each day the miners meet with the same good fortune, filling their strongboxes with treasure." Thousands of Gallic Argonauts set off for El Dorado when word of the discovery reached Europe, and by 1854 the population of the state included thirty thousand French-speaking Californians, some of whom had been inspired to leave their native land by images such as this. Courtesy California State Library.
sizable group of Frenchmen, numbering about forty people, did not land in San Francisco until September 1849. Between November 1849 and April 1851, more than 4,000 people from France traveled by sea to California, departing from the three main French ports of Le Havre, Bordeaux, and Marseilles and following the Cape Horn route.53 Three years later, the estimated number of French people in California
had risen to between 25,000 and 30,000. These figures are much larger than the 1,546
counted in the 1850 census. The discrepancy can be explained by two facts: (1) most
of the French-speaking people came in the early 1850s, after the census was taken, and (2) an estimated two-thirds of them came not directly from France but from Louisiana, Quebec, and French possessions in the Pacific Ocean, such as Tahiti. Thus, the 25,000 to 30,000 figure included all French-speaking people, a large pro
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62 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
portion of whom were no longer French nationals or had not been in France for a long time.
Of those who came directly from France, some were scions of aristocratic fami lies, others were middle class, while the majority were poor. The gold discovery co
incided with a period of upheaval in France. Louis Philippe, the French monarch, was overthrown in February 1848. Several months later, Louis-Napoleon was elected
as president of the Second Republic. Riots erupted periodically. The petit bourgeois who owned government bonds lost their savings as bond values plunged. There was fear of an impending famine, as well as of a cholera epidemic. In such troubled times, emigration offered one way to relieve social pressures. The existing French colonies were to be the main emigrant destinations, but soon California was con sidered another possibility.
To enable those without funds to get to the new El Dorado, eighty-three joint
stock companies?many with alluring names, such as Le Californienne, LAurifere, La Fortune, La Ruche d'Or, UEldorado, and La Nouveau Monde?were formed in 1849
and 1850 by promoters with the aim of making money from California gold, a booty
for the taking by one and all. A majority of the shareholders were not aspiring min
ers but speculators, investors who bought shares at prices ranging from five francs to
several hundred francs per share. The capital thus raised was to be used to pay the pas
sage of laborers who would go to California to dig for the precious metal. Aji analy sis of extant passenger lists indicated that many of the recruits came from small
provincial towns and villages.54 There were also a significant number of Basques.55 In some instances, the emigrants bound themselves to three years of labor in ex
change for their transportation. In other cases, emigrants bought shares in the com panies in order to acquire the status of travailleurs associes (associated workers) in stead of being simply contract laborers. The profit-sharing scheme varied from one company to another. A typical division was 40 percent to the shareholders, 40 per cent to the mining laborers, and 20 percent to the promoters who had set up the companies. Unfortunately, some of the companies were fraudulent, while others
went bankrupt. Not only did the shareholders in those ventures lose all their money, but the would-be miners who landed in California were often left destitute, without
money, food, mining tools, and shelter. With no funds, they could not even get their
luggage unloaded and ferried to shore because ships had to anchor in San Francisco Bay, rather than dock at a wharf, given the harbor's severely overcrowded conditions. Neither could they afford transportation to the mines. The French consul ended up
taking care of many of those who were stuck in San Francisco.56 In addition to the joint-stock companies, the French government also got into the
act of promoting emigration to California. It became the patron of La Compagnie des Gardes Mobiles, which shipped more than 130 former volunteers bearing that name to California. These men had helped to put down riots in 1848 but had become un
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 63
ruly and difficult to control afterwards, so sending them to California was a way to
get rid of them. The gardes mobiles retained their military organization after their ar rival in California. Then, in May 1850, the Paris police authorized a giant lottery
called Vingot d'or, with tickets to be sold until November of the following year. The grand prize was a gold nugget worth 400,000 francs (approximately $20,000). Smaller prizes included 244 gold bars and 200 prizes of 1,000 francs each. The lot tery was a way to raise money to ship off an anticipated 5,000 "undesirable people,"
including political radicals, petty criminals, and prostitutes. A total of 3,470 people
left by this means.57 Since many of the people who came from France directly were either members of
the lower class or were middle-class people suffering from downward social mobil
ity, perhaps they had a tendency to identify with others, including the Spanish speaking groups, who were also down and out.58 Regardless of what might have been the basis of the bond between French- and Spanish-speakers, notices that appeared in the mining camp of Sonora in May 1850 made it apparent that such a sense of commonality did exist:
It is time to unite: Frenchmen, Chileans, Peruvians, Mexicans, there is the biggest ne
cessity of putting an end to the vexations of the Americans in California. If you do not
intend to allow yourself to be fleeced by a band of miserable fellows who are repudiated
by their own country, then unite and go to the camp of Sonora next Sunday: there will
we try to guarantee security for us all, and put a bridle in the mouths of that horde who
call themselves citizens of the United States, thereby profaning that country.59
The Frenchmen and Latin Americans marching into Sonora were delegates rep resenting about five thousand of their compatriots from throughout the Southern
Mines, who had met to decide upon a course of action to protest the Foreign Min
ers'Tax of twenty dollars a month that the California legislature had imposed upon all foreign miners in April 1850. Since most placer miners averaged less than twenty dollars' worth of gold dust a month, the tax would create enormous hardship on those required to pay it. Moreover, though it was supposed to be collected from all foreign miners, in fact, only certain foreigners?primarily French- and Spanish speakers?bore the brunt of the tax collectors' action. The American miners in the vicinity of Sonora were both affronted and alarmed by the gathering of foreigners? affronted because the Frenchmen, Chilenos, and Sonorans had raised their nations'
flags over their camps, and alarmed because they feared an imminent assault from these incensed groups. The Americans gathered about 180 well-armed men and, led
by the sheriff of Tuolumne County, confronted the foreign crowd, which dispersed
after drafting a memorial to the state governor stating they would be willing to pay
a lower tax of four or five dollars a month but objecting to twenty dollars a month,
not only because it was too much, but also because it was unjust.60
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64 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
Scholars have offered different explanations with regard to the motives of the leg
islators who had levied the tax. Leonard Pitt thought its intention was to exploit the
foreigners. Richard Peterson argued that it was to exclude them from the gold coun
try altogether. Richard Morefield believed its aim was to remove competition, given the fact that the Sonorans and Chilenos were superior miners.61 More important than the motives of the legislators, however, was the law's impact: the tax legally sanctioned the anti-foreign violence that had begun to emerge the year before and helped institutionalize a pattern of race relations that has persisted to the present day.
The first nativist acts in the gold fields were resolutions passed by groups of American miners to keep foreigners out. Though these resolutions were passed everywhere in the mining country, the largest number appeared in the Southern
Mines, where visible contingents of foreigners had congregated. In the spring of 1849, for example, notices appeared there warning all non-U.S. citizens to leave
within twenty-four hours.62 In late September, miners along the North and South forks of the Stanislaus River resolved that "none but Americans" would be allowed
to mine in those areas.63 A resolution passed in Sonora in July 1850 required all for eigners "not engaged in permanent business and of respectable character" to leave
within fifteen days. Those who remained had to turn in their firearms and obtain a
permit from a self-styled enforcement committee of American miners.64 To enforce these resolutions, American miners often resorted to violence. During
April 1849, Mexicans, Chilenos, and Peruvians were ordered to leave the area around Sutter's Mill at Coloma.65 That summer, Sonorans were driven away from placer
claims along the Tuolumne, Stanislaus, and Mokelumne rivers.66 Mexicans, who were employed by an American named Sherlock, who had discovered the diggings in Mariposa County named after him, were evicted from their grounds when Sher lock was away prospecting elsewhere in the mountains.67 In mid-December 1849, about one hundred Mexicans were each fined one ounce of gold dust and driven away from the banks of the Calaveras River. According to one American who par ticipated in the action, the next morning "all those concerned went before the Al calde and received our share of the spoils which we obtained from the Mexicans in
the shape of fines."68 Apparendy, some nativist activities brought material rewards.
The Spanish-speaking miners did not always accept such maltreatment passively. In a few instances, as happened at Sonora, they fought back. In December 1849,
when American miners in Calaveras County attempted to drive some Chileno min ers away, the latter obtained a writ from the authorities to arrest several Americans
who they claimed had robbed them of fifteen thousand dollars' worth of gold dust. When no Americans were willing to carry out the order, some eighty Chilenos at
tacked the Americans, killing two and wounding four. They marched the rest of the Americans back to the Chilenos' own camp. When news of this incident got out,
hundreds of enraged and heavily armed Americans swore to "shoot down every one
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 65
of them on the road." The Americans took eleven Chilenos prisoner. Three of them
were shot, the others were flogged, while all Spanish-speaking miners in the local ity were banished.69
Such nativist actions, which had begun before the Foreign Miners'Tax came into existence, became more frequent after it was levied because it sanctioned the expul
sion of foreign miners who could not afford to or who refused to pay the tax. The tax
collectors, who could keep three dollars of every twenty they collected, were often aided by bands of armed Americans who "roamed the countryside terrorizing the foreign population." Walter Colton, the American who had served as alcalde of
Monterey for three years, noted how some Americans, who had organized them selves into a little "army," marched into Sonora and "liquored up" at the saloons be
fore embarking on their forays.70 Since tax collecting could be lucrative, impostors
sometimes preyed upon the foreign miners. Some of these individuals tore up the receipts that the foreigners had in their possession?proof that they had already
paid?and coerced them to pay again. In the minds of the Spanish-speaking min ers, these violent attempts to extort and expel them were manifestations of gringos envidiosos, jealous white men.
Jacques Moerenhout, the French consul, came to a similar conclusion. He thought Americans were "jealous and angry to see [the gold] fall into the hands of foreign ers."71 French miners, as mentioned above, had protested against the discriminatory Foreign Miners' Tax.72 The French consul, ever sensitive about French national honor, tried diligently to protect the rights of his compatriots. In the summer of 1852,
the claims of some French miners, which had been confiscated, were given back to them following the consul's intervention.73
The French consul was not the only diplomat to attempt to do something about these discriminatory actions. The Mexican minister to the United States lodged a complaint with the U.S. secretary of state in Washington, D.C., when English speaking miners (Americans, Englishmen, and Irishmen) in Mariposa County or dered Mexican miners to leave within twenty-four hours in June 1853. After the
Mexicans beat a hasty retreat, taking whatever possessions they could with them, the
English-speaking miners auctioned off the Mexicans' ore-bearing grounds and min ing equipment for thirteen hundred dollars. With the proceeds, they paid off three hundred dollars'worth of debts owed by the Mexicans to a local merchant and then
divided the rest of the take among themselves. Although the State Department did order an investigation upon receiving the Mexican minister's complaint, the U.S. dis
trict attorney who looked into the matter concluded he could "find nothing upon which to base a claim of twenty thousand dollars"?the amount the Mexican min ers said they had lost.74 No further action was taken.
American and British miners were successful in these expulsion campaigns; thou sands of Latino and French miners left the gold country in 1850, 1851, and 1852.
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66 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
Some of the Spanish-speakers returned to their native lands while others went to San Francisco, to the smaller towns, or to the rural areas, especially in southern California, to earn a living at menial jobs. Those who remained in mining retreated to more remote areas where they hoped to escape molestation, or they survived by
working for American miners or mining companies as low-paid wage laborers. Their status as "cheap labor," however, only served to increase the hostility Anglo-Amer
ican miners felt toward them.75 Frenchmen also sought sanctuary in San Francisco,
where they specialized in work that enhanced life's comforts. They ran hotels and restaurants, sold French wines, brandies, breads, and condiments, opened depart
ment stores that became the mainstays of San Francisco's fashionable set?the City
of Paris and the White House?and virtually monopolized bootblacking. As the economic impact of the immigrant exodus from the Southern Mines be
came apparent, the class interests of merchants came into play and quickly overrode the miners' nativism. Latino miners had spent whatever gold they had acquired freely. Not only did they gamble away much of their riches, but Mexicans, in par ticular, tended to buy various merchandise to take back to Mexico at the end of each
mining season. Merchants in Stockton?the main distribution point for provisions and other goods destined for the Southern Mines?complained bitterly as these Spanish-speaking customers left. Major suppliers in San Francisco also became concerned. A long editorial in the Alta California pinpointed the problems it saw with the Foreign Miners'Tax. The newspaper called the tax
decidely unconstitutional, unjust, impolitic, opposed to every principle of our free in
stitutions, behind the age, illiberal and foolish.... We have said to the world, we are
free, come and enjoy freedom with us.... Knowing this, tens of thousands of miners came to California in the full belief that they would not only meet with gold, but far
better, justice and kindness. From Mexico and Peru, and Chile they flocked here, bet
ter miners than our own people. They dug, they got gold, and they spent it freely. ...
But the iniquitous law was passed. . . . They could not stand it. They left by thou sands and tens of thousands. The Southern Mines especially felt the stunning blow.
Stockton was knocked completely on the head. .. . The law gave to the unprincipled
of our own countrymen and others claiming to be such a wide scope for oppression....
Wrongs and robberies led to murders and anarchy, and general prostrations of business.
The state has been injured to the value of millions of dollars.... While the human dev
ils who hail from the penal colonies are allowed all the rights of our own citizens be
cause they speak the English language, a quiet and laborious people have been driven
from among us because they did not speak that language.76
In short, the editor's concerns were moral as well as economic. Since the Alta Cali
fornia was an influential newspaper, its editorials reflected the perspectives of one of the state's most important opinion-makers.
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 67
In light of such criticisms, and because it never raised the vast revenues antici
pated, the legislature repealed the first Foreign Miners'Tax in March 1851. A more reasonable tax of three dollars a month was imposed in May of the following year, but the Spanish-speaking miners never returned in large numbers. Instead, the sec ond Foreign Miners'Tax found a new target?the Chinese, over 20,000 of whom landed in California in 1852. Their appearance coincided with a new stage in gold
rush history, during which placer mining declined and capital-intensive methods of
extracting gold (river, deep shaft or quartz, and hydraulic mining) using wage labor
became ascendant. The egalitarianism that the miners had tried to promote in the early years gave way to hierarchical class relations. During this same period, the na
tivism that had been directed against the Latin American and French miners, who
did not speak English and were foreign-born and Catholic, metamorphosed into a racism against African Americans and Chinese, whose skin color and other pheno typical features differed from those of white Anglo-Saxon Protestants.
FROM NATIVISM TO RACISM AND RESISTANCE
"Race" and "racism" are too complex to be discussed at length in this essay. Suffice it
to say that "race" is a concept used to divide groups of human beings into categories
based on perceived differences in their bodies. However, since the divergence within
one "race" can be greater than the disparities among the various "races," there is no
valid biological basis for these racial categories. Nevertheless, race is a powerful con
cept because it is infused with psychological, social, cultural, and political meaning. As such, it is an important aspect of a society's structure. Most scholars today would agree that what "race" signifies is changeable, and is socially constructed and histor
ically determined. "Racism," meanwhile, refers to the ideology used to justify the hi
erarchical ranking of different "races" at a given time, as well as the concrete practices
employed by one group of human beings to dominate other groups and to discrim
inate against the latter. In the United States, racial differences have traditionally been depicted as a black and white dyad, but the arrival of significant numbers of Chinese in California in 1852 gave race relations there a unique twist.
By 1852, there were over 2,000 persons of African ancestry in California?that number having grown from only a few dozen in early 1848. Not all were from the United States. Some had come from Latin America and the various Caribbean is
lands. Of the American-born, some were enslaved, having been brought from the southern states by their masters to help dig for gold. En route, these slaves scouted
the terrain, gathered firewood, prepared meals, washed clothes, hitched wagons,
and performed other chores. At least half of the African American Argonauts, how
ever, were free blacks from the northeastern seaboard, especially Massachusetts and
New York, who, like everyone else, came in search of fortune. They traveled via the
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68 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
same overland and sea routes that other Americans and Europeans took. Their pres ence was often noted, albeit fleetingly, in the contemporary diaries and journals as
well as later reminiscences that have been preserved.77 Less well known were the gold seekers of African ancestry from places outside the
United States. By the time gold was discovered in California, people of African an cestry had been in the Americas for more than three centuries. Black people had
been integral parts of the Spanish expeditions that had explored and colonized Mexico and South America since the early sixteenth century; some had been a part of the colonizing population of California itself from the 1760s. They, along with en
slaved or peonized Native Americans, had performed the arduous labor to extract the gold and silver that had enriched Spain's coffers. They had also worked in the ha
ciendas and ranchos that formed the foundation of the Spanish empire's pastoral economy. Yet others had performed domestic service or practiced various skilled trades in the towns.78 Brazil, Portugal's colony in the Western hemisphere, mean
while, had received more enslaved Africans than any other single country in the New
World?a conservative estimate of over three million people who, after arrival, la bored mosdy in sugar plantations. Among the first individuals of African ancestry to
join the California Gold Rush were sailors from Mexico, Chile, Peru, the Caribbean,
and New Bedford (New England's major whaling port); they, like many American and European crews, deserted their ships as soon as the vessels anchored in San Francisco Bay and set off for the gold country.79
Like miners of other ethnic or national origins, black miners, though relatively small in numbers, left their marks on the land. In the racist parlance of the day, place
names such as Nigger Hill, Nigger Bar, and Arroyo de los Negros attest to not only their presence but also their success, for when a mining camp was named for a par
ticular ethnic group, it generally signaled the luck that miners of that ethnicity had had at that spot. Those enslaved African Americans who managed to find some gold
used it to purchase their own freedom, which often cost as much as two thousand dollars, as well as the freedom of their family members left behind. According to the
Rev. Darius Stokes, blacks in California sent about three-quarter million dollars to their loved ones in the early 1850s to purchase the latter's freedom.80
Some slave owners who did not strike it rich tried to recoup the expenses they had
incurred by hiring out or selling their slaves. Thus, from the beginning, both enslaved and free African Americans in California engaged in a diversity of occupations,
though most of these were of low status. The individuals who attained middle-class status were those who managed to save enough to open stores, hotels, and restau
rants. Since racial segregation was practiced everywhere except in the gambling par lors, blacks had to establish facilities to serve their own people.
According to the 1852 state census, more than 1,000 blacks were found in the mining counties, more than 400 in San Francisco, and 300-plus in Sacramento.
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 69
A black miner pauses from his labors with a long torn to pose for a daguerreotype in Auburn Ravine, Placer County, in 1852. By this date two thousand Argonauts of African ancestry had arrived in California, some coming as slaves of southern gold hunters, others as free blacks from the New England states and New York, and still others from the Caribbean and Latin America. Courtesy California State Library.
The African American communities in Marysville and Stockton ranked next in size. Nigger Hill, where about 400 miners worked in 1855, contained the largest collection of black miners, but Chinese, Portuguese, and Anglo-American miners could also be found there. Fights occasionally broke out in that multiethnic mining
community. In contrast, blacks were not harassed at nearby Massachusetts Flat, which was inhabited by miners of African and Portuguese ancestry from the state after which the locality was named.81
There being relatively few African American miners, no organized campaign de veloped to drive them out of the mines. Just as telling, the individuals who were lynched during the Gold Rush were not blacks but Mexicans and Chilenos and, in one instance, a Frenchman. However, blacks in gold-rush California had to fight larger battles for equality, social justice, and basic human dignity. They struggled to
gain freedom from slavery, the right to testify in court, the right to vote, and the right
for their children to attend integrated schools.
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70 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
At the time that California became the thirty-first state, slavery, especially its ex
tension into the territories acquired during America's westward expansion, was the paramount controversy in the nation. In the words of one historian, "California be
came a centerpiece of national debate and a major factor in the development of sec
tional discord" during the pre-Civil War era.82 The reason was that its admission into the union upset the formula that had been established thirty years earlier in the
Missouri Compromise?that territories would become states in pairs: one free and one slave, in order to preserve the fragile balance between free and slave states. A problem arose because California was the only state seeking admission in 1850. But its statehood could not wait until another territory was ready because the discovery
of gold made Congress eager to incorporate California into the nation. Its entry as a free state was part of the Compromise of 1850, which also made New Mexico a ter
ritory and abolished the slave trade in the District of Columbia. To placate the slave-owning states, Congress passed a stringent fugitive slave law.
That national compromise was impelled by the fact that delegates to the 1849 state constitutional convention held at Monterey had already decided that slavery
should not be allowed in California. They had opposed the "introduction of do mestic slavery into the territory of California" not because they were abolitionists but
because the miners did not wish to compete against southerners who might use slave labor to search for gold. More hody debated was the question of whether or not
free blacks should be permitted to enter the state. One delegate who opposed their entry declared that such individuals posed a "threat greater than slavery itself" be cause they were "idle in their habits, difficult to be governed by the laws, thriftless,
and uneducated." Another participant predicted that should free blacks be allowed to seek their fortunes in the mines, "the whole country would be filled with eman
cipated slaves?the worst species of population?prepared to do nothing but steal, or live upon our means as paupers." But African Americans also had their defend ers at the convention: one stated that "free men of color have just as good a right, and
ought to have, to emigrate here as white men." Another reminded his fellow dele gates of their solemn duty: "We are forming a Constitution for the first State of the American Union on the shores of the Pacific. The eyes of the world are turned to ward us." For that reason, he said, the California constitution should be "a model in
strument of liberal and enlightened principles." Yet another delegate declared that
the proposed exclusion of black people was a "great wrong."83 After weeks of debate,
the provision was voted down due to fears that its inclusion might jeopardize Cali fornia's statehood when the issue came before Congress.
Admission as a free state and the lack of prohibition against the entry of free blacks, however, did not settle the ambiguous status of those enslaved African Amer
icans who had been brought to California before it became a state. Slave masters con
tinued to claim ownership of their chattel or reneged on promises of manumission,
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM Jl
as illustrated by the Perkins case, which involved three slaves from Mississippi? Carter Perkins, Robert Perkins, and Sandy Jones?who had been taken to Califor
nia to help dig for gold. A year later, they were hired out to a doctor, who was told
that should the three men perform their duties faithfully and give their earnings to
their owner, they could be freed. Several months later, their new employer informed
them they had fulfilled their obligations and were free. However, their former mas
ter, after returning to Mississippi, changed his mind and decided to reclaim his "property" and sued to get them back. Using the fugitive slave law that California had passed in April 1852 (the intention of which was to enable masters to keep slaves who had been brought into California before it became a state), the three men
were arrested and taken to Sacramento. After a convoluted trial, the court ruled
that the three men were still the property of their former owner. They were re
manded to jail to await delivery to the latter.84
A more celebrated case involved Archy Lee in 1858. By this time, California's fugi
tive slave law, which had been renewed annually until 1856, had expired. Two months after Lee and his master arrived in the state, the latter decided to send the former
home to Mississippi. While in San Francisco awaiting passage, Lee escaped but was soon apprehended. In the next few months, the African American community rose
up to support his fight for freedom. After winding its way through the lower courts,
the case reached the California Supreme Court, which decided that even though Lee could not be held according to the (federal) fugitive slave law, "there are circum
stances connected with this particular case that may exempt him from the operation of the rules we have laid down." These circumstances were that Lee's young master
was inexperienced and in poor health and needed his services! Thus, the justices thought he should be returned to his master. Archy Lee's supporters, however, ob tained a new writ of habeas corpus and finally succeeded in getting him freed.85
The issue that California's African Americans fought hardest for was the right to testify in court. Being barred from testimony and having to rely on white witnesses
meant that blacks had no recourse against those who robbed or assaulted them. To gain this right, the black community's leaders held statewide "colored conventions"
in 1855,1856, and 1857, and launched petition campaigns to influence the legislature.86
Though the lawmakers rebuffed their requests, African Americans finally did acquire the right to testify in 1863, during the Civil War.
Black Californians' struggle for the franchise, however, did not bear fruit until af ter the Civil War, when the Fifteenth Amendment to the national constitution was
passed in 1870, enabling African Americans around the nation to participate in po litical elections. Their desire to send their children to integrated schools involved
more local efforts. During the early gold-rush years, there were few black women and
even fewer black children in California (the same demographic imbalance character
ized all the other ethnic groups in the state as well). But by the mid-i85os, several
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72 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
hundred African American children had been born in or brought to California. Their
parents had to find ways to educate them, as they were not allowed to attend the pub
lic schools. Two means were found: some black churches set up private classes for the
children, usually in their basements, while boards of education in San Francisco, Sacramento, and elsewhere allocated funds for the establishment of separate "colored
schools." By 1873, twenty-one public "colored schools" existed in the state. Though black parents began protesting segregated schooling in the 1860s, and mounted a le
gal campaign in 1872 to end it, it was not until the 1890 Wysinger v. Crookshank deci
sion that California's public schools finally opened their doors to black youth.87
In addition to the above inequities sanctioned by law and by common practice, African Americans in California also could not use the same public facilities as whites
or serve in the militia and military.88 Such discrimination was definitely racist and not
nativist, for black Californians were not foreigners but Americans. Moreover, what
they encountered was not simply prejudice but institutional racism: the major insti tutions of society?the state legislature, the court system, the state franchise board,
various local school boards, the armed services, and municipal governments?all used their power to deny African Californians the rights that other Americans en joyed, solely on the basis of their purported biological and social defects.
Unlike African Americans, who had been oppressed for centuries but who, as American-born persons, could speak English and were familiar with the U.S. Con stitution, the American creed, and everyday social practices, the Chinese who came
to California during the Gold Rush had no prior experience as oppressed minorities.
Yet, despite the countless charges of unassimilability leveled against them, they fought for the very same civil rights as blacks had done, including the right to tes tify in court, to earn a living without harassment, to become U.S. citizens, to vote, to attend integrated schools, and to marry individuals of a different race.89
That the Chinese should engage in such struggles was unexpected because they
supposedly were only crossing the ocean in search of wealth, with no intention of making America their permanent home. Although a significant proportion of the other gold seekers also returned to the places where they had lived before they joined the Gold Rush, and could thus be properly characterized as sojourners, the term
"sojourner" has been applied by journalists and historians alike only to the Chinese.
Thus, by a single stroke of the pen, these writers have relegated Chinese to the margins of American immigration history by claiming they were not "true" immi grants.90 This unsubstantiated assertion has been questioned only in recent years, when scholars began to uncover how sophisticated the Chinese in fact were, as they used the American judicial and economic systems to garner some rights, as well as
a living, for themselves.91
Chinese entered the gold fields just as miners began to abandon placer claims al ready stripped of easily removable nuggets and gold dust. From 1852 or 1853 onward,
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 73
A camp of Chinese miners, as depicted by the Scots artist-Argonaut J. D. Borthwick. Although less than a thousand Chinese had reached Gum San, the "Golden Mountain," by 1850, within two years they represented nearly a tenth of the total population of the state. Usually excluded from all but worked-out claims, they nonetheless continued to practice placer mining techniques long after the rise of hydraulic and quartz mining. From J. D. Borthwick, Three Years in California (1857). California Historical Society, FN-J1566.
the Chinese became the main?indeed, in some places, the only?placer miners in the state. An analysis of the manuscript U.S. census schedules for i860,1870, and 1880
(the 1850 federal and 1852 state manuscript census schedules were not studied because
they are unreliable and illegible on many pages) shows how important mining was as
an activity to the Chinese. First, they were heavily concentrated in the mining regions
and formed a sizable fraction of the total population there, ranging from 12 to 23 per
cent in the various counties in i860,14 to 22 percent in 1870, and 10 to 20 percent in
1880. In comparison, at no time did they exceed 10 percent of the total population of
the state as a whole. Second, of the gainfully employed Chinese enumerated in the mining counties, 80 to 90 percent in all three ore-bearing regions were engaged in mining in i860. A decade later, 50 percent of Chinese in the Northern Mines were miners, 75 percent were similarly occupied in the Southern Mines, while 87 percent of
Chinese in the Klamath-Trinity mining region were likewise prospecting for the shiny metal. In 1880, the respective percentages were 71,52, and 71 percent.92
These figures debunk a second widely held myth about Chinese immigration into the United States: that they were primarily imported as "coolies" (contract laborers)
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74 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
to help build the western half of the first transcontinental railroad. That oft-repeated
"fact" simply is not true. Like other groups, including Ajiglo-Americans, the Chinese
were initially lured to California by the discovery of gold; only a decade and a half later did they find work in railroad construction. In fact, gold was such a lodestar for
the Chinese that they persisted in mining longer than any other ethnic group. They
dug and washed and rocked the picked-over, but still ore-bearing, earth, gleaning whatever residue of gold they could find, until they became too old for that sort of ar
duous labor. The Chinese miners found by census enumerators in 1900 were all quite old because after the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in 1882, few young im
migrants could come to replenish the aging and dwindling Chinese population. When the Chinese first appeared in the mining areas, they were tolerated because,
as the Mexicans, Chilenos, Peruvians, and French left, they were the only group from
whom the new Foreign Miners' Tax could be collected. Such revenue enriched the treasuries of the mining counties until 1870, when the tax was declared unconstitu
tional. Even more importantly, the Chinese were willing to pay handsome prices for
the white miners'"tailings" or worked-out claims. Such an unexpected source of in come gave the departing miners a last chance to "raise a stake." Still, Yankee miners
complained that "Chinamen are getting to be altogether too plentiful in the coun try."93 Attempts were made to expel Chinese from some locations. For example, sixty white miners drove away two hundred Chinese from Mormon Bar on the
American River and later another four hundred from Horse Shoe Bar.94 There were
also efforts to exclude the Chinese from Columbia, Rough and Ready, Wood's Creek, Foster's Bar, and Yuba River Camp.95
In addition, the state legislature levied a so-called "commutation tax," which re quired the masters of ships arriving in California ports to submit a list of all foreign passengers and to post a bond of five hundred dollars for each such individual. This
bond, however, could be commuted by paying a fee ranging from five to fifty dollars
per passenger. Although the Chinese were not explicitly named in this measure, they were, in fact, its main targets. Most of the time, the commutation fee was five
dollars, which the shipping companies simply added to the cost of passage and thereby passed on to their Chinese customers.96
Despite these hostile acts, Chinese could be found all over the mining regions. Their headquarters was at Chinese Camp in Tuolumne County, which had the largest congregation of Chinese miners in the state and served as the distribution point not only for the Southern Mines but also for all the Chinese mining camps from Plumas County in the north to Mariposa County in the south.97 There was
even a significant number of Chinese miners in the northwestern part of the state,
the first contingent of thirty-five having arrived in Siskiyou County in May 1853.98 This area was so remote that some Chinese found it sufficiently safe to invest in the
expensive equipment needed for hydraulic mining?a venture they did not dare
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 75
undertake in the more populous Northern and Southern Mines, where the chances of their being evicted were higher.
Aside from the mining camps, Chinese also gathered in urban Chinatowns, each of
which occupied a small section of towns such as Angels Camp, Auburn, Coloma, Co lumbia, Coulterville, Grass Valley, Hornitos, Knights Ferry, Mokelumne Hill, Nevada
City, Placerville, and Sonora. The Chinatowns contained grocery and dry goods stores,
gambling joints, opium dens, brothels, restaurants, and boardinghouses, most of which
were housed in shanties. The gambling, opium-smoking, and eating places, as well as
the houses of prostitution, were frequented by Chinese and non-Chinese alike.
Chinese in the mining areas earned a living in other ways when they were pre vented from mining themselves. As large companies formed to sink deep shafts into the ore-bearing hardrock, which had to be excavated by experienced workers and crushed and processed with heavy machinery, highly skilled miners from Corn
wall, England, became the employees of choice. The hardrock miners formed unions and kept the Chinese out, but the latter found work as cooks, wood gatherers, laun
drymen, farmers, produce dealers, and herbalists to serve the other miners' needs. (Miners were among the first European Americans to discover the efficacy of tradi tional Chinese medicine.)
Although the Chinese managed to earn a living, they were abused and discrimi nated against even more blatantly than blacks, given their larger numbers and con sequently the greater threat they were perceived to pose. But, like African Ameri cans, they also fought back. As early as April 1852, Chinese community leaders who
had learned English began to protest the negative ways in which their people were being depicted. In a letter to Governor John Bigler, who had made an anti-Chinese statement, Har Wa and Long Achik, two merchants in San Francisco, took excep tion to his calling all Chinese "coolies." They pointed out that
there are no Chinese drunkards in your streets, nor convicts in your prisons, madmen in
your hospitals, or others who are a charge to your state. They live orderly, work hard, and
take care of themselves ... we are good men; we honor our parents; we take care of our
children; we are industrious and peaceable; we trade much; we are trusted for small and
large sums; wrpay our debts and are honest; and, of course, must tell the truth."
The following month, Norman Asing, another Chinese who was literate in English, sent a second letter to the governor in which he stated:
we would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation
from which you sprung barbarous, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized
life;... we are not the degraded race you would make us.. . . You say that "gold, with its talismanic power, has overcome those natural habits of non-intercourse we have ex
hibited." I ask you, has not gold had the same effect upon your people, and the people
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y6 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
of other countries, who have migrated hither? Why, it was gold that filled your coun
try (formerly a desert) with people, filled your harbors with ships ... You cannot... as
sert that the cupidity of which you speak is ours alone;... Thousands of your own cit
izens come here to dig for gold, with the idea of returning as speedily as they can.100
Chinese not only insisted on their right to be in the United States but soon be gan to use American institutions, especially the political and judicial systems, to defend themselves. Thus, in 1853, in response to bills introduced to increase the For
eign Miners'Tax, several Chinese community leaders, accompanied by white attor neys they had hired, met with the state legislature's Committee on Mines and
Mining Interests, during which they rebutted allegations that they were importing indentured laborers. They supplied information on the Chinese population in the state and the means by which they had come. Although they did not oppose a rea sonable increase in the Foreign Miners'Tax, they did complain about the increasing violence that Chinese miners were encountering and provided details about numer
ous physical attacks. They pointed out that the Chinese had no recourse to justice because the courts would not accept Chinese testimony. The Chinese leaders were
apparendy persuasive, for the committee recommended that the Foreign Miners'Tax be increased by only a dollar a month.101
Furthermore, Chinese miners did not hesitate to turn to the local courts when
they were robbed of their gold dust either by other Chinese or by white miners or
when they were evicted from claims they were working.102 Such action contradicts the stereotype of them as a people who insulated themselves from the larger society
around them. To handicap them in these legal proceedings, the statute barring Na tive Americans and African Americans from testifying against whites in California's
courts was formally extended to the Chinese in 1854, in the case of People v. Hal/.103 Just as black Californians tried to do, the Chinese fought hard to overturn this pro
hibition. But they did not succeed until 1872?nine years after blacks had done so. Not only did it take them longer to achieve this goal, but in 1863 Chinese were ad ditionally barred from testifying in civil cases as well.
Unable to testify in court, "Chinamen are robbed and murdered with impunity,
because they are defenseless and have no remedy," as the Mountain Democrat put it.104 In a report made by a committee of the state legislature in 1862, it was stated
that eighty-eight Chinese miners were known to have been murdered by whites, eleven of them by collectors of the Foreign Miners'Tax. The committee concluded that "it is a well known fact that there has been a wholesale system of wrong and out
rage practiced upon the Chinese population of this state, which would disgrace the most barbarous nation upon earth."105 Only in one instance did the Chinese win a
modest victory with regard to the Foreign Miners' Tax and the physical abuse they had endured. In 1861, in the case of Ex parte Ah Pong, the state supreme court over
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM JJ
turned a sentence against a Chinese laundryman who had refused to pay the Foreign Miners' Tax, after it was revised to apply to all foreigners living in the mining dis
tricts, regardless of their occupation.106
Despite the similar injustices they faced, African Americans and Chinese in gold-rush California failed to identify with one another or to join in a common struggle. On the contrary, they showed considerable antipathy to one another. In his letter to Governor Bigler, Norman Asing objected to Chinese being grouped to gether with blacks:
you have degraded the Negro because of your holding him in involuntary servitude, and
because for the sake of union in some of your states such was tolerated, and amongst
this class you would endeavor to place us. . . . Your Excellency will discover, however,
that we are as much allied to the African race and the red man as you are yourself, and
that as far as the aristocracy of skin is concerned, ours might compare with many of the
European races.107
Neither did the Chinese hesitate to express negative views about California Indians. After the 1854 Hall decision, Lai Chun-chuen, a San Francisco Chinese merchant,
wrote a letter to Governor Bigler in which he declared:
your honorable people . . . have come to the conclusion that we Chinese are the same
as Indians and Negroes, and your courts will not allow us to bear witness. And yet these
Indians know nothing about the relations of society; they know no mutual respect; they
wear neither clothes nor shoes; they live in wild places and in caves.108
African Americans, for their part, denigrated the "grotesque" appearance of Chi nese men, with their queues and "vacant Know Nothing face[s which are] expressive
of nothing but stupidity." Echoing the views of white Americans, black Americans faulted the Chinese for being "heathens" and having no "regard for the sanctity of the
Christian oath." Philip Bell, a prominent black pioneer newspaper editor in Califor nia, urged his readers "not to employ the Chinese nor purchase goods from them."109 African Americans sought to distance themselves from the Chinese by reminding European Americans that black people were different from the Chinese. As Bell put it, the black American "is a native American, loyal to the Government, and a lover of his country and her institutions?American in all his ideas; a Christian by edu
cation, and a believer in the truths of Christianity."110 In short, African Americans
used nativist arguments to elevate themselves vis-a-vis the Chinese. It should be
noted, however, that there were also African Americans who sympathized with the
Chinese and opposed efforts to exclude them from the country.111 Such mutual antagonism between two minority groups indicates how pernicious
racism can be in a mixed, fiercely competitive society in which all groups were prone
to extreme ethnocentrism. In gold-rush California, not only did racism help whites
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78 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
to justify their oppression of peoples of color, but it also fueled a scramble among the
latter for status, opportunities, and white approval?approval to be gained, they thought, by denigrating other nonwhite groups. But that sad history of human fail
ings can also be interpreted dialectically: the struggles for civil rights mounted by Californians of African and Chinese ancestry bear witness to the fact that often it
is people who have been most wronged who fight the hardest for liberty and justice. In the case of the Chinese, even though they may have retained their clothing, hair style, food preferences, language, religion, and other aspects of daily life?and in that
sense did not seem to have assimilated?they, in fact, assimilated to a far greater de
gree than they have been given credit for, in terms of their fervent desire for fair play
and equality. Life (the safety of one's person and the right to earn a living), liberty (the freedom to reside where one wishes, to associate with whomever one wishes,
and to say whatever is on one's mind), and the pursuit of happiness (the ability to ac
quire wealth through honest labor and to partake of human conviviality) are, after all, the very things that define the national identity of the United States. In short, re
sistance to efforts to deny them such basic rights is, in a profound, albeit unconven tional, sense, a form of patriotism on the part of American-born blacks, and of as
similation on the part of Chinese immigrants.
CONCLUSION
When we examine the historical experiences of black and Chinese Californians along side one another, it is apparent that the early 1850s was a period during which racial
lines hardened. Those divisions were codified and sanctioned by a series of laws: the 1852 Fugitive Slave Act, the reimposition in 1852 of the Foreign Miners'Tax, the 1852
enactment of a "commutation tax," and the extension of the prohibition against black,
mulatto, and Indian testimony to the Chinese in the 1854 People v. Hall decision. These laws and their official enforcement, as well as de facto implementation through
social coercion and even mob violence, all worked to keep Californians of color "in their place." Each discriminatory law and its implementation represented what soci
ologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant have called a "racial project... simulta neously an interpretation, representation, or explanation of racial dynamics, and an
effort to organize and redistribute resources along particular racial lines." Cumulatively,
such racial projects constitute the process they have called "racial formation," during
which "racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed, and destroyed."112
One concrete manifestation of racial formation in California was the increasing segmentation of the labor market, in which the more dangerous, menial, and low paid jobs with little job security and built-in channels for advancement became the province of racial minorities (and of women), while the cleaner, better paid, and more
prestigious occupations with greater job security and more possibilities for upward
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 79
mobility became the preserve of European American men. Thus, while the labor of nonwhite groups was still wanted, their place was now to serve the needs of the
emerging dominant Anglo-American majority?in contrast to the latters self-ap pointed role, which was to own the states resources, control its decision-making ap paratus, dominate all other ethnic groups and women of all backgrounds, and define what was culturally acceptable. This process of stratification had begun during the
Spanish and Mexican periods, but it accelerated with the Gold Rush. The creation of such a hierarchy involved five sub-processes vis-a-vis peoples of color: the ex
ploitation of their labor, the denial of their civil rights, the aversion of social contacts with them, the deprivation of their chances for upward mobility, and the insistence
on deference in their behavior toward the European American majority. The rapid emergence of such an unequal society?one that goes against the professed Amer ican creed?is one of the darker legacies of the Gold Rush we need to remember as
we commemorate its sesquicentennial.
NOTES
i. Manuel P. Servin, "California's Hispanic Heritage: A View into the Spanish Myth," Journal of San Diego History 19 (1973): 1-9; Harry Kelsey, "A New Look at the Founding of Old Los Angeles," California Historical Quarterly 55 (1976): 327-39; and William Mason, "Tracking the Founders of Los Angeles," Museum Alliance Quarterly 6 (Summer 1967): 26-27 and 30.
2. There are many markers of ethnicity. In this chapter, I shall focus on language and re
ligion. Since these two phenomena are also aspects of culture, "ethnicity" and "ethnic iden tity" will be used interchangeably with "culture" and "cultural identity" in this study.
3. For a fuller historiographical evaluation, see Sucheng Chan, "Immigrants and Mi norities in the Historiography of the California Gold Rush" (forthcoming).
4. Hubert H. Bancroft, California Inter Pocula, vol. 35 of The Works of Hubert Howe Ban croft (San Francisco: The History Co., 1888); Bancroft, History of California, vols. 6 and 7 (1884-1890); Theodore H. Hittell, History of California, vol. 3 (San Francisco: Pacific Press, 1885-1897); and Josiah Royce, California from the Conquest in 1846 to the Second Vigilante Committee in San Francisco: A Study of American Character (1885; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948). Theodore HittelTs brother, John, actually published the first chronicle of the state, but the only immigrant group singled out for special comments were the French: John S. Hittell,
A History of the City of San Francisco and Incidentally of the State of California (San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft & Co., 1878), 185 ff. Quotes are from Bancroft, California Inter Pocula, 236, and Royce, California, 2,S7 ff- and 222.
5. John S. McGroarty, California: Its History and Romance (Los Angeles: Grafton, 1911), 209-38; Henry K. Norton, The Story of California: From the Earliest Days to the Present (1913; Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1926), 216-17, 228,288, and 291; Zoeth S. Eldredge, History of Cal ifornia, vol. 3 (New York: Century History Co., 1915), chapters 4, 5, and 7 (the reference to
Mexicans is on p. 189); and Gertrude Atherton, California: An Intimate History (1914; New York: Boni 8cLiveright, 1927), 123 (the Chinese are covered in chapters 20 and 21).
6. Robert G. Cleland, A History of California: The American Period (New York, 1922; New
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8o ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
York Macmillan, 1927), chapters 17 and 19 (the discussion of foreign miners is on pp. 280-83); Rockwell D. Hunt and Nellie van de Grift Sanchez, A Short History of California (New York: Thomas Y Crowell Co., 1929), 380 and 391; and John W. Caughey, California (1940; New York: Prentice-Hall, 1953), chapter 16.
7. Carey McWilliams, California: The Great Exception (New York: Current Books, 1949), 25 and 63.
8. Ibid., 86-88. 9. Andrew F. Rolle, California: A History (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1963);
Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968); Ralph J. Roske, Everyman's Eden: A History of California (New York: Macmillan, 1968); Warren A. Beck and David A. Williams, California: A History of the Golden State (Garden City: Dou bleday, 1972); David Lavender, California: Land of New Beginnings (New York: Harper & Row, 1972) and California: A Bicentennial History (New York: W. W. Norton for the Amer ican Association for State and Local History, 1976); and Edward Staniford, The Pattern of California History (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1975).
10. Lavender, California: Land of New Beginnings, see esp. 157,161,166,186, and 209-26. 11. Howard A. DeWitt, California Civilization: An Interpretation (Dubuque: Kendall/
Hunt, 1979); Howard A. DeWitt, ed., Readings in California Civilization (Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt, 1981); Kevin Starr, Americans and the California Dream, 1850-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973); James J. Rawls, ed., New Directions in California His tory: A Book of Readings (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988); James J. Rawls and Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History, 7th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1998); Richard B. Rice, William A. Bullough, and Richard J. Orsi, The Elusive Eden: A New History of Cali fornia, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1996); Sucheng Chan and Spencer C. Olin, eds., Major Problems in California History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997); and David
Wyatt, Five Fires: Race, Catastrophe, and the Shaping of California (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1997).
12. In Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the Ameri can West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), and Richard White, Tts Your Misfortune and
None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991)?two works of synthesis that exemplify the "New Western History"?only a few pages in each book are devoted to the Gold Rush. A succinct statement of the New West ern Historians' view of race is found in Richard White, "Race Relations in the American
VJzsX? American Quarterly38 (1986): 396-416. 13. Owen C. Coy, Gold Days (San Francisco: Powell, 1929); John W. Caughey, Gold Is the
Cornerstone (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1948; the paperback edition, published in 1975, appeared under the tide The California Gold Rush)', Rodman W. Paul, California Gold: The Beginning of Mining in the Far West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1947); Paul,
Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848-1880 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963); William S. Greever, The Bonanza West: The Story of Western Mining Rushes, 1848-1900 (Nor man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963); Otis E. Young, Jr., Western Mining: An Informal Account of Precious-Metal Prospecting, Placering, Lode Mining, and Milling on the American Frontier from Spanish Times to 189J (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970); J. S. Holliday, The World Rushed In: The California Gold Rush Experience, An Eyewitness Account of a Nation Heading West (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981); Paula M. Marks, Precious Dust: The American Gold Rush Era, 1848-1900 (New York: William Morrow, 1994); and Malcolm
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 8l
J. Rohrbough, Days of Gold: The California Gold Rush and the American Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
14. Paul, California Gold, 45,47,134-37,142, and 152. 15. Joseph R. Conlin, Bacon, Beans, and Galantines: Food and Foodways on the Western
Mining Frontier (Reno and Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 1986); Doris M. Wright, "The Making of Cosmopolitan California: An Analysis of Immigration, 1848-1870," Cali
fornia Historical Society Quarterly 19 (December 1940): 323-43, and 20 (March 1941): 65-79; and Ralph J. Roske, "The World Impact of the California Gold Rush, 1849-1857," Arizona and the West 5 (Summer 1963): 187-232.
16. Due to space limitations, writings about the European immigrant groups cannot be cited here. See Chan, "Immigrants and Minorities," for a listing of the available literature. The copious material on the Jews is due partly to the existence of a journal, Western States Jewish History (originally called Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly).
17. Only a few of the writings about African Americans, Chinese, Mexicans, Chilenos, and Peruvians will be cited below. For fuller listings, see Chan, "Immigrants and Minorities."
18. Robert L. Santos, The Gold Rush of California: A Bibliography of Periodical Articles (Denair, Calif.: Alley-Cass Publications, 1998).
19. Corrective in the sense discussed by Jim Sharpe, "History from Below," and Joan Scott, "Women's History," in New Perspectives on Historical Writing, ed. Peter Burke (Uni versity Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), 24-41 and 42-66, respectively.
20. For incisive discussions of these changes, see Maureen A. Jung, "Capitalism Comes to the Diggings: From Gold-Rush Adventure to Corporate Enterprise," California History yy (Winter 1998/99): 52-77; and Daniel Cornford, "'We all live more like brutes than hu mans': Labor and Capital in the Gold Rush," California History yy (Winter 1998/99): 78-104.
21. Seville A. Sylva, Foreigners in the California Gold Rush (San Francisco: R 8c E Research Associates, 1972), 4.
22. Richard Dillon, "Kanaka Colonies in California," Pacific Historical Review 24 (Febru ary 1955): 17-23.
23. Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, vol. 1 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1938; 7th printing, 1989), 319-24; and Roske, "World Impact," 189-93.
24. Stephen Giacobbi, Chile and Her Argonauts in the Gold Rush (San Francisco: R 8c E Research Associates, 1974), 8.
25. George E. Faugsted, Jr., The Chilenos in the California Gold Rush (San Francisco: R 8c E Research Associates, 1973), 14.
26. Wright, "Making of Cosmopolitan California," 326. 27. As quoted in Giacobbi, Chile and Her Argonauts, 18. 28. Faugsted, Chilenos in the California Gold Rush, 19. 29. Wright, "Making of Cosmopolitan California," appendix D, 342. 30. J. M. Guinn, "Early Gold Discoveries in Southern California," Publications of the
Historical Society of Southern California^ (1895): 10-16. 31. Wright, "Making of Cosmopolitan California," 324. 32. Jay Monaghan, Chile, Peru, and the California Gold Rush of 1849 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1973), 98-101. 33. Charles Bateson, Gold Fleet to California: Forty Ninersfrom Australia and New Zealand
(East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1964), 20-21; and Jay Monaghan, Aus
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82 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
tralians and the Gold Rush: California and Down Under, 1849-1854 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966).
34. Sherman L. Ricards, Jr., and George M. Blackburn, "The Sydney Ducks: A Demo graphic Analysis," Pacific Historical Review 42 (February 1973): 20-31.
35. Robert A. Burchell, "The Gathering of a Community: The British-Born of San Fran cisco in 1852 and 1872," Journal of American Studies 10 (1976): 281.
36. Bateson, Gold Fleet, 38.
37. J. D. Borthwick, Three Years in California (Edinburgh and London: William Black wood & Sons, 1857), 239J and Sylva, Foreigners, 25.
38. The dividing line between the Northern and Southern Mines was "the ridge on the north side of the north fork of the Mokelumne River" (Theodore H. Hittell, History of Cal ifornia, vol. 3,109). On the Southern Mines, see Roberta E. Holmes, The Southern Mines of California: Early Development of the Sonora Mining Region (San Francisco: Grabhorn Press, 1930); William R. Kenny, "History of the Sonora Mining Region of California, 1848-1860" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1955); and Elizabeth G. Potter, "Columbia? 'Gem of the Southern Mines,'" California Historical Society Quarterly 24 (September 1945): 267-70. On the Northern Mines, see Edmund Kinyon, The Northern Mines: Factual Narra tives of the Counties of Nevada, Placer, Sierra, Yuba, and Portions of Plumas and Butte (Nevada City: Union Publishing Co., 1949).
39. Carlos U. Lopez, Chilenos in California: A Study of the 1850, i8p, and i860 Censuses (San Francisco: R & E Research Associates, 1973), tables I and II, xvii and xviii.
40. Ibid., xii; and Giacobbi, Chile and Her Argonauts, 20. 41. Faugsted, Chilenos in the California Gold Rush, 25. 42. Bancroft, History of California, vol. 6,124, note 27. 43. James M. Guinn, "The Sonoran Migration," Historical Society of Southern California
Annuals (1909-1911):33. 44. Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860: A Study of the Origins of
American Nativism (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1963); and John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, i860-1925 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1963).
45. Bancroft, History of California, vol. 6,396-402 and 227-28. 46. Richard H. Peterson, Manifest Destiny in the Mines: A Cultural Interpretation of Anti
Mexican Nativism in California, 1848-1853 (San Francisco: R 6c E Research Associates, i975)>36.
47. James J. Rawls, "Gold Diggers: Indian Miners in the California Gold Rush," Cali fornia Historical Quarterly 55 (Spring 1976): 28-45.
48. Helen B. Henniker-Gray, "The Beginnings of Nativism in California, 1848-1852" (M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1948), 20,30, and 31.
49. Theodore H. Hittell, History of California, vol. 3,736. 50. Frank Soule, John H. Gihon, and James Nisbet, The Annals of San Francisco (New
York: D. Appleton &Co., 1855), 463-64. 51. Abraham P. Nasatir, The French in the California Gold Rush (New York: American
Society of the French Legion of Honor, 1934), 7-8. 52. Gilbert Chinard, "When the French Came to California: An Introductory Essay,"
California Historical Society Quarterly 22 (December 1943): 291-92. 53. Wright, "Making of Cosmopolitan California," 71.
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 83
54- Chinard, "When the French Came," 307.
55. George Cosgrave, trans., "The French Revolution: Translated from the French of F. Gerstacker's Scenes de la Vie Californienne," California Historical Society Quarterly 17 (March 1938): 4.
56. Chinard, "When the French Came"; and Henry Blumenthal, "The California Soci eties in France, 1849-1855," Pacific Historical Review 25 (August 1856): 251-60.
57. Chinard, "When the French Came," 311-12; and Blumenthal, "California Societies in France," 258.
58. This statement may seem to contradict Doris Wright's view that the immigrants who came directly from France were "largely from the middle class," with many skilled mechan ics and professionals (Wright, "Making of Cosmopolitan California," 72). However, due to the economic losses suffered by many members of the middle class in the aftermath of the 1848 Revolution, even they might have been penurious.
59. Henniker-Gray, "Beginnings of Nativism," 38. 60. Faugsted, Chilenos in the California Gold Rush, 42. 61. Leonard Pitt, "The Beginnings of Nativism in California," Pacific Historical Review 30
(February 1961): 23-38; Richard H. Peterson, "The Foreign Miners'Tax of 1850 and Mexi cans in California: Exploitation or Expulsion?" Pacific Historian 20 (Fall 1976): 265-70; and Richard H. Morefield, The Mexican Adaptation in American California, 1846-1875 (San Fran cisco: R 8c E Research Associates, 1971).
62. M. Colette Standart, "The Sonoran Migration to California," Southern California Quarterly 58 (Fall 1976): 340.
63. Richard H. Morefield, "Mexicans in the California Mines, 1848-53," California His torical Society Quarterly 35 (March 1956): 38.
64. Morefield, Mexican Adaptation, 9. 65. Richard H. Peterson, "The Mexican Gold Rush: Illegal Aliens' of the 1850s," The Cal
ifornians 3 (May/June 1985): 19. 66. Standart, "Sonora Migration," 340. 67. Peterson, "Mexican Gold Rush," 19; and Morefield, "Mexicans in the California
Mines," 38. 68. William R. Kenny, "Mexican-American Conflict on the Mining Frontier, 1848-52,"
Journal of the West 6 (October 1967): 587. 69. Ibid., 587-88; Morefield, Mexican Adaptation, 3-5. 70. Kenny, "Mexican-American Conflict," 591. 71. Ibid., 583-84. 72. For an account of a tragicomic incident involving French miners in the vicinity of
Sonora, see Cosgrave, "French Revolution." 73. Morefield, Mexican Adaptation, 12. 74. George Cosgrave, "A Diplomatic Incident on the Little Mariposa," California His
torical Society Quarterly 11 (December 1942): 360-61. 75. Winifred Storrs Hill, Tarnished Gold: Prejudice during the California Gold Rush (San
Francisco: International Scholars Publications, 1990), 27-28. 76. Quoted in ibid., 29-30; and in Henniker-Gray, "Beginnings of Nativism," 41-43. yy. Rudolph Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1977), 12-48; and B. Gordon Wheeler, Black California: The History of African-Americans in the Golden State (New York: Hippocrene Books, 1993), 39-65.
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84 ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM
78. Kenneth G. Goode, California s Black Pioneers: A Brief Historical Survey (Santa Bar bara: McNally & Loftin, 1974), 3-36.
79. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California, 49. 80. Goode, Californias Black Pioneers, 59. 81. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California, 52. 82. Ronald C. Woolsey, "A Southern Dilemma: Slavery Expansion and the California
Statehood Issue in 1850?A Reconsideration," Southern California Quarterly 65 (Summer 1983): 123.
83. Gordon M. Bakken, "Constitutional Convention Debates in the West: Race, Religion, and Gender," Western Legal History 3 (Summer/Fall 1990): 229.
84. Ray Albin, "The Perkins Case: The Ordeal of Three Slaves in Gold Rush California," California History 67 (December 1988): 214-27 and 187-89.
85. William E. Franklin, "The Archy Case," Pacific Historical Review 32 (May 1963): 137-54. For other cases, see Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California, 126-57.
86. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California, 186-238. For the text of the proceedings of these conventions, as well as one held in 1865,see Philip S. Foner and George E. Walker, eds., Proceedings of the Black State Conventions, 1840-1865, vol. 2 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1972), 110-205.
87. Charles M. Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 8-27.
88. Wheeler, Black California, 55. 89. It is outside the scope of this essay to discuss the sustained efforts made by the
Chinese to gain civil rights. For a succinct summary, see Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), 45-61 and 81-100. For a more detailed exposition, see Charles J. McClain, In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle Against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
90. For a discussion of this historiographical issue, see Sucheng Chan, "European and Asian Immigration into the United States in Comparative Perspective, 1820s to 1920s," in Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics, ed. Virginia Yans-McLaughlin (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 37-75; and Franklin Ng, "The Sojourner, Return Mi gration, and Immigration History," Chinese America: History and Perspectives, 1987 (San Fran cisco: Chinese Historical Society of America, 1987), 53-72.
91. The two books that point most clearly in this direction are Sucheng Chan, This Bit tersweet Soil: The Chinese in California Agriculture, 1860-1910 (Berkeley: University of Cali fornia Press, 1986); and McClain, In Search of Equality.
92. Chan, This Bittersweet Soil, tables 2,3,4, and 5, on pp. 48,54, 62, and 68.
93. Stephen Williams, "The Chinese in the California Mines, 1848-1860" (M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1930), 63.
94. Ibid., 66-67. 95. David V. DuFault, "The Chinese in the Mining Camps of California, 1848-1870,"
Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly 41 (1959): 156. 96. McClain, In Search of Equality, 12-13. 97. Williams, "Chinese in the California Mines," 75. Also see Irene D. Paden and Mar
garet E. Schlichtmann, The Big Oak Flat Road: An Account of Freighting from Stockton to Yosemite Valley (Oakland: Holmes Book Co., 1959), 67-92; and Anne Bloomfield, Benjamin
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ETHNIC DIVERSITY, NATIVISM, AND RACISM 85
F. H. Ananian, and Philip P. Choy, History of Chinese Camp: Cultural Resources Inventory (Sonora: Tuolumne County Historical Preservation Review Commission, 1994).
98. Nancy Wey, "Chinese Mining in Siskiyou County, Northern California," East/West, October 25,1978,7.
99. Har Wa and Long Achik, "The Chinese in California: Letter of the Chinamen to His Excellency Gov. Bigler," Living Age 34 (April 29,1852).
100. Norman Asing, "To His Excellency Governor Bigler from Norman Asing," Daily Alta California, May 5,1855.
101. McClain, In Search of Equality, 15-16. In 1855, the tax was raised to six dollars a month, with a provision for augmenting it further by two dollars per year thereafter. How ever, the 1855 levy was repealed the following year, with the tax set again at four dollars a month.
102. I have found two dozen legal briefs in Nevada County (whose county seat, Nevada City, had the largest Chinatown in the Northern Mines) in which Chinese sued each other as well as whites. I have not written up my findings, but a brief summary of the issues ad dressed in these cases may be found in McClain, In Search of Equality, 295-96, note 122.
103. David Beesley, "More than People v. Hall: Chinese Immigrants and American Law in a Sierra Nevada Town, 1850-1920," Locus 3 (Spring 1991): 123-39; Charles J. McClain, "The Chinese Struggle for Civil Rights in Nineteenth Century America: The First Phase, 1850-1870," California Law Review 72 (July 1984): 548-53; and Hudson N. Janisch, "The Chinese, the Courts, and the Constitution: A Study of the Legal Issues Raised by Chinese Immigration to the United States, 1850-1902" (J.D. diss., University of Chicago Law School, 1971), 50-61.
104. Quoted in Janisch, "The Chinese, the Courts, and the Constitution," 60. 105. California State Legislature, "Report of the Joint Select Committee Relative to the
Chinese Population of the State of California," Journals of the Senate and Assembly, Appen dix, vol. 3 (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1862), 7.
106. McClain, In Search of Equality, 24. 107. Asing, "To His Excellency," 127-28. 108. Chun-chuen Lai, Remarks of the Chinese Merchants of San Francisco, upon Governor
John Bigler s Message and Some Common Objections; with Some Explanation of the Character of the Chinese Companies, and the Laboring Class in California (San Francisco: Whitton, Towne and Co., 1855).
109. Arnold Shankman, "Black on Yellow: Afro-Americans View Chinese-Americans, 1850-1935," Phylon 39 (Spring 1978): 2 and 6.
no. As quoted in Leigh Dana Johnsen, "Equal Rights and the 'Heathen Chinee': Black Activism in San Francisco, 1865-1875," Western Historical Quarterly n (January 1980): 61.
in. David J. Hellwig, "Black Reactions to Chinese Immigration and the Anti-Chinese Movement: i$$o-i<)io" Amerasia Journal 6 (1979): 30-31. Also of interest is Dan Caldwell, "The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype in California," Southern California Quarterly 53 (1971): 123-31.
112. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the
1960s to the 1990s, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1994), 55-56.
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- Contents
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- Issue Table of Contents
- California History, Vol. 79, No. 2 (Summer, 2000) pp. i-xii, 1-364
- Front Matter
- Preface [pp. ix-xii]
- Rooted in Barbarous Soil: An Introduction to Gold Rush Society and Culture [pp. 1-24]
- No Boy's Play: Migration and Settlement in Early Gold Rush California [pp. 25-43]
- A People of Exceptional Character: Ethnic Diversity, Nativism, and Racism in the California Gold Rush [pp. 44-85]
- "Because He Is a Liar and a Thief": Conquering the Residents of "Old" California, 1850-1880 [pp. 86-112]
- "All Hands Have Gone Downtown": Urban Places in Gold Rush California [pp. 113-140]
- Weaving a Different World: Women and the California Gold Rush [pp. 141-168]
- "As Jolly as a Clam at High Water": The Rise of Art in Gold Rush California [pp. 169-203]
- Romancing the Gold Rush: The Literature of the California Frontier [pp. 204-225]
- From Indifference to Imperative Duty: Educating Children in Early California [pp. 226-249]
- Phelan's Cemetery: Religion in the Urbanizing West, 1850-1869, in Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Sacramento [pp. 250-279]
- Popular Culture on the Golden Shore [pp. 280-315]
- "My Own Private Life": Toward a History of Desire in Gold Rush California [pp. 316-346]
- Back Matter
Sources and instructions/Didion, excerpt from Part I of Where I Was From.pdf
Sources and instructions/Didion, excerpt from Part II of Where I Was From.pdf
Sources and instructions/Limerick, The Realization of the American West (2).pdf
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4 The Realization of the American West
PATRICIA NELSON LIMERICK
The parts of the United States differ in space, and also in time. When it is 8:30 a.m. in New York, it is 5:30 a.m. in California, and 6:30 a.m. in Colorado. This fact provides the occasion for the Westerner's peak moments of regional consciousness. The phone rings at 6:30 a.m. This must be an emergency; it is just a typical Easterner who thinks that if everyone is up and functioning in New York and Washington, then Coloradans, too, ought to be dressed and ready to talk business. I have received these regional wakeup calls from people in all lines of work, but I suppose the most telling fact is that I have received them from people who work in the news media. A manager at National Public Radio placed one of those calls. It did not seem altogether dignified, and it certainly did not seem professional, to talk to the producer of "All Things Considered" while I was in my bathrobe, but those were the circumstances under which he chose to chat.
These are the peak moments of prickly regional consciousness, prickly moments of the "don't tread on me" variety. "You people to the east," one cannot avoid thinking, "are not taking us seriously. Since you are so certain that you live at the center of the universe, the idea that there may be other people living at other centers, on other schedules, cannot enter your mind."
Sometimes this issue becomes public and consequential. In 1980, the poor souls in California were still going to the polls, deluded into thinking that they were American citizens participating in a presidential election. While the Californians "voted," the eastern TV stations declared Ronald Reagan the winner and Jimmy Carter the loser. When the results were in from the Eastern United States, the real election was over.Cop
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Regional differences, on the occasion like the 1980 election, are not easy to miss. And yet scholars in the field of Western American history have invested a remarkable percentage of their time and energy in the question, is there really a West, or is what we call the West simply a floating zone of the Anglo American imagination? 1 Confronted with a presentation from a Western American historian, specialists in other fields of history, who cannot think of anything else to ask in the questionandanswer period, trot out the same old refrain of critical inquiry: "you call yourself a 'Western' American historian, but where is the West? Wasn't it once west of Jamestown? Wasn't it once west of Plymouth Colony?"
"Where is [the West's] location?" the painter George Catlin asked in the midnineteenth century. "Phantomlike it flies before us as we travel."2 Quite a number of late twentieth century historians show a remarkable loyalty to this Catlinism, detaching the West from the surface of the earth, making the West a place of the imagination and not a place on the planet, segregating the West from reality. This essay is called "The Realization of the West," and that is the bedrock meaning of my enterprise here: to cast the West as real, threedimensional, actual—literally, and literarily, grounded. In other words, realized. Made real.
But now, return to the electionnight coverage, and think what the anchorman says as the evening progresses. "We are starting to get results from the West," the man in the nice suit with the perfectly combed hair will say. At that point, he will talk about what is going on in Utah, or Arizona, or Wyoming, or even California.
What I want you to notice is what does not happen at this moment. The switchboard does not light up with hundreds of puzzled and disoriented callers. The news show does not say:
I have an important clarification to make. After I told you that we were getting reports from the West, many hundreds of you called in to ask, "where is 'the West'? Wasn't the West onceCo
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west of Jamestown, Virginia, and Plymouth, Massachusetts? How can you say that you are getting election results from a place that existed only in the minds of James Fenimore Cooper, Albert Bierstadt, Owen Wister, Frederick Remington, Zane Gray, John Ford, and Louis L'Amour? We knew what you meant when you said you had results from the Northeast, the South, and the Midwest, but we are bewildered each time you refer to the West."
On the contrary, the anchorman simply announces the results from the West, and the public does not fly into a definitional tizzy. This is a great comfort to me. It suggests that the realization of the West has actually proceeded much farther than you would ever guess from the discussions of scholars.
But this consensus—that the West exists, and exists as a real place—only works, some may think, if you are careful to avoid the question, "Where exactly is this region, and what are its boundaries?" The outward boundaries are, indeed, tough to draw, but, then again, drawing outward boundaries is probably the least useful way to define a region. What is more useful is to keep in mind a set of common characteristics. These characteristics appear and overlap in many places between the Hundredth Meridian and the Pacific Ocean; they appear and overlap often enough to tie those places into a unit we can call the West.
Here are my nominations for those characteristics of Westernness: 3
1. The West is more prone to aridity, and aridity is the most significant factor in producing what we now refer to as "the wide open spaces." Aridity, moreover, puts a particular strain on conventional Anglo American notions of proper landscapes and landuse.
2. The West contains more Indian reservations, and more visible, unvanished Indian people.
3. The West has the bulk of the land still in federal control—the bulk of the country's National Parks, National Forests, and Bureau of Land Management lands; with the center of gravity of its activities in the West, the Department of the Interior embodies this peculiar, tense, and prolonged federal/regional relationship.Cop
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4. The West contains the territory—and the descendants of the people—conquered in the Mexican American War; it shares a border with Mexico, and that border forms a distinctive, and troubled, line between a very developed and prosperous nation and a very underdeveloped and poor nation.
5. The West is closer to the Pacific Ocean while the rest of the nation has been far more oriented toward the Atlantic, and this fact of geography has all sorts of historical consequences. Thanks to the proximity to the Pacific, Asian American populations, Asian immigration, and Asian trade have their centers of gravity in the West. While we have been very much preoccupied with the overland trail, many white Americans, as well, reached the West by maritime travel.
6. The West underwent AngloAmerican conquest at a time when the United States was a fully formed nation, providing, thereby, a more focused and revealing case study of how the United States as a nation conducted conquest and especially how the federal government adopted a central role for itself in that process. 4
7. As a result of all these factors, the West is a region particularly prone to demonstrate the unsettled aspects of conquest, to show in the late twentieth century more than its share of the evidence that the conquest of North America came to no clear, smooth end. One particularly consequential part of that heritage of conquest is the West's state of entrapment in the myths generated to justify and prettify conquest.
There may be other, and better, ways of testing the validity of these regional characteristics. But the test that matters the most to me is the roadtest I conducted in the late 1980s and early 1990s. I gave speeches derived from these propositions all over the West, to a wide variety of audiences. Clearly some themesCop
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make more sense in some Western places than in others. Aridity does not get to the core of things in Seattle (though Seattle has had boughts with drought). In Montana, the Canadian border matters much more than the Mexican border. AngloTexans, in the midnineteenth century, cleverly maneuvered their way out of ceding land to the federal government as public domain and thus avoided many of the controversies that beset the public land states. But, for all these variations of particular places, audiences from Missoula to Albuquerque, Fort Worth to Portland, have given every indication that this definition of regional issues matches up to the concerns of their locale.
Few of these are factors unique to the West, even though the overlapping of these factors in the West is distinctive. Clearly, to take the most conspicuous example, the whole continent underwent a Europeanoriginating conquest. And yet the West is the part of the United States most associated with the myths, justifications, and rationales of American expansion and conquest. Indeed, that was how the whole problem of Western unreality first set in—with the nationalistic fantasy of a better, purer, more innocent, more justified exercise in national expansion. All of the present United States was conquered, but the West is, in fact, still engaged in a distinctive, more intense struggle with the legacy of conquest.
Of course, what I offer is very much a definition by hindsight. Even though Massachusetts Bay and South Carolina initially showed few signs of becoming part of the same unit, hindsight allows us to include colonial history as a part of American history, even though the colonists had no foreknowledge of the nation that would come to be. In the same way, what I refer to as the West is a historical product. As Richard White says, the West is a historically produced network of relations, a web of relations between and among people who had very different origins, but who, for the last century or two, have woven themselves into a shared story. 5
When it is 9 a.m. in New York it is 6 a.m. in Oregon, and 7Cop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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a.m. in New Mexico. But this difference in timing is not, finally, just a matter of hours. In race relations, for instance, the regional pattern of Western lateness and Eastern earliness reversed: with very diverse, and permanent, Indian tribes, with longterm Hispanic settlers and with recent Mexican immigrants, with white Americans and immigrants of all ethnicities, and with Mormons representing the formation of a new kind of ethnicity, the West was ahead of the rest of the country in the complexity of its race relations. Traditionally, American historians have put black/white relations at the center of American race relations. While no one can question the crucial importance of that relationship, the West had a more complicated and confusing racial hierarchy. In the West, Anglo American racists had to figure out where to place Mexicans—descendants of both Europeans and Indians, sometimes judged to be better and sometimes judged to be worse, by virtue of that mixed heritage. Look at current American history textbooks, though, and you see a picture of American race relations organized almost entirely around black/white relations. 6 This is probably the most compelling reason to pay attention to the American West: when we study the diversity, and the multidirectional encounters of ethnic groups in the Western past, we are better prepared to understand the diversity and multidirectional encounters of ethnic groups in the whole nation today.7
If some trends appeared earlier in the West and later in the East, in other matters, particularly matters of intellectual behavior, the West has tagged along behind. The phenomenon of belatedness that was most vexing to me appeared in the perceived differences between the West and the South. Southern historians were reckoning seriously with race, inequality, and power, while Western historians were still applauding a triumphal frontier movement of white Americans, with every other group pushed to the margins of historical significance. The result was predictable: Southern history got respect, and Western history got dismissals and brushoffs.
Soon after I moved to the University of Colorado, a successfulCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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and influential American Studies scholar who taught there got a job at what he felt was a much more distinguished university in the South. His remarks, before departure, encapsulated the contrast that I am describing here. "Since I am moving to the South" he said in a memorable exchange at a cocktail party, "I'll have to do a lot of reading in Southern history and Southern literature."
"When you moved to Colorado," I asked, "did you have to do a lot of reading in Western history and Western literature?"
He did not answer the question; instead, he and everyone else in the conversation laughed heartily. One would only suggest that a sophisticated scholar would read Western history and literature, it was clear to my companions, if one were making a joke. Choosing to get me even more riled up, on another occasion, this same fellow undertook to tell me that while he found that reading African American history was rewarding and interesting, he felt that the history of Mexican Americans was flat and dull.
Anger is its own wonderful, endlessly replenished intellectual fuel. I ran for quite a time on fury over this man's dismissal of the West and its people. But the most maddening aspect of his patronizing remarks was that, five or ten years ago, he was partly right. In 1985, a stack of the important, thoughtful, wellwritten books in Southern history and Southern literature would greatly have outweighed a stack of equally valuable books in Western history and Western literature. For the Southern stack, you would have needed a UHaul trailer. For the Western stack, a wheelbarrow might have been too large.
The fact that this man seemed to be right about the state of Western writing did not make his remarks any less infuriating or any less motivating. Memories of him and his snobbery kept me going through the writing of The Legacy of Conquest; it was probably a major omission to leave him out of the acknowledgements of the book. 8 (This would, of course, have opened the door to a fascinating, eagerly read kind of acknowledgment: "And I would like to thank the people who made me so furious that I had toCop
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write this book. Let me begin with soandso, whose deeply insulting remarks about my region left me determined to prove him wrong.'' And so on.)
Now, less than a decade since the departing scholar and I had that conversation, the situation is considerably changed. One wishes, in fact, that one could have a rematch. just let that fellow try to tell me, again, that Hispanic settlement and Mexican American history add up to a dull business. Now I could hand him Ramon Gutierrez's controversial, and very thoughtprovoking, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away. For twentieth century issues, I could direct him to George Sanchez's book, Becoming Mexican American, or David Gutierrez's forthcoming Walls and Mirrors, or Richard Rodriguez's unsettling Hunger of Memory and Days of Obligation. I could hand him River of Traps, William deBuys and Alex Harris's collaboration in words and photographs, a biography of their northern New Mexican neighbor, Jacobo Romero. I could ask him to read the stories and novels of Rudolfo Anaya, or Luis Albero Urrea, or Benjamin Saenz, or Sandra Cisneros, or Denise Chavez. 9 I could explain to him that my list here is nowhere as complete as it should be, because I have one whole shelf of Chicano novelists and short story writers, and I am struggling to find the time to read these new books. The flood of books in every category of Western American writing has knocked me off my feet, and I look at my bookshelves in a spirit that matches that of a freshman who has signed up for too many courses, and likes each of the courses, but simply cannot figure out how all those books are going to get read.
At this stage, we are ready for the UHaul. The wheelbarrow that once could have contained most of the Western American books, books that one really wanted to recommend to general readers, would now be buried and invisible, under its load.
But now we get to my core question: how on earth did this happen? if, seven or eight years ago, one fumed because a snobbish professor had insulted the intellectual importance of the West, and fumed because the West was not providing one withCop
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the materials one needed to respond to that insult, then what changed that situation so rapidly and so dramatically? How did we go from scarcity to abundance virtually overnight?
Newsweek magazine recently confirmed this change, referring to the present as the West's greatest literary era. "Without a doubt", Newsweek said, "the West is in the midst of a don'tfenceusin literary explosion comparable to the Southern literary renaissance in the '30s." 10 The Newsweek spread had photographs of Leslie Silko, Tony Hillerman, Bill Kittredge, Cyra McFadden, Terry Tempest Williams, and my humble self
Why me? I came up with one quotation that the writers wanted to use. More important, my photograph had to be included because I live in Boulder, Colorado, where a threeminute drive will get you and a photographer to a stunning mountain backdrop. Western writers, it is widely understood by the Eastern media, characteristically spend a great deal of time sitting on rocks, contemplating the view. If you want to take a photograph of a Western writer in her natural habit, you must take her outdoors and place her on a rock, ideally with many huge, handsome rocks arrayed in the background. I have now gone outdoors and sat on rocks for Newsweek, Life, and People. When Time took my photograph, I happened to be in Laramie, Wyoming. It was a longer drive to the photogenic rocks, so we did the next best thing: I sat outdoors in the remarkable Wyoming wind, and with my hair attempting to leave my head, I kept up the proper theme that Western writers are in touch with nature, and nature with them. Because the Flatirons, the mountains that rise immediately to the west of Boulder, are so beautiful and photogenic, I feel a certain confidence that no one will ever be able to leave me out of this Western literary renaissance. Tony Hillerman will always have his mesas; Terry Tempest Williams will have her Great Salt Lake; and I will have my Flatirons; and thus the three of us are certain to remain important Western writers, even if we all were to come down with killer writer's block and never publish again.
As these confessions will surely indicate, I occupy a peculiarCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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position in this collection of essays. The other writers are observers, analyzers, and historians of the phenomenon of regionalism, and clearerheaded because of that disengagement. I am trying to be an observer and analyzer of the phenomenon, but I am also a participant and an advocate. I have been a part of a recent movement in Western regionalism, and yet that experience leaves me puzzled when I try to figure out the question: how do such movements arise, and how do they succeed? To have a certified movement, must the participants convene, and debate their goals, and arrive at a common agenda? Did the Southern Agrarians set the model for regional movements? If you need a meeting and a manifesto to have a movement, then someone should have told us so ten or twelve years ago. As far as I know, we skipped that stage.
This is what I remember of my own decision to write a book that would later look like it was part of a movement. In 1981, I went to a conference called "The American West: Colonies in Revolt", in Sun Valley, Idaho. 11 When I arrived at the conference, I had at least a foggy vision of a book I wanted to write. This vision had been inspired, in part, by what was not said at the conference. This was, remember, 1981, when the energy boom was still on in the West. When I listened to federal bureaucrats and energy company officials discuss the problems of extractive economies and boomtown stress and strain, I was astonished at their lack of historical perspective. They seemed to think that Westerners, as well as Easterners trying to become Westerners, had pretty much gotten what they wanted from the West in the distant past. Then, in the 1970s, with the energy crisis and the boom in oil and coal, events abruptly got messy and complicated, and a whole new set of frustrations entered the picture.
At first, as I listened to them, I thought, "Most of what these people are perceiving as new problems are really just the ongoing patterns of the Western boom/bust economy. It is a shame these people do not read Western History." And then I realized that it would not do them a bit of good if they did read Western historians.Cop
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In 1981, if they went to the most influential books in Western history, they would have been fed a line about how the frontier ended in 1890, and the West settled down, became mature, and lost its distinctiveness. If they went to the trouble to read Western history, these bureaucrats and policymakers would have been just as disoriented and just as disconnected from the region's past as they were when they did not do their reading.
While this lesson on the irrelevance of doing one's reading would very much please most of my students, I drew a different moral from the story, and left Sun Valley determined to write a book that would connect the Western past and present, a book that would call into question this supposed watershed at the end of the frontier. I wanted to write a book that would look at the twentiethcentury consequences of the nineteenthcentury campaign to master and dominate nature. I wanted to break with the tradition of focusing attention on the westward movement of white people, and instead place that movement in the larger context of the northward movement of Hispanic people, the eastward movement of Asian people, and the prior presence of Indian people.
This was, I understood from the start, much more a work of synthesis than of originality. I would be drawing on the work of many, many historians who had done specialized studies of Western American subjects. But this was a complicated business; many, perhaps most, of the scholars who had written these works would never have called themselves Western historians. They called themselves Indian historians, Chicano historians, Asian American historians, women's historians, environmental historians, community historians, social historians, or business historians. To quite a number of those people, the term "Western history" meant "frontier history" or "history of the western movement." That, in turn, suggested a kind of antiquated, outofdate, lowprestige branch of the historical profession, in which analysis and reflection meant quoting a line or two from FrederickCop
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Jackson Turner and saying whether this particular study confirmed or contradicted his 1893 frontier thesis.
This, then, was the peculiarity of the undertaking: I knew I had quite a number of possible allies and comrades in the cause of reorienting and reenergizing Western American history, but I also knew that most of my potential allies and comrades would prefer not to be called Western American historians.
Under those circumstances, I would have been mad as a hatter if I had thought that I was a part of a movement. On the contrary, I felt pretty much on my own. I was, for instance, very relieved when I got a contract for the book with a New York trade publisher who was not going to put me through the perils of anonymous peer review. I was relieved, because I felt certain that this book, if submitted to a university press, would not have survived the opposition of older Western American historians who had invested a great deal in the old frontier model of the field. The evidence in support of that fear was substantial. Before I got a trade publisher, I had sent the proposal to the University of Oklahoma Press, where the book had been rejected because it was, one of the evaluators said, an exercise in "white guilt." At first, I had thought that everyone would be happy with the revitalization of Western American history. Gradually I started to catch on to the fact that a few Western history specialists would fight any reenergizing of their field, and fight it tooth and nail.
I turn now to the part that is equally hard for me to explain, in either of my roles as participant or observer. While I was writing The Legacy of Conquest, other Western historians, Western novelists, Western short story writers, Western essayists, Western poets, Western photographers, Western painters, Western legal scholars, were launching projects very much in the same spirit. If you look at what resulted from our separate labors in the 1980s, these labors can look more collective than separate. You could easily come to the conclusion that we were talking to each other, influencing each other, guiding each other, and offering critiques of each other's work.Cop
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But we were not. By and large, we had no knowledge of each other's existence. When we finally met in the late 1980s and the early 1990s, we met as strangers meeting for the first time, but strangers with an odd feeling of kinship. A few weeks ago, a publisher sent me a proposal for a book someone wants to write on this recent Western regional movement. Indeed, I do not doubt that an intelligent journalist or scholar could look at all this activity of the last decade and see a coherent, collectively intended, coordinated movement. And yet I do not recall coherence, collective intention, nor coordination. I am left with no settled answer to the question: Where did all these books come from? Why did these books happen when they did? Why did so many of their authors share a common intention and a common vision? If this was indeed a movement, what were its sources and what explains its timing?
Let me offer some guesses.
We did, for one thing, have predecessors, and I do some injustice to those predecessors when I accent the newness and recentness of this regionalism. The journalist and activist Carey McWilliams, born and raised in Steamboat Springs, Colorado, and resettled in California, wrote a crucial set of books—books on Western agricultural labor, on Mexican Americans, on Japanese American concentration camps, on California society, books that were years ahead of those written by conventional Western historians in their reckoning with race, power, and justice. The journalist Bernard DeVoto, born and raised in Ogden, Utah, wrote vividly and memorably on the West's federal dependence, and its ironic relationship to the fantasy of Western independence, an idea that often gets portrayed as if it were the discovery of the New Western Historians.
The most important precedentsetter was the writer Wallace Stegner. At a conference in Missoula in his honor in the fall of 1993, the participants spent two days noting how dramatically Stegner had gotten the jump on both Western historians and Western creative writers. 12 In a book published in 1945, One Nation,Cop
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Stegner denounced Western segregation and discrimination, offering sympathetic portraits of Indians, Filipino Americans, Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, and Mexican Americans. In The Big Rock Candy Mountain and in Angle of Repose, Stegner faced up to the tragedy and injury in the story of the westward movement, tragedy and injury too easily brushed off by more conventional writers. In his biography of John Wesley Powell, Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, Stegner explored the implications of the West's limited water, and showed the longrange relevance of Powell's latenineteenth century thoughts about the region's future. 13
In Wolf Willow, his memoir of his family's experience, homesteading in southern Saskatchewan, just north of the Montana border, Stegner touched every one of the bases of the current reckoning with the West: he examined the actions of the people—Indian, meti, trader, trapper, Mountie—who had been in the place, and changed the place, before the arrival of Anglo Americans and Anglo Canadians; he examined the unhappy ecological effects of the effort to turn dry plains into wheat farms; he examined the reality of tragedy and failure and broken dreams in the whole enterprise. As a child in Whitemud, Saskatchewan, he had been kept in complete ignorance of the rich history of the place; he lived, he said, "without the faintest notion of who had lived there before me." Even though the chimneys of an abandoned metis village stood at the edge of town, "we never," Stegner said, "so much as heard the word metis." Stegner wanted,and finally found, "a past to which I could be tribally and emotionally committed," and that is a fine summation, in an economical eleven words, of what recent Western writers have been trying to find.14
In a 1967 essay called "History, Myth, and the Western Writer," Stegner reached his peak as a diagnostician—saying exactly what had gone wrong with writing about Western life, and prescribing a cure. "Western writers … ," he said, "have shown a disinclination, perhaps an emotional inability to write about theCop
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contemporary." With the West of the present relegated to the unspeakable, "the living past, having little apparent relevance to the present, became a dead past, sometimes a pool of nostalgia." And then, in a passage that reads exactly like the prescription for a revitalized Western history and literature, Stegner wrote this: "through all the newly swarming regions of the West,… millions of westerners, old and new, have no sense of a personal and possessed past, no sense of any continuity between the real western past which has been mythicized almost out of recognizability and a real western present that seems as cutoff and pointless as a ride on a merrygoround." 15 Stegner had the foundation laid for a reenergized Western intellectual movement by 1967, really by 1955 and the publication of Wolf Willow. And yet for another decade or so, he had the foundation pretty much to himself. Why did Western historians refuse to hear Stegner's call to stop amputating the present from the past? Or, if they heard the call, why did they dismiss it?
A galvanizing moment, for many Western writers of both fiction and nonfiction, was the encounter with Norman Maclean's A River Runs through It.16 A number of people had told me I should read this book, but I did not act on that advice until November of 1980. My timing was unfortunate: it was my first year lecturing; it was 8 p.m. at night; I had a lecture the next morning at 9 a.m.; I had nothing written or outlined. "I'll just take a quick look at this opening story," I said to myself, and within another couple of pages, it was clear that I would read the whole thing, take another hour to write Mr. Maclean a fan letter, and then spend from 1 a.m. to 8 a.m. writing the lecture. After this memorable conversion experience, I became the selfappointed Cambridge, Massachusetts distribution center for A River Runs through It; I believe I gave away thirty or forty copies before I left Massachusetts. Each time I handed someone a copy, I was saying, "The American West is tragic and important and could support fine writing, and this book will show you what I mean."
If Mr. Maclean gave his papers to an archive, that might wellCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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be the place to look for the origins of a regional movement. I am pretty sure that mine was one of a flood of fan letters from Western writers who had never met each other, but who picked up A River Runs through It and put it down very much encouraged. If this book existed, we all thought, then we were going to be alright. But Mr. Maclean was a very distinctive individual, far too independent to undertake to organize a movement; the inclination of so many to rally around his example still needs explanation.
In other words, why the 1980s?
Here are some possibilities.
In the 1970s, following the OPEC boycott, the energy resource industries of the West underwent a great boom. Domestic production of oil and coal became a variety of patriotism, freeing the nation from dependence on foreign suppliers. In a flurry of investment, speculation, boom towns pulling in jobseekers, and improvident construction of office buildings in Western cities, the boom carried Westerners off on another wave of unthinking optimism.
In the early 1980s, the boom crashed, and crashed without ambiguity. Oil prices collapsed. Federal support for oil sale development disappeared. Boom towns had borrowed heavily to expand roads, services, schools, and housing. As the boom ended, the towns found themselves with many debts, and with many departing residents.
The West landed hard when this boom collapsed. The mental climate, of necessity, became one of reckoning. It was impossible to ignore the fact that the West had ridden this roller coaster of boom and bust for a century and a half, and that it was dangerous to ignore the risk and repetitiveness of this ride. The collapse of the energy boom was a reminder to every Western resident that it was time to get serious about this region, to watch out for these dangerous fantasies of easy and endless prosperity, and to try to figure out what permanent residence and occupation in the region might entail.Cop
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In the same spirit, the 1970s had seen a boom in the agricultural economy, in both ranching and farming. Farmers went into debt to expand their operations. Then, in the 1980s, tough times hit ranching and farming. With another farm crisis, the residents of the rural West were imperiled again; here, too, it was time for a reckoning. The fate of cattleraising was a particular puzzle: if ranchers and cowboys had acquired the mythic status of the archetypal Westerners, should Americans simply watch passively while real ranchers disappeared and ranches evolved into resorts and playthings for movie stars and other rich investors? And if one chose cultural preservation, what federally sponsored set of subsidies and special protections would be necessary to keep this relic economy thriving?
Equally consequential was the growing, and permanent, power of environmentalists and preservationists. Cattleranchers, for instance, were in trouble in part because environmentalists saw cows as agents of degradation on the public lands. The recreational users of public lands had mounted a stiff challenge to the more conventionally utilitarian sorts, the ranchers, loggers, and miners. In the 1980s, it was hard to miss the fact that many of these conflicts looked irreconcilable; the available land and the available natural resources simply could not satisfy the demands of the contesting users. Frederick Jackson Turner had announced, in 1893, that the West had reached a turning point; the frontier was closed and Americans would have to face up to limits. In fact, far more people moved to the West after 1890 than before 1890. If one went by numbers, the nineteenthcentury westward movement was a small, frail prelude to the much greater twentiethcentury westward movement. But the 1980s consciousness of too many demands on too few resources suggested that Turner's picture of a West transformed by a recognition of its limits might, over the long haul, have proven to be accurate. It was just that Turner got his timing wrong, and dated the change one hundred years too early.
Demographic change may well provide the bedrock for allCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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these other reasons for a reappraisal of the West. In the mid1960s, California became the most populous American state. In the 1980s, the population of the South and West came to outnumber the population of the Northeast and the Midwest. Here was a loud and clear statement that Westerners had to be reckoned with—as a voting population, as a reading audience, as a people who has some right to know about the place where they had landed.
In the 1960s, the principal sources of immigration into the United States shifted from Europe to Asia and Latin America. The Atlantic Coast had been the point of entry for European immigration, but Asian immigration had concentrated on the Pacific Coast, just as Mexican immigration had its greatest impact on the West. The increasingly significant presence of Mexican and Asian immigrants was a fact of life that I took for granted, growing up in California. In the same spirit, the sizable migrations of African Americans into the West, during and after World War Two, made the presence of significant populations of black Westerners something that a person born in 1951 would take as given. Similarly, the resurgence of Indian societies—in selfgovernment, litigation over treaty rights, and cultural persistence—was hard to miss in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Because I took all this for granted, I was thoroughly, wildly puzzled by the assumptions made by conventional Western historians. Historical tellings of the story of the American West, focused on Anglo Americans, simply made no sense to me. While I am willing to believe that the social justice movements of the 1960s had a great influence on the current Western regional movement, I also think that some of us had, at the bedrock, a lived awareness of a diverse Western population whose presence the old frontier models could not begin to explain.
On the broadest, planetary scale, the winding down of the Cold War had its effect on visions of the American West. While the Soviet Union was still holding together, the American empire of nuclear weaponry, with much of that empire centered in theCop
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American West, was beginning to totter. Downwind from the Nevada Test Site, or at the Hanford Nuclear Reservation in Washington state, and the Rocky Flats Weapons Assembly Plant in Golden, Colorado, and around a variety of Western places where uranium had been mined or processed, it was clear that we faced a big reckoning with the domestic costs of the Cold War. When Congress undertook to choose a location for a permanent nuclear waste disposal site, it was no surprise to anyone when the Eastern states were eliminated, and Western locations were the finalists. The aridity, the wide open spaces, and the sparse settlement of various Western areas had given this region the leading edge in national nuclear enterprise, and those same qualities gave the region the edge when it came to selecting a site for permanent radioactive waste storage. The radioactive legacy of the Cold War embodied the way in which the various American enterprises in mastering nature had produced a disturbing tangle of consequences and dilemmas. The West lay at the exact center of that tangle.
The winding down of the Cold War had another, considerably happier effect: without an evil empire to contend against, the Cold War pressures to present a cheery, faithaffirming, patriotic version of the American past lost some of their force. The moral complexity of Western American history had long been held hostage to the need for a belief in American exceptionalism, to a faith that white Americans are simply kinder, gentler, and generally better behaved when they constructed their own version of empire. More and more, with the end of the Cold War, it seemed possible that a simpleminded patriotism would no longer stand in the way of regional and national selfunderstanding.
Finally, there is the matter of generations. By the late twentieth century, there were a lot—literally, millions—of people of nonIndian descent who had been born and raised in the West, sometimes to the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth generation. To these people, the West could not be the exotic place ''out there." It had become, instead, a familiar place of permanent residence;Cop
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it had become home. To members of these Westernborn generations, it was becoming tiresome to see their home trivialized, thought of as a theme park when it was thought of at all.
Indeed, one can see this generational transition in much of the recent fiction and nonfiction. A pattern of these books is their reckoning with legacies and inheritances, mothers and fathers. This is not to say that only Westerners are preoccupied with their inheritances. But it is to say that this attention to parents is a fundamental reversal of the conventional image of the West as a place of fresh starts and new beginnings, the place where one went to escape the past and its burdens and complications. A preoccupation with parents is also a reversal of conventional Western writing, the kind of writing that, as Wallace Stegner said in 1967, left us with an "amputated present," disconnected from the Western past. One of the best ways of reattaching this disconnected present to its origins was to turn to an examination of family and descent, to rediscover one's parents, and to rediscover them as they existed as young people, preparents, before one's own birth. Contrasting the ways of mothers with the ways of fathers, this exploration invariably led to a reckoning with gender—to a realization that much of what we traditionally called "Western experience" was acted out in response to very structured definitions of manhood and femininity.
Ivan Doig, William Kittredge, Mary Clearman Blew, Richard Rodriguez, Janet Campbell Hale, Teresa Jordan, Amy Tan, Fae Myenne Ng: across borders of ethnicity and gender, these writers have sought themselves in their parents. 17 In that quest, they reversed the misguided image of the West as the place where the past drops away, loses power over the present, vanishes. Without a clue as to what these other writers were up to, I happened onto this central preoccupation with descent and inheritance when I used the word "legacy" in my own book title.
Connecting the present to the past is, I suspect, no big deal for other places and regions. But, after decades with Western history ripped into two by the supposed end of the frontier, connectingCop
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the present to the past became the biggest show in town for Western writers. One of the best examples of this concern for continuity appears in Susan Lowell's under recognized novella Ganado Red. 18 The novella begins with a Navajo woman weaving a blanket, a Ganado Red rug. The novella then follows the rug, from the trading post, to its first Anglo owner, a rich spinster in Santa Fe, to a hippie home in Santa Fe, to the store of a merchant in Southwest artifacts, to its final owners. These characters are people who seem disconnected, but who are in fact tied together, and bridged in time, by their intense encounter with a remarkable art object. What Susan Lowell was doing with her Ganado Red rug was, in fact, very similar to what Western historians were doing with their emphasis on the continuity of regional issues.
Contemporary Western writers share, as well, a preoccupation with death and grief. This, too, may seem like neither a big deal nor a very distinctive concern. But take another look at a Louis L'Amour novel or at the autobiography of Buffalo Bill Cody. Conventional Western writing of that sort cast death as a casual event, and not entirely real—a necessary component of adventure, but no occasion for serious grief or guilt. Violence and death in the popular Western added up to fun, amusement, escapist entertainment. In those terms, taking death seriously was a major shift for Western writing. Norman Maclean's grieving for his brother, Terry Tempest Williams' grieving for her mother, Fae Myenne Ng's main character's grieving for her sister, Ivan Doig's grieving for his mother, Linda Hasselstrom's grieving for her husband: all these acts of reckoning with death add up to an important part of the project of putting past and present back together, and reversing the conventional notion that the West was the region that had escaped tragedy.19
In contemporary Western writing, no one is taking for granted the absolutely astonishing and bewildering fact that people, who were once overpowering in their vitality, have ceased to be alive. What we have here is a return to basics—to a forceful encounter with the fact that the passage of time is bewildering and disorienting,Cop
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that historical change and consequence are improbable, unpredictable, and inexplicable, and that death is, in truth, a mystery. You can see this rediscovery of the mysterious workings of time in many forms. From memoirs to short stories to projects in rephotography to monographs in environmental history, Westerners have been looking at mountains, plains and deserts that were long portrayed as pristine, natural, unchanged places, and seeing them instead as what they are—places layered with history, with memory, with stories, in truth, haunted places. 20
This accent on reading and understanding the past of particular places leads us to one of the possible fault lines in current Western regionalism. Most of the places so explored have been rural. We have, in recent times, come perilously close to ratifying the old notion that the "real West" means the "rural West." By this notion, the spaces that are characteristically Western are by definition not urban: they are wide open spaces with the sky stretching in all directions.
And yet cities and towns have long played an important part in the region's life. Most important, the West has been for a couple of decades the most urban part of the nation, with the greatest percentage of its people living in cities. Thus, we face a problem here. We have a regional literature in which many of the most powerful texts are set in the countryside, and a regional demographic fact by which the majority of Westerners live in the cities. We run, as well, the risk of taking part in another movement in which regionalism means a pastoral, antimodernist escape from real life.
Reckoning with Western urbanness—making sure that the word "Westerner" can mean dweller in the city as well as dweller in the countryside—could save us from this risk. And, on the other hand, failure to reckon with Western urbanness, and with the tight and tangled relationship between the urban West and the rural West, could prove to be the undoing of this movement.
In the same way, the complexity of Western ethnicity could be the making or breaking of this enterprise. For me and for manyCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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of my coworkers in Western history, the major reason for going regional was to find a unit of historical study that would be racially and ethnically inclusive. The point of Western regionalism, in large part, was to call the attention of American historians to the fact that as long as they ignored the Western half of this country, they could tell only a fragment of the story of American race relations.
So here is the dilemma: how multiethnic has this movement really proven to be? In historical circles, I think the answer is clear: the works of Indian, Chicano, Asian American, and African American historians have been absolutely essential and central to the revitalization of Western American history. Is this equally true for the creative writers? I think so: if you removed the Indian writers—Scott Momaday, Louise Erdrich, Linda Hogan, Michael Dorris, Leslie Marmon Silko, Janet Campbell Hale, and James Welch—from the list of significant Western writers, you would leave an awful gap. But do the works of these novelists really fit in the category of regionalism? Are they companions to books by white writers like William Kittredge, Ivan Doig, Judith Freeman, or Barbara Kingsolver?
I am not only willing to say that these seemingly disparate books fit together, I am willing to believe that they fit together. Consider two books that at first seem very unrelated. If you took two days, and on one day you read Teresa Jordan's Wyoming ranch memoir, Riding the White Horse Home, and on the next day, you read Fae Myenne Ng's San Francisco Chinatown novel Bone, you would have some reason to think that Jordan and Ng were friends who spoke frequently to each other, commented on each other's manuscripts, and found considerable common ground in their themes and feelings.
I cannot tell how eccentric I may be proving to be in seeing a Westernness that crosses these ethnic boundaries. Was I the only member of the audience who thought that the movie Stand and Deliver was a Western movie, with the Latino students' triumphant performance on the AP calculus exam a greater WesternCop
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victory than any occasion in cinema when the good guys shot down the bad guys on Main Street? Am I the only member of the audience thinking that The Joy Luck Club is an important Western movie? Or, perhaps more important, would an African American novelist like Walter Moseley, writing stories set in Los Angeles, choose in any way to associate himself with a literature of place and region? 21
The whole campaign in Western American history was to give the word "Westerner" a more expansive definition, stretched far beyond the usual image of a tough white male on a handsome horse in a wide open landscape. The term "Westerner" was supposed to be remodeled and expanded to include American Indian lawyers, Japanese American farmers, northern New Mexican Hispanos, World War Two African American defense workers in Los Angeles. But if it turns out that the term Westerner will not make that stretch, or, more particularly, if it turns out that the term "Western writer'' will not stretch to include the full range of human beings living and writing in the American West, then who wants a regional movement?
Not me.
I do not think we are anywhere near that point of breakdown. We may, in fact, never get there. In the meantime, that is one of the principal elements to celebrate in Western American writing: once, not that long ago, you could have made the case that this was the field of study most dominated by white writers who paid almost exclusive attention to the actions of white Westerners, and now writers of color and Anglo writers are reading each other and sharing turf with reciprocal curiosity, interest, and, often enough, good nature.
By becoming ethnically inclusive, Western writers did a far better job at reckoning with Western reality than the subscribers to the old whitecentered narrative ever could. But here, with the word "reality," we come to what I think may be the principal appeal of current Western writers: their conviction that there is something called reality, and that words can move closer or further,Cop
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th e pu bl is he r, e xc ep t fa ir u se s pe rm it te d un de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht
la w.
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toward or away, from reality. Meanwhile, elsewhere in the nation and the globe, intellectuals have embraced the ideas of relativism, the construction of meaning, the shiftiness of representation, the changeability of interpreted experience. With these ideas so influential, it is hard for people, intellectuals or not, to find a place to stand, to ground themselves in convictions that will not prove to be quicksand.
Meanwhile, in the West, it is still two or three hours earlier. The terms truth and reality and accuracy still seem usable, central, and reliable. Writers, novelists as well as historians, declare—and believe—that their goal is to dig out the real West, the West that has been buried under images, myths, rationales, and justifications.
No wonder people want to read these writers. They produce books that are filled with an otherwise hardtofind faith in bedrocks, groundedness, knowable reality. In their preoccupation with place, in their determination to understand and reckon with the physical reality of the Western land and people, Western writers confess their faith that there is a real world out there, a real world that can support and sustain human life and thought.
And yet, for all these claims of reality and truthfulness and honesty, contemporary Western writers are still in a dance with the imagemakers. The New Western History, for instance, has been written up in every major newspaper and newsmagazine, and certain Western historians of doubtful character have even agreed to go out and sit on rocks in the company of Eastern photographers. There is presently a mad, uncontrolled, wild rush of documentary makers toward Western history; in the course of a week, one's office answering tape can fill up with calls from filmmakers. In the summer of 1992, when Newsweek magazine declared the Western literary renaissance to be genuine and official, we got a reminder that Western writers still take their certification from the Eastern media; it is still the validation of the Eastern media that makes us real.
Recently, in my undergraduate readings seminar, we read BuffaloCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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fr om t he p ub li sh er , ex ce pt f ai r us es p er mi tt ed u nd er U .S . or a pp li ca bl e
co py ri gh t la w.
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Bill Cody's autobiography. 22 On that occasion, this whole paradox caught up with me. Just a few years ago, I could read Buffalo Bill with a clear head and clear judgment. I occupied a solid piece of high ground, from which I could view and judge Buffalo Bill's unrestrained marketing of the "authentic" Wild West, tailored and staged to match Eastern expectations. Cody never called it the Wild West Show, remember; this was, he told his audiences, the real Wild West in itself, not a show. Audiences were to take Cody's performances as an encounter with a West where life was more interesting, more intense, more full of stories, than life could ever be in the pallid places where dull Easterners had to live.
This time, after having taken many wild rides at the Eastern Media Rodeo myself, my encounter with Buffalo Bill was quite different from our earlier meetings. This time, I did not feel anywhere near as pure. Now Buffalo Bill and I met more as fellow practitioners of the art of being professional Westerners, playing on the opportunities presented by two historical moments when Westerners became particularly cool.
Buffalo Bill had me beat; he was many stages beyond me in the selling of the West. My version of the West, I believe, is much more grounded, realistic, and inclusive than his. But some kinship with Cody would be hard for me to deny, and hard for the other, visible Western writers to deny either.
We return, in other words, to the word realization, and its many meanings. My preference in definitions is obvious: "to make real; bring into being; achieve; to understand fully; to apprehend." I have, for obvious reasons, shied away from the dictionary: "to convert into money; to gain, obtain, as in 'the company realized a profit'; to be sold for, bring a profit: said of property."23 Look anywhere in American popular culture—look at TV shows, movies, mailorder catalogues, clothing stores—and you can find the evidence that the West is indeed being "realized" today, or sold for profit. The perception that the West isCop
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more vital, more hearty, more authentic, more grounded, and more real has added up to a fine commercial opportunity.
This is an opportunity that publishers, like any other participants in a commercial enterprise, have clearly realized. The change, here, is dramatic. In the 1970s' Norman Maclean's manuscript of A River Runs through It made the rounds of publishers and got rejected, until the University of Chicago Press took it. To "add further to their literary handicaps," Maclean explained, "these stories turned out to be Western stories—as one publisher said in returning them, 'These stories have trees in them.'" 24
Ivan Doig's This House of Sky: Landscapes of a Western Mind went on a similar round of rejection in the mid1970s, acquiring a total of twelve "nothankyou's" before HarcourtBraceJovanovich took it. The rejecting editors liked the writing, but they could see no commercial hope for the book. I quote some samples: "I don't think it would be a successful trade book in its present shape." "Unfortunately, much as I do like your work, I find that what you have here is not at all commercial." "Although Ivan Doig writes intelligently and well, I don't think his memoirs are going to add up to a publishable trade book."25 That unmarketable, uncommercial book, of course, eventually sold so many copies that the publisher recently issued a new hardcover, fifteenth anniversary edition.
In the 1970s, two of the West's finest writers were getting bounced from rejection letter to rejection letter. In the 1990s, we have a New York publishers' frenzy, a thundering herd of Eastern editors pursuing Western writers as fervently as Eastern excursionists used to pursue Western buffalo (though, one hopes for the targets, less painfully and more profitable). And so one wonders: Does all this literary activity of the last decade just add up to the West's twentythird love affair with the Eastern massmarket media? Will this wave of enthusiasm be followed, as the others have been, with a decline in affection, a drifting apart, and then a rediscovery and reigniting of passion a decade or two later? Have we just undergone another episode of the massmarketingCop
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ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw .
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of the Western dream, even if what is now for sale is a slightly modified, more realistic dream? Is the literary renaissance just a pleasant, optional accompaniment to the new television Westerns, the new movie Westerns, the surge of Western vests, boots, and all the various modifications of denim in catalogues and clothing stores?
I believe—of course, I have to believe—that this has been more than another wave in the mass marketing of the Western myth. As a participant and advocate, I have to believe that we have taken genuine strides in regional and national selfunderstanding, that these recent tellings of the Western story are more truthful and more realistic than previous tellings, that the realization of the West leans more to the definition of "realize" as "to understand fully, apprehend," and less to the definition of "to convert into money."
Whatever it adds up to, intellectual movement or marketing madness, the last decade's worth of mental activity in the West has certainly been entertaining. It has, moreover, been gratifying, especially for writers who once feared captivity in the university. Regular, nonacademic people read our books; federal land management agencies place Western writers as principal speakers at their summits and conventions; people living these regional issues eagerly tell their stories to scholars. Back in college, I can remember the yearning that came into our voices when we used the word "relevance," imagining that what we thought about in school might have some bearing on lives and actions outside the university. Few of the ideals I held in the late 1960s have survived in such good shape as this one. Taken seriously by public audience, the realized and relevant West literally holds its ground.
Commentary / Katherine G. Morrissey
When I mentioned to my Western history colleagues that I would be commenting on the work of Patricia Nelson Limerick, theyCop yr ig ht @ 1 99 8. U ni ve rs it y Pr es s of M is si ss ip pi .
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exclaimed, "How wonderful!" and in the same breath they would add, "But, oh, she's such a hard act to follow." And, indeed, she is; her eloquence, wit, and intelligence leave one in admiration. And it is in this spirit of delight and admiration that I offer comments.
First, let me place myself in time and space. I am from the same Western mountain states time zone as Patricia Nelson Limerick. But rather than the Flatirons of Colorado, I come from the Sonoran desert of the Southwest—the country from which and of which Susan Lowell writes so eloquently in Ganado Red.
As a historian of the American West, my research has focused on the interior Pacific Northwest—the forests and plateau country where Janet Campbell Hale places her autobiographical writings, Bloodlines: Odyssey of a Native Daughter, and where Roseann Lum McCunn situates A Thousand Pieces of Gold. I was presenting a paper based on my research concerning this area of eastern Washington, northern Idaho, and southeastern British Columbia at a regional academic history conference a few years ago. In my discussion of the creation of the Western region at the turn of the century and its celebrations as the Inland Empire, I mentioned that a regional consciousness persisted in the interior Pacific Northwest, and I argued that these lingering ideas about this place constituted a ghost region—a region with layers of memory, history, and meaning which continue to haunt the present. After my talk, a member of the audience got to her feet to add her own comments. "I am from Spokane, Washington," the woman asserted. "I'm from the Inland Empire and I want to tell you that regardless of what you say, we are not invisible, we are not dead, we are real." Referring to the area and its inhabitants, she declared "we are an important region." She spoke with considerable emotion as she talked about her attachment to the place.
I am reminded of this incident as I read Patricia Nelson Limerick's provocative paper. As Limerick so eloquently described, and as the woman from Spokane forcefully reminded me, connectingCop
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ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw .
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the present to the past and the past to the present is a central concern of Western regionalism. Both speakers, too, distinguish a "real West" and reveal the power and persistence of regional identity.
Regional identity and regionalism are vexed issues. The attachments which individuals and groups create to a particular place, the ways in which people identify with one location over another, are contested. The woman from Spokane objected to the ways in which I categorized her place, her region, and she drew on her authority as a resident of the Inland Empire to confront my interpretation of that region. Our rhetorical differences, over a ghost region and a real region, reflected different positioning. We both drew our own conclusions about the region, but in our participation in that disagreement we agreed on the existence and significance of the region. It is worth noting her strategy of calling upon a tangible corporal existence, of a "real" person and a "real" place. It is an effective strategy—to lay claim to experience and to the real in a discussion of ideas and representations.
I was reminded of my encounter with the woman from Spokane as I considered Limerick sketching out the "realization of the American West" in the recent Western regional movement. In a similar way Limerick draws upon her authority as a resident of the West and an advocate of Western regionalism in her description of the contemporary regional movement in Western history and literature. She is a participant and an advocate as well as an observer and analyzer. And as such, she believes that terms such as truth, reality, accuracy, and authenticity still seem useable, central, reliable. Holding onto a claim to the real, she suggests, is a distinguishing characteristic of Western writers.
Such a strategy engages in just that shifting ground of representation that Limerick seems to want to separate from the Western literary and historical enterprise. Clearly, she is uneasy about "the constructedness of meaning, the shiftiness of representation, the changeability of interpreted experience." And she worries about the "dance with the media and the imagemakers." SheCop
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co py ri gh t la w.
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acknowledges that artifice involved in Western regionalism, even as she insists upon an essential reality. Yet as she engages us with her language of the "real," the actual, and the tangible, she constructs a version of Western regionalism that dances on that unstable ground.
By pointing to the representational aspects of Limerick's presentation of the West, Western regionalism, and the Western regional movement, I do not mean to suggest that I disagree with her assessment of the current trends within Western regionalism—the urge to connect the present and the past, for example, or the appeal to a "real" West. I worry a bit, however, about her claims for Western regionalism. An appeal to a "real" West, an essential West, faces the danger of erasing the multiethnic character and diversity of the West. The impulse of regionalists to consensus, to claims—in Limerick's words—of a "we" who "have taken genuine strides in regional selfunderstanding," faces the danger of erasing the conflicts and contestations inherent in the West. The most vehement and persistent claims for Western regionalism seem to come disproportionately from Westerners anxious to defend its validity against challenges.
What intrigues me most about the ongoing creation of regions—and regions are always in the process of formation—is the persistence of conflict and contestation. Indeed, in most cases conflict and contestation characterize region more than consensus. Regions are comprised of different individuals and groups who are engaged in conflicts over meanings of places, over the relations of peoples in and with places, and over their often competing visions of the future. These struggles are both material and representational. And they take place not only in the world of writers and historians, but also in the world of the everyday.
To grapple with regionalism and regional identity, therefore, we need to pay attention to conflicts, to the issues under contestation, and to the language used in those conflicts. Which brings me to the metaphor of amputation. Limerick quotes Wallace Stegner's use of that metaphor—it is a wonderfully evocativeCop
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metaphor with multiple interpretive qualities. I would like to pick up that metaphor, but to cast it in a different way. Not to consider the act of reattaching a limb, but to consider the act of cutting off or severing a limb.
Amputation is, at times, a survival strategy. There was a story on the news about a man in the backcountry by himself who suffered an accident which ended with one of his legs pinned underneath a large boulder. With no one to help him, and unable to shift the boulder by himself, he took drastic action. He cut off his leg at the knee, freeing himself, then crawled out for assistance—not an ideal solution, perhaps, but a pragmatic one. He sacrificed part of his body for survival, for life. He sacrificed a known past for a future.
Individuals and groups in the West who are engaged in conflicts often find themselves in similar predicaments. Certainly Daniel Gillen, a striking miner from Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, suggested as much to a visiting Congressional committee on Industrial Relations in 1899. "I would sooner cut off my right hand than give up my liberty to them [the mine owners]," he explained. Gillen's words vividly express the vehemence of those who shared his workingclass identity, the striking miners in a conflict over rights within the industrial mining world of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Situated in the interior Pacific Northwest, the miners also drew upon the local rhetoric of regionalism; they based their assertion of rights, in part, on a claim to a "history" in this particular site. The miners' adherence to such rhetorical strategies suggests a broader view of regional identification, one not only attached to physical location, but also to socioeconomic location. 1
And Gillen's words echo those of a participant in another nineteenthcentury northern Idaho rights struggle. Ten years before Gillen reported his indignation, Coeur d'Alene leader Andres Seltice negotiated with a different visiting federal government committee over the rights to land, over the boundaries of his people's reservation. Relinquishing reservation land, Seltice explainedCop
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during the 1889 negotiations, "was just the same as cutting my left arm off." The disputes over the Coeur d'Alene reservation lands, part of a longer struggle over Coeur d'Alene tribal rights to land and selfdetermination, rested on assumptions regarding the place of Native Americans in the nation and the region. 2
These two ongoing rights struggles—one defined by class, the other by race—shared more than simply the language of amputation. The questions raised by these struggles—over the rights to land, selfdetermination, economic control, identity, and the future—engaged these and other inhabitants of the interior Pacific Northwest. Both Gillen and Seltice were engaged in struggles over rights—one of those sets of conflicts which helped define the region in which they lived. They shared a strategy of calling upon a tangible corporal existence, of using a physical, material metaphor as they asserted their identity in terms of class or race. In the different and competing discourses about who belonged or who did not belong to defined communities or regions, about who had the rights to define those communities or regions, these Westerners were participants in important representational struggles, struggles which had significant material consequences. What I am suggesting here is the inseparability of the material and the mental worlds of region. Representations are interconnected with the real both in the past and in the present.
Let me end with Limerick's title: "the realization of the American West." She offers two definitions of the term—to make real and to convert into money. I am intrigued with the former; "to make real" or "to make realistic" assumes that one makes or creates a reality. And with that "realization of the American West," I heartily agree.
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Sources and instructions/Proulx, Brokeback Mountain.pdf
4/7/2019 Brokeback Mountain | The New Yorker
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Fiction
Brokeback Mountain Cowboys and horses and long, lonely nights in the wilderness.
By Annie Proulx October 6, 1997
4/7/2019 Brokeback Mountain | The New Yorker
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1997/10/13/brokeback-mountain 2/27
Illustration by Rebekka Dunlap
4/7/2019 Brokeback Mountain | The New Yorker
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T hey were raised on small, poor ranches in opposite corners of the state, Jack Twist in Lightning Flat, up on the Montana border, Ennis del Mar from around Sage, near the Utah line, both high-school drop-out country boys with no prospects,
brought up to hard work and privation, both rough-mannered, rough-spoken, inured to the stoic life. Ennis, reared by his older brother and sister after their parents drove off the only curve on Dead Horse Road, leaving them twenty-four dollars in cash and a two-mortgage ranch, applied at age fourteen for a hardship license that let him make the hour-long trip from the ranch to the high school. The pickup was old, no heater, one windshield wiper, and bad tires; when the transmission went, there was no money to �x it. He had wanted to be a sophomore, felt the word carried a kind of distinction, but the truck broke down short of it, pitching him directly into ranch work.
In 1963, when he met Jack Twist, Ennis was engaged to Alma Beers. Both Jack and Ennis claimed to be saving money for a small spread; in Ennis’s case that meant a tobacco can with two �ve-dollar bills inside. That spring, hungry for any job, each had signed up with Farm and Ranch Employment—they came together on paper as herder and camp tender for the same sheep operation north of Signal. The summer range lay above the tree line on Forest Service land on Brokeback Mountain. It would be Jack Twist’s second summer on the mountain, Ennis’s �rst. Neither of them was twenty.
They shook hands in the choky little trailer office in front of a table littered with scribbled papers, a Bakelite ashtray brimming with stubs. The venetian blinds hung askew and admitted a triangle of white light, the shadow of the foreman’s hand moving into it. Joe Aguirre, wavy hair the color of cigarette ash and parted down the middle, gave them his point of view.
“Forest Service got designated campsites on the allotments. Them camps can be a couple a miles from where we pasture the sheep. Bad predator loss, nobody near lookin after em at night. What I want—camp tender in the main camp where the Forest Service says, but the herder”—pointing at Jack with a chop of his hand—“pitch a pup tent on the Q.T. with the sheep, out a sight, and he’s goin a sleep there. Eat supper, breakfast in camp, but sleep with the sheep, hundred percent, no �re, don’t leave no sign. Roll up that tent every mornin case Forest Service snoops around. Got the dogs, your .30-.30, sleep there. Last summer had goddam near twenty-�ve-percent loss. I don’t want that again. You,” he said to Ennis, taking in the ragged hair, the big nicked hands,
4/7/2019 Brokeback Mountain | The New Yorker
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the jeans torn, button-gaping shirt, “Fridays twelve noon be down at the bridge with your next-week list and mules. Somebody with supplies’ll be there in a pickup.” He didn’t ask if Ennis had a watch but took a cheap round ticker on a braided cord from a box on a high shelf, wound and set it, tossed it to him as if he weren’t worth the reach. “Tomorrow mornin we’ll truck you up the jump-off.” Pair of deuces going nowhere.
They found a bar and drank beer through the afternoon, Jack telling Ennis about a lightning storm on the mountain the year before that killed forty-two sheep, the peculiar stink of them and the way they bloated, the need for plenty of whiskey up there. At �rst glance Jack seemed fair enough, with his curly hair and quick laugh, but for a small man he carried some weight in the haunch and his smile disclosed buckteeth, not pronounced enough to let him eat popcorn out of the neck of a jug, but noticeable. He was infatuated with the rodeo life and fastened his belt with a minor bull-riding buckle, but his boots were worn to the quick, holed beyond repair, and he was crazy to be somewhere, anywhere, else than Lightning Flat.
Ennis, high-arched nose and narrow face, was scruffy and a little cave-chested, balanced a small torso on long, caliper legs, and possessed a muscular and supple body made for the horse and for �ghting. His re�exes were uncommonly quick, and he was farsighted enough to dislike reading anything except Hamley’s saddle catalogue.
The sheep trucks and horse trailers unloaded at the trailhead, and a bandy-legged Basque showed Ennis how to pack the mules—two packs and a riding load on each animal, ring-lashed with double diamonds and secured with half hitches—telling him, “Don’t never order soup. Them boxes a soup are real bad to pack.” Three puppies belonging to one of the blue heelers went in a pack basket, the runt inside Jack’s coat, for he loved a little dog. Ennis picked out a big chestnut called Cigar Butt to ride, Jack a bay mare that turned out to have a low startle point. The string of spare horses included a mouse-colored grullo whose looks Ennis liked. Ennis and Jack, the dogs, the horses and mules, a thousand ewes and their lambs �owed up the trail like dirty water through the timber and out above the tree line into the great �owery meadows and the coursing, endless wind.
They got the big tent up on the Forest Service’s platform, the kitchen and grub boxes secured. Both slept in camp that �rst night, Jack already bitching about Joe Aguirre’s sleep-with-the-sheep-and-no-�re order, though he saddled the bay mare in the dark
4/7/2019 Brokeback Mountain | The New Yorker
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J
morning without saying much. Dawn came glassy-orange, stained from below by a gelatinous band of pale green. The sooty bulk of the mountain paled slowly until it was the same color as the smoke from Ennis’s breakfast �re. The cold air sweetened, banded pebbles and crumbs of soil cast sudden pencil-long shadows, and the rearing lodgepole pines below them massed in slabs of somber malachite.
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Unearthing Black History at the Freedom Lots
During the day Ennis looked across a great gulf and sometimes saw Jack, a small dot moving across a high meadow, as an insect moves across a tablecloth; Jack, in his dark camp, saw Ennis as night �re, a red spark on the huge black mass of mountain.
ack came lagging in late one afternoon, drank his two bottles of beer cooled in a wet sack on the shady side of the tent, ate two bowls of stew, four of Ennis’s stone
biscuits, a can of peaches, rolled a smoke, watched the sun drop.
“I’m commutin four hours a day,” he said morosely. “Come in for breakfast, go back to the sheep, evenin get em bedded down, come in for supper, go back to the sheep, spend
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half the night jumpin up and checkin for coyotes. By rights I should be spendin the night here. Aguirre got no right a make me do this.”
“You want a switch?” said Ennis. “I wouldn’t mind herdin. I wouldn’t mind sleepin out there.”
“That ain’t the point. Point is, we both should be in this camp. And that goddam pup tent smells like cat piss or worse.”
“Wouldn’t mind bein out there.”
“Tell you what, you got a get up a dozen times in the night out there over them coyotes. Happy to switch but give you warnin I can’t cook worth a shit. Pretty good with a can opener.”
“Can’t be no worse than me, then. Sure, I wouldn’t mind a do it.”
They fended off the night for an hour with the yellow kerosene lamp, and around ten Ennis rode Cigar Butt, a good night horse, through the glimmering frost back to the sheep, carrying leftover biscuits, a jar of jam, and a jar of coffee with him for the next day, saying he’d save a trip, stay out until supper.
“Shot a coyote just �rst light,” he told Jack the next evening, sloshing his face with hot water, lathering up soap, and hoping his razor had some cut left in it, while Jack peeled potatoes. “Big son of a bitch. Balls on him size a apples. I bet he’d took a few lambs. Looked like he could a eat a camel. You want some a this hot water? There’s plenty.”
“It’s all yours.”
“Well, I’m goin a warsh everthing I can reach,” he said, pulling off his boots and jeans (no drawers, no socks, Jack noticed), slopping the green washcloth around until the �re spat.
They had a high-time supper by the �re, a can of beans each, fried potatoes, and a quart of whiskey on shares, sat with their backs against a log, boot soles and copper jeans rivets hot, swapping the bottle while the lavender sky emptied of color and the chill air drained down, drinking, smoking cigarettes, getting up every now and then to
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piss, �relight throwing a sparkle in the arched stream, tossing sticks on the �re to keep the talk going, talking horses and rodeo, roughstock events, wrecks and injuries sustained, the submarine Thresher lost two months earlier with all hands and how it must have been in the last doomed minutes, dogs each had owned and known, the military service, Jack’s home ranch, where his father and mother held on, Ennis’s family place, folded years ago after his folks died, the older brother in Signal and a married sister in Casper. Jack said his father had been a pretty well-known bull rider years back but kept his secrets to himself, never gave Jack a word of advice, never came once to see Jack ride, though he had put him on the woollies when he was a little kid. Ennis said the kind of riding that interested him lasted longer than eight seconds and had some point to it. Money’s a good point, said Jack, and Ennis had to agree. They were respectful of each other’s opinions, each glad to have a companion where none had been expected. Ennis, riding against the wind back to the sheep in the treacherous, drunken light, thought he’d never had such a good time, felt he could paw the white out of the moon.
The summer went on and they moved the herd to new pasture, shifted the camp; the distance between the sheep and the new camp was greater and the night ride longer. Ennis rode easy, sleeping with his eyes open, but the hours he was away from the sheep stretched out and out. Jack pulled a squalling burr out of the harmonica, �attened a little from a fall off the skittish bay mare, and Ennis had a good raspy voice; a few nights they mangled their way through some songs. Ennis knew the salty words to “Strawberry Roan.” Jack tried a Carl Perkins song, bawling “What I say-ay-ay,” but he favored a sad hymn, “Water-Walking Jesus,” learned from his mother, who believed in the Pentecost, and that he sang at dirge slowness, setting off distant coyote yips.
“Too late to go out to them damn sheep,” said Ennis, dizzy drunk on all fours one cold hour when the moon had notched past two. The meadow stones glowed white-green and a �inty wind worked over the meadow, scraped the �re low, then ruffled it into yellow silk sashes. “Got you a extra blanket I’ll roll up out here and grab forty winks, ride out at �rst light.”
“Freeze your ass off when that �re dies down. Better off sleepin in the tent.”
“Doubt I’ll feel nothin.” But he staggered under canvas, pulled his boots off, snored on the ground cloth for a while, woke Jack with the clacking of his jaw.
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“Jesus Christ, quit hammerin and get over here. Bedroll’s big enough,” said Jack in an irritable sleep-clogged voice. It was big enough, warm enough, and in a little while they deepened their intimacy considerably. Ennis ran full throttle on all roads whether fence mending or money spending, and he wanted none of it when Jack seized his left hand and brought it to his erect cock. Ennis jerked his hand away as though he’d touched �re, got to his knees, unbuckled his belt, shoved his pants down, hauled Jack onto all fours, and, with the help of the clear slick and a little spit, entered him, nothing he’d done before but no instruction manual needed. They went at it in silence except for a few sharp intakes of breath and Jack’s choked “Gun’s goin off,” then out, down, and asleep.
Ennis woke in red dawn with his pants around his knees, a top-grade headache, and Jack butted against him; without saying anything about it, both knew how it would go for the rest of the summer, sheep be damned.
As it did go. They never talked about the sex, let it happen, at �rst only in the tent at night, then in the full daylight with the hot sun striking down, and at evening in the �re glow, quick, rough, laughing and snorting, no lack of noises, but saying not a goddam word except once Ennis said, “I’m not no queer,” and Jack jumped in with “Me neither. A one-shot thing. Nobody’s business but ours.” There were only the two of them on the mountain, �ying in the euphoric, bitter air, looking down on the hawk’s back and the crawling lights of vehicles on the plain below, suspended above ordinary affairs and distant from tame ranch dogs barking in the dark hours. They believed themselves invisible, not knowing Joe Aguirre had watched them through his 10x42 binoculars for ten minutes one day, waiting until they’d buttoned up their jeans, waiting until Ennis rode back to the sheep, before bringing up the message that Jack’s people had sent word that his uncle Harold was in the hospital with pneumonia and expected not to make it. Though he did, and Aguirre came up again to say so, �xing Jack with his bold stare, not bothering to dismount.
In August Ennis spent the whole night with Jack in the main camp, and in a blowy hailstorm the sheep took off west and got among a herd in another allotment. There was a damn miserable time for �ve days, Ennis and a Chilean herder with no English trying to sort them out, the task almost impossible as the paint brands were worn and
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faint at this late season. Even when the numbers were right Ennis knew the sheep were mixed. In a disquieting way everything seemed mixed.
The �rst snow came early, on August 13th, piling up a foot, but was followed by a quick melt. The next week Joe Aguirre sent word to bring them down, another, bigger storm was moving in from the Paci�c, and they packed in the game and moved off the mountain with the sheep, stones rolling at their heels, purple cloud crowding in from the west and the metal smell of coming snow pressing them on. The mountain boiled with demonic energy, glazed with �ickering broken-cloud light; the wind combed the grass and drew from the damaged krummholz and slit rock a bestial drone. As they descended the slope Ennis felt he was in a slow-motion, but headlong, irreversible fall.
Joe Aguirre paid them, said little. He had looked at the milling sheep with a sour expression, said, “Some a these never went up there with you.” The count was not what he’d hoped for, either. Ranch stiffs never did much of a job.
ou goin a do this next summer?” said Jack to Ennis in the street, one leg already up in his green pickup. The wind was gusting hard and cold.
“Maybe not.” A dust plume rose and hazed the air with �ne grit and he squinted against it. “Like I said, Alma and me’s gettin married in December. Try to get somethin on a ranch. You?” He looked away from Jack’s jaw, bruised blue from the hard punch Ennis had thrown him on the last day.
“If nothin better comes along. Thought some about going back up to my daddy’s place, give him a hand over the winter, then maybe head out for Texas in the spring. If the draft don’t get me.”
“Well, see you around, I guess.” The wind tumbled an empty feed bag down the street until it fetched up under the truck.
“Right,” said Jack, and they shook hands, hit each other on the shoulder; then there was forty feet of distance between them and nothing to do but drive away in opposite directions. Within a mile Ennis felt like someone was pulling his guts out hand over hand a yard at a time. He stopped at the side of the road and, in the whirling new snow, tried to puke but nothing came up. He felt about as bad as he ever had and it took a long time for the feeling to wear off.
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n December Ennis married Alma Beers and had her pregnant by mid-January. He picked up a few short-lived ranch jobs, then settled in as a wrangler on the old
Elwood Hi-Top place, north of Lost Cabin, in Washakie County. He was still working there in September when Alma, Jr., as he called his daughter, was born and their bedroom was full of the smell of old blood and milk and baby shit, and the sounds were of squalling and sucking and Alma’s sleepy groans, all reassuring of fecundity and life’s continuance to one who worked with livestock.
When the Hi-Top folded they moved to a small apartment in Riverton, up over a laundry. Ennis got on the highway crew, tolerating it but working weekends at the Rafter B in exchange for keeping his horses out there. A second girl was born and Alma wanted to stay in town near the clinic because the child had an asthmatic wheeze.
“Ennis, please, no more damn lonesome ranches for us,” she said, sitting on his lap, wrapping her thin, freckled arms around him. “Let’s get a place here in town.”
“I guess,” said Ennis, slipping his hand up her blouse sleeve and stirring the silky armpit hair, �ngers moving down her ribs to the jelly breast, the round belly and knee and up into the wet gap all the way to the north pole or the equator depending which way you thought you were sailing, working at it until she shuddered and bucked against his hand and he rolled her over, did quickly what she hated. They stayed in the little apartment, which he favored because it could be left at any time.
he fourth summer since Brokeback Mountain came on and in June Ennis had a general-delivery letter from Jack Twist, the �rst sign of life in all that time.
Friend this letter is a long time
over due. Hope you get it. Heard
you was in Riverton. I’m coming
thru on the 24th, thought I’d stop
and buy you a beer. Drop me a line
if you can, say if your there.
The return address was Childress, Texas. Ennis wrote back, “You bet,” gave the Riverton address.
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The day was hot and clear in the morning, but by noon the clouds had pushed up out of the west rolling a little sultry air before them. Ennis, wearing his best shirt, white with wide black stripes, didn’t know what time Jack would get there and so had taken the day off, paced back and forth, looking down into a street pale with dust. Alma was saying something about taking his friend to the Knife & Fork for supper instead of cooking it was so hot, if they could get a babysitter, but Ennis said more likely he’d just go out with Jack and get drunk. Jack was not a restaurant type, he said, thinking of the dirty spoons sticking out of the cans of cold beans balanced on the log.
Late in the afternoon, thunder growling, that same old green pickup rolled in and he saw Jack get out of the truck, beat-up Resistol tilted back. A hot jolt scalded Ennis and he was out on the landing pulling the door closed behind him. Jack took the stairs two and two. They seized each other by the shoulders, hugged mightily, squeezing the breath out of each other, saying son of a bitch, son of a bitch; then, and as easily as the right key turns the lock tumblers, their mouths came together, and hard, Jack’s big teeth bringing blood, his hat falling to the �oor, stubble rasping, wet saliva welling, and the door opening and Alma looking out for a few seconds at Ennis’s straining shoulders and shutting the door again and still they clinched, pressing chest and groin and thigh and leg together, treading on each other’s toes until they pulled apart to breathe and Ennis, not big on endearments, said what he said to his horses and daughters, “Little darlin.”
The door opened again a few inches and Alma stood in the narrow light.
What could he say? “Alma, this is Jack Twist. Jack, my wife, Alma.” His chest was heaving. He could smell Jack—the intensely familiar odor of cigarettes, musky sweat, and a faint sweetness like grass, and with it the rushing cold of the mountain. “Alma,” he said, “Jack and me ain’t seen each other in four years.” As if it were a reason. He was glad the light was dim on the landing but did not turn away from her.
“Sure enough,” said Alma in a low voice. She had seen what she had seen. Behind her in the room, lightning lit the window like a white sheet waving and the baby cried.
“You got a kid?” said Jack. His shaking hand grazed Ennis’s hand, electrical current snapped between them.
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“Two little girls,” Ennis said. “Alma, Jr., and Francine. Love them to pieces.” Alma’s mouth twitched.
“I got a boy,” said Jack. “Eight months old. Tell you what, I married a cute little old Texas girl down in Childress—Lureen.” From the vibration of the �oorboard on which they both stood Ennis could feel how hard Jack was shaking.
“Alma,” he said. “Jack and me is goin out and get a drink. Might not get back tonight, we get drinkin and talkin.”
“Sure enough,” Alma said, taking a dollar bill from her pocket. Ennis guessed she was going to ask him to get her a pack of cigarettes, bring him back sooner.
“Please to meet you,” said Jack, trembling like a run-out horse.
“Ennis—” said Alma in her misery voice, but that didn’t slow him down on the stairs and he called back, “Alma, you want smokes there’s some in the pocket a my blue shirt in the bedroom.”
They went off in Jack’s truck, bought a bottle of whiskey, and within twenty minutes were in the Motel Siesta jouncing a bed. A few handfuls of hail rattled against the window, followed by rain and a slippery wind banging the unsecured door of the next room then and through the night.
he room stank of semen and smoke and sweat and whiskey, of old carpet and sour hay, saddle leather, shit and cheap soap. Ennis lay spread-eagled, spent and wet,
breathing deep, still half tumescent; Jack blew forceful cigarette clouds like whale spouts, and said, “Christ, it got to be all that time a yours a-horseback makes it so goddam good. We got to talk about this. Swear to God I didn’t know we was goin a get into this again—yeah, I did. Why I’m here. I fuckin knew it. Red-lined all the way, couldn’t get here fast enough.”
“I didn’t know where in the hell you was,” said Ennis. “Four years. I about give up on you. I �gured you was sore about that punch.”
“Friend,” said Jack, “I was in Texas rodeoin. How I met Lureen. Look over on that chair.”
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On the back of a soiled orange chair he saw the shine of a buckle. “Bull ridin?”
“Yeah. I made three fuckin thousand dollars that year. Fuckin starved. Had to borrow everthing but a toothbrush from other guys. Drove grooves across Texas. Half the time under that cunt truck �xin it. Anyway, I didn’t never think about losin. Lureen? There’s some serious money there. Her old man’s got it. Got this farm-machinery business. Course he don’t let her have none a the money, and he hates my fuckin guts, so it’s a hard go now but one a these days—”
“Well, you’re goin a go where you look. Army didn’t get you?” The thunder sounded far to the east, moving from them in its red wreaths of light.
“They can’t get no use out a me. Got some crushed vertebrates. And a stress fracture, the arm bone here, you know how bull ridin you’re always leverin it off your thigh?— she gives a little ever time you do it. Even if you tape it good you break it a little goddam bit at a time. Tell you what, hurts like a bitch afterward. Had a busted leg. Busted in three places. Come off the bull and it was a big bull with a lot a drop, he got rid a me in about three �at and he come after me and he was sure faster. Lucky enough. Friend a mine got his oil checked with a horn dipstick and that was all she wrote. Bunch a other things, fuckin busted ribs, sprains and pains, torn ligaments. See, it ain’t like it was in my daddy’s time. It’s guys with money go to college, trained athaletes. You got to have some money to rodeo now. Lureen’s old man wouldn’t give me a dime if I dropped it, except one way. And I know enough about the game now so I see that I ain’t never goin a be on the bubble. Other reasons. I’m gettin out while I still can walk.”
Ennis pulled Jack’s hand to his mouth, took a hit from the cigarette, exhaled. “Sure as hell seem in one piece to me. You know, I was sittin up here all that time tryin to �gure out if I was—? I know I ain’t. I mean, here we both got wives and kids, right? I like doin it with women, yeah, but Jesus H., ain’t nothin like this. I never had no thoughts a doin it with another guy except I sure wrang it out a hunderd times thinkin about you. You do it with other guys, Jack?”
“Shit no,” said Jack, who had been riding more than bulls, not rolling his own. “You know that. Old Brokeback got us good and it sure ain’t over. We got to work out what the fuck we’re goin a do now”
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“That summer,” said Ennis. “When we split up after we got paid out I had gut cramps so bad I pulled over and tried to puke, thought I ate somethin bad at that place in Dubois. Took me about a year to �gure out it was that I shouldn’t a let you out a my sights. Too late then by a long, long while.”
“Friend,” said Jack. “We got us a fuckin situation here. Got a �gure out what to do.”
“I doubt there’s nothin now we can do,” said Ennis. “What I’m sayin, Jack, I built a life up in them years. Love my little girls. Alma? It ain’t her fault. You got your baby and wife, that place in Texas. You and me can’t hardly be decent together if what happened back there”—he jerked his head in the direction of the apartment—“grabs” on us like that. We do that in the wrong place we’ll be dead. There’s no reins on this one. It scares the piss out a me.”
“Got to tell you, friend, maybe somebody seen us that summer. I was back there the next June, thinkin about goin back—I didn’t, lit out for Texas instead—and Joe Aguirre’s in the office and he says to me, he says, ‘You boys found a way to make the time pass up there, didn’t you,’ and I gave him a look but when I went out I seen he had a big-ass pair a binoculars hangin off his rearview.” He neglected to add that the foreman had leaned back in his squeaky wooden tilt chair and said, “Twist, you guys wasn’t gettin paid to leave the dogs baby-sit the sheep while you stemmed the rose,” and declined to rehire him. Jack went on, “Yeah, that little punch a yours surprised me. I never �gured you to throw a dirty punch.”
“I come up under my brother K.E., three years older’n me, slugged me silly every day. Dad got tired a me come bawlin in the house and when I was about six he set me down and says, Ennis, you got a problem and you got a �x it or it’s goin a be with you until you’re ninety and K.E.’s ninety-three. Well, I says, he’s bigger’n me. Dad says, You got a take him unawares, don’t say nothin to him, make him feel some pain, get out fast and keep doin it until he takes the message. Nothin like hurtin somebody to make him hear good. So I did. I got him in the outhouse, jumped him on the stairs, come over to his pillow in the night while he was sleepin and pasted him damn good. Took about two days. Never had trouble with K.E. since. The lesson was, Don’t say nothin and get it over with quick.” A telephone rang in the next room, rang on and on, stopped abruptly in mid-peal.
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“You won’t catch me again,” said Jack. “Listen. I’m thinkin, tell you what, if you and me had a little ranch together, little cow-and-calf operation, your horses, it’d be some sweet life. Like I said, I’m gettin out a rodeo. I ain’t no broke dick rider but I don’t got the bucks a ride out this slump I’m in and I don’t got the bones a keep gettin wrecked. I got it �gured, got this plan Ennis, how we can do it, you and me. Lureen’s old man, you bet he’d give me a bunch if I’d get lost. Already more or less said it—”
“Whoa, whoa, whoa. It ain’t goin a be that way. We can’t. I’m stuck with what I got, caught in my own loop. Can’t get out of it. Jack, I don’t want a be like them guys you see around sometimes. And I don’t want a be dead. There was these two old guys ranched together down home, Earl and Rich—Dad would pass a remark when he seen them. They was a joke even though they was pretty tough old birds. I was what, nine years old, and they found Earl dead in a irrigation ditch. They’d took a tire iron to him, spurred him up, drug him around by his dick until it pulled off, just bloody pulp. What the tire iron done looked like pieces a burned tomatoes all over him, nose tore down from skiddin on gravel.”
“You seen that?”
“Dad made sure I seen it. Took me to see it. Me and K.E. Dad laughed about it. Hell, for all I know he done the job. If he was alive and was to put his head in that door right now you bet he’d go get his tire iron. Two guys livin together? No. All I can see is we get together once in a while way the hell out in the back a nowhere—”
“How much is once in a while?” said Jack. “Once in a while ever four fuckin years?”
“No,” said Ennis, forbearing to ask whose fault that was. “I goddam hate it that you’re goin a drive away in the mornin and I’m goin back to work. But if you can’t �x it you got a stand it,” he said. “Shit. I been lookin at people on the street. This happen a other people? What the hell do they do?”
“It don’t happen in Wyomin and if it does I don’t know what they do, maybe go to Denver,” said Jack, sitting up, turning away from him, “and I don’t give a �yin fuck. Son of a bitch, Ennis, take a couple days off. Right now. Get us out a here. Throw your stuff in the back a my truck and let’s get up in the mountains. Couple a days. Call Alma up
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and tell her you’re goin. Come on, Ennis, you just shot my airplane out a the sky—give me somethin a go on. This ain’t no little thing that’s happenin here.”
The hollow ringing began again in the next room, and as if he were answering it Ennis picked up the phone on the bedside table, dialled his own number.
slow corrosion worked between Ennis and Alma, no real trouble, just widening water. She was working at a grocery-store clerk job, saw she’d always have to work
to keep ahead of the bills on what Ennis made. Alma asked Ennis to use rubbers because she dreaded another pregnancy. He said no to that, said he would be happy to leave her alone if she didn’t want any more of his kids. Under her breath she said, “I’d have em if you’d support em.” And under that thought, Anyway, what you like to do don’t make too many babies.
Her resentment opened out a little every year: the embrace she had glimpsed, Ennis’s �shing trips once or twice a year with Jack Twist and never a vacation with her and the girls, his disinclination to step out and have any fun, his yearning for low-paid, long- houred ranch work, his propensity to roll to the wall and sleep as soon as he hit the bed, his failure to look for a decent permanent job with the county or the power company put her in a long, slow dive, and when Alma, Jr., was nine and Francine seven she said, What am I doin, hangin around with him, divorced Ennis, and married the Riverton grocer.
Ennis went back to ranch work, hired on here and there, not getting much ahead but glad enough to be around stock again, free to drop things, quit if he had to, and go into the mountains at short notice. He had no serious hard feelings, just a vague sense of getting short-changed, and showed it was all right by taking Thanksgiving dinner with Alma and her grocer and the kids, sitting between his girls and talking horses to them, telling jokes, trying not to be a sad daddy. After the pie Alma got him off in the kitchen, scraped the plates and said she worried about him and he ought to get married again. He saw she was pregnant, about four, �ve months, he guessed.
“Once burned,” he said, leaning against the counter, feeling too big for the room.
“You still go �shin with that Jack Twist?”
“Some.” He thought she’d take the pattern off the plate with the scraping.
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“You know,” she said, and from her tone he knew something was coming, “I used to wonder how come you never brought any trouts home. Always said you caught plenty. So one time I got your creel case open the night before you went on one a your little trips—price tag still on it after �ve years—and I tied a note on the end of the line. It said, ‘Hello, Ennis, bring some �sh home, love, Alma.’ And then you come back and said you’d caught a bunch a browns and ate them up. Remember? I looked in the case when I got a chance and there was my note still tied there and that line hadn’t touched water in its life.” As though the word “water” had called out its domestic cousin, she twisted the faucet, sluiced the plates.
“That don’t mean nothin.”
“Don’t lie, don’t try to fool me, Ennis. I know what it means. Jack Twist? Jack Nasty. You and him—”
She’d overstepped his line. He seized her wrist and twisted; tears sprang and rolled, a dish clattered.
“Shut up,” he said. “Mind your own business. You don’t know nothin about it.”
“I’m goin a yell for Bill.”
“You fuckin go right ahead. Go on and fuckin yell. I’ll make him eat the fuckin �oor and you too.” He gave another wrench that left her with a burning bracelet, shoved his hat on backward and slammed out. He went to the Black and Blue Eagle bar that night, got drunk, had a short dirty �ght, and left. He didn’t try to see his girls for a long time, �guring they would look him up when they got the sense and years to move out from Alma.
hey were no longer young men with all of it before them. Jack had �lled out through the shoulders and hams; Ennis stayed as lean as a clothespole, stepped
around in worn boots, jeans, and shirts summer and winter, added a canvas coat in cold weather. A benign growth appeared on his eyelid and gave it a drooping appearance; a broken nose healed crooked.
Years on years they worked their way through the high meadows and mountain drainages, horse-packing into the Big Horns, the Medicine Bows, the south end of the
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Gallatins, the Absarokas, the Granites, the Owl Creeks, the Bridger-Teton Range, the Freezeouts and the Shirleys, the Ferrrises and the Rattlesnakes, the Salt River range, into the Wind Rivers over and again, the Sierra Madres, the Gros Ventres, the Washakies, the Laramies, but never returning to Brokeback.
Down in Texas Jack’s father-in-law died and Lureen, who inherited the farm- equipment business, showed a skill for management and hard deals. Jack found himself with a vague managerial title, travelling to stock and agricultural machinery shows. He had some money now and found ways to spend it on his buying trips. A little Texas accent �avored his sentences, “cow” twisted into “kyow” and “wife” coming out as “waf.” He’d had his front teeth �led down, set with steel plugs, and capped, said he’d felt no pain, wore Texas suits and a tall white hat.
n May of 1983 they spent a few cold days at a series of little icebound, no-name high lakes, then worked across into the Hail Strew River drainage.
Going up, the day was �ne, but the trail deep-drifted and slopping wet at the margins. They left it to wind through a slashy cut, leading the horses through brittle branch wood, Jack lifting his head in the heated noon to take the air scented with resinous lodgepole, the dry needle duff and hot rock, bitter juniper crushed beneath the horses’ hooves. Ennis, weather-eyed, looked west for the heated cumulus that might come up on such a day, but the boneless blue was so deep, said Jack, that he might drown looking up.
Around three they swung through a narrow pass to a southeast slope where the strong spring sun had had a chance to work, dropped down to the trail again, which lay snowless below them. They could hear the river muttering and making a distant train sound a long way off. Twenty minutes on they surprised a black bear on the bank above them rolling a log over for grubs, and Jack’s horse shied and reared, Jack saying “Wo! Wo!” and Ennis’s bay dancing and snorting but holding. Jack reached for the .30-.06 but there was no need; the startled bear galloped into the trees with the lumpish gait that made it seem it was falling apart.
The tea-colored river ran fast with snowmelt, a scarf of bubbles at every high rock, pools and setbacks streaming. The ochre-branched willows swayed stiffly, pollened catkins like yellow thumbprints. The horses drank and Jack dismounted, scooped icy
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water up in his hand, crystalline drops falling from his �ngers, his mouth and chin glistening with wet.
“Get beaver fever doin that,” said Ennis, then, “Good enough place,” looking at the level bench above the river, two or three �re rings from old hunting camps. A sloping meadow rose behind the bench, protected by a stand of lodgepole. There was plenty of dry wood. They set up camp without saying much, picketed the horses in the meadow. Jack broke the seal on a bottle of whiskey, took a long, hot swallow, exhaled forcefully, said, “That’s one a the two things I need right now,” capped it and tossed it to Ennis.
On the third morning there were the clouds Ennis had expected, a gray racer out of the West, a bar of darkness driving wind before it and small �akes. It faded after an hour into tender spring snow that heaped wet and heavy. By nightfall it had turned colder. Jack and Ennis passed a joint back and forth, the �re burning late, Jack restless and bitching about the cold, poking the �ames with a stick, twisting the dial of the transistor radio until the batteries died.
Ennis said he’d been putting the blocks to a woman who worked part-time at the Wolf Ears bar in Signal where he was working now for Car Scrope’s cow-and-calf out�t, but it wasn’t going anywhere and she had some problems he didn’t want. Jack said he’d had a thing going with the wife of a rancher down the road in Childress and for the last few months he’d slank around expecting to get shot by Lureen or the husband, one. Ennis laughed a little and said he probably deserved it. Jack said he was doing all right but he missed Ennis bad enough sometimes to make him whip babies.
The horses nickered in the darkness beyond the �re’s circle of light. Ennis put his arm around Jack, pulled him close, said he saw his girls about once a month, Alma, Jr., a shy seventeen-year-old with his beanpole length, Francine a little live wire. Jack slid his cold hand between Ennis’s legs, said he was worried about his boy who was, no doubt about it, dyslexic or something, couldn’t get anything right, �fteen years old and couldn’t hardly read, he could see it though goddam Lureen wouldn’t admit to it and pretended the kid was O.K., refused to get any bitchin kind a help about it. He didn’t know what the fuck the answer was. Lureen had the money and called the shots.
“I used a want a boy for a kid,” said Ennis, undoing buttons, “but just got little girls.”
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“I didn’t want none a either kind,” said Jack. “But fuck-all has worked the way I wanted. Nothin never come to my hand the right way.” Without getting up he threw deadwood on the �re, the sparks �ying up with their truths and lies, a few hot points of �re landing on their hands and faces, not for the �rst time, and they rolled down into the dirt. One thing never changed: the brilliant charge of their infrequent couplings was darkened by the sense of time �ying, never enough time, never enough.
A day or two later in the trailhead parking lot, horses loaded into the trailer, Ennis was ready to head back to Signal, Jack up to Lightning Flat to see the old man. Ennis leaned into Jack’s window, said what he’d been putting off the whole week, that likely he couldn’t get away again until November, after they’d shipped stock and before winter feeding started.
“November. What in hell happened a August? Tell you what, we said August, nine, ten days. Christ, Ennis! Whyn’t you tell me this before? You had a fuckin week to say some little word about it. And why’s it we’re always in the friggin cold weather? We ought a do somethin. We ought a go South. We ought a go to Mexico one day.”
“Mexico? Jack, you know me. All the travellin I ever done is goin around the coffeepot lookin for the handle. And I’ll be runnin the baler all August, that’s what’s the matter with August. Lighten up, Jack. We can hunt in November, kill a nice elk. Try if I can get Don Wroe’s cabin again. We had a good time that year.”
“You know, friend, this is a goddam bitch of a unsatisfactory situation. You used a come away easy. It’s like seein the Pope now.”
“Jack, I got a work. Them earlier days I used a quit the jobs. You got a wife with money, a good job. You forget how it is bein broke all the time. You ever hear a child support? I been payin out for years and got more to go. Let me tell you, I can’t quit this one. And I can’t get the time off. It was tough gettin this time—some a them late heifers is still calvin. You don’t leave then. You don’t. Scrope is a hell-raiser and he raised hell about me takin the week. I don’t blame him. He probly ain’t got a night’s sleep since I left. The trade-off was August. You got a better idea?”
“I did once.” The tone was bitter and accusatory.
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Ennis said nothing, straightened up slowly, rubbed at his forehead; a horse stamped inside the trailer. He walked to his truck, put his hand on the trailer, said something that only the horses could hear, turned and walked back at a deliberate pace.
“You been a Mexico, Jack?” Mexico was the place. He’d heard. He was cutting fence now, trespassing in the shoot-em zone.
“Hell yes, I been. Where’s the fuckin problem?” Braced for it all these years and here it came, late and unexpected.
“I got a say this to you one time, Jack, and I ain’t foolin. What I don’t know,” said Ennis, “all them things I don’t know could get you killed if I should come to know them.”
“Try this one,” said Jack, “and I’ll say it just one time. Tell you what, we could a had a good life together, a fuckin real good life. You wouldn’t do it, Ennis, so what we got now is Brokeback Mountain. Everything built on that. It’s all we got, boy, fuckin all, so I hope you know that if you don’t never know the rest. Count the damn few times we been together in twenty years. Measure the fuckin short leash you keep me on, then ask me about Mexico and then tell me you’ll kill me for needin it and not hardly never gettin it. You got no fuckin idea how bad it gets. I’m not you. I can’t make it on a couple a high-altitude fucks once or twice a year. You’re too much for me, Ennis, you son of a whoreson bitch. I wish I knew how to quit you.”
Like vast clouds of steam from thermal springs in winter the years of things unsaid and now unsayable—admissions, declarations, shames, guilts, fears—rose around them. Ennis stood as if heart-shot, face gray and deep-lined, grimacing, eyes screwed shut, �sts clenched, legs caving, hit the ground on his knees.
“Jesus,” said Jack. “Ennis?” But before he was out of the truck, trying to guess if it was a heart attack or the over�ow of an incendiary rage, Ennis was back on his feet, and somehow, as a coat hanger is straightened to open a locked car and then bent again to its original shape, they torqued things almost to where they had been, for what they’d said was no news. Nothing ended, nothing begun, nothing resolved.
hat Jack remembered and craved in a way he could neither help nor understand was the time that distant summer on Brokeback when Ennis had come up
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behind him and pulled him close, the silent embrace satisfying some shared and sexless hunger.
They had stood that way for a long time in front of the �re, its burning tossing ruddy chunks of light, the shadow of their bodies a single column against the rock. The minutes ticked by from the round watch in Ennis’s pocket, from the sticks in the �re settling into coals. Stars bit through the wavy heat layers above the �re. Ennis’s breath came slow and quiet, he hummed, rocked a little in the sparklight, and Jack leaned against the steady heartbeat, the vibrations of the humming like faint electricity and, standing, he fell into sleep that was not sleep but something else drowsy and tranced until Ennis, dredging up a rusty but still usable phrase from the childhood time before his mother died, said, “Time to hit the hay, cowboy. I got a go. Come on, you’re sleepin on your feet like a horse,” and gave Jack a shake, a push, and went off in the darkness. Jack heard his spurs tremble as he mounted, the words “See you tomorrow,” and the horse’s shuddering snort, grind of hoof on stone.
Later, that dozy embrace solidi�ed in his memory as the single moment of artless, charmed happiness in their separate and difficult lives. Nothing marred it, even the knowledge that Ennis would not then embrace him face to face because he did not want to see or feel that it was Jack he held. And maybe, he thought, they’d never got much farther than that. Let be, let be.
nnis didn’t know about the accident for months until his postcard to Jack saying that November still looked like the �rst chance came back stamped “��������.”
He called Jack’s number in Childress, something he had done only once before, when Alma divorced him, and Jack had misunderstood the reason for the call, had driven twelve hundred miles north for nothing. This would be all right; Jack would answer, had to answer. But he did not. It was Lureen and she said who? who is this? and when he told her again she said in a level voice yes, Jack was pumping up a �at on the truck out on a back road when the tire blew up. The bead was damaged somehow and the force of the explosion slammed the rim into his face, broke his nose and jaw and knocked him unconscious on his back. By the time someone came along he had drowned in his own blood.
No, he thought, they got him with the tire iron.
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“Jack used to mention you,” she said. “You’re the �shing buddy or the hunting buddy, I know that. Would have let you know,” she said, “but I wasn’t sure about your name and address. Jack kept most a his friends’ addresses in his head. It was a terrible thing. He was only thirty-nine years old.”
The huge sadness of the Northern plains rolled down on him. He didn’t know which way it was, the tire iron or a real accident, blood choking down Jack’s throat and nobody to turn him over. Under the wind drone he heard steel slamming off bone, the hollow chatter of a settling tire rim.
“He buried down there?” He wanted to curse her for letting Jack die on the dirt road.
The little Texas voice came slip-sliding down the wire, “We put a stone up. He use to say he wanted to be cremated, ashes scattered on Brokeback Mountain. I didn’t know where that was. So he was cremated, like he wanted, and, like I say, half his ashes was interred here, and the rest I sent up to his folks. I thought Brokeback Mountain was around where he grew up. But knowing Jack, it might be some pretend place where the bluebirds sing and there’s a whiskey spring.”
“We herded sheep on Brokeback one summer,” said Ennis. He could hardly speak.
“Well, he said it was his place. I thought he meant to get drunk. Drink whiskey up there. He drank a lot.”
“His folks still up in Lightnin Flat?”
“Oh yeah. They’ll be there until they die. I never met them. They didn’t come down for the funeral. You get in touch with them. I suppose they’d appreciate it if his wishes was carried out.”
No doubt about it, she was polite but the little voice was as cold as snow.
he road to Lightning Flat went through desolate country past a dozen abandoned ranches distributed over the plain at eight- and ten-mile intervals, houses sitting
blank-eyed in the weeds, corral fences down. The mailbox read “John C. Twist.” The ranch was a meagre little place, leafy spurge taking over. The stock was too far distant
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for him to see their condition, only that they were black baldies. A porch stretched across the front of the tiny brown stucco house, four rooms, two down, two up.
Ennis sat at the kitchen table with Jack’s father. Jack’s mother, stout and careful in her movements as though recovering from an operation, said, “Want some coffee, don’t you? Piece a cherry cake?”
“Thank you, Ma’am, I’ll take a cup a coffee but I can’t eat no cake just now.”
The old man sat silent, his hands folded on the plastic tablecloth, staring at Ennis with an angry, knowing expression. Ennis recognized in him a not uncommon type with the hard need to be the stud duck in the pond. He couldn’t see much of Jack in either one of them, took a breath.
“I feel awful bad about Jack. Can’t begin to say how bad I feel. I knew him a long time. I come by to tell you that if you want me to take his ashes up there on Brokeback like his wife says he wanted I’d be proud to.”
There was a silence. Ennis cleared his throat but said nothing more.
The old man said, “Tell you what, I know where Brokeback Mountain is. He thought he was too goddam special to be buried in the family plot.”
Jack’s mother ignored this, said, “He used a come home every year, even after he was married and down in Texas, and help his daddy on the ranch for a week, �x the gates and mow and all. I kept his room like it was when he was a boy and I think he appreciated that. You are welcome to go up in his room if you want.”
The old man spoke angrily. “I can’t get no help out here. Jack used a say, ‘Ennis del Mar,’ he used a say, ‘I’m goin a bring him up here one a these days and we’ll lick this damn ranch into shape.’ He had some half-baked idea the two a you was goin a move up here, build a log cabin, and help me run this ranch and bring it up. Then this spring he’s got another one’s goin a come up here with him and build a place and help run the ranch, some ranch neighbor a his from down in Texas. He’s goin a split up with his wife and come back here. So he says. But like most a Jack’s ideas it never come to pass.”
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So now he knew it had been the tire iron. He stood up, said you bet he’d like to see Jack’s room, recalled one of Jack’s stories about this old man. Jack was dick-clipped and the old man was not; it bothered the son, who had discovered the anatomical disconformity during a hard scene. He had been about three or four, he said, always late getting to the toilet, struggling with buttons, the seat, the height of the thing, and often as not left the surroundings sprinkled down. The old man blew up about it and this one time worked into a crazy rage. “Christ, he licked the stuffin out a me, knocked me down on the bathroom �oor, whipped me with his belt. I thought he was killin me. Then he says, ‘You want a know what it’s like with piss all over the place? I’ll learn you,’ and he pulls it out and lets go all over me, soaked me, then he throws a towel at me and makes me mop up the �oor, take my clothes off and warsh them in the bathtub, warsh out the towel, I’m bawlin and blubberin. But while he was hosin me down I seen he had some extra material that I was missin. I seen they’d cut me different like you’d crop a ear or scorch a brand. No way to get it right with him after that.”
The bedroom, at the top of a steep stair that had its own climbing rhythm, was tiny and hot, afternoon sun pounding through the west window, hitting the narrow boy’s bed against the wall, an ink-stained desk and wooden chair, a B.B. gun in a hand- whittled rack over the bed. The window looked down on the gravel road stretching south and it occurred to him that for Jack’s growing-up years that was the only road he knew. An ancient magazine photograph of some dark-haired movie star was taped to the wall beside the bed, the skin tone gone magenta. He could hear Jack’s mother downstairs running water, �lling the kettle and setting it back on the stove, asking the old man a muffled question.
The closet was a shallow cavity with a wooden rod braced across, a faded cretonne curtain on a string closing it off from the rest of the room. In the closet hung two pairs of jeans crease-ironed and folded neatly over wire hangers, on the �oor a pair of worn packer boots he thought he remembered. At the north end of the closet a tiny jog in the wall made a slight hiding place and here, stiff with long suspension from a nail, hung a shirt. He lifted it off the nail. Jack’s old shirt from Brokeback days. The dried blood on the sleeve was his own blood, a gushing nosebleed on the last afternoon on the mountain when Jack, in their contortionistic grappling and wrestling, had slammed Ennis’s nose hard with his knee. He had stanched the blood, which was everywhere, all over both of them, with his shirtsleeve, but the stanching hadn’t held, because Ennis
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A
had suddenly swung from the deck and laid the ministering angel out in the wild columbine, wings folded.
The shirt seemed heavy until he saw there was another shirt inside it, the sleeves carefully worked down inside Jack’s sleeves. It was his own plaid shirt, lost, he’d thought, long ago in some damn laundry, his dirty shirt, the pocket ripped, buttons missing, stolen by Jack and hidden here inside Jack’s own shirt, the pair like two skins, one inside the other, two in one. He pressed his face into the fabric and breathed in slowly through his mouth and nose, hoping for the faintest smoke and mountain sage and salty sweet stink of Jack, but there was no real scent, only the memory of it, the imagined power of Brokeback Mountain of which nothing was left but what he held in his hands.
n the end the stud duck refused to let Jack’s ashes go. “Tell you what, we got a family plot and he’s goin in it.” Jack’s mother stood at the table coring apples with a sharp,
serrated instrument. “You come again,” she said.
Bumping down the washboard road Ennis passed the country cemetery fenced with sagging sheep wire, a tiny fenced square on the welling prairie, a few graves bright with plastic �owers, and didn’t want to know Jack was going in there, to be buried on the grieving plain.
few weeks later, on the Saturday, he threw all the Coffeepot’s dirty horse blankets into the back of his pickup and took them down to the Quik Stop Car Wash to
turn the high-pressure spray on them. When the wet clean blankets were stowed in the truck bed he stepped into Higgins’ gift shop and busied himself with the postcard rack.
“Ennis, what are you lookin for, rootin through them postcards?” said Linda Higgins, throwing a sopping brown coffee �lter into the garbage can.
“Scene a Brokeback Mountain.”
“Over in Fremont County?”
“No, north a here.”
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“I didn’t order none a them. Let me get the order list. They got it I can get you a hunderd. I got a order some more cards anyway.”
“One’s enough,” said Ennis.
When it came—thirty cents—he pinned it up in his trailer, brass-headed tack in each corner. Below it he drove a nail and on the nail he hung a wire hanger and the two old shirts suspended from it. He stepped back and looked at the ensemble through a few stinging tears.
“Jack, I swear—” he said, though Jack had never asked him to swear anything and was himself not the swearing kind.
round that time Jack began to appear in his dreams, Jack as he had �rst seen him, curly-headed and smiling and buck-toothed, talking about getting up off his
pockets and into the control zone, but the can of beans with the spoon handle jutting out and balanced on the log was there as well, in a cartoon shape and lurid colors that gave the dreams a �avor of comic obscenity. The spoon handle was the kind that could be used as a tire iron. And he would wake sometimes in grief, sometimes with the old sense of joy and release; the pillow sometimes wet, sometimes the sheets.
There was some open space between what he knew and what he tried to believe, but nothing could be done about it, and if you can’t �x it you’ve got to stand it. ♦
This article appears in the print edition of the , issue.
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Annie Proulx alternates between writing short stories and writing novels. Her sixth novel, “Barkskins,” will be published in June. Read more »
Sources and instructions/Proulx, Man Crawling out of Trees.pdf
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THE END OF THE MYTH From the Frontier to the Border Wall in the Mind of America Greg Grandin Metropolitan Books
MORE ABOUT THIS BOOK
INTRODUCTION
Fleeing Forward
Poetry was the language of the frontier, and the historian Frederick Jackson Turner was among its greatest
laureates. “The United States lies like a huge page in the history of society,” he wrote in 1893. “Line by line as we
read this continental page from West to East we find the record of social evolution.”1 Expansion across the
continent, Turner said, made Europeans into something new, into a people both coarse and curious, self-
disciplined and spontaneous, practical and inventive, filled with a “restless, nervous energy” and lifted by “that
buoyancy and exuberance which comes with freedom.” Turner’s scholarly career spanned the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, during the height of Jim Crow and the consolidation of anti-miscegenation and nativist
exclusion laws, with the KKK resurgent. Mexican workers were being lynched in Texas, and the U.S. military was
engaged in deadly counterinsurgencies in the Caribbean and Pacific. But what became known as Turner’s Frontier
Thesis—which argued that the expansion of settlement across a frontier of “free land” created a uniquely American
form of political equality, a vibrant, forward-looking individualism—placed a wager on the future.
The kind of Americanism Turner represented took all the unbounded optimism that went into the founding of the
United States and bet that the country’s progress, moving forward on the frontier and into the world, would reduce
racism to a remnant and leave it behind as residue. It would dilute other social problems as well, including poverty,
inequality, and extremism, teaching diverse people how to live together in peace. Frank Norris, in 1902, hoped that
territorial expansion would lead to a new kind of universalism, to the “brotherhood of man” when Americans would
realize that “the whole world is our nation and simple humanity our countrymen.”2
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Facing west meant facing the Promised Land, an Edenic utopia where the American as the new Adam could
imagine himself free from nature’s limits, society’s burdens, and history’s ambiguities. No myth in American history
has been more powerful, more invoked by more presidents, than that of pioneers advancing across an endless
meridian. Onward, and then onward again. There were lulls, doubts, dissents, and counter-movements, notably in
the 1930s and 1970s. But the expansionist imperative has remained constant, in one version or another, for
centuries. As Woodrow Wilson said in the 1890s, “a frontier people always in our van, is, so far, the central and
determining fact of our national history.” “There was no thought,” Wilson said, “of drawing back.”3
So far. The poetry stopped on June 16, 2015, when Donald J. Trump announced his presidential campaign by
standing Frederick Jackson Turner on his head. “I will build a great wall,” Trump said.
Trump most likely had never heard of Turner, or his outsized influence on American thought. But there, in the lobby
of his tower on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, he offered his own judgment on history. Referring specifically to the
North American Free Trade Agreement and broadly to the country’s commitment to free trade, he said, “We have
to stop, and it has to stop now.”
* * *
All nations have borders, and many today even have walls. But only the United States has had a frontier, or at
least a frontier that has served as a proxy for liberation, synonymous with the possibilities and promises of modern
life itself and held out as a model for the rest of the world to emulate.4
Decades before its founders won their independence, America was thought of as a process of endless becoming
and ceaseless unfurling. In 1651, Thomas Hobbes described British colonialism in America as driven by an
“insatiable appetite, or Bulimia, of enlarging dominion.”5 Thomas Jefferson, in a political manifesto he wrote two
years before the Declaration of Independence, identified the right “of departing from the country in which chance,
not choice” had placed settlers, “of going in quest of new habitations” as an element of universal law.6
True religion moved east to west with the sun, believed early American theologians, and if man could keep pace
with its light, perhaps historical time itself could be overcome and decline avoided.7 The West, said one frontier
writer, was “the land of mankind’s second chance.”8 It was, said Turner, a place of “perennial rebirth.” Are there
new frontiers? The historian Walter Prescott Webb, writing in the early 1950s, said that what that perennial
question revealed was nothing less than a rejection of the death instinct. You might as well ask, Webb said, is
there a human soul?9 Faith in the regenerative power of the frontier resided in the fact that the West did offer, for
many, a chance to shake off their circumstances. More than a few even got rich. The United States was great, in
ambition as well as dimension.
The concept of the frontier served as both diagnosis (to explain the power and wealth of the United States) and
prescription (to recommend what policy makers should do to maintain and extend that power and wealth). And
when the physical frontier was closed, its imagery could easily be applied to other arenas of expansion, to
markets, war, culture, technology, science, the psyche, and politics. In the years after World War II, the “frontier”
became a central metaphor to capture a vision of a new kind of world order. Past empires established their
dominance in an environment where resources were thought to be finite, extending their supremacy to capture as
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much of the world’s wealth as possible, to the detriment of their rivals. Now, though, the United States made a
credible claim to be a different sort of global power, presiding over a world economy premised on endless growth.
Washington, its leaders said, didn’t so much rule as help organize and stabilize an international community
understood as liberal, universal, and multilateral. The promise of a limitless frontier meant that wealth wasn’t a
zero-sum proposition. It could be shared by all. Borrowing frontier language used by Andrew Jackson and his
followers in the 1830s and 1840s, postwar planners said the United States would extend the world’s “area of
freedom” and enlarge its “circle of free institutions.”10
* * *
The ideal of the frontier contained within itself the terms of its own criticism, which is another reason why it serves
as so powerful a national metaphor. Martin Luther King, Jr., argued that the ideal fed into multiple reinforcing
pathologies: into racism, a violent masculinity, and moralism that celebrates the rich and punishes the poor. For
over a year, from early 1967 until his murder in April 1968—as the United States escalated its war in Vietnam—
King put forth, in a series of sermons and press conferences, a damning analysis. Military expansion abroad, he
argued, quickened domestic polarization. The “flame throwers in Vietnam fan the flames in our cities,” he said; “the
bombs in Vietnam explode at home.” At the same time, constant war served to deflect the worst consequences of
that polarization outward.11
King’s point is as simple as it is profound: A constant fleeing forward allowed the United States to avoid a true
reckoning with its social problems, such as economic inequality, racism, crime and punishment, and violence.
Other critics at the time were coming to similar conclusions. Some scholars argued that imperial expansion let the
United States “buy off” its domestic white skilled working class, either through social welfare or higher wages made
possible by third world exploitation. Others stressed the political benefits of expansion, which allowed the
reconciliation of competing interests.12 Still others emphasized more Freudian, even Jungian, motives: deep-
seated violent fantasies, formed in long-ago wars against people of color on the frontier, projected outward;
soldiers sublimating their “own guilty desires,” their own complicity in wartime atrocities, with ever more grotesque
sadism.13
There is a lot to unpack in the argument that over the long course of U.S. history, endless expansion, either over
land or through markets and militarism, deflects domestic extremism. How, for example, might historical traumas
and resentments, myths and symbols, be passed down the centuries from one generation to another? Did the
United States objectively need to expand in order to secure foreign resources and open markets for domestic
production? Or did the country’s leaders just believe they had to expand? Whatever the answers to those
questions, the United States, since its founding, pushed outward and justified that push in moral terms, as
beneficial equally for the people within and beyond the frontier. The idea of expansion, the historian William
Appleman Williams wrote in 1966, was “exhilarating in a psychological and philosophical sense” since it could be
“projected to infinity.”14
Not, as it turns out, to infinity.
* * *
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The United States is now into the eighteenth year of a war that it will never win. Soldiers who fought in Afghanistan
and Iraq in the early 2000s are now seeing their children enlist. A retired Marine general recently said the United
States will be in Afghanistan for yet another sixteen years, at least. By that point, the grandchildren of the first
generation of veterans will be enlisting. Senator Lindsey Graham believes that the United States is fighting “an
endless war without boundaries, no limitation on time or geography.”15 Another former officer (referring to the
expansion of military operations into African countries like Niger) said the war “will never end.”16 And
grandchildren down the line will be paying its bill, now estimated to approach six trillion dollars.17
While the United States is mired in an endless war, it can no longer imagine endless growth. An entire generation’s
expectations have been radically foreshortened, as the 2007–2008 financial collapse has been followed by a
perverse kind of recovery, marked by mediocre rates of investment, stockpiled wealth, soaring stocks, and
stagnant wages.18 The roots of the current crisis reach back decades, to the economic restructuring that began in
the 1980s with farm failures and deindustrialization, and continued forward with financial deregulation, crippling tax
cuts, and the entrenchment of low-paying service jobs and personal debt. The nation’s political class, over the
course of these decades, sold economic restructuring by ratcheting up the language of limitlessness. “Nothing is
impossible,” Ronald Reagan said. “There are no limits to growth.”19 The presidents who followed—George H. W.
Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush—presided over an ideological bubble that proved as unrealistic as a
prediction by one of Clinton’s top economists, who in 1998 said that the soon-to-be-busted dot-com boom “will run
forever.”20 All four presidents steadily upped the ante, pushing global “engagement” as a moral imperative, a
mission that led the United States to the Persian Gulf and to its financially exhausting and morally discrediting
global war.
Gaps exist in all nationalisms between ideal and experience. But in the years following defeat in Vietnam, the
revival of the myth of rugged individualism and frontier limitlessness—at a moment when deindustrialization was
making daily life precarious for an increasing number of people, when more and more people were reaching their
limits—has created a punishing kind of dissonance. It was used to weaken the mechanisms of social solidarity,
especially government-provided welfare and labor unions, just when they were most needed. In the mythology of
the West, cowboys don’t join unions.21 The gap between myth and reality has now widened into a chasm.
The United States is a nation founded on the principle that government should leave individuals free to pursue
their self-interest. Corruption and greed, even as the United States moved out in the world with a sense of moral
mission, have not been foreign qualities. But it’s hard to think of a period in the nation’s history when venality and
disillusionment have been so sovereign, when so many of the country’s haves have nothing to offer but disdain for
the have-nots.
* * *
The 2016 election of Donald Trump as president of the United States—and all the vitriol his campaign and
presidency have unleashed—has been presented by commentators as one of two opposing possibilities.
Trumpism either represents a rupture, a wholly un-American movement that has captured the institutions of
government; or he is the realization of a deep-rooted American form of extremism. Does Trump’s crass and cruel
appeal to nativism represent a break from tradition, from a fitful but persistent commitment to tolerance and
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equality at home and defense of multilateralism, democracy, and open markets abroad? Or is it but the “dark side,”
to use Dick Cheney’s resonant phrase, of U.S. history coming into the light? Breach or continuity?
What’s missing from most commentary is an acknowledgment of the role that expansion, along with the promise of
boundlessness, played in relegating racism and extremism to the fringe. To be sure, previous cycles of dislocation
have given rise to demagogues similar to Trump, such as George Wallace and Pat Buchanan. But the movements
those nativists led remained marginal and were contained—geographically, institutionally, and ideologically. And
the United States has had other presidents who were open racists. Before Richard Nixon put his “southern
strategy” into place to win the votes of southern neo-Confederates, Woodrow Wilson cultivated what was left of
actual Confederates, and their sons and grandsons, into an electoral coalition, re-segregating the federal
bureaucracy and legitimating the KKK. Before Wilson, there was Andrew Jackson, who personally drove a slave
coffle between Natchez and Nashville and presided over a policy of ethnic cleansing that freed up vast amounts of
land for white settlers, putting the full power of the federal government to creating a “Caucasian democracy.”
What distinguishes earlier racist presidents like Jackson and Wilson from Trump, though, is that they were in office
during the upswing of America’s moving out in the world, when domestic political polarization could be stanched
and the country held together—even after the Civil War nearly tore it apart—by the promise of endless growth.
Trumpism is extremism turned inward, all-consuming and self-devouring. There is no “divine, messianic” crusade
that can harness and redirect passions outward. Expansion, in any form, can no longer satisfy the interests,
reconcile the contradictions, dilute the factions, or redirect the anger.
The “furies,” as the writer Sam Tanenhaus described the conservative fringe that gained ground during Barack
Obama’s presidency, have nowhere left to go.22 They whip around the homeland. Trump tapped into various
forms of American racism: trading in birtherism, embracing law-and-order extremists, and refusing to distance
himself from KKK and Nazi supporters, for instance. But it was the focus on the border and all that went with it—
labeling Mexicans rapists, calling migrants snakes and animals, stirring up anger at undocumented residents,
proposing to end birthright citizenship, and unleashing ICE agents to raid deep into the country, to stalk schools
and hospitals, to split families and spread grief—that provided Trumpism its most compelling through-line
message: The world’s horizon is not limitless; not all can share in its wealth; and the nation’s policies should reflect
that reality. That argument isn’t new. Over the years, there have been two versions of it. One is humane, a
recognition that modern life imposes obligations, that nature’s resources aren’t infinite, and that society should be
organized in a way that distributes fortune as fairly as possible. The other thinks that recognition of limits requires
domination.
“To live past the end of your myth is a perilous thing,” the Canadian poet Anne Carson once said. With Trump,
America finds itself at the end of its myth.
* * *
To talk about the frontier is also to talk about capitalism, about its power and possibility and its promise of
boundlessness. Donald Trump figured out that to talk about the border—and to promise a wall—was a way to
acknowledge capitalism’s limits, its pain, without having to challenge capitalism’s terms. Trump ran promising to
end the wars and to reverse the extreme anti-regulatory and free-market program of his party. Once in office,
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though, he accelerated deregulation, increased military spending, and expanded the wars.23 But he kept talking
about his wall.
That wall might or might not be built. But even if it remains only in its phantasmagorical, budgetary stage, a
perpetual negotiating chip between Congress and the White House, the promise of a two-thousand-mile-long,
thirty-foot-high ribbon of concrete and steel running along the United States’ southern border serves its purpose.
It’s America’s new myth, a monument to the final closing of the frontier. It is a symbol of a nation that used to
believe that it had escaped history, or at least strode atop history, but now finds itself trapped by history, and of a
people who used to think they were captains of the future, but now are prisoners of the past.
Copyright © 2019 by Greg Grandin
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Wister, Owen The Virginian
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About the electronic version
The Virginian: A Horseman of the Plains
Wister, Owen By the University of Virginia American Studies Program 2000. Digitized and first spell-checked August 2000. Tagged in HTML September, 2000. Copy-edited and overall design and construction: American Studies studes @ The University of Virginia, November, 2000. This version available from American studies at the University of Virginia. Charlottesville, Va.
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About the print version
The Virginian: A Horseman of the Plains Owen Wlister New York, The Macmillan company, 1904
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THE VIRGINIAN
A Horseman Of The Plains
by
OWEN WISTER
TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT
Some of these pages you have seen, some you have praised, one stands new-written because you blamed it; and all, my dear critic, beg leave to remind you of their author's changeless admiration.
TO THE READER
Certain of the newspapers, when this book was first announced, made a mistake most natural upon seeing the sub-title as it then stood, A TALE OF SUNDRY ADVENTURES. "This sounds like a historical novel," said one of them, meaning (I take it) a colonial romance. As it now stands, the title will scarce lead to such interpretation; yet none the less is this book historical--quite as much so as any colonial romance. Indeed, when you look at the root of the matter, it is a colonial romance. For Wyoming between 1874 and 1890 was a colony as wild as was Virginia one hundred years earlier. As wild, with a scantier population, and the same primitive joys and dangers. There were, to be sure, not so many Chippendale settees.
We know quite well the common understanding of the term "historical novel." HUGH WYNNE exactly fits it. But SILAS LAPHAM is a novel as perfectly historical as is Hugh Wynne, for it pictures an era and personifies a type. It matters not that in the one we find George Washington and in the other none save imaginary figures; else THE SCARLET LETTER were not historical. Nor does it matter that Dr. Mitchell did not live in the time of which he wrote, while Mr. Howells saw many Silas Laphams with his own eyes; else UNCLE TOM'S CABIN were not historical. Any narrative which presents faithfully a day and a generation is of necessity historical; and this one presents Wyoming between 1874 and 1890.Had you left New York or San Francisco at ten o'clock this morning, by noon the day after to-morrow you could step out at Cheyenne There you would stand at the heart of the world that is the subject of my picture, yet you would look around you in vain for the reality. It is a vanished world. No journeys, save those which memory can take, will bring you to it now. The mountains are there, far and shining, and the sunlight, and the infinite earth, and the air that seems forever the true fountain of youth, but where is the buffalo, and the wild antelope, and where the horseman with his pasturing thousands? So like its old self does the sage-brush seem when revisited, that you wait for the horseman to appear.
But he will never come again. He rides in his historic yesterday. You will no more see him gallop out of the unchanging silence than you will see Columbus on the unchanging sea come sailing from Palos with his caravels.
And yet the horseman is still so near our day that in some chapters of this book, which were published separate at the close of the nineteenth century, the present tense was used. It is true no longer. In those chapters it has been changed, and verbs like "is" and "have" now read "was" and "had." Time has flowed faster than my ink.
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What is become of the horseman, the cowpuncher, the last romantic figure upon our soil? For he was romantic. Whatever he did, he did with his might. The bread that he earned was earned hard, the wages that he squandered were squandered hard,--half a year's pay sometimes gone in a night,--"blown in," as he expressed it, or "blowed in," to be perfectly accurate. Well, he will be here among us always, invisible, waiting his chance to live and play as he would like. His wild kind has been among us always, since the beginning: a young man with his temptations, a hero without wings.
The cow-puncher's ungoverned hours did not unman him. If he gave his word, he kept it; Wall Street would have found him behind the times. Nor did he talk lewdly to women; Newport would have thought him old-fashioned. He and his brief epoch make a complete picture, for in themselves they were as complete as the pioneers of the land or the explorers of the sea. A transition has followed the horseman of the plains; a shapeless state, a condition of men and manners as unlovely as is that moment in the year when winter is gone and spring not come, and the face of Nature is ugly. I shall not dwell upon it here. Those who have seen it know well what I mean. Such transition was inevitable. Let us give thanks that it is but a transition, and not a finality.
Sometimes readers inquire, Did I know the Virginian? As well, I hope, as a father should know his son. And sometimes it is asked, Was such and such a thing true? Now to this I have the best answer in the world. Once a cowpuncher listened patiently while I read him a manuscript. It concerned an event upon an Indian reservation. "Was that the Crow reservation?" he inquired at the finish. I told him that it was no real reservation and no real event; and his face expressed displeasure. "Why," he demanded, "do you waste your time writing what never happened, when you know so many things that did happen?"
And I could no more help telling him that this was the highest compliment ever paid me than I have been able to help telling you about it here!
CHARLESTON, S.C., March 31st, 1902
FORWARD
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I. ENTER THE MAN
Some notable sight was drawing the passengers, both men and women, to the window; and therefore I rose and crossed the car to see what it was. I saw near the track an enclosure, and round it some laughing men, and inside it some whirling dust, and amid the dust some horses, plunging, huddling, and dodging. They were cow ponies in a corral, and one of them would not be caught, no matter who threw the rope. We had plenty of time to watch this sport, for our train had stopped that the engine might take water at the tank before it pulled us up beside the station platform of Medicine Bow. We were also six hours ate, and starving for entertainment. The pony in the corral was wise, and rapid of limb. Have you seen a skilful boxer watch his antagonist with a quiet, incessant eye? Such an eye as this did the pony keep upon whatever man took the rope. The man might pretend to look at the weather, which was fine; or he might affect earnest conversation with a bystander: it was bootless. The pony saw through it. No feint hoodwinked him. This animal was thoroughly a man of the world. is undistracted eye stayed fixed upon the dissembling foe, and the gravity of his horse-expression made the matter one of high comedy. Then the rope would sail out at him, but he was already elsewhere; and if horses laugh, gayety must have abounded in that corral. Sometimes the pony took a turn alone; next he had slid in a flash among his brothers, and the whole of them like a school of playful fish whipped round the corral, kicking up the fine dust, and (I take it) roaring with laughter. Through the window-glass of our Pullman the thud of their mischievous hoofs reached us, and the strong, humorous curses of the cow-boys. Then for the first time I noticed a man who sat on the high gate of the corral, looking on. For he now climbed down with the undulations of a tiger, smooth and easy, as if his muscles flowed beneath his skin. The others had all visibly whirled the rope, some of them even shoulder high. I did not see his arm lift or move. He appeared to hold the rope down low, by his leg. But like a sudden snake I saw the noose go out its length and fall true; and the thing was done. As the captured pony walked in with a sweet, church-door expression, our train moved slowly on to the station, and a passenger remarked, "That man knows his business."
But the passenger's dissertation upon roping I was obliged to lose, for Medicine Bow was my station. I bade my fellow-travellers good-by, and descended, a stranger, into the great cattle land. And here in less than ten minutes I learned news which made me feel a stranger indeed.
My baggage was lost; it had not come on my train; it was adrift somewhere back in the two thousand miles that lay behind me. And by way of comfort, the baggage-man remarked that passengers often got astray from their trunks, but the trunks mostly found them after a while. Having offered me this encouragement, he turned whistling to his affairs and left me planted in the baggage-room at Medicine Bow. I stood deserted among crates and boxes, blankly holding my check, fungus and forlorn. I stared out through the door at the sky and the plains; but I did not see the antelope shining among the sage-brush, nor the great sunset light of Wyoming. Annoyance blinded my eyes to all things save my grievance: I saw only a lost trunk. And I was muttering half-aloud, "What a forsaken hole this is!" when suddenly from outside on the platform came a slow voice:"Off to get married AGAIN? Oh, don't!"
The voice was Southern and gentle and drawling; and a second voice came in immediate answer, cracked and querulous."It ain't again. Who says it's again? Who told you, anyway?"
And the first voice responded caressingly:"Why, your Sunday clothes told me, Uncle Hughey. They are speakin' mighty loud o' nuptials."
"You don't worry me!" snapped Uncle Hughey, with shrill heat.
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And the other gently continued, "Ain't them gloves the same yu' wore to your last weddin'?"
"You don't worry me! You don't worry me!" now screamed Uncle Hughey.
Already I had forgotten my trunk; care had left me; I was aware of the sunset, and had no desire but for more of this conversation. For it resembled none that I had heard in my life so far. I stepped to the door and looked out upon the station platform.
Lounging there at ease against the wall was a slim young giant, more beautiful than pictures. His broad, soft hat was pushed back; a loose-knotted, dull-scarlet handkerchief sagged from his throat; and one casual thumb was hooked in the cartridge-belt that slanted across his hips. He had plainly come many miles from somewhere across the vast horizon, as the dust upon him showed. His boots were white with it. His overalls were gray with it. The weather-beaten bloom of his face shone through it duskily, as the ripe peaches look upon their trees in a dry season. But no dinginess of travel or shabbiness of attire could tarnish the splendor that radiated from his youth and strength. The old man upon whose temper his remarks were doing such deadly work was combed and curried to a finish, a bridegroom swept and garnished; but alas for age! Had I been the bride, I should have taken the giant, dust and all. He had by no means done with the old man.
"Why, yu've hung weddin' gyarments on every limb!" he now drawled, with admiration. "Who is the lucky lady this trip?"
The old man seemed to vibrate. "Tell you there ain't been no other! Call me a Mormon, would you?"
"Why, that--"
"Call me a Mormon? Then name some of my wives. Name two. Name one. Dare you!"
"--that Laramie wido' promised you--'
"Shucks!"
"--only her docter suddenly ordered Southern climate and--"
"Shucks! You're a false alarm."
"--so nothing but her lungs came between you. And next you'd most got united with Cattle Kate, only--"
"Tell you you're a false alarm!"
"--only she got hung."
"Where's the wives in all this? Show the wives! Come now!"
"That corn-fed biscuit-shooter at Rawlins yu' gave the canary--"
"Never married her. Never did marry--"
"But yu' come so near, uncle! She was the one left yu' that letter explaining how she'd got married to a young cyard-player the very day before her ceremony with you was due, and--"
"Oh, you're nothing; you're a kid; you don't amount to--"
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"--and how she'd never, never forgot to feed the canary.
"This country's getting full of kids," stated the old man, witheringly. "It's doomed." This crushing assertion plainly satisfied him. And he blinked his eyes with renewed anticipation. His tall tormentor continued with a face of unchanging gravity, and a voice of gentle solicitude:"How is the health of that unfortunate--"
"That's right! Pour your insults! Pour 'em on a sick, afflicted woman!" The eyes blinked with combative relish.
"Insults? Oh, no, Uncle Hughey!"
"That's all right! Insults goes!"
"Why, I was mighty relieved when she began to recover her mem'ry. Las' time I heard, they told me she'd got it pretty near all back. Remembered her father, and her mother, and her sisters and brothers, and her friends, and her happy childhood, and all her doin's except only your face. The boys was bettin' she'd get that far too, give her time. But I reckon afteh such a turrable sickness as she had, that would be expectin' most too much."
At this Uncle Hughey jerked out a small parcel. "Shows how much you know!" he cackled. "There! See that! That's my ring she sent me back, being too unstrung for marriage. So she don't remember me, don't she? Ha-ha! Always said you were a false alarm."
The Southerner put more anxiety into his tone. "And so you're a-takin' the ring right on to the next one!" he exclaimed. "Oh, don't go to get married again, Uncle Hughey! What's the use o' being married?"
"What's the use?" echoed the bridegroom, with scorn. "Hm! When you grow up you'll think different."
"Course I expect to think different when my age is different. I'm havin' the thoughts proper to twenty-four, and you're havin' the thoughts proper to sixty."
"Fifty!" shrieked Uncle Hughey, jumping in the air.
The Southerner took a tone of self-reproach. "Now, how could I forget you was fifty," he murmured, "when you have been telling it to the boys so careful for the last ten years!"
Have you ever seen a cockatoo--the white kind with the top-knot--enraged by insult? The bird erects every available feather upon its person. So did Uncle Hughey seem to swell, clothes, mustache, and woolly white beard; and without further speech he took himself on board the Eastbound train, which now arrived from its siding in time to deliver him.
Yet this was not why he had not gone away before. At any time he could have escaped into the baggage-room or withdrawn to a dignified distance until his train should come up. But the old man had evidently got a sort of joy from this teasing. He had reached that inevitable age when we are tickled to be linked with affairs of gallantry, no matter how.
With him now the East-bound departed slowly into that distance whence I had come. I stared after it as it went its way to the far shores of civilization. It grew small in the unending gulf of space, until all sign of its presence was gone save a faint skein of smoke against the evening sky And now my lost trunk came back into my thoughts, and Medicine Bow seemed a lonely spot. A sort of ship had left me marooned in a foreign ocean; the Pullman was comfortably steaming home to port, while I--how was I to find Judge Henry's ranch? Where in this unfeatured wilderness was Sunk Creek? No creek or any water at all flowed here that I could
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perceive. My host had written he should meet me at the station and drive me to his ranch. This was all that I knew. He was not here. The baggage-man had not seen him lately. The ranch was almost certain to be too far to walk to, to-night. My trunk--I discovered myself still staring dolefully after the vanished East-bound; and at the same instant I became aware that the tall man was looking gravely at me,--as gravely as he had looked at Uncle Hughey throughout their remarkable conversation.
To see his eye thus fixing me and his thumb still hooked in his cartridge-belt, certain tales of travellers from these parts forced themselves disquietingly into my recollection. Now that Uncle Hughey was gone, was I to take his place and be, for instance, invited to dance on the platform to the music of shots nicely aimed?
"I reckon I am looking for you, seh," the tall man now observed.
BACK | FORWARD
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II. "WHEN YOU CALL ME THAT, SMILE!"
We cannot see ourselves as other see us, or I should know what appearance I cut at hearing this from the tall man. I said nothing, feeling uncertain.
"I reckon I am looking for you, seh," he repeated politely.
"I am looking for Judge Henry," I now replied.
He walked toward me, and I saw that in inches he was not a giant. He was not more than six feet. It was Uncle Hughey that had made him seem to tower. But in his eye, in his face, in his step, in the whole man, there dominated a something potent to be felt, I should think, by man or woman.
"The Judge sent me afteh you, seh," he now explained, in his civil Southern voice; and he handed me a letter from my host. Had I not witnessed his facetious performances with Uncle Hughey, I should have judged him wholly ungifted with such powers. There was nothing external about him but what seemed the signs of a nature as grave as you could meet. But I had witnessed; and therefore supposing that I knew him in spite of his appearance, that I was, so to speak, in his secret and could give him a sort of wink, I adopted at once a method of easiness. It was so pleasant to be easy with a large stranger, who instead of shooting at your heels had very civilly handed you a letter.
"You're from old Virginia, I take it?" I began.
He answered slowly, "Then you have taken it correct, seh."
A slight chill passed over my easiness, but I went cheerily on with a further inquiry. "Find many oddities out here like Uncle Hughey?"
"Yes, seh, there is a right smart of oddities around. They come in on every train."
At this point I dropped my method of easiness.
"I wish that trunks came on the train," said I. And I told him my predicament.
It was not to be expected that he would be greatly moved at my loss; but he took it with no comment whatever. "We'll wait in town for it," said he, always perfectly civil.
Now, what I had seen of "town" was, to my newly arrived eyes, altogether horrible. If I could possibly sleep at the Judge's ranch, I preferred to do so.
"Is it too far to drive there to-night?" I inquired.
He looked at me in a puzzled manner.
"For this valise," I explained, "contains all that I immediately need; in fact, I could do without my trunk for a day or two, if it is not convenient to send. So if we could arrive there not too late by starting at once--" I paused.
"It's two hundred and sixty-three miles," said the Virginian.
To my loud ejaculation he made no answer, but surveyed me a moment longer, and then said, "Supper will be about ready now." He took my valise, and I followed his steps toward the
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eating-house in silence. I was dazed.
As we went, I read my host's letter--a brief hospitable message. He was very sorry not to meet me him self. He had been getting ready to drive over, when the surveyor appeared and detained him. Therefore in his stead he was sending a trustworthy man to town, who would look after me and drive me over. They were looking forward to my visit with much pleasure. This was all.
Yes, I was dazed. How did they count distance in this country? You spoke in a neighborly fashion about driving over to town, and it meant--I did not know yet how many days. And what would be meant by the term "dropping in," I wondered. And how many miles would be considered really far? I abstained from further questioning the "trustworthy man." My questions had not fared excessively well. He did not propose making me dance, to be sure: that would scarcely be trustworthy. But neither did he propose to have me familiar with him. Why was this? What had I done to elicit that veiled and skilful sarcasm about oddities coming in on every train? Having been sent to look after me, he would do so, would even carry my valise; but I could not be jocular with him. This handsome, ungrammatical son of the soil had set between us the bar of his cold and perfect civility. No polished person could have done it better. What was the matter? I looked at him, and suddenly it came to me. If he had tried familiarity with me the first two minutes of our acquaintance, I should have resented it; by what right, then, had I tried it with him? It smacked of patronizing: on this occasion he had come off the better gentleman of the two. Here in flesh and blood was a truth which I had long believed in words, but never met before. The creature we call a GENTLEMAN lies deep in the hearts of thousands that are born without chance to master the outward graces of the type.
Between the station and the eating-house I did a deal of straight thinking. But my thoughts were destined presently to be drowned in amazement at the rare personage into whose society fate had thrown me.
Town, as they called it, pleased me the less, the longer I saw it. But until our language stretches itself and takes in a new word of closer fit, town will have to do for the name of such a place as was Medicine Bow. I have seen and slept in many like it since. Scattered wide, they littered the frontier from the Columbia to the Rio Grande, from the Missouri to the Sierras. They lay stark, dotted over a planet of treeless dust, like soiled packs of cards. Each was similar to the next, as one old five-spot of clubs resembles another. Houses, empty bottles, and garbage, they were forever of the same shapeless pattern. More forlorn they were than stale bones. They seemed to have been strewn there by the wind and to be waiting till the wind should come again and blow them away. Yet serene above their foulness swam a pure and quiet light, such as the East never sees; they might be bathing in the air of creation's first morning. Beneath sun and stars their days and nights were immaculate and wonderful.
Medicine Bow was my first, and I took its dimensions, twenty-nine buildings in all,--one coal shute, one water tank, the station, one store, two eating-houses, one billiard hall, two tool- houses, one feed stable, and twelve others that for one reason and another I shall not name Yet this wretched husk of squalor spent thought upon appearances; many houses in it wore a false front to seem as if they were two stories high. There they stood, rearing their pitiful masquerade amid a fringe of old tin cans, while at their very doors began a world of crystal light, a land without end, a space across which Noah and Adam might come straight from Genesis. Into that space went wandering a road, over a hill and down out of sight, and up again smaller in the distance, and down once more, and up once more, straining the eyes, and so away.
Then I heard a fellow greet my Virginian. He came rollicking out of a door, and made a pass with his hand at the Virginian's hat. The Southerner dodged it, and I saw once more the tiger undulation of body, and knew my escort was he of the rope and the corral.
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"How are yu' Steve?" he said to the rollicking man. And in his tone I heard instantly old friendship speaking. With Steve he would take and give familiarity.
Steve looked at me, and looked away--and that was all. But it was enough. In no company had I ever felt so much an outsider. Yet I liked the company, and wished that it would like me.
"Just come to town?" inquired Steve of the Virginian.
"Been here since noon. Been waiting for the train."
"Going out to-night?"
"I reckon I'll pull out to-morro'."
"Beds are all took," said Steve. This was for my benefit.
"Dear me," said I.
"But I guess one of them drummers will let yu' double up with him." Steve was enjoying himself, I think. He had his saddle and blankets, and beds were nothing to him.
"Drummers, are they?" asked the Virginian.
"Two Jews handling cigars, one American with consumption killer, and a Dutchman with jew'lry."
The Virginian set down my valise, and seemed to meditate. "I did want a bed to-night," he murmured gently.
"Well," Steve suggested, "the American looks like he washed the oftenest."
"That's of no consequence to me," observed the Southerner.
"Guess it'll be when yu' see 'em."
"Oh, I'm meaning something different. I wanted a bed to myself."
"Then you'll have to build one."
"Bet yu' I have the Dutchman's."
"Take a man that won't scare. Bet yu' drinks yu' can't have the American's."
"Go yu' said the Virginian. "I'll have his bed without any fuss. Drinks for the crowd."
"I suppose you have me beat," said Steve, grinning at him affectionately. "You're such a son- of-a-- when you get down to work. Well, so long! I got to fix my horse's hoofs."
I had expected that the man would be struck down. He had used to the Virginian a term of heaviest insult, I thought. I had marvelled to hear it come so unheralded from Steve's friendly lips. And now I marvelled still more. Evidently he had meant no harm by it, and evidently no offence had been taken. Used thus, this language was plainly complimentary. I had stepped into a world new to me indeed, and novelties were occurring with scarce any time to get breath between them. As to where I should sleep, I had forgotten that problem altogether in my curiosity. What was the Virginian going to do now? I began to know that the quiet of this man was volcanic.
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"Will you wash first, sir?"
We were at the door of the eating-house, and he set my valise inside. In my tenderfoot innocence I was looking indoors for the washing arrangements.
"It's out hyeh, seh," he informed me gravely, but with strong Southern accent. Internal mirth seemed often to heighten the local flavor of his speech. There were other times when it had scarce any special accent or fault in grammar.
A trough was to my right, slippery with soapy water; and hanging from a roller above one end of it was a rag of discouraging appearance. The Virginian caught it, and it performed one whirling revolution on its roller. Not a dry or clean inch could be found on it. He took off his hat, and put his head in the door.
"Your towel, ma'am," said he, "has been too popular."
She came out, a pretty woman. Her eyes rested upon him for a moment, then upon me with disfavor; then they returned to his black hair.
"The allowance is one a day," said she, very quietly. "But when folks are particular--" She completed her sentence by removing the old towel and giving a clean one to us.
"Thank you, ma'am," said the cow-puncher.
She looked once more at his black hair, and without any word returned to her guests at supper.
A pail stood in the trough, almost empty; and this he filled for me from a well. There was some soap sliding at large in the trough, but I got my own. And then in a tin basin I removed as many of the stains of travel as I was able. It was not much of a toilet that I made in this first wash-trough of my experience, but it had to suffice, and I took my seat at supper.
Canned stuff it was,--corned beef. And one of my table companions said the truth about it. "When I slung my teeth over that," he remarked, "I thought I was chewing a hammock." We had strange coffee, and condensed milk; and I have never seen more flies. I made no attempt to talk, for no one in this country seemed favorable to me. By reason of something,--my clothes, my hat, my pronunciation, whatever it might be, I possessed the secret of estranging people at sight. Yet I was doing better than I knew; my strict silence and attention to the corned beef made me in the eyes of the cow-boys at table compare well with the over-talkative commercial travellers.
The Virginian's entrance produced a slight silence. He had done wonders with the wash- trough, and he had somehow brushed his clothes. With all the roughness of his dress, he was now the neatest of us. He nodded to some of the other cow-boys, and began his meal in quiet.
But silence is not the native element of the drummer. An average fish can go a longer time out of water than this breed can live without talking. One of them now looked across the table at the grave, flannel-shirted Virginian; he inspected, and came to the imprudent conclusion that he understood his man.
"Good evening," he said briskly.
"Good evening," said the Virginian.
"Just come to town?" pursued the drummer.
"Just come to town," the Virginian suavely assented.
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"Cattle business jumping along?" inquired the drummer.
"Oh, fair." And the Virginian took some more corned beef.
"Gets a move on your appetite, anyway," suggested the drummer.
The Virginian drank some coffee. Presently the pretty woman refilled his cup without his asking her.
"Guess I've met you before," the drummer ' stated next.
The Virginian glanced at him for a brief moment.
"Haven't I, now? Ain't I seen you somewhere? Look at me. You been in Chicago, ain't you? You look at me well. Remember Ikey's, don't you?"
"I don't reckon I do."
"See, now! I knowed you'd been in Chicago. Four or five years ago. Or maybe it's two years. Time's nothing to me. But I never forget a face. Yes, sir. Him and me's met at Ikey's, all right." This important point the drummer stated to all of us. We were called to witness how well he had proved old acquaintanceship. "Ain't the world small, though!" he exclaimed complacently. "Meet a man once and you're sure to run on to him again. That's straight. That's no bar-room josh." And the drummer's eye included us all in his confidence. I wondered if he had attained that high perfection when a man believes his own lies.
The Virginian did not seem interested. He placidly attended to his food, while our landlady moved between dining room and kitchen, and the drummer expanded.
"Yes, sir! Ikey's over by the stock-yards, patronized by all cattlemen that know what's what. That's where. Maybe it's three years. Time never was nothing to me. But faces! Why, I can't quit 'em. Adults or children, male and female; onced I seen 'em I couldn't lose one off my memory, not if you were to pay me bounty, five dollars a face. White men, that is. Can't do nothing with riggers or Chinese. But you're white, all right." The drummer suddenly returned to the Virginian with this high compliment, The cow-puncher had taken out a pipe, and was slowly rubbing it. The compliment seemed to escape his attention, and the drummer went on.
"I can tell a man when he's white, put him at Ikey's or out loose here in the sage-brush." And he rolled a cigar across to the Virginian's plate.
"Selling them?" inquired the Virginian.
"Solid goods, my friend. Havana wrappers, the biggest tobacco proposition for five cents got out yet. Take it, try it, light it, watch it burn. Here." And he held out a bunch of matches.
The Virginian tossed a five-cent piece over to him.
"Oh, no, my friend! Not from you! Not after Ikey's. I don't forget you. See? I knowed your face right away. See? That's straight. I seen you at Chicago all right."
"Maybe you did," said the Virginian. "Sometimes I'm mighty careless what I look at."
"Well, py damn!" now exclaimed the Dutch drummer, hilariously. "I am ploom disappointed. I vas hoping to sell him somedings myself."
"Not the same here," stated the American. "He's too healthy for me. I gave him up on sight."
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Now it was the American drummer whose bed the Virginian had in his eye. This was a sensible man, and had talked less than his brothers in the trade. I had little doubt who would end by sleeping in his bed; but how the thing would be done interested me more deeply than ever.
The Virginian looked amiably at his intended victim, and made one or two remarks regarding patent medicines, There must be a good deal of money in them, he supposed, with a live man to manage them. The victim was flattered. No other person at the table had been favored with so much of the tall cow-puncher's notice. He responded, and they had a pleasant talk. I did not divine that the Virginian's genius was even then at work, and that all this was part of his satanic strategy. But Steve must have divined it. For while a few of us still sat finishing our supper, that facetious horseman returned from doctoring his horse's hoofs, put his head into the dining room, took in the way in which the Virginian was engaging his victim in conversation, remarked aloud, "I've lost!" and closed the door again.
"What's he lost?" inquired the American drummer.
"Oh, you mustn't mind him," drawled the Virginian. "He's one of those box-head jokers goes around openin' and shuttin' doors that-a-way. We call him harmless. Well," he broke off, "I reckon I'll go smoke. Not allowed in hyeh?" This last he addressed to the landlady, with especial gentleness. She shook her head, and her eyes followed him as he went out.
Left to myself I meditated for some time upon my lodging for the night, and smoked a cigar for consolation as I walked about. It was not a hotel that we had supped in. Hotel at Medicine Bow there appeared to be none. But connected with the eating-house was that place where, according to Steve, the beds were all taken, and there I went to see for myself. Steve had spoken the truth. It was a single apartment containing four or five beds, and nothing else whatever. And when I looked at these beds, my sorrow that I could sleep in none of them grew less. To be alone in one offered no temptation, and as for this courtesy of the country, this doubling up--!
"Well, they have got ahead of us." This was the Virginian standing at my elbow.
I assented.
"They have staked out their claims," he added.
In this public sleeping room they had done what one does to secure a seat in a railroad train. Upon each bed, as notice of occupancy, lay some article of travel or of dress. As we stood there, the two Jews came in and opened and arranged their valises, and folded and refolded their linen dusters. Then a railroad employee entered and began to go to bed at this hour, before dusk had wholly darkened into night. For him, going to bed meant removing his boots and placing his overalls and waistcoat beneath his pillow. He had no coat. His work began at three in the morning; and even as we still talked he began to snore.
"The man that keeps the store is a friend of mine," said the Virginian; "and you can be pretty near comfortable on his counter. Got any Blankets?"
I had no blankets.
"Looking for a bed?" inquired the American drummer, now arriving.
"Yes, he's looking for a bed," answered the voice of Steve behind him.
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"Seems a waste of time," observed the Virginian. He looked thoughtfully from one bed to another. "I didn't know I'd have to lay over here. Well, I have sat up before."
"This one's mine," said the drummer, sitting down on it. "Half's plenty enough room for me."
"You're cert'nly mighty kind," said the cowpuncher. "But I'd not think o' disconveniencing yu'."
"That's nothing. The other half is yours. Turn in right now if you feel like it."
"No. I don't reckon I'll turn in right now. Better keep your bed to yourself."
"See here," urged the drummer, "if I take you I'm safe from drawing some party I might not care so much about. This here sleeping proposition is a lottery."
"Well," said the Virginian (and his hesitation was truly masterly), "if you put it that way--"
"I do put it that way. Why, you're clean! You've had a shave right now. You turn in when you feel inclined, old man! I ain't retiring just yet."
The drummer had struck a slightly false note in these last remarks. He should not have said "old man." Until this I had thought him merely an amiable person who wished to do a favor. But "old man" came in wrong. It had a hateful taint of his profession; the being too soon with everybody, the celluloid good-fellowship that passes for ivory with nine in ten of the city crowd. But not so with the sons of the sagebrush. They live nearer nature, and they know better.
But the Virginian blandly accepted "old man" from his victim: he had a game to play. "Well, I cert'nly thank yu'," he said. "After a while I'll take advantage of your kind offer."
I was surprised. Possession being nine points of the law, it seemed his very chance to intrench himself in the bed. But the cow-puncher had planned a campaign needing no intrenchments. Moreover, going to bed before nine o'clock upon the first evening in many weeks that a town's resources were open to you, would be a dull proceeding. Our entire company, drummer and all, now walked over to the store, and here my sleeping arrangements were made easily. This store was the cleanest place and the best in Medicine Bow, and would have been a good store anywhere, offering a multitude of things for sale, and kept by a very civil proprietor. He bade me make myself at home, and placed both of his counters at my disposal. Upon the grocery side there stood a cheese too large and strong to sleep near comfortably, and I therefore chose the dry-goods side. Here thick quilts were unrolled for me, to make it soft; and no condition was placed upon me, further than that I should remove my boots, because the quilts were new, and clean, and for sale. So now my rest was assured. Not an anxiety remained in my thoughts. These therefore turned themselves wholly to the other man's bed, and how he was going to lose it.
I think that Steve was more curious even than myself. Time was on the wing. His bet must be decided, and the drinks enjoyed. He stood against the grocery counter, contemplating the Virginian. But it was to me that he spoke. The Virginian, however, listened to every word.
"Your first visit to this country?"
I told him yes.
"How do you like it?"
I expected to like it very much.
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"How does the climate strike you?
I thought the climate was fine.
"Makes a man thirsty though."
This was the sub-current which the Virginian plainly looked for. But he, like Steve, addressed himself to me.
"Yes," he put in, "thirsty while a man's soft yet. You'll harden."
"I guess you'll find it a drier country than you were given to expect," said Steve.
"If your habits have been frequent that way," said the Virginian.
"There's parts of Wyoming," pursued Steve, "where you'll go hours and hours before you'll see a drop of wetness."
"And if yu' keep a-thinkin' about it," said the Virginian, "it'll seem like days and days."
Steve, at this stroke, gave up, and clapped him on the shoulder with a joyous chuckle. "You old son-of-a!" he cried affectionately.
"Drinks are due now," said the Virginian. "My treat, Steve. But I reckon your suspense will have to linger a while yet."
Thus they dropped into direct talk from that speech of the fourth dimension where they had been using me for their telephone.
"Any cyards going to-night?" inquired the Virginian.
"Stud and draw," Steve told him. "Strangers playing."
"I think I'd like to get into a game for a while," said the Southerner. "Strangers, yu' say?"
And then, before quitting the store, he made his toilet for this little hand at poker. It was a simple preparation. He took his pistol from its holster, examined it, then shoved it between his overalls and his shirt in front, and pulled his waistcoat over it. He might have been combing his hair for all the attention any one paid to this, except myself. Then the two friends went out, and I bethought me of that epithet which Steve again had used to the Virginian as he clapped him on the shoulder. Clearly this wild country spoke a language other than mine--the word here was a term of endearment. Such was my conclusion.
The drummers had finished their dealings with the proprietor, and they were gossiping together in a knot by the door as the Virginian passed out.
"See you later, old man!" This was the American drummer accosting his prospective bed- fellow.
"Oh, yes," returned the bed-fellow, and was gone.
The American drummer winked triumphantly at his brethren. "He's all right," he observed, jerking a thumb after the Virginian. "He's easy. You got to know him to work him. That's all."
"Und vat is your point?" inquired the German drummer.
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"Point is--he'll not take any goods off you or me; but he's going to talk up the killer to any consumptive he runs across. I ain't done with him yet. Say," (he now addressed the proprietor), "what's her name?"
"Whose name?"
"Woman runs the eating-house."
"Glen. Mrs. Glen."
"Ain't she new?"
"Been settled here about a month. Husband's a freight conductor."
"Thought I'd not seen her before. She's a good-looker."
"Hm! Yes. The kind of good looks I'd sooner see in another man's wife than mine."
"So that's the gait, is it?"
"Hm! well, it don't seem to be. She come here with that reputation. But there's been general disappointment."
"Then she ain't lacked suitors any?"
"Lacked! Are you acquainted with cow-boys?"
"And she disappointed 'em? Maybe she likes her husband?"
"Hm! well, how are you to tell about them silent kind?"
"Talking of conductors," began the drummer. And we listened to his anecdote. It was successful with his audience; but when he launched fluently upon a second I strolled out. There was not enough wit in this narrator to relieve his indecency, and I felt shame at having been surprised into laughing with him.
I left that company growing confidential over their leering stories, and I sought the saloon. It was very quiet and orderly. Beer in quart bottles at a dollar I had never met before; but saving its price, I found no complaint to make of it. Through folding doors I passed from the bar proper with its bottles and elk head back to the hall with its various tables. I saw a man sliding cards from a case, and across the table from him another man laying counters down. Near by was a second dealer pulling cards from the bottom of a pack, and opposite him a solemn old rustic piling and changing coins upon the cards which lay already exposed.
But now I heard a voice that drew my eyes to the far corner of the room.
"Why didn't you stay in Arizona?"
Harmless looking words as I write them down here. Yet at the sound of them I noticed the eyes of the others directed to that corner. What answer was given to them I did not hear, nor did I see who spoke. Then came another remark.
"Well, Arizona's no place for amatures."
This time the two card dealers that I stood near began to give a part of their attention to the group that sat in the corner. There was in me a desire to leave this room. So far my hours at
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Medicine Bow had seemed to glide beneath a sunshine of merriment, of easy-going jocularity. This was suddenly gone, like the wind changing to north in the middle of a warm day. But I stayed, being ashamed to go.
Five or six players sat over in the corner at a round table where counters were piled. Their eyes were close upon their cards, and one seemed to be dealing a card at a time to each, with pauses and betting between. Steve was there and the Virginian; the others were new faces.
"No place for amatures," repeated the voice; and now I saw that it was the dealer's. There was in his countenance the same ugliness that his words conveyed.
"Who's that talkin'?" said one of the men near me, in a low voice.
"Trampas."
"What's he?"
"Cow-puncher, bronco-buster, tin-horn, most anything."
"Who's he talkin' at?"
"Think it's the black-headed guy he's talking at."
"That ain't supposed to be safe, is it?"
"Guess we're all goin' to find out in a few minutes."
"Been trouble between 'em?"
"They've not met before. Trampas don't enjoy losin' to a stranger."
"Fello's from Arizona, yu' say?"
"No. Virginia. He's recently back from havin' a look at Arizona. Went down there last year for a change. Works for the Sunk Creek outfit." And then the dealer lowered his voice still further and said something in the other man's ear, causing him to grin. After which both of them looked at me.
There had been silence over in the corner; but now the man Trampas spoke again.
"AND ten," said he, sliding out some chips from before him. Very strange it was to hear him, how he contrived to make those words a personal taunt. The Virginian was looking at his cards. He might have been deaf.
"AND twenty," said the next player, easily.
The next threw his cards down.
It was now the Virginian's turn to bet, or leave the game, and he did not speak at once.
Therefore Trampas spoke. "Your bet, you son-of-a--."
The Virginian's pistol came out, and his hand lay on the table, holding it unaimed. And with a voice as gentle as ever, the voice that sounded almost like a caress, but drawling a very little more than usual, so that there was almost a space between each word, he issued his orders to
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the man Trampas:"When you call me that, SMILE." And he looked at Trampas across the table.
Yes, the voice was gentle. But in my ears it seemed as if somewhere the bell of death was ringing; and silence, like a stroke, fell on the large room. All men present, as if by some magnetic current, had become aware of this crisis. In my ignorance, and the total stoppage of my thoughts, I stood stock-still, and noticed various people crouching, or shifting their positions.
"Sit quiet," said the dealer, scornfully to the man near me. "Can't you see he don't want to push trouble? He has handed Trampas the choice to back down or draw his steel."
Then, with equal suddenness and ease, the room came out of its strangeness. Voices and cards, the click of chips, the puff of tobacco, glasses lifted to drink,--this level of smooth relaxation hinted no more plainly of what lay beneath than does the surface tell the depth of the sea.
For Trampas had made his choice. And that choice was not to "draw his steel." If it was knowledge that he sought, he had found it, and no mistake! We heard no further reference to what he had been pleased to style "amatures." In no company would the black-headed man who had visited Arizona be rated a novice at the cool art of self-preservation.
One doubt remained: what kind of a man was Trampas? A public back-down is an unfinished thing,--for some natures at least. I looked at his face, and thought it sullen, but tricky rather than courageous.
Something had been added to my knowledge also Once again I had heard applied to the Virginian that epithet which Steve so freely used. The same words, identical to the letter. But this time they had produced a pistol. "When you call me that, SMILE!" So I perceived a new example of the old truth, that the letter means nothing until the spirit gives it life.
BACK | FORWARD
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III. STEVE TREATS
It was for several minutes, I suppose, that I stood drawing these silent morals. No man occupied himself with me. Quiet voices, and games of chance, and glasses lifted to drink, continued to be the peaceful order of the night. And into my thoughts broke the voice of that card-dealer who had already spoken so sagely. He also took his turn at moralizing.
"What did I tell you?" he remarked to the man for whom he continued to deal, and who continued to lose money to him,
"Tell me when?"
"Didn't I tell you he'd not shoot?" the dealer pursued with complacence. "You got ready to dodge. You had no call to be concerned. He's not the kind a man need feel anxious about."
The player looked over at the Virginian, doubtfully. "Well," he said, "I don't know what you folks call a dangerous man."
"Not him!" exclaimed the dealer with admiration. "He's a brave man. That's different."
The player seemed to follow this reasoning no better than I did.
"It's not a brave man that's dangerous," continued the dealer. "It's the cowards that scare me." He paused that this might sink home.
"Fello' came in here las' Toosday," he went on. "He got into some misunderstanding about the drinks. Well, sir, before we could put him out of business, he'd hurt two perfectly innocent onlookers. They'd no more to do with it than you have," the dealer explained to me.
"Were they badly hurt?" I asked.
"One of 'em was. He's died since."
"What became of the man?"
"Why, we put him out of business, I told you. He died that night. But there was no occasion for any of it; and that's why I never like to be around where there's a coward. You can't tell. He'll always go to shooting before it's necessary, and there's no security who he'll hit. But a man like that black-headed guy is (the dealer indicated the Virginian) need never worry you. And there's another point why there's no need to worry about him: IT'D BE TOO LATE."
These good words ended the moralizing of the dealer. He had given us a piece of his mind. He now gave the whole of it to dealing cards. I loitered here and there, neither welcome nor unwelcome at present, watching the cow-boys at their play. Saving Trampas, there was scarce a face among them that had not in it something very likable. Here were lusty horsemen ridden from the heat of the sun, and the wet of the storm, to divert themselves awhile. Youth untamed sat here for an idle moment, spending easily its hard-earned wages. City saloons rose into my vision, and I instantly preferred this Rocky Mountain place. More of death it undoubtedly saw, but less of vice, than did its New York equivalents.
And death is a thing much cleaner than vice. Moreover, it was by no means vice that was written upon these wild and manly faces. Even where baseness was visible, baseness was not uppermost. Daring, laughter, endurance--these were what I saw upon the countenances of the
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cow-boys. And this very first day of my knowledge of them marks a date with me. For something about them, and the idea of them, smote my American heart, and I have never forgotten it, nor ever shall, as long as I live. In their flesh our natural passions ran tumultuous; but often in their spirit sat hidden a true nobility, and often beneath its unexpected shining their figures took on heroic stature.
The dealer had styled the Virginian "a black-headed guy." This did well enough as an unflattered portrait. Judge Henry's trustworthy man, with whom I was to drive two hundred and sixty-three miles, certainly had a very black head of hair. It was the first thing to notice now, if one glanced generally at the table where he sat at cards. But the eye came back to him- -drawn by that inexpressible something which had led the dealer to speak so much at length about him.
Still, "black-headed guy" justly fits him and his next performance. He had made his plan for this like a true and (I must say) inspired devil. And now the highly appreciative town of Medicine Bow was to be treated to a manifestation of genius.
He sat playing his stud-poker. After a decent period of losing and winning, which gave Trampas all proper time for a change of luck and a repairing of his fortunes, he looked at Steve and said amiably:"How does bed strike you?"
I was beside their table, learning gradually that stud-poker has in it more of what I will call red pepper than has our Eastern game. The Virginian followed his own question:"Bed strikes me," he stated.
Steve feigned indifference. He was far more deeply absorbed in his bet and the American drummer than he was in this game; but he chose to take out a fat, florid gold watch, consult it elaborately, and remark, "It's only eleven."
"Yu' forget I'm from the country," said the black-headed guy. "The chickens have been roostin' a right smart while."
His sunny Southern accent was again strong. In that brief passage with Trampas it had been almost wholly absent. But different moods of the spirit bring different qualities of utterance-- where a man comes by these naturally. The Virginian cashed in his checks.
"Awhile ago," said Steve, "you had won three months' salary."
"I'm still twenty dollars to the good," said the Virginian. "That's better than breaking a laig."
Again, in some voiceless, masonic way, most people in that saloon had become aware that something was in process of happening. Several left their games and came to the front by the bar.
"If he ain't in bed yet--" mused the Virginian.
"I'll find out," said I. And I hurried across to the dim sleeping room, happy to have a part in this.
They were all in bed; and in some beds two were sleeping. How they could do it--but in those days I was fastidious. The American had come in recently and was still awake.
"Thought you were to sleep at the store?" said he.
So then I invented a little lie, and explained that I was in search of the Virginian
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"Better search the dives," said he. "These cow-boys don't get to town often."
At this point I stumbled sharply over something.
"It's my box of Consumption Killer," explained the drummer; "Well, I hope that man will stay out all night."
"Bed narrow?" I inquired.
"For two it is. And the pillows are mean. Takes both before you feel anything's under your head."
He yawned, and I wished him pleasant dreams
At my news the Virginian left the bar at once; and crossed to the sleeping room. Steve and I followed softly, and behind us several more strung out in an expectant line. "What is this going to be?" they inquired curiously of each other. And upon learning the great novelty of the event, they clustered with silence intense outside the door where the Virginian had gone in.
We heard the voice of the drummer, cautioning his bed-fellow. "Don't trip over the Killer," he was saying. "The Prince of Wales barked his shin just now." It seemed my English clothes had earned me this title.
The boots of the Virginian were next heard to drop.
"Can yu' make out what he's at?" whispered Steve.
He was plainly undressing. The rip of swift unbuttoning told us that the black-headed guy must now be removing his overalls.
"Why, thank yu', no," he was replying to a question of the drummer. "Outside or in's all one to me."
"Then, if you'd just as soon take the wall--"
"Why, cert'nly." There was a sound of bedclothes, and creaking. "This hyeh pillo' needs a Southern climate," was the Virginian's next observation.
Many listeners had now gathered at the door. The dealer and the player were both here. The storekeeper was present, and I recognized the agent of the Union Pacific Railroad among the crowd. We made a large company, and I felt that trembling sensation which is common when the cap of a camera is about to be removed upon a group.
"I should think," said the drummer's voice, "that you'd feel your knife and gun clean through that pillow."
"I do," responded the Virginian.
"I should think you'd put them on a chair and be comfortable."
"I'd be uncomfortable, then."
"Used to the feel of them, I suppose?"
"That's it. Used to the feel of them. I would miss them, and that would make me wakeful."
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"Well, good night."
"Good night. If I get to talkin' and tossin', or what not, you'll understand you're to--"
"Yes, I'll wake you."
"No, don't yu', for God's sake!"
"Not?"
"Don't yu' touch me."
"What'll I do?"
"Roll away quick to your side. It don't last but a minute." The Virginian spoke with a reassuring drawl.
Upon this there fell a brief silence, and I heard the drummer clear his throat once or twice.
"It's merely the nightmare, I suppose?" he said after a throat clearing.
"Lord, yes. That's all. And don't happen twice a year. Was you thinkin' it was fits?"
"Oh, no! I just wanted to know. I've been told before that it was not safe for a person to be waked suddenly that way out of a nightmare."
"Yes, I have heard that too. But it never harms me any. I didn't want you to run risks."
"Me?"
"Oh, it'll be all right now that yu' know how it is." The Virginian's drawl was full of assurance.
There was a second pause, after which the drummer said.
"Tell me again how it is."
The Virginian answered very drowsily: "Oh, just don't let your arm or your laig touch me if I go to jumpin' around. I'm dreamin' of Indians when I do that. And if anything touches me then, I'm liable to grab my knife right in my sleep."
"Oh, I understand," said the drummer, clearing his throat. "Yes."
Steve was whispering delighted oaths to himself, and in his joy applying to the Virginian one unprintable name after another.
We listened again, but now no further words came. Listening very hard, I could half make out the progress of a heavy breathing, and a restless turning I could clearly detect. This was the wretched drummer. He was waiting. But he did not wait long. Again there was a light creak, and after it a light step. He was not even going to put his boots on in the fatal neighborhood of the dreamer. By a happy thought Medicine Bow formed into two lines, making an avenue from the door. And then the commercial traveller forgot his Consumption Killer. He fell heavily over it.
Immediately from the bed the Virginian gave forth a dreadful howl.
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And then everything happened at once; and how shall mere words narrate it? The door burst open, and out flew the commercial traveller in his stockings. One hand held a lump of coat and trousers with suspenders dangling, his boots were clutched in the other. The sight of us stopped his flight short. He gazed, the boots fell from his hand; and at his profane explosion, Medicine Bow set up a united, unearthly noise and began to play Virginia reel with him. The other occupants of the beds had already sprung out of them, clothed chiefly with their pistols, and ready for war."What is it?" they demanded. "What is it?"
"Why, I reckon it's drinks on Steve," said the Virginian from his bed. And he gave the first broad grin that I had seen from him.
"I'll set 'em up all night!" Steve shouted, as the reel went on regardless. The drummer was bawling to be allowed to put at least his boots on. "This way, Pard," was the answer; and another man whirled him round. "This way, Beau!" they called to him; "This way, Budd!" and he was passed like a shuttle-cock down the line. Suddenly the leaders bounded into the sleeping-room. "Feed the machine!" they said. "Feed her!" And seizing the German drummer who sold jewellery, they flung him into the trough of the reel. I saw him go bouncing like an ear of corn to be shelled, and the dance ingulfed him. I saw a Jew sent rattling after him; and next they threw in the railroad employee, and the other Jew; and while I stood mesmerized, my own feet left the earth. I shot from the room and sped like a bobbing cork into this mill race, whirling my turn in the wake of the others amid cries of, "Here comes the Prince of Wales!" There was soon not much English left about my raiment.
They were now shouting for music. Medicine Bow swept in like a cloud of dust to where a fiddler sat playing in a hall; and gathering up fiddler and dancers, swept out again, a larger Medicine Bow, growing all the while. Steve offered us the freedom of the house, everywhere. He implored us to call for whatever pleased us, and as many times as we should please. He ordered the town to be searched for more citizens to come and help him pay his bet. But changing his mind, kegs and bottles were now carried along with us. We had found three fiddlers, and these played busily for us; and thus we set out to visit all cabins and houses where people might still by some miracle be asleep. The first man put out his head to decline. But such a possibility had been foreseen by the proprietor of the store. This seemingly respectable man now came dragging some sort of apparatus from his place, helped by the Virginian. The cow-boys cheered, for they knew what this was. The man in his window likewise recognized it, and uttering a groan, came immediately out and joined us. What it was, I also learned in a few minutes. For we found a house where the people made no sign at either our fiddlers or our knocking. And then the infernal machine was set to work. Its parts seemed to be no more than an empty keg and a plank. Some citizen informed me that I should soon have a new idea of noise; and I nerved myself for something severe in the way of gunpowder. But the Virginian and the proprietor now sat on the ground holding the keg braced, and two others got down apparently to play see-saw over the top of it with the plank. But the keg and plank had been rubbed with rosin, and they drew the plank back and forth over the keg. Do you know the sound made in a narrow street by a dray loaded with strips of iron? That noise is a lullaby compared with the staggering, blinding bellow which rose from the keg. If you were to try it in your native town, you would not merely be arrested, you would be hanged, and everybody would be glad, and the clergyman would not bury you. My head, my teeth, the whole system of my bones leaped and chattered at the din, and out of the house like drops squirted from a lemon came a man and his wife. No time was given them. They were swept along with the rest; and having been routed from their own bed, they now became most furious in assailing the remaining homes of Medicine Bow. Everybody was to come out. Many were now riding horses at top speed out into the plains and back, while the procession of the plank and keg continued its work, and the fiddlers played incessantly.
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Suddenly there was a quiet. I did not see who brought the message; but the word ran among us that there was a woman--the engineer's woman down by the water-tank--very sick. The doctor had been to see her from Laramie. Everybody liked the engineer. Plank and keg were heard no more. The horsemen found it out and restrained their gambols. Medicine Bow went gradually home. I saw doors shutting, and lights go out; I saw a late few reassemble at the card tables, and the drummers gathered themselves together for sleep; the proprietor of the store (you could not see a more respectable-looking person) hoped that I would be comfortable on the quilts; and I heard Steve urging the Virginian to take one more glass.
"We've not met for so long," he said.
But the Virginian, the black-headed guy who had set all this nonsense going, said No to Steve. "I have got to stay responsible," was his excuse to his friend. And the friend looked at me. Therefore I surmised that the Judge's trustworthy man found me an embarrassment to his holiday. But if he did, he never showed it to me. He had been sent to meet a stranger and drive him to Sunk Creek in safety, and this charge he would allow no temptation to imperil. He nodded good night to me. "If there's anything I can do for yu', you'll tell me."
I thanked him. "What a pleasant evening!" I added.
"I'm glad yu' found it so."
Again his manner put a bar to my approaches. Even though I had seen him wildly disporting himself, those were matters which he chose not to discuss with me.
Medicine Bow was quiet as I went my way to my quilts. So still, that through the air the deep whistles of the freight trains came from below the horizon across great miles of silence. I passed cow-boys, whom half an hour before I had seen prancing and roaring, now rolled in their blankets beneath the open and shining night.
"What world am I in?" I said aloud. "Does this same planet hold Fifth Avenue?"
And I went to sleep, pondering over my native land.
BACK | FORWARD
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IV. DEEP INTO CATTLE LAND
Morning had been for some while astir in Medicine Bow before I left my quilts. The new day and its doings began around me in the store, chiefly at the grocery counter. Dry-goods were not in great request. The early rising cow-boys were off again to their work; and those to whom their night's holiday had left any dollars were spending these for tobacco, or cartridges, or canned provisions for the journey to their distant camps. Sardines were called for, and potted chicken, and devilled ham: a sophisticated nourishment, at first sight, for these sons of the sage-brush. But portable ready-made food plays of necessity a great part in the opening of a new country. These picnic pots and cans were the first of her trophies that Civilization dropped upon Wyoming's virgin soil. The cow-boy is now gone to worlds invisible; the wind has blown away the white ashes of his camp-fires; but the empty sardine box lies rusting over the face of the Western earth.
So through my eyes half closed I watched the sale of these tins, and grew familiar with the ham's inevitable trade-mark--that label with the devil and his horns and hoofs and tail very pronounced, all colored a sultry prodigious scarlet. And when each horseman had made his purchase, he would trail his spurs over the floor, and presently the sound of his horse's hoofs would be the last of him. Through my dozing attention came various fragments of talk, and sometimes useful bits of knowledge. For instance, I learned the true value of tomatoes in this country. One fellow was buying two cans of them.
"Meadow Creek dry already?" commented the proprietor.
"Been dry ten days," the young cow-boy informed him. And it appeared that along the road he was going, water would not be reached much before sundown, because this Meadow Creek had ceased to run. His tomatoes were for drink. And thus they have refreshed me many times since.
"No beer?" suggested the proprietor.
The boy made a shuddering face. "Don't say its name to me!" he exclaimed. "I couldn't hold my breakfast down." He rang his silver money upon the counter. "I've swore off for three months," he stated. "I'm going to be as pure as the snow!" And away he went jingling out of the door, to ride seventy-five miles. Three more months of hard, unsheltered work, and he would ride into town again, with his adolescent blood crying aloud for its own.
"I'm obliged," said a new voice, rousing me from a new doze. "She's easier this morning, since the medicine." This was the engineer, whose sick wife had brought a hush over Medicine Bow's rioting. "I'll give her them flowers soon as she wakes," he added.
"Flowers?" repeated the proprietor.
"You didn't leave that bunch at our door?"
"Wish I'd thought to do it."
"She likes to see flowers," said the engineer. And he walked out slowly, with his thanks unachieved. He returned at once with the Virginian; for in the band of the Virginian's hat were two or three blossoms.
"It don't need mentioning," the Southerner was saying, embarrassed by any expression of thanks. "If we had knowed last night--"
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"You didn't disturb her any," broke in the engineer. "She's easier this morning. I'll tell her about them flowers."
"Why, it don't need mentioning," the Virginian again protested, almost crossly. "The little things looked kind o' fresh, and I just picked them." His eye now fell upon me, where I lay upon the counter. "I reckon breakfast will be getting through," he remarked.
I was soon at the wash trough. It was only half-past six, but many had been before me,--one glance at the roller-towel told me that. I was afraid to ask the landlady for a clean one, and so I found a fresh handkerchief, and accomplished a sparing toilet. In the midst of this the drummers joined me, one by one, and they used the degraded towel without hesitation. In a way they had the best of me; filth was nothing to them.
The latest risers in Medicine Bow, we sat at breakfast together; and they essayed some light familiarities with the landlady. But these experiments were failures. Her eyes did not see, nor did her ears hear them. She brought the coffee and the bacon with a sedateness that propriety itself could scarce have surpassed. Yet impropriety lurked noiselessly all over her. You could not have specified how; it was interblended with her sum total. Silence was her apparent habit and her weapon; but the American drummer found that she could speak to the point when need came for this. During the meal he had praised her golden hair. It was golden indeed, and worth a high compliment; but his kind displeased her. She had let it pass, however, with no more than a cool stare. But on taking his leave, when he came to pay for the meal, he pushed it too far.
"Pity this must be our last," he said; and as it brought no answer, "Ever travel?" he inquired. "Where I go, there's room for a pair of us."
"Then you'd better find another jackass," she replied quietly.
I was glad that I had not asked for a clean towel.
From the commercial travellers I now separated myself, and wandered alone in pleasurable aimlessness. It was seven o'clock. Medicine Bow stood voiceless and unpeopled. The cow- boys had melted away. The inhabitants were indoors, pursuing the business or the idleness of the forenoon. Visible motion there was none. No shell upon the dry sands could lie more lifeless than Medicine Bow. Looking in at the store, I saw the proprietor sitting with his pipe extinct. Looking in at the saloon, I saw the dealer dealing dumbly to himself. Up in the sky there was not a cloud nor a bird, and on the earth the lightest straw lay becalmed. Once I saw the Virginian at an open door, where the golden-haired landlady stood talking with him. Sometimes I strolled in the town, and sometimes out on the plain I lay down with my day dreams in the sagebrush. Pale herds of antelope were in the distance, and near by the demure prairie-dogs sat up and scrutinized me. Steve, Trampas, the riot of horsemen, my lost trunk, Uncle Hughey, with his abortive brides--all things merged in my thoughts in a huge, delicious indifference. It was like swimming slowly at random in an ocean that was smooth, and neither too cool nor too warm. And before I knew it, five lazy imperceptible hours had gone thus. There was the Union Pacific train, coming as if from shores forgotten.
Its approach was silent and long drawn out. I easily reached town and the platform before it had finished watering at the tank. It moved up, made a short halt, I saw my trunk come out of it, and then it moved away silently as it had come, smoking and dwindling into distance unknown.
Beside my trunk was one other, tied extravagantly with white ribbon. The fluttering bows caught my attention, and now I suddenly saw a perfectly new sight. The Virginian was further down the platform, doubled up with laughing. It was good to know that with sufficient cause
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he could laugh like this; a smile had thus far been his limit of external mirth. Rice now flew against my hat, and hissing gusts of rice spouted on the platform. All the men left in Medicine Bow appeared like magic, and more rice choked the atmosphere. Through the general clamor a cracked voice said, "Don't hit her in the eye, boys!" and Uncle Hughey rushed proudly by me with an actual wife on his arm. She could easily have been his granddaughter. They got at once into a vehicle. The trunk was lifted in behind. And amid cheers, rice, shoes, and broad felicitations, the pair drove out of town, Uncle Hughey shrieking to the horses and the bride waving unabashed adieus.
The word had come over the wires from Laramie: "Uncle Hughey has made it this time. Expect him on to-day's number two." And Medicine Bow had expected him.
Many words arose on the departure of the new-married couple.
"Who's she?"
"What's he got for her?"
"Got a gold mine up Bear Creek."
And after comment and prophecy, Medicine Bow returned to its dinner.
This meal was my last here for a long while. The Virginian's responsibility now returned; duty drove the Judge's trustworthy man to take care of me again. He had not once sought my society of his own accord; his distaste for what he supposed me to be (I don't exactly know what this was) remained unshaken. I have thought that matters of dress and speech should not carry with them so much mistrust in our democracy; thieves are presumed innocent until proved guilty, but a starched collar is condemned at once. Perfect civility and obligingness I certainly did receive from the Virginian, only not a word of fellowship. He harnessed the horses, got my trunk, and gave me some advice about taking provisions for our journey, something more palatable than what food we should find along the road. It was well thought of, and I bought quite a parcel of dainties, feeling that he would despise both them and me. And thus I took my seat beside him, wondering what we should manage to talk about for two hundred and sixty-three miles.
Farewell in those days was not said in Cattle Land. Acquaintances watched our departure with a nod or with nothing, and the nearest approach to "Good-by" was the proprietor's "So-long." But I caught sight of one farewell given without words.
As we drove by the eating-house, the shade of a side window was raised, and the landlady looked her last upon the Virginian. Her lips were faintly parted, and no woman's eyes ever said more plainly, "I am one of your possessions." She had forgotten that it might be seen. Her glance caught mine, and she backed into the dimness of the room. What look she may have received from him, if he gave her any at this too public moment, I could not tell. His eyes seemed to be upon the horses, and he drove with the same mastering ease that had roped the wild pony yesterday. We passed the ramparts of Medicine Bow,--thick heaps and fringes of tin cans, and shelving mounds of bottles cast out of the saloons. The sun struck these at a hundred glittering points. And in a moment we were in the clean plains, with the prairie-dogs and the pale herds of antelope. The great, still air bathed us, pure as water and strong as wine; the sunlight flooded the world; and shining upon the breast of the Virginian's flannel shirt lay a long gold thread of hair! The noisy American drummer had met defeat, but this silent free lance had been easily victorious.
It must have been five miles that we travelled in silence, losing and seeing the horizon among the ceaseless waves of the earth. Then I looked back, and there was Medicine Bow, seemingly
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a stone's throw behind us. It was a full half-hour before I looked back again, and there sure enough was always Medicine Bow. A size or two smaller, I will admit, but visible in every feature, like something seen through the wrong end of a field glass. The East-bound express was approaching the town, and I noticed the white steam from its whistle; but when the sound reached us, the train had almost stopped. And in reply to my comment upon this, the Virginian deigned to remark that it was more so in Arizona.
"A man come to Arizona," he said, "with one of them telescopes to study the heavenly bodies. He was a Yankee, seh, and a right smart one, too. And one night we was watchin' for some little old fallin' stars that he said was due, and I saw some lights movin' along across the mesa pretty lively, an' I sang out. But he told me it was just the train. And I told him I didn't know yu' could see the cyars that plain from his place, 'Yu' can see them,' he said to me, 'but it is las' night's cyars you're lookin' at.'" At this point the Virginian spoke severely to one of the horses. "Of course," he then resumed to me, "that Yankee man did not mean quite all he said.--You, Buck!" he again broke off suddenly to the horse. "But Arizona, seh," he continued, "it cert'nly has a mos' deceivin' atmospheah. Another man told me he had seen a lady close one eye at him when he was two minutes hard run from her." This time the Virginian gave Buck the whip.
"What effect," I inquired with a gravity equal to his own, "does this extraordinary foreshortening have upon a quart of whiskey?"
"When it's outside yu', seh, no distance looks too far to go to it."
He glanced at me with an eye that held more confidence than hitherto he had been able to feel in me. I had made one step in his approval. But I had many yet to go. This day he preferred his own thoughts to my conversation, and so he did all the days of this first journey; while I should have greatly preferred his conversation to my thoughts. He dismissed some attempts that I made upon the subject of Uncle Hughey so that I had not the courage to touch upon Trampas, and that chill brief collision which might have struck the spark of death. Trampas! I had forgotten him till this silent drive I was beginning. I wondered if I should ever see him, or Steve, or any of those people again. And this wonder I expressed aloud.
"There's no tellin' in this country," said the Virginian. "Folks come easy, and they go easy. In settled places, like back in the States, even a poor man mostly has a home. Don't care if it's only a barrel on a lot, the fello' will keep frequentin' that lot, and if yu' want him yu' can find him. But out hyeh in the sage-brush, a man's home is apt to be his saddle blanket. First thing yu' know, he has moved it to Texas."
"You have done some moving yourself," I suggested.
But this word closed his mouth. "I have had a look at the country," he said, and we were silent again. Let me, however, tell you here that he had set out for a "look at the country" at the age of fourteen; and that by his present age of twenty-four he had seen Arkansas, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, Oregon, Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming. Everywhere he had taken care of himself, and survived; nor had his strong heart yet waked up to any hunger for a home. Let me also tell you that he was one of thousands drifting and living thus, but (as you shall learn) one in a thousand.
Medicine Bow did not forever remain in sight. When next I thought of it and looked behind, nothing was there but the road we had come; it lay like a ship's wake across the huge ground swell of the earth. We were swallowed ire a vast solitude. A little while before sunset, a cabin came in view; and here we passed our first night. Two young men lived here, tending their cattle. They were fond of animals. By the stable a chained coyote rushed nervously in a circle, or sat on its haunches and snapped at gifts of food ungraciously. A tame young elk walked in
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and out of the cabin door, and during supper it tried to push me off my chair. A half-tame mountain sheep practised jumping from the ground to the roof. The cabin was papered with posters of a circus, and skins of bear and silver fox lay upon the floor. Until nine o'clock one man talked to the Virginian, and one played gayly upon a concertina; and then we all went to bed. The air was like December, but in my blankets and a buffalo robe I kept warm, and luxuriated in the Rocky Mountain silence. Going to wash before breakfast at sunrise, I found needles of ice in a pail. Yet it was hard to remember that this quiet, open, splendid wilderness (with not a peak in sight just here) was six thousand feet high. And when breakfast was over there was no December left; and by the time the Virginian and I were ten miles upon our way, it was June. But always every breath that I breathed was pure as water and strong as wine.
We never passed a human being this day. Some wild cattle rushed up to us and away from us; antelope stared at us from a hundred yards; coyotes ran skulking through the sage-brush to watch us from a hill; at our noon meal we killed a rattlesnake and shot some young sage chickens, which were good at supper, roasted at our campfire.
By half-past eight we were asleep beneath the stars, and by half-past four I was drinking coffee and shivering. The horse, Buck, was hard to catch this second morning. Whether some hills that we were now in had excited him, or whether the better water up here had caused an effervescence in his spirits, I cannot say. But I was as hot as July by the time we had him safe in harness, or, rather, unsafe in harness. For Buck, in the mysterious language of horses, now taught wickedness to his side partner, and about eleven o'clock they laid their evil heads together and decided to break our necks.
We were passing, I have said, through a range of demi-mountains. It was a little country where trees grew, water ran, and the plains were shut out for a while. The road had steep places in it, and places here and there where you could fall off and go bounding to the bottom among stones. But Buck, for some reason, did not think these opportunities good enough for him. He selected a more theatrical moment. We emerged from a narrow canyon suddenly upon five hundred cattle and some cow-boys branding calves by a fire in a corral. It was a sight that Buck knew by heart. He instantly treated it like an appalling phenomenon. I saw him kick seven ways; I saw Muggins kick five ways; our furious motion snapped my spine like a whip. I grasped the seat. Something gave a forlorn jingle. It was the brake.
"Don't jump!" commanded the trustworthy man.
"No," I said, as my hat flew off.
Help was too far away to do anything for us. We passed scathless through a part of the cattle, I saw their horns and backs go by. Some earth crumbled, and we plunged downward into water rocking among stones, and upward again through some more crumbling earth. I heard a crash, and saw my trunk landing in the stream.
"She's safer there," said the trustworthy man.
"True," I said.
"We'll go back for her," said he, with his eye on the horses and his foot on the crippled brake. A dry gully was coming, and no room to turn. The farther side of it was terraced with rock. We should simply fall backward, if we did not fall forward first. He steered the horses straight over, and just at the bottom swung them, with astonishing skill, to the right along the hard- baked mud. They took us along the bed up to the head of the gully, and through a thicket of quaking asps. The light trees bent beneath our charge and bastinadoed the wagon as it went over them. But their branches enmeshed the horses' legs, and we came to a harmless standstill among a bower of leaves.
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I looked at the trustworthy man, and smiled vaguely. He considered me for a moment.
"I reckon," said he, "you're feelin' about halfway between 'Oh, Lord!' and 'Thank God!'"
"That's quite it," said I, as he got down on the ground.
"Nothing's broke," said he, after a searching examination. And he indulged in a true Virginian expletive. "Gentlemen, hush!" he murmured gently, looking at me with his grave eyes; "one time I got pretty near scared. You, Buck," he continued, "some folks would beat you now till yu'd be uncertain whether yu' was a hawss or a railroad accident. I'd do it myself, only it wouldn't cure yu'."
I now told him that I supposed he had saved both our lives. But he detested words of direct praise. He made some grumbling rejoinder, and led the horses out of the thicket. Buck, he explained to me, was a good horse, and so was Muggins. Both of them generally meant well, and that was the Judge's reason for sending them to meet me. But these broncos had their off days. Off days might not come very often; but when the humor seized a bronco, he had to have his spree. Buck would now behave himself as a horse should for probably two months. "They are just like humans," the Virginian concluded.
Several cow-boys arrived on a gallop to find how many pieces of us were left. We returned down the hill; and when we reached my trunk, it was surprising to see the distance that our runaway had covered. My hat was also found, and we continued on our way.
Buck and Muggins were patterns of discretion through else rest of the mountains. I thought when we camped this night that it was strange Buck should be again allowed to graze at large, instead of being tied to a rope while we slept. But this was my ignorance. With the hard work that he was gallantly doing, the horse needed more pasture than a rope's length would permit him to find. Therefore he went free, and in the morning gave us but little trouble in catching him.
We crossed a river in the forenoon, and far to the north of us we saw the Bow Leg Mountains, pale in the bright sun. Sunk Creek flowed from their western side, and our two hundred and sixty-three miles began to grow a small thing in my eyes. Buck and Muggins, I think, knew perfectly that to-morrow would see them home. They recognized this region; and once they turned off at a fork in the road. The Virginian pulled them back rather sharply.
"Want to go back to Balaam's?" he inquired of them. "I thought you had more sense."
I asked, "Who was Balaam?"
"A maltreater of hawsses," replied the cowpuncher. "His ranch is on Butte Creek oveh yondeh." And he pointed to where the diverging road melted into space. "The Judge bought Buck and Muggins from him in the spring."
"So he maltreats horses?" I repeated.
"That's the word all through this country. A man that will do what they claim Balaam does to a hawss when he's mad, ain't fit to be called human." The Virginian told me some particulars.
"Oh!" I almost screamed at the horror of it, and again, "Oh!"
"He'd have prob'ly done that to Buck as soon as he stopped runnin' away. If I caught a man doin' that--"
We were interrupted by a sedate-looking traveller riding upon an equally sober horse.
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"Mawnin', Taylor," said the Virginian, pulling up for gossip. "Ain't you strayed off your range pretty far?"
"You're a nice one!" replied Mr. Taylor, stopping his horse and smiling amiably.
"Tell me something I don't know," retorted the Virginian.
"Hold up a man at cards and rob him," pursued Mr. Taylor. "Oh, the news has got ahead of you!"
"Trampas has been hyeh explainin', has he?" said the Virginian with a grin.
"Was that your victim's name?" said Mr. Taylor, facetiously. "No, it wasn't him that brought the news. Say, what did you do, anyway?"
"So that thing has got around," murmured the Virginian. "Well, it wasn't worth such wide repawtin'." And he gave the simple facts to Taylor, while I sat wondering at the contagious powers of Rumor. Here, through this voiceless land, this desert, this vacuum, it had spread like a change of weather. "Any news up your way?" the Virginian concluded.
Importance came into Mr. Taylor's countenance. "Bear Creek is going to build a schoolhouse," said he.
"Goodness gracious!" drawled the Virginian. "What's that for?"
Now Mr. Taylor had been married for some years. "To educate the offspring of Bear Creek," he answered with pride.
"Offspring of Bear Creek," the Virginian meditatively repeated. "I don't remember noticin' much offspring. There was some white tail deer, and a right smart o' jack rabbits."
"The Swintons have moved up from Drybone," said Mr. Taylor, always seriously. "They found it no place for young children. And there's Uncle Carmody with six, and Ben Dow. And Westfall has become a family man, and--"
"Jim Westfall!" exclaimed the Virginian. "Him a fam'ly man! Well, if this hyeh Territory is goin' to get full o'fam'ly men and empty o' game, I believe I'll--"
"Get married yourself," suggested Mr. Taylor.
"Me! I ain't near reached the marriageable age. No, seh! But Uncle Hughey has got there at last, yu' know."
"Uncle Hughey!" shouted Mr. Taylor. He had not heard this. Rumor is very capricious. Therefore the Virginian told him, and the family man rocked in his saddle.
"Build your schoolhouse," said the Virginian. "Uncle Hughey has qualified himself to subscribe to all such propositions. Got your eye on a schoolmarm?"
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V. ENTER THE WOMAN
"We are taking steps," said Mr. Taylor. "Bear Creek ain't going to be hasty about a schoolmarm."
"Sure," assented the Virginian. "The children wouldn't want yu' to hurry."
But Mr. Taylor was, as I have indicated, a serious family man. The problem of educating his children could appear to him in no light except a sober one. "Bear Creek," he said, "don't want the experience they had over at Calef. We must not hire an ignoramus."
"Sure!" assented the Virginian again.
"Nor we don't want no gad-a-way flirt," said Mr. Taylor.
"She must keep her eyes on the blackboa'd," said the Virginian, gently.
"Well, we can wait till we get a guaranteed article," said Mr. Taylor. "And that's what we're going to do. It can't be this year, and it needn't to be. None of the kids is very old, and the schoolhouse has got to be built." He now drew a letter from his pocket, and looked at me. "Are you acquainted with Miss Mary Stark Wood of Bennington, Vermont?" he inquired.
I was not acquainted with her at this time.
"She's one we are thinking of. She's a correspondent with Mrs. Balaam." Taylor handed me the letter. "She wrote that to Mrs. Balaam, and Mrs. Balaam said the best thing was for to let me see it and judge for myself. I'm taking it back to Mrs. Balaam. Maybe you can give me your opinion how it sizes up with the letters they write back East?"
The communication was mainly of a business kind, but also personal, and freely written. I do not think that its writer expected it to be exhibited as a document. The writer wished very much that she could see the West. But she could not gratify this desire merely for pleasure, or she would long ago have accepted the kind invitation to visit Mrs. Balaam's ranch. Teaching school was something she would like to do, if she were fitted for it. "Since the mills failed" (the writer said) "we have all gone to work and done a lot of things so that mother might keep on living in the old house. Yes, the salary would be a temptation. But, my dear, isn't Wyoming bad for the complexion? And could I sue them if mine got damaged? It is still admired. I could bring one male witness AT LEAST to prove that!" Then the writer became businesslike again. Even if she came to feel that she could leave home, she did not at all know that she could teach school. Nor did she think it right to accept a position in which one had had no experience. "I do love children, boys especially," she went on. "My small nephew and I get on famously. But imagine if a whole benchful of boys began asking me questions that I couldn't answer! What should I do? For one could not spank them all, you know! And mother says that I ought not to teach anybody spelling, because I leave the U out of HONOR."
Altogether it was a letter which I could assure Mr. Taylor "sized up" very well with the letters written in my part of the United States. And it was signed, "Your very sincere spinster, Molly Stark Wood."
"I never seen HONOR spelled with a U," said Mr. Taylor, over whose not highly civilized head certain portions of the letter had lightly passed.
I told him that some old-fashioned people still wrote the word so.
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"Either way would satisfy Bear Creek," said Mr. Taylor, "if she's otherwise up to requirements."
The Virginian was now looking over the letter musingly, and with awakened attention.
"'Your very sincere spinster,'" he read aloud slowly.
"I guess that means she's forty," said Taylor.
"I reckon she is about twenty," said the Virginian. And again he fell to musing over the paper that he held.
"Her handwriting ain't like any I've saw," pursued Mr. Taylor. "But Bear Creek would not object to that, provided she knows 'rithmetic and George Washington, and them kind of things."
"I expect she is not an awful sincere spinster," surmised the Virginian, still looking at the letter, still holding it as if it were some token.
Has any botanist set down what the seed of love is? Has it anywhere been set down in how many ways this seed may be sown? In what various vessels of gossamer it can float across wide spaces? Or upon what different soils it can fall, and live unknown, and bide its time for blooming?
The Virginian handed back to Taylor the sheet of note paper where a girl had talked as the women he had known did not talk. If his eyes had ever seen such maidens, there had been no meeting of eyes; and if such maidens had ever spoken to him, the speech was from an established distance. But here was a free language, altogether new to him. It proved, however, not alien to his understanding, as it was alien to Mr. Taylor's.
We drove onward, a mile perhaps, and then two. He had lately been full of words, but now he barely answered me, so that a silence fell upon both of us. It must have been all of ten miles that we had driven when he spoke of his own accord.
"Your real spinster don't speak of her lot that easy," he remarked. And presently he quoted a phrase about the complexion, "Could I sue them if mine got damaged?"' and he smiled over this to himself, shaking his head. "What would she be doing on Bear Creek?" he next said. And finally: "I reckon that witness will detain her in Vermont. And her mother'll keep livin' at the old house."
Thus did the cow-puncher deliver himself, not knowing at all that the seed had floated across wide spaces, and was biding its time in his heart.
On the morrow we reached Sunk Creek. Judge Henry's welcome and his wife's would have obliterated any hardships that I had endured, and I had endured none at all.
For a while I saw little of the Virginian. He lapsed into his native way of addressing me occasionally as "seh"--a habit entirely repudiated by this land of equality. I was sorry. Our common peril during the runaway of Buck and Muggins had brought us to a familiarity that I hoped was destined to last. But I think that it would not have gone farther, save for a certain personage--I must call her a personage. And as I am indebted to her for gaining me a friend whose prejudice against me might never have been otherwise overcome, I shall tell you her little story, and how her misadventures and her fate came to bring the Virginian and me to an appreciation of one another. Without her, it is likely I should also not have heard so much of the story of the schoolmarm, and how that lady at last came to Bear Creek.
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VI: EM'LY
My personage was a hen, and she lived at the Sunk Creek Ranch.
Judge Henry's ranch was notable for several luxuries. He had milk, for example. In those days his brother ranchmen had thousands of cattle very often, but not a drop of milk, save the condensed variety. Therefore they had no butter. The Judge had plenty. Next rarest to butter and milk in the cattle country were eggs. But my host had chickens. Whether this was because he had followed cock-fighting in his early days, or whether it was due to Mrs. Henry, I cannot say. I only know that when I took a meal elsewhere, I was likely to find nothing but the eternal "sowbelly," beans, and coffee; while at Sunk Creek the omelet and the custard were frequent. The passing traveller was glad to tie his horse to the fence here, and sit down to the Judge's table. For its fame was as wide as Wyoming. It was an oasis in the Territory's desolate bill-of-fare.
The long fences of Judge Henry's home ranch began upon Sunk Creek soon after that stream emerged from its canyon through the Bow Leg. It was a place always well cared for by the owner, even in the days of his bachelorhood. The placid regiments of cattle lay in the cool of the cottonwoods by the water, or slowly moved among the sage-brush, feeding upon the grass that in those forever departed years was plentiful and tall. The steers came fat off his unenclosed range and fattened still more in his large pasture; while his small pasture, a field some eight miles square, was for several seasons given to the Judge's horses, and over this ample space there played and prospered the good colts which he raised from Paladin, his imported stallion. After he married, I have been assured that his wife's influence became visible in and about the house at once. Shade trees were planted, flowers attempted, and to the chickens was added the much more troublesome turkey. I, the visitor, was pressed into service when I arrived, green from the East. I took hold of the farmyard and began building a better chicken house, while the Judge was off creating meadow land in his gray and yellow wilderness. When any cow-boy was unoccupied, he would lounge over to my neighborhood, and silently regard my carpentering.
Those cow-punchers bore names of various denominations. There was Honey Wiggin; there was Nebrasky, and Dollar Bill, and Chalkeye. And they came from farms and cities, from Maine and from California. But the romance of American adventure had drawn them all alike to this great playground of young men, and in their courage, their generosity, and their amusement at me they bore a close resemblance to each other. Each one would silently observe my achievements with the hammer and the chisel. Then he would retire to the bunk-house, and presently I would over hear laughter. But this was only in the morning. In the afternoon on many days of the summer which I spent at the Sunk Creek Ranch I would go shooting, or ride up toward the entrance of the canyon and watch the men working on the irrigation ditches. Pleasant systems of water running in channels were being led through the soil, and there was a sound of rippling here and there among the yellow grain; the green thick alfalfa grass waved almost, it seemed, of its own accord, for the wind never blew; and when at evening the sun lay against the plain, the rift of the canyon was filled with a violet light, and the Bow Leg Mountains became transfigured with hues of floating and unimaginable color. The sun shone in a sky where never a cloud came, and noon was not too warm nor the dark too cool. And so for two months I went through these pleasant uneventful days,
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improving the chickens, an object of mirth, living in the open air, and basking in the perfection of content.
I was justly styled a tenderfoot. Mrs. Henry had in the beginning endeavored to shield me from this humiliation; but when she found that I was inveterate in laying my inexperience of Western matters bare to all the world, begging to be enlightened upon rattlesnakes, prairie-dogs, owls, blue and willow grouse, sage- hens, how to rope a horse or tighten the front cinch of my saddle, and that my spirit soared into enthusiasm at the mere sight of so ordinary an animal as a white-tailed deer, she let me rush about with my firearms and made no further effort to stave off the ridicule that my blunders perpetually earned from the ranch hands, her own humorous husband, and any chance visitor who stopped for a meal or stayed the night.
I was not called by my name after the first feeble etiquette due to a stranger in his first few hours had died away. I was known simply as "the tenderfoot." I was introduced to the neighborhood (a circle of eighty miles) as "the tenderfoot." It was thus that Balaam, the maltreater of horses, learned to address me when he came a two days' journey to pay a visit. And it was this name and my notorious helplessness that bid fair to end what relations I had with the Virginian. For when Judge Henry ascertained that nothing could prevent me from losing myself, that it was not uncommon for me to saunter out after breakfast with a gun and in thirty minutes cease to know north from south, he arranged for my protection. He detailed an escort for me; and the escort was once more the trustworthy man! The poor Virginian was taken from his work and his comrades and set to playing nurse for me. And for a while this humiliation ate into his untamed soul. It was his lugubrious lot to accompany me in my rambles, preside over my blunders, and save me from calamitously passing into the next world. He bore it in courteous silence, except when sneaking was necessary. He would show me the lower ford, which I could never find for myself, generally mistaking a quicksand for it. He would tie my horse properly. He would recommend me not to shoot my rifle at a white-tailed deer in the particular moment that the outfit wagon was passing behind the animal on the further side of the brush. There was seldom a day that he was not obliged to hasten and save me from sudden death or from ridicule, which is worse. Yet never once did he lose his patience and his gentle, slow voice, and apparently lazy manner remained the same, whether we were sitting at lunch together, or up in the mountain during a hunt, or whether he was bringing me back my horse, which had run away because I had again forgotten to throw the reins over his head and let them trail.
"He'll always stand if yu' do that," the Virginian would say. "See how my hawss stays right quiet yondeh."
After such admonition he would say no more to me. But this tame nursery business was assuredly gall to him. For though utterly a man in countenance and in his self- possession and incapacity to be put at a loss, he was still boyishly, proud of his wild calling, and wore his leathers straps and jingled his spurs with obvious pleasure. His tiger limberness and his beauty were rich with unabated youth; and that force which lurked beneath his surface must often have curbed his intolerance of me. In spite of what I knew must be his opinion of me, the tenderfoot, my liking for him grew, and I found his silent company more and more agreeable. That he had spells of talking, I had already learned at Medicine Bow. But his present taciturnity might almost have effaced this impression, had I not happened to pass by the bunk-house
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one evening after dark, when Honey Wiggin and the rest of the cow-boys were gathered inside it.
That afternoon the Virginian and I had gone duck shooting. We had found several in a beaver dam, and I had killed two as they sat close together; but they floated against the breastwork of sticks out in the water some four feet deep, where the escaping current might carry them down the stream. The Judge's red setter had not accompanied us, because she was expecting a family.
"We don't want her along anyways," the cowpuncher had explained to me. "She runs around mighty irresponsible, and she'll stand a prairie-dog 'bout as often as she'll stand a bird. She's a triflin' animal."
My anxiety to own the ducks caused me to pitch into the water with all my clothes on, and subsequently crawl out a slippery, triumphant, weltering heap. The Virginian's serious eyes had rested upon this spectacle of mud; but he expressed nothing, as usual.
"They ain't overly good eatin'," he observed, tying the birds to his saddle. "They're divers."
"Divers!" I exclaimed. "Why didn't they dive?"
"I reckon they was young ones and hadn't experience."
"Well," I said, crestfallen, but attempting to be humorous, "I did the diving myself."
But the Virginian made no comment. He handed me my double-barrelled English gun, which I was about to leave deserted on the ground behind me, and we rode home in our usual silence, the mean little white-breasted, sharp-billed divers dangling from his saddle.
It was in the bunk-house that he took his revenge. As I passed I heard his gentle voice silently achieving some narrative to an attentive audience, and just as I came by the open window where he sat on his bed in shirt and drawers, his back to me, I heard his concluding words, "And the hat on his haid was the one mark showed yu' he weren't a snappin'-turtle."
The anecdote met with instantaneous success, and I hurried away into the dark. The next morning I was occupied with the chickens. Two hens were fighting to sit on some eggs that a third was daily laying, and which I did not want hatched, and for the third time I had kicked Em'ly off seven potatoes she had rolled together and was determined to raise I know not what sort of family from. She was shrieking about the hen-house as the Virginian came in to observe (I suspect) what I might be doing now that could be useful for him to mention in the bunk-house.
He stood awhile, and at length said, "We lost our best rooster when Mrs. Henry came to live hyeh."
I paid no attention.
"He was a right elegant Dominicker," he continued.
I felt a little ruled about the snapping-turtle, and showed no interest in what he was saying, but continued my functions among the hens. This unusual silence of mine seemed to elicit unusual speech from him.
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"Yu' see, that rooster he'd always lived round hyeh when the Judge was a bachelor, and he never seen no ladies or any persons wearing female gyarments. You ain't got rheumatism, seh?"
"Me? No."
"I reckoned maybe them little odd divers yu' got damp goin' afteh--" He paused.
"Oh, no, not in the least, thank you."
"Yu' seemed sort o' grave this mawnin', and I'm cert'nly glad it ain't them divers."
"Well, the rooster?" I inquired finally.
"Oh, him! He weren't raised where he could see petticoats. Mrs. Henry she come hyeh from the railroad with the Judge afteh dark. Next mawnin' early she walked out to view her new home, and the rooster was a-feedin' by the door, and he seen her. Well, seh, he screeched that awful I run out of the bunk-house; and he jus' went over the fence and took down Sunk Creek shoutin' fire, right along. He has never come back."
"There's a hen over there now that has no judgment," I said, indicating Em'ly. She had got herself outside the house, and was on the bars of a corral, her vociferations reduced to an occasional squawk. I told him about the potatoes.
"I never knowed her name before," said he. "That runaway rooster, he hated her. And she hated him same as she hates 'em all."
"I named her myself," said I, "after I came to notice her particularly. There's an old maid at home who's charitable, and belongs to the Cruelty to Animals, and she never knows whether she had better cross in front of a street car or wait. I named the hen after her. Does she ever lay eggs?"
The Virginian had not "troubled his haid" over the poultry.
"Well, I don't believe she knows how. I think she came near being a rooster."
"She's sure manly-lookin'," said the Virginian. We had walked toward the corral, and he was now scrutinizing Em'ly with interest.
She was an egregious fowl. She was huge and gaunt, with great yellow beak, and she stood straight and alert in the manner of responsible people. There was something wrong with her tail. It slanted far to one side, one feather in it twice as long as the rest. Feathers on her breast there were none. These had been worn entirely off by her habit of sitting upon potatoes and other rough abnormal objects. And this lent to her appearance an air of being decollete, singularly at variance with her otherwise prudish ensemble. Her eye was remarkably bright, but somehow it had an outraged expression. It was as if she went about the world perpetually scandalized over the doings that fell beneath her notice. Her legs were blue, long, and remarkably stout.
"She'd ought to wear knickerbockers," murmured the Virginian. "She'd look a heap better 'n some o' them college students. And she'll set on potatoes, yu' say?"
"She thinks she can hatch out anything. I've found her with onions, and last Tuesday I caught her on two balls of soap."
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In the afternoon the tall cow-puncher and I rode out to get an antelope.
After an hour, during which he was completely taciturn, he said: "I reckon maybe this hyeh lonesome country ain't been healthy for Em'ly to live in. It ain't for some humans. Them old trappers in the mountains gets skewed in the haid mighty often, an' talks out loud when nobody's nigher 'n a hundred miles."
"Em'ly has not been solitary," I replied. "There are forty chickens here."
"That's so," said he. "It don't explain her."
He fell silent again, riding beside me, easy and indolent in the saddle. His long figure looked so loose and inert that the swift, light spring he made to the ground seemed an impossible feat. He had seen an antelope where I saw none.
"Take a shot yourself," I urged him, as he motioned me to be quick. "You never shoot when I'm with you."
"I ain't hyeh for that," he answered. "Now you've let him get away on yu'!"
The antelope had in truth departed.
"Why," he said to my protest, "I can hit them things any day. What's your notion as to Em'ly?"
"I can't account for her," I replied.
"Well," he said musingly, and then his mind took one of those particular turns that made me love him, "Taylor ought to see her. She'd be just the schoolmarm for Bear Creek!"
"She's not much like the eating-house lady at Medicine Bow," I said.
He gave a hilarious chuckle. "No, Em'ly knows nothing o' them joys. So yu' have no notion about her? Well, I've got one. I reckon maybe she was hatched after a big thunderstorm."
"In a big thunderstorm!" I exclaimed.
"Yes. Don't yu' know about them, and what they'll do to aiggs? A big case o' lightnin' and thunder will addle aiggs and keep 'em from hatchin'. And I expect one came along, and all the other aiggs of Em'ly's set didn't hatch out, but got plumb addled, and she happened not to get addled that far, and so she just managed to make it through. But she cert'nly ain't got a strong haid.""I fear she has not," said I.
"Mighty hon'ble intentions," he observed. "If she can't make out to lay anything, she wants to hatch somethin', and be a mother anyways."
"I wonder what relation the law considers that a hen is to the chicken she hatched but did not lay?" I inquired.
The Virginian made no reply to this frivolous suggestion. He was gazing over the wide landscape gravely and with apparent inattention. He invariably saw game before I did, and was off his horse and crouched among the sage while I was still getting my left foot clear of the stirrup. I succeeded in killing an antelope, and we rode home with the head and hind quarters.
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"No." said he. "It's sure the thunder, and not the lonesomeness. How do yu' like the lonesomeness yourself?"
I told him that I liked it.
"I could not live without it now," he said. "This has got into my system." He swept his hand out at the vast space of world. "I went back home to see my folks onced. Mother was dyin' slow, and she wanted me. I stayed a year. But them Virginia mountains could please me no more. Afteh she was gone, I told my brothers and sisters good-by. We like each other well enough, but I reckon I'll not go back."
We found Em'ly seated upon a collection of green California peaches, which the Judge had brought from the railroad.
"I don't mind her any more," I said; "I'm sorry for her."
"I've been sorry for her right along," said the Virginian. "She does hate the roosters so." And he said that he was making a collection of every class of object which he found her treating as eggs.
But Em'ly's egg-industry was terminated abruptly one morning, and her unquestioned energies diverted to a new channel. A turkey which had been sitting in the root-house appeared with twelve children, and a family of bantams occurred almost simultaneously. Em'ly was importantly scratching the soil inside Paladin's corral when the bantam tribe of newly born came by down the lane, and she caught sight of them through the bars. She crossed the corral at a run, and intercepted two of the chicks that were trailing somewhat behind their real mamma. These she undertook to appropriate, and assumed a high tone with the bantam, who was the smaller, and hence obliged to retreat with her still numerous family. I interfered, and put matters straight; but the adjustment was only temporary. In an hour I saw Em']y immensely busy with two more bantams, leading them about and taking a care of them which I must admit seemed perfectly efficient.
And now came the first incident that made me suspect her to be demented.
She had proceeded with her changelings behind the kitchen, where one of the irrigation ditches ran under the fence from the hay-field to supply the house with water. Some distance along this ditch inside the field were the twelve turkeys in the short, recently cut stubble. Again Em'ly set off instantly like a deer. She left the dismayed bantams behind her. She crossed the ditch with one jump of her stout blue legs, flew over the grass, and was at once among the turkeys, where, with an instinct of maternity as undiscriminating as it was reckless, she attempted to huddle some of them away. But this other mamma was not a bantam, and in a few moments Em'ly was entirely routed in her attempt to acquire a new variety of family.
This spectacle was witnessed by the Virginian and myself, and it overcame him. He went speechless across to the bunk-house, by himself, and sat on his bed, while I took the abandoned bantams back to their own circle.
I have often wondered what the other fowls thought of all this. Some impression it certainly did make upon them. The notion may seem out of reason to those who have never closely attended to other animals than man; but I am convinced that any community which shares some of our instincts will share some of the resulting feelings, and that birds and beasts have conventions, the breach of which startles
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them. If there be anything in evolution, this would seem inevitable; At all events, the chicken-house was upset during the following several days. Em'ly disturbed now the bantams and now the turkeys, and several of these latter had died, though I will not go so far as to say that this was the result of her misplaced attentions. Nevertheless, I was seriously thinking of locking her up till the broods should be a little older, when another event happened, and all was suddenly at peace.
The Judge's setter came in one morning, wagging her tail. She had had her puppies, and she now took us to where they were housed, in between the floor of a building and the hollow ground. Em'ly was seated on the whole litter.
"No," I said to the Judge, "I am not surprised. She is capable of anything."
In her new choice of offspring, this hen had at length encountered an unworthy parent. The setter was bored by her own puppies. She found the hole under the house an obscure and monotonous residence compared with the dining room, and our company more stimulating and sympathetic than that of her children. A much- petted contact with our superior race had developed her dog intelligence above its natural level, and turned her into an unnatural, neglectful mother, who was constantly forgetting her nursery for worldly pleasures.
At certain periods of the day she repaired to the puppies and fed them, but came away when this perfunctory ceremony was accomplished; and she was glad enough to have a governess bring them up. She made no quarrel with Em'ly, and the two understood each other perfectly. I have never seen among animals any arrangement so civilized and so perverted. It made Em'ly perfectly happy. To see her sitting all day jealously spreading her wings over some blind puppies was sufficiently curious; but when they became large enough to come out from under the house and toddle about in the proud hen's wake, I longed for some distinguished naturalist. I felt that our ignorance made us inappropriate spectators of such a phenomenon. Em'ly scratched and clucked, and the puppies ran to her, pawed her with their fat limp little legs, and retreated beneath her feathers in their games of hide and seek. Conceive, if you can, what confusion must have reigned in their infant minds as to who the setter was!
"I reckon they think she's the wet-nurse," said the Virginian.
When the puppies grew to be boisterous, I perceived that Em'ly's mission was approaching its end. They were too heavy for her, and their increasing scope of playfulness was not in her line. Once or twice they knocked her over, upon which she arose and pecked them severely, and they retired to a safe distance, and sitting in a circle, yapped at her. I think they began to suspect that she was only a hen after all. So Em'ly resigned with an indifference which surprised me, until I remembered that if it had been chickens, she would have ceased to look after them by this time.
But here she was again "out of a job," as the Virginian said.
"She's raised them puppies for that triflin' setter, and now she'll be huntin' around for something else useful to do that ain't in her business.
Now there were other broods of chickens to arrive in the hen-house, and I did not desire any more bantam and turkey performances. So, to avoid confusion, I played a trick upon Em'ly. I went down to Sunk Creek and fetched some smooth, oval stones. She was quite satisfied with these, and passed a quiet day with them in a box. This was not fair, the Virginian asserted.
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"You ain't going to jus' leave her fooled that a-way?"
I did not see why not.
"Why, she raised them puppies all right. Ain't she showed she knows how to be a mother anyways? Em'ly ain't going to get her time took up for nothing while I'm round hyeh," said the cowpuncher.
He laid a gentle hold of Em'ly and tossed her to the ground. She, of course, rushed out among the corrals in a great state of nerves.
"I don't see what good you do meddling," I protested.
To this he deigned no reply, but removed the unresponsive stones from the straw.
"Why, if they ain't right warm!" he exclaimed plaintively. "The poor, deluded son- of-a-gun!" And with this unusual description of a lady, he sent the stones sailing like a line of birds. "I'm regular getting stuck on Em'ly," continued the Virginian. "Yu' needn't to laugh. Don't yu' see she's got sort o' human feelin's and desires? I always knowed hawsses was like people, and my collie, of course. It is kind of foolish, I expect, but that hen's goin' to have a real aigg di-rectly, right now, to set on." With this he removed one from beneath another hen. "We'll have Em'ly raise this hyeh," said he, "so she can put in her time profitable."
It was not accomplished at once; for Em'ly, singularly enough, would not consent to stay in the box whence she had been routed. At length we found another retreat for her, and in these new surroundings, with a new piece of work for her to do, Em'ly sat on the one egg which the Virginian had so carefully provided for her.
Thus, as in all genuine tragedies, was the stroke of Fate wrought by chance and the best intentions.
Em'ly began sitting on Friday afternoon near sundown. Early next morning my sleep was gradually dispersed by a sound unearthly and continuous. Now it dwindled, receding to a distance; again it came near, took a turn, drifted to the other side of the house; then, evidently, whatever it was, passed my door close, and I jumped upright in my bed. The high, tense strain of vibration, nearly, but not quite, a musical note, was like the threatening scream of machinery, though weaker, and I bounded out of the house in my pajamas.
There was Em'ly, dishevelled, walking wildly about, her one egg miraculously hatched within ten hours. The little lonely yellow ball of down went cheeping along behind, following its mother as best it could. What, then, had happened to the established period of incubation? For an instant the thing was like a portent, and I was near joining Em'ly in her horrid surprise, when I saw how it all was. The Virginian had taken an egg from a hen which had already been sitting for three weeks.
I dressed in haste, hearing Em'ly's distracted outcry. It steadily sounded, without perceptible pause for breath, and marked her erratic journey back and forth through stables, lanes, and corrals. The shrill disturbance brought all of us out to see her, and in the hen-house I discovered the new brood making its appearance punctually.
But this natural explanation could not be made to the crazed hen. She continued to scour the premises, her slant tail and its one preposterous feather waving as she
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aimlessly went, her stout legs stepping high with an unnatural motion, her head lifted nearly off her neck, and in her brilliant yellow eye an expression of more than outrage at this overturning of a natural law. Behind her, entirely ignored and neglected, trailed the little progeny. She never looked at it. We went about our various affairs, and all through the clear, sunny day that unending metallic scream pervaded the premises. The Virginian put out food and water for her, but she tasted nothing. I am glad to say that the little chicken did. I do not think that the hen's eyes could see, except in the way that sleep-walkers' do.
The heat went out of the air, and in the canyon the violet light began to show. Many hours had gone, but Em'ly never ceased. Now she suddenly flew up in a tree and sat there with her noise still going; but it had risen lately several notes into a slim, acute level of terror, and was not like machinery any more, nor like any sound I ever heard before or since. Below the tree stood the bewildered little chicken, cheeping, and making tiny jumps to reach its mother.
"Yes," said the Virginian, "it's comical. Even her aigg acted different from anybody else's." He paused, and looked across the wide, mellowing plain with the expression of easy-going gravity so common with him. Then he looked at Em'ly in the tree and the yellow chicken.
"It ain't so damned funny," said he.
We went in to supper, and I came out to find the hen lying on the ground, dead. I took the chicken to the family in the hen-house.
No, it was not altogether funny any more. And I did not think less of the Virginian when I came upon him surreptitiously digging a little hole in the field for her.
"I have buried some citizens here and there, said he, "that I have respected less."
And when the time came for me to leave Sunk Creek, my last word to the Virginian was, "Don't forget Em'ly."
"I ain't likely to," responded the cow-puncher. "She is just one o' them parables."
Save when he fell into his native idioms (which, they told me, his wanderings had well-nigh obliterated until that year's visit to his home again revived them in his speech), he had now for a long while dropped the "seh," and all other barriers between us. We were thorough friends, and had exchanged many confidences both of the flesh and of the spirit. He even went the length of saying that he would write me the Sunk Creek news if I would send him a line now and then. I have many letters from him now. Their spelling came to be faultless, and in the beginning was little worse than George Washington's.
The Judge himself drove me to the railroad by another way--across the Bow Leg Mountains, and south through Balaam's Ranch and Drybone to Rock Creek.
"I'll be very homesick," I told him.
"Come and pull the latch-string whenever you please, he bade me. I wished that I might! No lotus land ever cast its spell upon man's heart more than Wyoming had enchanted mine.
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VII. THROUGH TWO SNOWS
"Dear Friend [thus in the spring the Virginian wrote me], Yours received. It must be a poor thing to be sick. That time I was shot at Canada de Oro would have made me sick if it had been a littel lower or if I was much of a drinking man. You will be well if you give over city life and take a hunt with me about August or say September for then the elk will be out of the velvett.
"Things do not please me here just now and I am going to settel it by vamosing. But I would be glad to see you. It would be pleasure not business for me to show you plenty elk and get you strong. I am not crybabying to the Judge or making any kick about things. He will want me back after he has swallowed a litter tincture of time. It is the best dose I know.
"Now to answer your questions. Yes the Emmily hen might have ate loco weed if hens do. I never saw anything but stock and horses get poisoned with loco weed. No the school is not built yet. They are always big talkers on Bear Creek. No I have not seen Steve. He is around but I am sorry for him. Yes I have been to Medicine Bow. I had the welcom I wanted. Do you remember a man I played poker and he did not like it? He is working on the upper ranch near Ten Sleep. He does not amount to a thing except with weaklings. Uncle Hewie has twins. The boys got him vexed some about it, but I think they are his. Now that is all I know to-day and I would like to see you poco presently as they say at Los Cruces. There's no sense in you being sick."
The rest of this letter discussed the best meeting point for us should I decide to join him for a hunt.
That hunt was made, and during the weeks of its duration something was said to explain a little more fully the Virginian's difficulty at the Sunk Creek Ranch, and his reason for leaving his excellent employer the Judge. Not much was said, to be sure; the Virginian seldom spent many words upon his own troubles. But it appeared that owing to some jealousy of him on the part of the foreman, or the assistant foreman, he found himself continually doing another man's work, but under circumstances so skilfully arranged that he got neither credit nor pay for it. He would not stoop to telling tales out of school. Therefore his ready and prophetic mind devised the simple expedient of going away altogether. He calculated that Judge Henry would gradually perceive there was a connection between his departure and the cessation of the satisfactory work. After a judicious interval it was his plan to appear again in the neighborhood of Sunk Creek and await results.
Concerning Steve he would say no more than he had written. But it was plain that for some cause this friendship had ceased.
Money for his services during the hunt he positively declined to accept, asserting that he had not worked enough to earn his board. And the expedition ended in an untravelled corner of the Yellowstone Park, near Pitchstone Canyon, where he and young Lin McLean and others were witnesses of a sad and terrible drama that has been elsewhere chronicled.
His prophetic mind had foreseen correctly the shape of events at Sunk Creek. The only thing that it had not foreseen was the impression to be made upon the Judge's mind by his conduct.
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Toward the close of that winter, Judge and Mrs. Henry visited the East. Through them a number of things became revealed. The Virginian was back at Sunk Creek.
"And," said Mrs. Henry, "he would never have left you if I had had my way, Judge H.!"
"No, Madam Judge," retorted her husband; "I am aware of that. For you have always appreciated a fine appearance in a man."
"I certainly have," confessed the lady, mirthfully. "And the way he used to come bringing my horse, with the ridges of his black hair so carefully brushed and that blue spotted handkerchief tied so effectively round his throat, was something that I missed a great deal after he went away."
"Thank you, my dear, for this warning. I have plans that will keep him absent quite constantly for the future."
And then they spoke less flightily. "I always knew," said the lady, "that you had found a treasure when that man came."
The Judge laughed. "When it dawned on me," he said, "how cleverly he caused me to learn the value of his services by depriving me of them, I doubted whether it was safe to take him back."
"Safe!" cried Mrs. Henry.
"Safe, my dear. Because I'm afraid he is pretty nearly as shrewd as I am. And that's rather dangerous in a subordinate." The Judge laughed again. "But his action regarding the man they call Steve has made me feel easy."
And then it came out that the Virginian was supposed to have discovered in some way that Steve had fallen from the grace of that particular honesty which respects another man's cattle. It was not known for certain. But calves had begun to disappear in Cattle Land, and cows had been found killed. And calves with one brand upon them had been found with mothers that bore the brand of another owner. This industry was taking root in Cattle Land, and of those who practised it, some were beginning to be suspected. Steve was not quite fully suspected yet. But that the Virginian had parted company with him was definitely known. And neither man would talk about it.
There was the further news that the Bear Creek schoolhouse at length stood complete, floor, walls, and roof; and that a lady from Bennington, Vermont, a friend of Mrs. Balaam's, had quite suddenly decided that she would try her hand at instructing the new generation.
The Judge and Mrs. Henry knew this because Mrs. Balaam had told them of her disappointment that she would be absent from the ranch on Butte Creek when her friend arrived, and therefore unable to entertain her. The friend's decision had been quite suddenly made, and must form the subject of the next chapter.
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VIII. THE SINCERE SPINSTER
I do not know with which of the two estimates--Mr. Taylor's or the Virginian's--you agreed. Did you think that Miss Mary Stark Wood of Bennington, Vermont, was forty years of age? That would have been an error. At the time she wrote the letter to Mrs. Balaam, of which letter certain portions have been quoted in these pages, she was in her twenty-first year; or, to be more precise, she had been twenty some eight months previous.
Now, it is not usual for young ladies of twenty to contemplate a journey of nearly two thousand miles to a country where Indians and wild animals live unchained, unless they are to make such journey in company with a protector, or are going to a protector's arms at the other end. Nor is school teaching on Bear Creek a usual ambition for such young ladies.
But Miss Mary Stark Wood was not a usual young lady for two reasons.
First, there was her descent. Had she so wished, she could have belonged to any number of those patriotic societies of which our American ears have grown accustomed to hear so much. She could have been enrolled in the Boston Tea Party, the Ethan Allen Ticonderogas, the Green Mountain Daughters, the Saratoga Sacred Circle, and the Confederated Colonial Chatelaines. She traced direct descent from the historic lady whose name she bore, that Molly Stark who was not a widow after the battle where her lord, her Captain John, battled so bravely as to send his name thrilling down through the blood of generations of schoolboys. This ancestress was her chief claim to be a member of those shining societies which I have enumerated. But she had been willing to join none of them, although invitations to do so were by no means lacking. I cannot tell you her reason. Still, I can tell you this. When these societies were much spoken of in her presence, her very sprightly countenance became more sprightly, and she added her words of praise or respect to the general chorus. But when she received an invitation to join one of these bodies, her countenance, as she read the missive, would assume an expression which was known to her friends as " slicking her nose in the air." I do not think that Molly's reason for refusing to join could have been a truly good one. I should add that her most precious possession--a treasure which accompanied her even if she went away for only one night's absence--was an heirloom, a little miniature portrait of the old Molly Stark, painted when that far-off dame must have been scarce more than twenty. And when each summer the young Molly went to Dunbarton, New Hampshire, to pay her established family visit to the last survivors of her connection who bore the name of Stark, no word that she heard in the Dunbarton houses pleased her so much as when a certain great-aunt would take her by the hand, and, after looking with fond intentness at her, pronounce: "My dear, you're getting more like the General's wife every year you live."
"I suppose you mean my nose," Molly would then reply.
"Nonsense, child. You have the family length of nose, and I've never heard that it has disgraced us."
"But I don't think I'm tall enough for it."
"There now, run to your room, and dress for tea. The Starks have always been punctual."
And after this annual conversation, Molly would run to her room, and there in its privacy, even at the risk of falling below the punctuality of the Starks, she would consult two objects for quite a minute before she began to dress. These objects, as you have already correctly guessed, were the miniature of the General's wife and the looking glass.
So much for Miss Molly Stark Wood's descent.
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The second reason why she was not a usual girl was her character. This character was the result of pride and family pluck battling with family hardship.
Just one year before she was to be presented to the world--not the great metropolitan world, but a world that would have made her welcome and done her homage at its little dances and little dinners in Troy and Rutland and Burlington--fortune had turned her back upon the Woods. Their possessions had never been great ones; but they had sufficed. From generation to generation the family had gone to school like gentlefolk, dressed like gentlefolk, used the speech and ways of gentlefolk, and as gentlefolk lived and died. And now the mills failed.
Instead of thinking about her first evening dress, Molly found pupils to whom she could give music lessons. She found handkerchiefs that she could embroider with initials. And she found fruit that she could make into preserves. That machine called the typewriter was then in existence, but the day of women typewriters had as yet scarcely begun to dawn, else I think Molly would have preferred this occupation to the handkerchiefs and the preserves.
There were people in Bennington who "wondered how Miss Wood could go about from house to house teaching the piano, and she a lady." There always have been such people, I suppose, because the world must always have a rubbish heap. But we need not dwell upon them further than to mention one other remark of theirs regarding Molly. They all with one voice declared that Sam Bannett was good enough for anybody who did fancy embroidery at five cents a letter.
"I dare say he had a great-grandmother quite as good as hers," remarked Mrs. Flynt, the wife of the Baptist minister.
"That's entirely possible," returned the Episcopal rector of Hoosic, "only we don't happen to know who she was." The rector was a friend of Molly's. After this little observation, Mrs. Flynt said no more, but continued her purchases in the store where she and the rector had happened to find themselves together. Later she stated to a friend that she had always thought the Episcopal Church a snobbish one, and now she knew it.
So public opinion went on being indignant over Molly's conduct. She could stoop to work for money, and yet she pretended to hold herself above the most rising young man in Hoosic Falls, and all just because there was a difference in their grandmothers!
Was this the reason at the bottom of it? The very bottom? I cannot be certain, because I have never been a girl myself. Perhaps she thought that work is not a stooping, and that marriage may be. Perhaps-- But all I really know is that Molly Wood continued cheerfully to embroider the handkerchiefs, make the preserves, teach the pupils--and firmly to reject Sam Bannett.
Thus it went on until she was twenty. There certain members of her family began to tell her how rich Sam was going to be--was, indeed, already. It was at this time that she wrote Mrs. Balaam her doubts and her desires as to migrating to Bear Creek. It was at this time also that her face grew a little paler, and her friends thought that she was overworked, and Mrs. Flynt feared she was losing her looks. It was at this time, too, that she grew very intimate with that great-aunt over at Dunbarton, and from her received much comfort and strengthening.
"Never!" said the old lady, "especially if you can't love him."
"I do like him," said Molly; "and he is very kind."
"Never!" said the old lady again. "When I die, you'll have something--and that will not be long now."
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Molly flung her arms around her aunt, and stopped her words with a kiss. And then one winter afternoon, two years later, came the last straw.
The front door of the old house had shut. Out of it had stepped the persistent suitor. Mrs. Flynt watched him drive away in his smart sleigh.
"That girl is a fool!" she said furiously; and she came away from her bedroom window where she had posted herself for observation.
Inside the old house a door had also shut. This was the door of Molly's own room. And there she sat, in floods of tears. For she could not bear to hurt a man who loved her with all the power of love that was in him.
It was about twilight when her door opened, and an elderly lady came softly in.
"My dear," she ventured, "and you were not able--"
"Oh, mother!" cried the girl, "have you come to say that too?"
The next day Miss Wood had become very hard. In three weeks she had accepted the position on Bear Creek. In two months she started, heart-heavy, but with a spirit craving the unknown.
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