English Research/Argument Essay
krishna200416
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Works Cited
Piché, Geneviève, et al. “Predicting Externalizing and Prosocial Behaviors in Children from Parental Use of Corporal Punishment.” Infant & Child Development, vol. 26, no. 4, July 2017, p. n/a-N.PAG. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1002/icd.2006.
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Predicting externalizing and prosocial behaviors in children from parental use of corporal punishment. This study examined whether parental corporal punishment (CP) was associated with children's externalizing and prosocial behaviors 2 years later. The potential moderating effects of child temperament, maternal depression, and parenting skills were explored. Also, exploratory analyses of these associations were conducted according to the children's gender. Data from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development (n = 1,686 children) were analyzed using ordinary least‐squares regression models. CP at 41 months was associated with boys' and girls' physical aggression and conduct problems at age five. Positive parenting skills moderated boys' conduct problems in the absence of CP. Parenting skills and maternal depressive symptoms moderated girls' prosocial behaviors in the absence of CP. Early experiences of CP are associated with negative developmental outcomes 2 years later. The implementation of parenting programs targeting a reduction in CP is recommended. Highlights: Research question: Does spanking or hitting a child when he misbehaves influence children's externalizing and prosocial behaviors?Data from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development were analyzed. Early spanking or hitting was associated with boys' and girls' physical aggression and conduct problems at age 5. Early experiences of spanking and hitting are associated with negative developmental outcomes.The implementation of parenting programs targeting a reduction in these parenting practices is recommended.
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child aggression; children; conduct problems; corporal punishment; longitudinal; prosocial behavior
Corporal punishment (CP) is an action intended to cause physical discomfort or pain to correct a child's behavior, to “teach a lesson,” or to deter the child from repeating the behavior (Durrant, Ensom, and the Coalition on Physical Punishment of Children and Youth, 2004). Even though the prevalence of CP has declined in North America over the last 15 years (Clément & Chamberland, [ 7] ; Fréchette & Romano, [ 19] ; Zolotor, Robinson, Runyan, Barr, & Murphy, [ 78] ), it remains a common phenomenon. In the United States, more than half of parents corporally punish their children each year (Theodore et al., [ 71] ; Zolotor et al., [ 78] ). In a recent Quebec population survey, 35% of parents reported corporally punishing their children in at least one way (e.g., spanking; hitting on the arm, the hand, or the leg) over the previous year (Clément & Chamberland, [ 7] ). Children of preschool age are the most likely to experience CP (Clément & Chamberland, [ 7] ; Straus & Stewart, [ 66] ; Taylor, Manganello, Lee, & Rice, [ 70] ; Theodore et al., [ 71] ). Boys are also more likely to experience it than girls (Berlin et al., [ 5] ; Gershoff, [ 21] ).
Corporal punishment and children's externalizing behaviors
Evidence has been accumulating over decades that CP is a risk factor in children's development. Meta‐analyses have revealed significant and consistent associations between CP and aggressive and antisocial behaviors in children, weaker internalization of moral values, more frequent mental health problems, and poorer parent–child relationship quality (Gershoff, [ 21] ; Gershoff & Grogan‐Kaylor, [ 22] ; Paolucci & Violato, [ 55] ). The outcome that has been studied most extensively is child externalizing behavior, including aggression, conduct problems and antisocial behavior. Cross‐sectional studies have consistently found a positive association between parents' use of CP and increased externalizing behavior in their children (Gershoff, [ 21] ). However, a question that often arises is whether CP is a cause or a consequence of child behavior problems. Straus, Sugarman, and Giles‐Sims ([ 67] ) conducted the first longitudinal study to address this question. Controlling for children's initial levels of antisocial behavior (as well as a host of demographic variables) they found that CP was associated with increases in antisocial behavior over time. The validity of this result has however been questioned by Larzelere, Cox and Smith ([ 40] ) because the original analysis of CP cases had not controlled for other disciplinary tactics.
Although validity of results in terms of selection, bias have been questioned (Larzelere, [ 38] ; Larzelere & Cox, [ 39] ; Larzelere & Kuhn, [ 41] ) findings of increasingly recent longitudinal studies have expanded evidence about the impact of CP (e.g., Berlin et al., [ 5] ; Grogan‐Kaylor, [ 24] , [ 25] ; Lansford, Wager, Bates, Dodge, & Pettit, [ 36] , [ 18] ; Mulvaney & Mebert, [ 49] ; Taylor et al., [ 70] ). More particularly, some studies have revealed a transactional relationship. For example, Lansford et al. ([ 34] ) found a reciprocal relationship between CP and child externalizing behavior among younger children (ages 6–9). However, among older children (ages 10–15), CP predicted antisocial behavior, but child antisocial behavior did not predict CP. In a growth trajectory analysis, Grogan‐Kaylor ([ 24] ) demonstrated that CP has an increasingly powerful effect on antisocial behavior as children age. Similarly, Mulvaney and Mebert ([ 49] ) found evidence suggesting that CP has a cumulative effect on behavior problems across the early years. They explain this finding in terms of the stress produced by CP which, if ongoing, may generate changes in the child's stress‐regulation system and increase the child's vulnerability to social and emotional difficulties.
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As the frequency of CP is higher among boys than girls, and as parents are also more likely to report externalizing behaviors in boys than girls, an interest has emerged concerning differential gender effects of CP on externalizing behaviors (Mendez, Durtschi, Neppl, & Stith, [ 48] ). Until now, very few studies have investigated this question, and results remain conflicting (Mackenzie, Nicklas, Brooks‐Gunn, & Waldfogel, [ 45] ; Mendez et al., [ 48] ).
Moderating effects
To determine whether the effect of CP on child externalizing behavior is direct or indirect, several longitudinal studies have explored the potential moderating effects of various parent, child, and family variables. Some findings suggest that child temperament may play a role. Past studies have found that harsh parenting predicts externalizing problems among children who are high in negative affect (Belsky, Hsieh, & Crnic, [ 3] ; Chen, Deater‐Deckard, & Bell, [ 6] ; Kiff, Lengua, & Zalewski, [ 32] ; Stacks, Oshio, Gerard, & Roe, [ 65] ). Using cross‐lagged path analyses, Berlin et al. ([ 5] ) found that “fussy” child temperament at age one elicited more maternal CP at ages one, two, and three – and that even infrequent CP at age one predicted higher aggression at age two. Mulvaney and Mebert ([ 49] ) found that “difficult” child temperament amplified the effect of CP administered at 15 months on externalizing behaviors at 36 months.
Parent characteristics may also moderate the association between CP and child externalizing behavior. Maternal depression, for example, has been found to predict child externalizing behavior problems (Koblinsky, Kuvalanka, & Randolph, [ 33] ) as well as maternal use of CP (Berlin et al., [ 5] ; Eamon, [ 14] ). However, Lee, Perron, Taylor, and Guterman ([ 43] ) found that depression among fathers of 3‐year‐olds was associated only with frequent but not infrequent CP. Other studies have found no association between parental depression and CP (Taylor et al., [ 70] ). Therefore, the potential moderating role of this variable remains unclear.
Some researchers have explored whether “positive parenting” may moderate the association between CP and child externalizing behavior. It has been consistently demonstrated that parental support, nurturance, structure, involvement, and flexibility are associated with positive child outcomes, whereas parental coercion and aversive behavior predict child adjustment problems (Flouri, Midouhas, Joshi, & Tzavidis, [ 17] ; Jackson, Brooks‐Gunn, Huang, & Glassman, [ 31] ; Power & Chapieski, [ 58] ). Therefore, some researchers have hypothesized that positive parenting skills may reduce or eliminate CP's effects on child behavior (Deater‐Deckard, Ivy, & Petrill, [ 9] ). A few studies' findings have supported this hypothesis. In a longitudinal study, McLoyd and Smith ([ 47] ) found that CP predicted an increase in behavior problems over time when mothers' emotional supportiveness was low, but not when it was high. However, this relationship has not been found consistently. For example, Ma, Han, Grogan‐Kaylor, Delva, and Castillo ([ 44] ) found that the association between youth externalizing behavior and frequent maternal CP was weaker when maternal warmth was higher, but maternal warmth did not moderate the significant relationship between youth externalizing problems and infrequent maternal or paternal CP. The latter finding is consistent with those of a number of studies which have found that positive parenting, namely parental warmth and emotional support, does not moderate the relationship between CP and child externalizing behaviors (Gámez‐Guadix, Straus, Carrobles, Muňoz‐Rivas, & Almendros, [ 20] ; Lansford et al., [ 37] ; Lee et al., [ 43] ; Stacks et al., [ 65] ; Straus et al., [ 67] ). Therefore, the potential role of positive parenting in the association between CP and child externalizing behavior requires further examination.
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It is interesting and somewhat surprising that the weight of research on CP's outcomes has focused on negative behaviors; much less is known about its possible influence on positive behaviors. Social learning theory suggests that children develop templates or mental representations of social interactions from their experiences in their social environments (Bandura, [ 1] ). If so, parental behaviors would play a key role in the formation of those templates, influencing children's behaviors toward others. If children observe their parents resolving conflict with aggression and violence, this response is likely to be encoded as normative. If, instead, children observe their parents listening, explaining, and de‐escalating, they are likely to encode those behaviors as normative and to learn those skills. Converging with these hypotheses, Hoffman ([ 29] ) posited that aversive parenting (punishment) is unlikely to lead to increased prosocial behavior because it focuses children's attention on the consequences of their behavior for them, instead of others.
But what is the impact of CP specifically on child prosocial behavior? The few studies to address this question have found a negative association between CP and child prosocial behavior. Regev, Gueron‐Sela, and Atzaba‐Poria ([ 60] ) found a direct negative effect of maternal and paternal CP on prosocial behavior among 4‐ to 6‐year‐olds. In a study of 10‐ to 15‐year‐olds (Ohene, Ireland, McNeely, & Borowsky, [ 53] ), parental CP was negatively associated with a prosocial attitude toward violence (e.g., de‐escalation of an argument). Gryczkowski ([ 26] ) and Romano, Tremblay, Boulerice, and Swisher ([ 62] ) found similar results, that is, children had lower levels of prosocial behavior in families where mothers reported the use of punitive parenting. However, all of these studies were cross‐sectional, so they were unable to examine longer term effects of CP on children's prosocial behavior. In fact, although several longitudinal studies have examined the impact of CP on externalizing behavior, we know of none that also documented its impact on prosocial behavior.
Purpose of the present study
The purpose of this study was to investigate longitudinally the influence of parental CP on externalizing and prosocial behaviors in children. It was hypothesized that parental use of CP when the child is 41 months old would predict higher levels of externalizing behavior (physical aggression and conduct problems) and lower levels of prosocial behavior when the child is 5 years old. We also explored the moderating effects of child temperament, maternal depression, and positive parenting on these associations. Reflecting the weight of the literature to date on these variables, we predicted that “difficult” child temperament and maternal depression would strengthen the associations between parental CP and child externalizing and prosocial behaviors, but that positive parenting would not moderate these relationships. We subsequently examined associations between parental CP use and child externalizing behavior according to the children's gender.
METHOD
Participants
The participants were drawn from the databank of the Québec Longitudinal Study of Child Development (QLSCD), initiated in 1998 and coordinated by the Institute of Statistics of Québec. The QLSCD has been used extensively for studies of children's development, academic adjustment, and health (Cote et al., [ 8] ; Nikiéma, Gauvin, Zunzunegui, & Séguin, [ 52] ; Pagani & Fitzpatrick, [ 54] ). Complete methodological details about the QLSCD are provided on its website (see Institut de la Statistique du Québec, [ 30] ).
The initial QLSCD sample consisted of 2,940 randomly selected children born between 1997 and 1998, who were representative of the population of children living in the province of Québec. From this cohort, and 93 children were not eligible to participate, and 172 could not be
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traced because of contact information errors. A total of 14 families were not reachable, and 438 refused to participate. Therefore, 2,223 children participated in the 1998 Wave 1 data collection when the target children were 5 months old. A follow‐up was scheduled every year until they were 8 years old, and every 2 years thereafter.
This article reports on data obtained from a subsample of 1,686 5‐year‐old children who had complete data on ratings of physical aggression, conduct problems, and prosocial behavior at age five. Approximately 72% of these children lived with both biological parents, 13% in a blended family, and 15% with a single‐parent (the mother in 96% of cases). French was the main language spoken at home for 84% of these children, English for 11%, and another language for 4%. About 90% of mothers and 88% of fathers were born in Canada.
Measures
Independent variable: CP at 41 months
Two items measured parental use of CP when the target children were 41 months old. They were derived from the Parent Practices Scale (Strayhorn & Weidman, [ 68] ). Each parent was asked to report on the frequency with which, over the previous 12 months, they had: (a) hit the target child because he/she was difficult, and (b) used physical punishment when the target child broke the rules or did things that he/she was not supposed to. A 5‐point Likert scale was used: 1 (never), 2 (about once a week or less/rarely), 3 (a few times a week/sometimes), 4 (one or two times a day/often), 5 (many times each day/all the time). In this study, CP was defined as present if either responding parent (or if the only responding parent) endorsed a rating of at least 2 on either item. This variable was dichotomized due to the zero‐inflated distribution of CP scores, as has been done in previous studies (Ma et al., [ 44] ; Mackenzie et al., [ 45] ; Perron et al., [ 56] ; Stacks et al., [ 65] ).
Dependent variables
The measures of children's physical aggression, conduct problems and prosocial behavior were derived from the Social Behavior Questionnaire (Tremblay et al., [ 72] ). The Social Behavior Questionnaire has been used in several studies conducted on child development and has good psychometric properties, as reported in previous studies (Nagin & Tremblay, [ 51] ; Tremblay et al., [ 72] ).
Child physical aggression at 5 years
Using a 3‐point Likert scale (1 = never or not true; 2 = sometimes or somewhat true; 3 = often or very true), the person most knowledgeable (PMK) of the child, who was the mother in 98.6% of cases, indicated how true it was that the target child engaged in each of 10 behaviors in the past 12 months: (a) got into fights; (b) physically attacked people; (c) hit, bit, or kicked other children; (d) encouraged other children to pick on a particular child; (e) tried to dominate other children; (f) scared other children to get what he/she wanted; (g) reacted in an aggressive manner when contradicted; (h) reacted in an aggressive manner when somebody accidentally hurt him/her (such as by bumping into him/her), he/she reacted with anger and fighting; (i) reacted in an aggressive manner when teased; (j) reacted in an aggressive manner when something was taken away from him/her (α = 0.80). The higher the score, the more he/she presented physically aggressive behaviors.
Child conduct problems at 5 years
Using a 3‐point Likert scale (1 = never or not true; 2 = sometimes or somewhat true; 3 = often or very true), the PMK indicated how true it was that the target child had engaged in each of five behaviors in the past 12 months: (a) damaged or broke his/her own things, (b) stole
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things, (c) damaged or broke things belonging to others, (d) told lies or cheated, (e) committed any act of vandalism (α = 0.54). The higher the score, the more the child presented conduct problems. This subscale was used in a previous publication based on the QLSCD dataset (Riberdy, Tétreault, & Desrosiers, [ 61] ).
Child prosocial behavior at 5 years
Using a 3‐point Likert scale (1 = never or not true; 2 = sometimes or somewhat true; 3 = often or very true), the PMK indicated how true it was that the target child engaged in each of three behaviors, in the past 12 months: (a) tried to help someone who has been hurt, (b) comforted a child (friend, brother, or sister) who was crying or upset, (c) helped other children (friends, brother, or sister) who were feeling sick (α = 0.81). The higher the score, the more the child engaged in prosocial behaviors.
Moderating variables
Child temperament at 17 months
The items measuring child temperament were derived from the fussy/difficult subscale of the Infant Characteristics Questionnaire (Bates, Freeland, & Lounsbury, [ 2] ). The PMK responded using a 7‐point scale to each of six items, such as “How many times per day, on average, does the child get fussy or irritable for either short or long periods of time?” and “How easily does he/she get upset?” (α = 0.81). The higher the score, the more “difficult” the child's temperament.
Positive parenting skills when the child was 41 months old
A 5‐item scale was used to measure positive parenting skills (e.g., “How often did you and he/she talk or play with each other, focusing attention on each other for 5 minutes or more, just for fun?”; “When he/she broke the rules or did things that he/she was not supposed to, how often did you describe alternative ways of behaving that are acceptable?”) (α = 0.62). A Likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (many times each day) was used to determine the frequency in the last 12 months he/she had adopted each behavior. These items were originally used in the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) conducted by Statistics Canada, based on the Parent Practices Scale (Strayhorn & Weidman, [ 68] ). This subscale was used in previous studies based on the QLSCD dataset (Di Stefano & Cyr, [ 10] ; Laurin, Joussemet, Tremblay, & Boivin, [ 42] ).
Maternal depressive symptoms when the child was 41 months old
The measure of maternal depressive symptoms was derived from the short version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies‐Depression (Radloff, [ 59] ). Each mother reported on how frequently over the previous week she had felt: (a) unable to get rid of the “blues”, (b) sad, (c) that everything is hard to accomplish, (d) unhappy, (e) alone, and (f) unable to enjoy life (α = 0.81). Each item was rated on a 4‐point scale: 1 = never/rarely (less than a day); 2 = sometimes (1–2 days); 3 = occasionally (3–4 days); 4 = most of the time or always (5–7 days).
Control variable
Family socioeconomic status (SES) when the child was 41 months old was controlled in the analyses. SES was calculated using the methodology of the NLSCY. Each of five variables – education level of each parent, occupational prestige of each parent, and household
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income – was standardized to have a mean of zero and a standard deviation of one. The SES score was the mean of the five standardized values. Further information about the calculation of the SES score is available in NLSCY documentation (Willms & Shields, [ 74] ).
Attrition
As in virtually all longitudinal research projects, attrition occurred over the course of the QLSCD. Some participants did not provide information for all waves of the study because they withdrew from the project, moved out of the province, or could not be reached. The present study included only those cases that had complete data for all three outcome variables (child physical aggression, child conduct problems, and child prosocial behavior at 5 years old). Attrition analyses were conducted to examine potential differences between participants who had provided data on all three outcome variables (retained cases) and those who had missing data on at least one of the outcome variables (non‐retained cases). Compared with the non‐retained cases (n = 537), the retained cases (n = 1,686, 75.8% of the total sample of 1,998) were more likely to involve girls (p = .001; Cramer's V = .072), to come from families with higher SES (p = .046; Cohen's d = .134) and to involve parents with fewer positive parenting skills (p = .021; Cohen's d = .154).
Multiple imputations were used to handle missing data on the independent and control variables using NORM (Schafer, [ 63] ). This computerized procedure imputes missing values while preserving the error variance based on the current parameter estimates. The program uses an iterative approach based on an expectation–maximization algorithm to impute missing data from available and valid observations in the original data set. This technique is considered an exemplary method for treating missing data (Graham, [ 23] ).
Before conducting statistical analyses on the imputed data set, comparisons were carried out between values (means, standard deviations, and frequencies) of the data set with missing data and the imputed data set. There were no significant differences between the two data sets.
Statistical analyses
All statistical analyses were performed using IBM SPSS 21. Associations between CP when the child was 41 months old and child externalizing and prosocial behaviors at 5 years were examined. Two multiple linear regression models were constructed according to gender (boys and girls). The level of significance was set at 0.05. Moderation analyses were performed using PROCESS (Hayes, [ 28] ). PROCESS is an add��on macro for SPSS that allows, along with other features, to test interaction effects within a multiple linear regression framework. The variables that are hypothesized to be in interaction are first standardized, and values are then multiplied with each other. This add‐on macro also calculates the derivation of simple slopes and standard errors in moderation analysis using either a pick‐a‐ point approach or a derivation of region of significance using the Johnson‐Neyman technique. To interpret moderation effects, simple slopes were graphically drawn using low (one standard deviation below the mean), moderate (the centered mean at zero) and high (one standard deviation above the mean) values of the moderating variable (see Figures [NaN] , [NaN] , and [NaN] ). These three “hypothetical” points serve to plot graphically the interactions and to obtain the value of the slope. This slope was then applied for the whole range within the values of the variables of interest (scaling from 0–10). This explains the continuous nature of the x‐axis.
RESULTS
Descriptive statistics
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Table [NaN] presents the sample's scores on each variable of interest. Approximately half of the parents reported having used CP in the last 12 months. Children's physical aggression and conduct problem scores were relatively low in this sample, which was representative of the general population of children in Québec. Boys obtained higher scores than girls on physical aggression (p < .001; Cohen's d = .210) and conduct problems (p < .001; Cohen's d = .221). Girls obtained higher prosocial behavior scores than boys (p < .001; Cohen's d = −.281). Boys and girls did not differ with respect to their families' socioeconomic status, their temperament scores, their mothers' depressive symptoms, or their parents' positive parenting skills.
Descriptive statistics
Variables All participants n = 1686Boys n = 829Girls n = 857t(1,684)
n (%) n (%) n (%) At least one act of CP at 41 months 1,165 (69.1%) 594 (71.7%) 571 (66.6%)
Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Physical aggression (at 5 years old) 2.02 (1.57) 2.19 (1.63) 1.86 (1.49) 4.32 Conduct problems (at 5 years old) 1.55 (1.28) 1.70 (1.32) 1.42 (1.23) 4.54 Prosocial behaviors (at 5 years old) 6.80 (2.48) 6.45 (2.50) 7.14 (2.41) −5.76 Socioeconomic status (at 41 months) 0.00 (1.00) 0.00 (0.95) 0.02 (1.04) −0.45 Positive parenting skills (at 41 months) 6.56 (1.20) 6.52 (1.22) 6.59 (1.19) −1.27 Maternal depressive symptoms (at 41 months)1.32 (1.72) 1.27 (1.60) 1.37 (1.82) −1.27 Child's difficult temperament (at 17 months) 2.42 (1.55) 2.51 (1.62) 2.33 (1.47) 2.35 1 CP = corporal punishment; SD = standard deviation.
2 * p < .05. 3 p < .01. 4 p < .001. Predicting physical aggression at age five
As Table [NaN] shows, among boys, child temperament at 17 months (β = .198; p < .001), parental CP at 41 months (presence vs. absence, β = .102; p = .003), and positive parenting skills at 41 months (β = −.070; p = .044) significantly predicted child physical aggression at age five, F( 8, 820) = 8.913, p < .001, adjusted R = .071. No significant interaction effects were found.
Multiple linear regression analysis predicting physical aggression
Boys Girls
B SE 95% CI β B SE 95% CI β Lower limitUpper limitLower limitUpper limit
(constant) 1.955 .347 1.275 2.635 – 1.848 .323 1.213 2.482 –
2
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CP .369 .125 .125 .614 .102 .509 .109 .294 .723 .161 Child's difficult temperament .200 .034 .133 .267 .198 .124 .034 .057 .190 .122 Positive parenting skills −.093 .046 −.184 −.003 −.070−.111.043 −.195−.027−.088 Mother's depressive symptoms .066 .035 ‐.003 .136 .065 .080 .028 .024 .135 .097 CP X child's difficult temperament −.038 .053 −.142 .067 −.024.035 .053 −.070.139 .022 CP X positive parenting skills .072 .057 −.040 .184 .043 −.008.050 −.106.090 −.005 CP X mother's depressive symptoms.028 .063 −.095 .152 .015 .038 .047 −.054.131 .027 Adjusted R .071 .067 5 Regression models control for SES. 6 SES = socioeconomic status; CP = at least one act of corporal punishment. 7 * p < .05. 8 p < .01. 9 p < .001. Among girls, child temperament at 17 months (β = .122; p < .001), parental CP at 41 months (presence vs. absence, β = .161; p < .001), maternal depressive symptoms at 41 months (β = .097; p = .005), and positive parenting skills at 41 months (β = −.088; p = .010) all contributed significantly to the explained variance, F( 8, 848) = 8.742, p < .001, adjusted R = .067. No significant interaction effects were found.
Predicting conduct problems at age five
As Table [NaN] shows, among boys, child temperament at 17 months (β = .090; p = .008), parental CP at 41 months (presence vs. absence, β = .136; p < .001), and positive parenting skills at 41 months (β = −.096; p = .005) predicted conduct problems, F( 9, 820) = 9.264, p < .001, adjusted R = .074. Positive parenting skills moderated the association between CP at 41 months and conduct problems at age five (β = .074; p = .031). Higher levels of positive parenting skills were associated with lower levels of conduct problems among boys whose parents had not used CP at 41 months (see Figure [NaN] ).
Multiple linear regression analysis predicting conduct problems
Boys Girls
B SE 95% CI β B SE 95% CI β Lower limitUpper limitLower limitUpper limit
(constant) 1.845 .279 1.297 2.393 – 1.255 .264 .736 1.774 – CP .396 .100 .199 .593 .136 .361 .089 .186 .537 .139 Child's difficult temperament .074 .028 .019 .128 .090 .077 .028 .023 .131 .092 Positive parenting skills −.104 .037 −.177 −.031 −.096−.065.035 −.133.004 −.062 Mother's depressive symptoms .055 .029 ‐.001 .111 .067 .121 .023 .076 .166 .180
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CP X child's difficult temperament .020 .043 −.064 .104 .016 .056 .044 −.030.142 .043 CP X positive parenting skills .099 .046 .009 .189 .074 .052 .041 −.029.132 .042 CP X mother's depressive symptoms.064 .051 −.036 .163 .043 .029 .039 −.047.104 .025 Adjusted R .074 .079 10 Regression models control for SES. 11 SES = socioeconomic status; CP = at least one act of corporal punishment. 12 * p < .05. 13 p < .01. 14 p < .001. Among girls, child temperament at 17 months (β = .092; p = .005), parental CP at 41 months (presence vs. absence, β = .139; p < .001), and maternal depressive symptoms at 41 months (β = .180; p < .001) predicted conduct problems at age five, F( 8, 848) = 10.220, p < .001, adjusted R = .079. No significant interaction effects were found.
Predicting prosocial behavior at age five
As Table [NaN] shows, among boys, positive parenting skills at 41 months (β = .174; p < .001) was the only significant predictor of prosocial behavior at age five, F( 8, 820) = 3.364, p = .001, adjusted R = .022. No significant interaction effects were found.
Multiple linear regression analysis predicting prosocial behaviors
Boys Girls
B SE 95% CI β B SE 95% CI β Lower limitUpper limitLower limitUpper limit
(constant) 3.912 .545 2.842 4.981 – 3.447 .521 2.424 4.471 – CP .361 .196 −.024 .746 .065 .379 .176 .034 .725 .074 Child's difficult temperament −.030 .054 −.136 .076 −.019 −.075.055 −.182.032 −.046 Positive parenting skills .358 .072 .216 .501 .174 .524 .069 .388 .660 .258 Mother's depressive symptoms .007 .056 −.102 .117 .005 .104 .045 .015 .192 .078 CP X child's difficult temperament .002 .083 −.162 .165 .001 −.030.086 −.199.139 −.012 CP X positive parenting skills −.046 .089 −.222 .129 −.018 −.199.081 −.358−.041−.083 CP X mother's depressive symptoms−.024 .099 −.219 .170 −.009 −.149.076 −.299.000 −.065 Adjusted R .022 .074 15 Regression models control for SES. 16 SES = socioeconomic status; CP = at least one act of corporal punishment. 17 * p < .05. 18 p < .01.
2
2
2
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19 p < .001. Among girls, parental CP at 41 months (presence vs. absence, β = .074; p = .032), maternal depressive symptoms at 41 months (β = .258; p < .001), and positive parenting skills at 41 months (β = .075; p = .032) predicted prosocial behavior at age 5 F( 8, 848) = 9.532, p < .001, adjusted R = .074. Both positive parenting skills (β = −.083; p = .014) and maternal depressive symptoms (β = −.065; p = .050) interacted with parental CP at 41 months to predict prosocial behavior at age five. Girls whose parents did not use CP and had higher levels of positive parenting skills at 41 months engaged in more prosocial behaviors at age five (see Figure [NaN] ). Girls whose parents did not use CP and whose mothers reported more depressive symptoms at 41 months engaged in more prosocial behaviors at age five (see Figure [NaN] ). Among girls whose parents did use CP at 41 months, maternal depression had no significant effect on prosocial behavior at age five.
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to investigate the contribution of parental CP on boys' and girls' physical aggression, conduct problems and prosocial behavior over time. We examined the relative contributions of parents' use of CP, and mothers' depressive symptoms and positive parenting skills, when their children were 41 months old to their children's externalizing and prosocial behavior at age five. Although in this section we present results separately for boys and girls, our gender‐related results remain exploratory; no firm conclusions can be drawn regarding gender‐specific differences.
Parental CP and child externalizing behaviors
As we had expected, parental CP at 41 months was associated with both girls' and boys' physical aggression and conduct problems at age five. This finding corroborates those of previous longitudinal studies of large community samples of children (Mackenzie et al., [ 45] ; Maguire‐Jack, Gromoski, & Berger, [ 46] ; Mulvaney & Mebert, [ 49] ) and adolescents (Ma et al., [ 44] ). It also is consistent with the findings of meta‐analyses (Gershoff, [ 21] ; Gershoff & Grogan‐Kaylor, [ 22] ; Ferguson, [ 16] ). However, our hypothesis that child temperament would moderate the relationship between CP at 41 months and externalizing behaviors at age five was not supported. Our findings diverged from those of Mulvaney and Mebert ([ 49] ), who found that “difficult” child temperament amplified the effect of CP administered at 15 months on externalizing behaviors at 36 months. This difference in findings may reflect the difference in ages of the two samples. It is possible that the effect of CP on externalizing behavior becomes more direct as children grow older. There is some support for this speculation in the literature (Grogan‐Kaylor, [ 24] ; Mulvaney & Mebert, [ 49] ).
Prior research has shown that parents' mental health problems can impair their ability to effectively cope with life stressors, leading to a greater risk of punishment (Taylor & Stanton, [ 69] ). In particular, parental depression has been found to predict use of CP (Berlin et al., [ 5] ; Eamon & Zuehl, [ 15] ; Lee et al., [ 43] ) as well as child externalizing behavior problems (Koblinsky et al., [ 33] ). Therefore, we had hypothesized that the relationship between CP at 41 months and externalizing behavior at age five would be moderated by maternal depressive symptoms. Our findings did not support this hypothesis. However, maternal depression did predict both child physical aggression and conduct problems, which is consistent with results of previous studies conducted on mothers (Eamon, [ 14] ; Mustillo, Dorsey, Conover, & Burns, [ 50] ; Piché, Bergeron, Cyr, & Berthiaume, [ 57] ) and fathers (Lee et al., [ 43] ).
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Positive parenting skills predicted lower levels of physical aggression among boys and girls, and lower levels of conduct problems among boys. These findings suggest that positive parenting behaviors, such as explaining and redirecting, may have a protective effect. However, among boys, positive parenting skills were associated with lower levels of conduct problems only in those families where CP had not been used at 41 months. Therefore, positive parenting skills' protective effects may be reduced when parents of boys use CP. We did not find any evidence that positive parenting reduces the effect of CP on externalizing behaviors among girls or boys. Our findings suggest that parental warmth may not always be a protective factor against the harmful effects of CP, as suggested by Lansford et al. ([ 37] ). This result is particularly important in light of the high prevalence of CP in North America (Clément & Chamberland, [ 7] ; Fréchette & Romano, [ 19] ; Theodore et al., [ 71] ; Zolotor et al., [ 78] ) and around the world (UNICEF, [ 73] ). It may not be safe to assume that if parents continue to physically punish their children, the impact will be ameliorated if those parents are otherwise warm and loving (Benjet & Kazdin, [ 4] ; Larzelere, [ 38] ). Our findings support those of a growing number of studies indicating that parental warmth and support do not protect children against CP's negative effects (Gámez‐Guadix et al., [ 20] ; Lee et al., [ 43] ; Stacks et al., [ 65] ; Straus et al., [ 67] ).
Parental CP and child prosocial behaviors
This study's findings indicate that early parental use of CP was associated with a higher level of prosocial behaviors in 5‐year‐old girls, but this association must be interpreted in light of the moderating effects of positive parenting skills and maternal depression at 41 months (Hayes, [ 28] ). Those girls whose parents had not used CP and had a higher level of positive parenting skills at 41 months engaged in more prosocial behaviors at age five. Further, those girls who parents had not used CP but whose mothers reported more depressive symptoms had higher prosocial scores at age five. Together, these results indicate that CP does not have a positive impact on the development of children's prosocial skills. Finally, the prosocial skills of 5‐year‐old girls whose parents used CP at 41 months were not affected by their parents' positive parenting skills.
The finding that girls exposed to maternal depression but not CP obtained higher prosocial behavior scores is consistent with those of some previous studies (Romano et al., [ 62] ; Zahn‐Waxler, Kochanska, Krupnick, & McKnew, [ 76] ). It is possible that girls confronted with maternal depression may exhibit more prosocial behaviors as a means of helping their mothers and families (Zahn‐Waxler & Radke‐Yarrow, [ 75] ). This early learning of cooperative skills might protect them against later risk of externalizing problems (Hay & Pawlby, [ 27] ). However, our findings suggest that experiencing CP in the context of maternal depression may nullify this effect.
Limitations of the study
This study had several strengths. First, our dataset allowed us to examine the relationship between CP and the development of externalizing and prosocial behaviors among the same sample of children across two time points. Second, we were able to explore the moderating effects of key variables on this relationship. Third, our large sample was drawn from the general population of school‐aged children, allowing us to generalize our findings to the general population of children living in Quebec.
A limitation of our study is that our dataset did not allow us to control for children's levels of externalizing and prosocial behaviors at 41 months. Therefore, we cannot rule out the possibility that it was those children with higher levels of externalizing behavior who experienced higher levels of CP at 41 months. However, even if this were the case, by age five CP did not reduce children's externalizing
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behavior to the level seen among children who did not experience CP. Moreover, child temperament at 17 months; had no effect on the relationship between CP and child externalizing behavior over time.
Another limitation of our study concerns our CP measure. CP was defined as present if either responding parent (or if the only responding parent) endorsed a rating of at least two on either item. Therefore, in two‐parent families, both parents' responses were used in the calculation of CP, whereas in one‐parent families (15% of our sample), only one parent's response was used in the calculation of CP. As a result, our measure may underestimate the rate of CP, increasing the Type II error rate.
Also, as we conducted secondary analyses of the QLSCD data, we were bound to use scales as they were originally developed. Although most of the scales used in this study had, the alpha for the conduct problems scale was relatively low (α = 0.54). This subscale was used in a previous publication based on the QLSCD dataset (Riberdy et al., [ 61] ). Yet, it is important to remain cautious in interpreting results concerning this variable, as the low internal consistency of the scale may have increased the probability of Type II error.
The predictors in the present study all explained a relatively small proportion of the variance in child's prosocial and disruptive behaviors. Clearly, prosocial behavior, conduct problems and physical aggression are complex multi‐determined phenomena. Yet, from a cumulative risk perspective, even relatively small effects of CP are important, considering that it is used by more than half of parents in the United States (Zolotor et al., [ 78] ); one‐third of parents in Canada (Fréchette & Romano, [ 19] ) and millions of parents around the world (UNICEF, [ 73] ).
Practical implications
Parental discipline (teaching, guidance, support) is essential to the child's psychosocial development. A large body of research has consistently demonstrated that CP is not a means of ‘discipline’, but an action that places children's developmental health at risk. It has been prohibited in 50 countries to date on the basis of research demonstrating its negative outcomes and due to growing recognition of children's rights to protection (citations). (Durrant & Ensom, [ 11] ; Zolotor & Puzia [ 77] ). Our findings support those of an ever‐growing number of studies that use of CP may lead eventually to the emergence of conduct disorders in children (Gershoff & Grogan‐Kaylor, [ 22] ). They also support the recommendations of a growing number of professional and organizations suggesting that prevention and intervention programs be implemented to eliminate CP (Durrant et al., [ 12] ; Fortson et al., [ 18] ) and foster positive, supportive, and autonomy‐promoting parent– child relationships (e.g., Smith, Brown, Feldgaier, & Lee, [ 64] ; Durrant et al., [ 13] ). Such programs may help reduce the risk of developing or maintaining child physical aggression and conduct problems (Durrant et al., [ 13] ). Our findings also suggest that it may be helpful to screen parents for signs of depression; daughters of depressive mothers may be at particular risk for aggression (citation). (Piché et al., [ 57] ). Concerning prosocial behaviors, more research is needed to explore the existence of possible gender differences.
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Graph: Interaction effect of corporal punishment and positive parenting skills predicting conduct problems in boys
Graph: Interaction effect of corporal punishment and positive parenting skills predicting prosocial behaviors in girls
Graph: Interaction effect of corporal punishment and maternal depression predicting prosocial behaviors in girls
~~~~~~~~ By Geneviève Piché; Christophe Huỳnh; Marie‐Ève Clément and Joan E. Durrant
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