Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace Editor: Michele A. Paludi Date: 2008 From: The Psychology of Women at Work: Challenges and Solutions for Our Female Workforce(Vol. 1: Career Liberation, History, and the New Millennium. ) Publisher: ABC-Clio Series: Women's Psychology Document Type: Topic overview Pages: 14 Content Level: (Level 5)

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Sexual Harassment in the Workplace Krystle C. Woods

Nicole T. Buchanan

Bonnie enters her office building and apprehensively looks around to see if her coworker Carl has arrived. When there is no sign of him, she breathes a sigh of relief and hurries to the break room. While pouring her coffee, she suddenly feels him directly behind her, and her body goes cold. In a feigned attempt to reach for a cup, he presses against her and whispers, “Excuse me” with a wry smile. Bonnie grabs her coffee and hurries for the door, feeling embarrassed and humiliated, as if she were somehow responsible for Carl's behavior. Despite Bonnie's attempts to avoid him, Carl has found a way to corner her two or more times a week for several months. After realizing that she will have to face him in a meeting later that afternoon, she becomes increasingly ill. She can no longer concentrate on her work, and she develops a headache that requires her to leave for the rest of the day.

This scene depicts workplace sexual harassment, which will be experienced by 50% of women at work (Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993; Ilies, Hauserman, Schwochau, & Stibal, 2003 ) and will cause a variety of negative health, work, and psychological consequences (Dansky & Kil-patrick, 1997; Munson, Hulin, & Drasgow, 2000 ; Rospenda, Richman, Ehmke, & Zlatoper, 2005 ; Schneider, Swan, & Fitzgerald, 1997 ).

This chapter provides an overview of current theories and research on workplace sexual harassment. Legal and psychological definitions of sexual harassment, legal jurisprudence history, and the organizational antecedents and consequences of workplace harassment are reviewed. Emphasis is placed on the work, health, and psychological problems experienced by sexually harassed women and the coping

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strategies they use. The chapter concludes with a discussion of concerns specific to minority women, directives for preventing sexual harassment in organizations, and directions for future research.

WHAT IS SEXUAL HARASSMENT?

Sexual harassment has been defined as both a psychological and a legal phenomenon. Psychologically, sexual harassment is defined as unwanted gender-based comments and behaviors that are considered offensive by the people who are targeted, that exceed their available coping resources, or that threaten their well-being (Fitzgerald, Swan, & Magley, 1997 ). Three types of sexual harassment behaviors have also been identified (Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995 ; Fitzgerald, Shullman, Bailey, Richards, Swecker, & Gold, 1988 ).

The first is gender harassment, which includes negative, non-sexual, gender-based comments and behaviors, such as statements that women are less intelligent than men or that they cannot do certain jobs because it is “men's work.” Unwanted sexual attention includes verbal and nonverbal unsolicited comments, gestures, or attempts at physical contact, such as attempts to touch or kiss someone or repeated requests for dates. Sexual coercion encompasses any job-related threats or benefits that are contingent upon compliance with sexual demands, such as a supervisor promising to promote a worker only if she is sexually cooperative, or terminate employment if she refuses. Contrapower sexual harassment is another form that may include any of the above subtypes, but involves a subordinate sexually harassing his or her superior (Rospenda, Richman, & Nawyn, 1998 ).

Legal definitions address two forms of sexual harassment: quid pro quo and hostile environment. Quid pro quo is the legal equivalent of sexual coercion; it addresses any attempt to coerce sexual interactions by threatening another's employment. A hostile work environment is created when unwanted gender-based behaviors become sufficiently pervasive that an employee perceives the general work environment to be hostile and/or her job performance has been negatively affected (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission [EEOC], 1980). Frequently, hostile environment charges result from behaviors that would fall under the behavioral definitions of gender harassment or unwanted sexual attention.

INFLUENTIAL COURT DECISIONS IN SEXUAL HARASSMENT JURISPRUDENCE Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson (1986) was one of the most influential cases in sexual harassment jurisprudence. This was the first U.S.

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Supreme Court ruling that declared that sexual harassment is a form of gender discrimination and a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Determining which behaviors constitute prosecutable harassment has been an evolving process. In this first ruling, the Supreme Court held that sexual misconduct can constitute sexual harassment even when there are no tangible economic costs, thus establishing the theory that a hostile environment can constitute gender discrimination when its severity or pervasiveness creates an abusive work environment (Hogler, Frame, & Thornton, 2002 ).

Additional cases, such as Ellison v. Brady (1991) and Harris v. Forklift Systems, Inc. (1993a) extended conceptualizations of a hostile environment by focusing on the subjective experience of a reasonable woman or a reasonable person. In these cases, the jurors were urged to judge the plaintiff's experience against what a “reasonable woman would consider sufficiently severe or pervasive” (Ellison, p. 879) and from “the perspective of a reasonable person's reaction to a similar environment under essentially like or similar circumstances” (Harris, pp. 21–22). The “reasonable woman” standard had important judicial and organizational ramifications. Most important, its use increased the likelihood of a court ruling in favor of the plaintiff by more than 26% (Perry, Kulik, & Bourhis, 2004 ). As a result, organizations found further motivation to not only set objective standards of what constitutes harassment but also to assign meaning to the subjective experience of women.

WHY SEXUAL HARASSMENT OCCURS: SOCIOCULTURAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL THEORIES Sociocultural theory asserts that sexual harassment is an extension of the general gender-role socialization process. Men are socialized and rewarded for “dominance, sexual initiative, and self- interest,” whereas women are socialized for “submissiveness, sexual gatekeeping,” and self-sacrifice (Tangri & Hayes, 1997, p. 121). These socialization processes, as well as sexual harassment, function to maintain male economic power by intimidating women in the workplace.

Conversely, organizational theories that focus on gender-role “spillover” and organizational power and climate have also been posited. Gender-role spillover theory suggests that gendered expectations of behavior are brought into the workplace (Gutek & Morasch, 1982), making a woman's gender more salient than her work identity. This in turn causes women to be treated differently from their male coworkers and to be exposed to sexually harassing behaviors. Such dynamics are exacerbated in male-dominated workplaces, which increases both hostility toward and sexual harassment of women who defy gendered work norms (Berhdahl, 2007; Morgan & Gruber, 2005).

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Formal and informal differences in men's and women's status and organizational power can also be used by men to sexually intimidate female workers (Cleveland & Kerst, 1993). Formal power, which includes the hierarchy of positions held within the organization and the relevance of such positions to the central mission of the organization, is usually held by men. Furthermore, men frequently have more informal power than women with comparable positions in the organization; this is created and maintained by their access to greater support from peers, mentoring, and decision-making power (DiTomaso, 1989 ; Ragins & Sundstrom, 1989). According to this theory, sexual harassment is an extension of an organizational culture that grants male workers organizational power over their female colleagues.

The above theories explain the function of harassment in some cases, but not all. For example, sociocultural theory cannot account for harassment that occurs outside the workplace; gender-role spillover does not explain why some men harass and others do not; and theories of formal and informal organizational power do not fully account for the fact that women are harassed by colleagues and subordinates as well as by supervisors (Wayne, 2000 ). Because no one theory explains all types of sexual harassment, a comprehensive model that addresses all these layers is appropriate.

THE INTEGRATED PROCESS MODEL OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN ORGANIZATIONS Figure 8–1 illustrates the theory that workplace sexual harassment is the result of the organizational climate and job-gender context and leads to detrimental work, mental health, and physical health outcomes (Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin, Gelfand, & Magley, 1997 ; Fitzgerald, Hulin, & Drasgow, 1995 ). Organizational climate refers to the degree to which an organization is tolerant of sexual harassment (e.g., harassment is modeled by superiors; harassers are not reprimanded). Job-gender context refers to the job-gender ratio of the work group and whether the job is traditionally considered a male or female occupation. A number of negative consequences of harassment have been documented, such as lowered work satisfaction, increased absenteeism, depression, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and gastrointestinal problems (Dansky & Kilpatrick, 1997; Munson et al., 2000 ; O'Connell & Korabik, 2000; Schneider et al., 1997 ; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007 ).

Further research on the sexual harassment process has uncovered additional factors that influence the perceived severity of the experience. Women who had a history of sexual harassment or who were harassed by someone of higher status were more distressed by the sexually harassing experience (Langhout, Bergman, Cortina, Fitzgerald, Drasgow, & Williams, 2005 ), and women who experienced interracial

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sexual harassment appraised their harassment as more severe (Woods & Buchanan, 2007). According to theories of stress and appraisal (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), subjective appraisal leads to differences in the distress level that various individuals experience in response to similar situations. Accordingly, the target's appraisal of harassment has been found to mediate the relationship between sexual harassment and negative work, health, and psychological consequences (Langhout et al., 2005 ; Swan, Fitzgerald, & Magley, 1996 ).

Figure 8–1. The Integrated Process Model

WHAT ARE THE CONSEQUENCES OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT? Experiences of sexual harassment have been linked to work-related problems for those who are targeted. Studies have found that sexually harassed women report lower job satisfaction, work productivity, and supervisor satisfaction, as well as increased absenteeism (Langhout et al., 2005 ; Lapierre, Spector, & Leck, 2005 ; O'Connell & Korabik, 2000; Stockdale, 1998 ). Targets have also reported higher turnover rates and lower levels of organizational commitment (Munson et al., 2000 ; Schneider et al., 1997 ).

Physical and emotional distress are also common after harassment. Among sexually harassed female federal employees, reports of negative emotional and physical consequences of harassment were seen in the thousands (U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board [USMSPB], 1981, 1987). Among victims of sexual harassment who sought help from the Working Women's Institute, 63% reported negative physical symptoms, and 94% reported emotional distress (Crull, 1982 ). Other physical consequences of sexual harassment include appetite changes, headaches, gastrointestinal distress, and sleep disorders (Fitzgerald, Drasgow et al., 1997). Although the link between sexual harassment and negative physical health is clear, it is suspected to be a secondary effect of increased psychological distress (Fitzgerald, Drasgow et al., 1997).

The negative effect of sexual harassment on mental health has also been well documented. Specifically, sexual harassment has been

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associated with lower overall psychological well-being and higher rates of depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress symptoms (Dansky & Kilpatrick, 1997; Glomb, Munson, Hulin, Bergman, & Drasgow, 1999 ; Richman, Rospenda, Nawyn, Flaherty, Fendrich, & Drum 1999 ; Schneider et al., 1997 ; Shupe, Cortina, Ramos, Fitzgerald, & Salisbury, 2002 ).

Some sexually harassed women also show an increased use of prescription drugs, drinking to intoxication, and escapist drinking motives (e.g., to decrease tension, escape problems, feel better, or forget painful memories or worries) (Richman, Rospenda, Flaherty, Freels, & Zlat-oper, 2004). Victims of sexual harassment sometimes turn to prescription drugs and alcohol to self-medicate, which places them at increased risk for alcohol abuse or dependence and more serious psychological problems over time.

These negative effects frequently persist long after the harassment has ended. For example, in a longitudinal study on the effects of harassment, Glomb and colleagues (1999) found that even after 2 years, sexual harassment was associated with lower psychological well-being, less satisfaction with life, and more posttraumatic symptoms than in women without this history.

COPING WITH SEXUAL HARASSMENT Coping refers to any cognitive or behavioral strategy that is used to reduce the stress of a traumatic event (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) such as sexual harassment. The Lazarus and Folkman model suggests that someone who is confronted with a stressful situation will employ either problem-focused or emotion-focused coping strategies. Problem-focused strategies are attempts to manage or change the situation (e.g., reporting the incident); emotion-focused strategies are attempts to manage one's thoughts or feelings about the event (e.g., avoiding thoughts about the event or reframing the situation in a more favorable manner). Sexual harassment researchers have built on this model to better understand the coping strategies that are frequently used by sexually harassed women (Fitzgerald et al., 1995 ; Magley, 2002 ).

Knapp, Faley, Ekeberg, and Dubois (1997) proposed four categories of coping methods: avoidance- denial (avoiding physical proximity with the perpetrator or avoiding any thoughts of the event); social support (relying on others for emotional support and advice; confrontation-negotiation (approaching the perpetrator directly and insisting that the harassment cease); and advocacy seeking (reporting the incident to organizational authorities).

One study found that the type of coping method that is used is influenced by the characteristics of the target, the harassing event, and the culture (Cortina & Wasti, 2005). For instance, avoidance-denial coping was used more frequently by women in collectivist, patriarchal cultures.

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Women who experienced higher levels of unwanted sexual attention were more likely to utilize coping methods from each category.

Buchanan, Settles, and Langhout (in press) found that their sample of Black women commonly used avoidance and denial, but as the harassment increased in frequency and severity, they utilized additional coping strategies, including confrontation. These findings follow Lazarus and Folkman's (1984) theory that coping strategies diversify as stressor severity increases and might also reflect that coping with sexual harassment is a dynamic process in which women adapt their strategies over time, depending on the strategies' usefulness in ending the harassment (Magley, Fitzgerald, & Buchanan, 2000 ).

Many different coping methods have been employed by harassed women, but do any methods lead to positive results? One study of African-American women serving in the U.S. armed forces found that the women who used confrontation coping had the best psychological outcomes, whereas those who used advocacy seeking (e.g., filing a complaint) experienced the worst work outcomes (Buchanan et al., in press). Although this study does provide valuable insight, more research is necessary to determine how the various methods of coping lead to positive or negative consequences. The study's focus on African-American women does, however, begin to highlight some of the issues specific to the sexual harassment of ethnic minority women.

SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND WOMEN OF COLOR Harassment has been studied in both academic and work settings, but few researchers have considered the role that race plays in these settings and its effects on sexual harassment. Theoretical and empirical work addressing the sexual harassment experiences of women of color is emerging (Adams, 1997 ; Berdahl & Moore, 2006; Buchanan, 2005 ; Buchanan & Fitzgerald, in press; Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Cortina, 2004 ; Cortina, Fitzgerald, & Drasgow, 2002 ; Martin, 1994 ; Mecca & Rubin, 1999; Moradi & Subich, 2003; Muliawan & Kleiner, 2001; Reder-storff, Buchanan, & Settles, 2007; Texeira, 2002 ; Whitson, 1997 ; Wyatt & Reiderle, 1995; Yoder & Aniakudo, 1996, 1997), but remains sparse.

This body of research theorizes that factors such as being both a minority and female (double jeopardy; Beal, 1970 ) and sexual stereotypes influence the prevalence and type of sexual harassment experienced among minority women. Consistent with theory, empirical studies have found that the harassment experiences of ethnic minority and Caucasian women do differ in a number of ways, including higher prevalence (Berdahl & Moore, 2006; Cortina, Swan, Fitzgerald, & Waldo, 1998 ), greater severity (e.g., gender harassment versus unwanted sexual attention; Cortina et al., 1998 ; Nelson & Probst, 2004), and racialized content (e.g., racially sexualizing behaviors; Buchanan,

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2005; Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Woods & Buchanan, 2007) associated with the sexual harassment experiences of women of color.

Minority women experience sexual racism (Essed, 1992 ) and racial-ized sexual harassment (Buchanan, 2005 ; Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Texiera, 2002) as unique forms of harassment that combine race and gender simultaneously. Although much of the harassment literature has described sexual and racial harassment as distinct, actual experiences of harassment are often fused in such a way that the two forms become indistinguishable (Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Collins, 2000 ; Essed, 1992 ). Studies of Black female firefighters and police officers, Filipina women, and Latina working women offer evidence for the presence of these behaviors (Cortina et al., 2002 ; Welsh, Carr, MacQuarrie, & Huntley, 2006 ; Texiera, 2002; Yoder & Aniakudo, 1996, 1997). These examples call upon sexualized stereotypes of minority women (e.g., being called “mamacita” or a “geisha”) and physical features thought to vary by race (e.g., comments about a Black woman's “large Black behind”).

Although the negative work and psychological consequences of sexual harassment have been well studied, the consequences of racialized sexual harassment are less well known. Nevertheless, the evidence asserts that it is present in a variety of institutions and can merge to target other marginalized populations, such as lesbians (Bowleg, Huang, Brooks, Black, & Burkholder, 2003 ; DeFour, David, Diaz, & Thompkins, 2003 ).

SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND THE ORGANIZATION: PREVENTION AND INVESTIGATION Independent of litigation expenses, the cost of sexual harassment for organizations is in the millions of dollars annually, in terms of absenteeism, reduced productivity, and job turnover (Faley, Knapp, Kustis, & Dubois, 1999 ; Sims, Drasgow, & Fitzgerald, 2005 ). Given the negative work outcomes, psychological distress, and increased litigation associated with harassment, it is in the organization's best interest to develop sexual harassment prevention methods. Employers can limit organizational liability in sexual harassment cases by using “reasonable care” to prevent or address incidents of harassment (Burlington Industries v. Ellerth, 1998).

For legal purposes, reasonable care includes creating an antiharassment policy, training employees in sexual harassment recognition and penalties, promptly investigating any charges of harassment, and taking corrective action in harassment cases (Paludi & Paludi, 2003 ). An antiharassment policy should include a statement of the organization's commitment to a harassment-free environment, a legal definition of sexual harassment, and a description of disciplinary procedures for perpetrators (Levy & Paludi, 2002).

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Sexual harassment training involves educating employees on the antiharassment policy and providing instructions for confronting and reporting a harasser (Flynn, 1991 ). When such practices are enacted, they can effectively reduce harassment within an organization (Williams, Fitzgerald, & Drasgow, 1999 ). Furthermore, because distress after harassment is exacerbated when the organizational response is poor (Bond, Punnett, Pyle, Cazeca, & Cooperman, 2004 ), effective complaint procedures decrease the likelihood of litigation and can even limit an organization's liability if the case is litigated (Hogler et al., 2002 ).

When harassment has not been prevented, harassment investigations should be conducted by an impartial party whose goal is to interview the target, the perpetrator, and any witnesses. Ideally, the investigator should be trained in sexual harassment policy and draft a report that is presented to an organizational panel. The panel makes a decision, and either side is allowed to appeal the ruling (Gutek, 1997 ). Disciplinary actions may include an organizational transfer or a requirement that the perpetrator attend sexual harassment counseling (Bell, Cycyota, & Quick, 2002 ). As studies of the sexual harassment process have shown, an organization's tolerance of harassment, whether communicated formally or informally to its workers, is associated with a higher frequency of sexual harassment (Glomb et al., 1999 ). This suggests that proactive prevention strategies have real power.

CONCLUSION Sexual harassment research has sought to define harassment, explain why it occurs, and explore the associated risk factors and outcomes. Lower job satisfaction, work productivity, and supervisor satisfaction, as well as increased absenteeism, turnover, depression, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and health problems have all been associated with sexual harassment, making it costly to the women who are targeted as well as to the organizations in which they work. Women who have been harassed use a variety of methods to cope with their experiences and continue to adapt their responses; this indicates an active intent to end their harassment, even when their responses appear to be passive, such as ignoring the behavior.

Although guidelines for the prevention of sexual harassment in organizations have been outlined by the courts and by researchers, the need for studies on the efficacy of these prevention programs remains. In addition, greater attention to the needs of marginalized workers, such as women of color and lesbians, who often experience double or triple jeopardy, is long overdue. Future research must begin to concentrate on these issues to provide proven solutions and a secure working environment for all working women.

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