English Research/Argument Essay

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Works Cited

Österman, Karin, et al. “Twenty-Eight Years after the Complete Ban on the Physical Punishment of Children in Finland: Trends and Psychosocial

Concomitants.” Aggressive Behavior, vol. 40, no. 6, Nov. 2014, pp. 568–581. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1002/ab.21537.

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Twenty-eight years after the complete ban on the physical punishment of children in Finland: Trends and psychosocial concomitants. 

In 1983 Finland became the second country in the world, after Sweden, to adopt a law prohibiting all kinds of physical punishment towards

children, also by parents. The present investigation was carried out in 2011, 28 years after the law was adopted. Changes in exposure to

various types of physical punishment towards respondents born between 1931 and 1996 are presented. A representative sample from

Western Finland, consisting of 4,609 respondents (2,632 females, 1,977 males) between 15 and 80 years, filled in a paper‐and‐pencil questionnaire. A number of psychosocial concomitants were measured. The results showed a significant drop in reports of being slapped and

beaten with an object among respondents who were born after the law was adopted. The decline in physical punishment was associated with

a similar decline in the number of murdered children. Respondents who had been exposed to higher amounts of physical punishment than

average scored significantly higher on alcohol abuse, depression, mental health problems, and schizotypal personality. Divorced respondents

had been significantly more physically punished than others. Respondents who had attempted suicide during the last 12 months had been

exposed to physical punishment during childhood significantly more often than those who had not attempted suicide. Aggr. Behav. 40:568–

581, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

legislation; depression; mental health problems; schizotypal personality; alcohol abuse; divorce; suicide; filicide; physical punishment

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In 1983, as the second nation in the world, Finland adopted a law prohibiting all kinds of physical punishment towards children, also by

parents. Sweden was the first country to establish a similar law, in 1979. The present study presents cross‐sectional data, collected in 2011, on self‐reported experiences of childhood physical punishment among a representative sample, 15–80 years of age, from Western Finland. Thus the study provides information on trends in the use of physical punishment towards children both before and after the implementation of

the law. Another aim was to study the relationship between the physical punishment of children and the following concomitants during

adulthood: depression, general mental health problems, schizotypal personality, alcohol problems, divorce, and suicidality. In addition, data

on murdered children in Finland between 1950 and 1996, provided by the Police College of Finland (Ellonen, Kivivuori, & Kääriäinen, [ 17] )

was compared to the amount of victimization of physical punishment in the same time period.

Today, laws in all the five Nordic countries protect children and adults alike against all types of physical assault, including physical

punishment. In contrast to the US, all kinds of physical or corporal punishment are considered abuse in the Nordic countries, also when

administered by parents, and physical injury is not a prerequisite. In Finland, the lawful right of parents to physically punish a child was

removed in 1969. Until then, parents had the right to physically punish their children, as long as they were not harmed. A detailed description

of the history of early child protection laws in Finland is provided by Husa ([ 36] ). The Finnish law of 1983 finally criminalized all kinds of

physical punishment, under all circumstances. It states that “A child shall be brought up in the spirit of understanding, security and love. He

shall not be subdued, physically punished or otherwise humiliated. His growth towards independence, responsibility and adulthood shall be

encouraged, supported and assisted.” (Finnish Law, Article 1.3 of the Child Custody and Right of Access Act, [ 22] , effective 1984).

Simultaneously, in 1983, two public information campaigns were launched in order to affect attitudes concerning physical punishment.

International Legislation Against the Physical Punishment of Children

By the year 2014, a total of 35 countries had prohibited all kinds of physical punishment towards children (1979: Sweden; 1983: Finland;

1987: Norway; 1989: Austria; 1994: Cyprus; 1997: Denmark; 1998: Latvia; 1999: Croatia; 2000: Germany, Israel, Bulgaria; 2002:

Turkmenistan; 2003: Iceland; 2004: Romania, Ukraine; 2005: Hungary; 2006: Greece; 2007: Togo, Spain, Venezuela, Uruguay, Portugal,

New Zealand, Netherlands; 2008: Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Republic of Moldova, Costa Rica; 2010: Republic of Congo, Kenya, Tunisia,

Poland, Albania; 2011: South Sudan; 2013: Honduras) (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, [ 31] ). Still, this means

that only 5.2% of the child population in the world is legally protected from all physical punishment.

The Council of Europe, encompassing 47 countries with 800 million citizens, including, for example, Russia, considers all kinds of physical

punishment towards children to be a breach of fundamental human rights. By 2009 the majority of its member states had committed

themselves to ending all types of physical punishment towards children both at school and in the home. It was agreed that children should

not have less protection than adults under the criminal law of assault; furthermore, it was decided that the practice concerning what, in some

states, is called the “reasonable punishment” of children is not compliant with international human rights (Commissioner for Human Rights, [

13] ).

Data from 10,812 respondents from 14 countries of the European Union have shown that the existence of national laws banning the physical

punishment of children is associated with lower levels of acceptability regarding physical punishment in the population at large (Gracia &

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Herrero, [ 33] ). Zolotor and Puzia ([ 64] ) made a similar review of legal bans in 24 countries and found that bans were closely associated

with a decrease in both support and use of physical punishment.

Efforts to legally ban all types of physical punishment of children are underway in many countries. For an in‐depth description of law reforms and information campaigns round the world see Durrant and Smith ([ 16] ).

Research on Physical Punishment in Finland and Sweden

Finland is a relatively small country with a population of 5.4 million, the majority of the population have Finnish as their mother tongue, while a

minority (5.4%) speak Swedish, mainly along the Finnish coast.

The acceptance of physical punishment has been steadily decreasing in Finland over the past 30 years. In a survey carried out in 1981,

Peltoniemi ([ 52] ), found that 44% of women and 52% of men accepted the physical punishment of children. When two similar studies were

carried out just over 20 years later, the percentages had, by the year 2004, gone down to 23% and 45%, respectively, and by 2006 to 23%

and 36% (Sariola, [ 55] ).

When Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ) investigated family violence, including physical punishment, among 9,000 Finnish 15‐year olds, they found that 22.8% of respondents reported having sometimes been pushed, shoved, or shaken angrily as a punishment; 65.1% reported having

been pulled by the hair, the most common form of physical punishment; 24.2% reported having been slapped; 34.6% had been switched

(traditionally being hit with branches from a tree or bush); and 12.3% had been beaten up. Three percent had been hit with a fist, 4.3%

beaten with an object, and 3.4% had been kicked. They also found that physical punishment was more common among Finnish‐speakers than among Swedish‐speakers in Finland.

One of the foremost aims of the present study was to report changes over time regarding exposure to physical punishment in Finland. Similar

studies have been carried out in Sweden where victimization as a result of physical punishment has steadily declined since measurements

started (see Janson, Långberg, & Svensson, [ 37] , for a review).

When Janson et al. ([ 37] ) investigated positive attitudes towards physical punishment among parents in Sweden, they found that the

percentages had continued to decline steadily between 1965 and 2006: during this period positive attitudes towards physical punishment fell

from 53% to 7%. Also among children, positive attitudes towards physical punishment fell from 32% to 10% between 1994 and 2006.

In the 1960s, almost 94% of parents reported that they used physical punishment towards their children. In the 1970s this percentage had

decreased to 50%, and in the 1980s the percentage was 35%. In the 1990s, 20% of Swedish children reported that they had been the victims

of physical punishment at home, and in the 2000s, this number had fallen to 11%. In 2006, 2.4% of Swedish parents reported that they had

hit their child, between 1 and 10 times during the last year (Janson et al., [ 37] , pp. 34–35). Hitting with an object was reported by 0.4% of the

parents. Not a single parent had hit their child more than ten times during the last year. According to Janson, Långberg, & Svensson ([ 38] ),

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almost an entire generation of Swedes who were themselves victims of physical punishment during childhood, have refrained from inflicting

physical punishment on their own children.

When Durrant ([ 14] ) evaluated the situation of physical punishment in Sweden, 20 years after the implementation of the ban, she concluded,

among other things, that child abuse mortality was low, social interventions had become both supportive and preventative, and that public

support for physical punishment had declined. Modig ([ 47] ) made an evaluation 30 years after the abolition of physical punishment and

came to the same conclusions. She especially stressed the importance of legislation and awareness campaigns.

Adverse Concomitants of Physical Punishment

While physical abuse has been studied extensively, the concomitants of physical punishment are much less known. The trend in the research

of today, however, is slowly shifting towards an understanding that physical punishment may also be damaging for children. A wide range of

adverse concomitants, in the form of psychological, physical, or social disturbances, have been associated with physical/corporal

punishment. The studies of Murray Straus, a forerunner in this field of research show many harmful associations of corporal punishment,

such as depression, suicidal thoughts, escalation from corporal punishment to physical abuse, family, street, and school violence, sexual

violence, masochistic sex, feelings of alienation, delayed mental development, poorer achievement, and infanticide (for an overview, see

Straus, [ 57] ).

In a review, Gershoff ([ 30] ), found an association between corporal punishment and 10 negative outcomes. In the case of children these

were: increased risk of aggression, victimization of abuse, and antisocial behavior; as well as poorer mental health, quality of relationship to

parents, and moral internalization. In adults they were: increased risk for aggression, criminal and antisocial behavior, spouse or child abuse,

and poorer mental health.

The impact of physical punishment on mental disorders has been studied by Afifi and colleagues in nationally representative samples in the

US. It was shown that physical punishment during childhood (things thrown at the child, being pushed, grabbed, shoved, slapped, or

spanked) was associated with major depression, alcohol abuse, and externalizing problems in adults (Afifi, Brownridge, Cox, & Sareen, [ 1] ).

This was also the case after controlling for parental bonding, and it shows that, in contrast to what is frequently stated, physical punishment

by a loving parent does not make it less damaging for the child (Afifi et al., [ 1] ). In another study, physical punishment (being pushed,

grabbed, shoved, slapped, or hit) was found to be associated with the following mental disorders: major depression, dysthymia, mania,

specific phobia, anxiety, borderline, narcissism, obsessive compulsiveness, schizoid, schizotypal, and antisocial personality, alcohol, and

drug abuse (Afifi, Mota, Dasiewicz, MacMillan, & Sareen, [ 3] ). In a third study Afifi, Mota, MacMillan, and Sareen ([ 4] ) found that harsh

physical punishment during childhood in the absence of maltreatment, was associated with higher odds of arthritis, obesity, and

cardiovascular disease. Sociodemographic variables were controlled for in the studies.

Physical punishment victimization is also associated with depression (e.g., MacMillan, Boyle, Wong, Duku, Fleming, & Walsh, [ 45] ; Turner &

Finkelhorn, [ 59] ; Turner & Muller, [ 60] ), externalizing problems (Callender, Olson, Choe, & Sameroff, [ 8] ; MacMillan et al., [ 45] ), cognitive

functions (Gershoff, [ 30] ), and psychopathy (Lynam, Loeber, & Stouthamer‐Loeber, [ 44] ).

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Aggressive behavior has been linked to childhood physical punishment, since harsh parenting often includes the physical punishment of the

child. Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, and McBride‐Chang ([ 9] ) studied harsh parenting in Southern China and the physical punishment of “hitting” the child was included among the things parents did when the children misbehaved. The results showed that harsh parenting by the mother

affected emotion regulation in particular, and harsh parenting by the father was associated with higher levels of aggression in the children.

Corporal punishment, such as spanking, has also been found to increase the risk for aggressiveness in children (e.g., Taylor, Manganello,

Lee, & Rice, [ 58] ).

Studies have shown that physical punishment during childhood is linked to alcohol abuse during adulthood (Fergusson & Lynskey, [ 20] ;

MacMillan et al., [ 45] ). In a series of three articles, Cheng and colleagues analyzed the relationship between alcohol problems and

childhood physical punishment in a representative sample from Beijing and Shanghai (Cheng, Anthony, & Huang, [ 10] ; Cheng et al., [ 11] ;

Cheng, Huang, & Anthony, [ 12] ). Physical punishment was measured with items like “pushed, grabbed or shoved,” “threw something,” and

“slapped, hit, or punched.” Using structural equation modeling, a robust association between childhood physical punishment and drinking

problems was found (Cheng et al., [ 11] ). Subjects with a history of childhood physical punishment were 1.5 times more likely to start

drinking alcohol, and three times more likely to suffer from alcohol problems. The transition from onset of drinking to actual problems was

also more rapid than for individuals who had not been subjected to physical punishment during childhood. Childhood adversities and parental

alcohol use were accounted for in the study.

Two meta‐analytic studies found no or no substantial associations between childhood physical punishment and negative concomitants (Larzelere & Kuhn, [ 41] ; Paolucci & Violato, [ 50] ), and a third (Ferguson, [ 19] ) found a small but statistically significant impact on negative

concomitants.

For a condensed review of 20 years of research on physical punishment, see Durrant and Ensom ([ 15] ), where the conclusion is reached

that the physical punishment of children increases the risk of enduring negative developmental outcomes.

Physical Punishment and Physical Abuse

Although physical abuse is, by definition, prohibited in all cultures, the line between “reasonable” punishment and abuse is culturally defined.

In the US, for example, the physical punishment of children is not considered to be abuse unless it is very severe, and in most states it is not

prohibited. The individual's personal history of punishment also influences the perception of when physical punishment is considered abuse.

Bower and Knutson ([ 6] ) showed that subjects who had been victimized by a specific form of physical discipline were less likely to consider

that same type of discipline as abusive. Subjects with a history of abuse, who did not admit to themselves that they had been abused, were

less likely to perceive an event as abusive, than abused subjects who did admit to themselves to having been abused.

Whereas the consequences of physical punishment have been investigated only to a limited degree, those of child abuse have been studied

extensively. There is substantial evidence for several associations between child abuse and both psychological and somatic consequences in

adulthood. However, what is referred to as physical abuse often also contains items measuring milder forms of abuse that, in many cases,

could just as well be called physical punishment.

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As an example, Fuller‐Thomson, Bottoms, Brennenstuhl, & Hurd ([ 25] ) have found that childhood physical abuse was associated with the following medical problems in adulthood: peptic ulcers, functional somatic syndromes in women (Fuller‐Thomson, Sulman, Brennenstuhl, & Merchant, [ 29] ), 45% higher risk for heart disease (Fuller‐Thomson, Brennenstuhl, & Frank, [ 27] ), 36% higher risk for migraine headaches (Fuller‐Thomson, Baker, & Brennenstuhl, [ 23] ), osteoarthritis (Fuller‐Thomson, Stefanyk, & Brennenstuhl, [ 28] ), and 47% higher odds for cancer (Fuller‐Thomson & Brennenstuhl, [ 26] ). A number of potentially confounding variables were adjusted for in these studies. In all these six studies based on the Canadian Community Health Survey, childhood physical abuse was measured with the item “Were you ever

physically abused by someone close to you?” Thus, the results are clearly dependent on the respondents understanding of what actually

constitutes abuse, and where the line should be drawn between “real” abuse and milder forms of assault, such as, for example, hitting,

slapping, or pushing, which are typical physical punishment behaviors.

The Dose/Response Relationship Supports a Continuum Between Physical Punishment and Physical ...

Most researchers seem to acknowledge the continuum between milder and harsher forms of assault on children. Several studies have shown

a clear dose/response relationship with respect to negative outcomes associated with physical punishment. Fergusson and Lynskey ([ 20] )

suggested a continuum that reaches from no physical punishment to abusive treatment. The same conclusion has also been reached by, for

example, MacMillan et al. ([ 45] ), who found a linear association between frequency of slapping and spanking during childhood and a lifetime

prevalence of psychiatric disorders.

A clear dose/response effect has also been found in two representative samples of 15–16‐year‐old adolescents, one from continental Finland and one from Denmark (Peltonen, Ellonen, Larsen, & Helweg‐Larsen, [ 51] ). Children exposed to severe forms of parental violence, such as hitting and kicking, showed poorer mental health and poorer prosocial behavior than children exposed to only verbal aggression.

A dose/response relationship has also been described by several other researchers (e.g., Callender et al., [ 8] ; Turner & Muller, [ 60] ).

However, there seems to be no essential difference between childhood physical punishment and physical child abuse; the only difference

being the matter of force and frequency.

Durrant and Ensom ([ 15] ) describe how the dichotomisation that earlier used to separate punishment from abuse is now slowly starting to

subside, and they conclude that most physical child abuse occurs in the context of punishment. There is consequently a growing insight that

milder forms of physical punishment can escalate into child maltreatment and abuse. Zolotor, Theodore, Chang, Berkoff, and Runyan ([ 65] )

found that the risk for abuse was 2.7 times higher if the child had been spanked previously and 8.9 times higher if the child had been hit with

an object.

In a similar vein, Korpilahti ([ 40] ) found that in half of the sample of battered child cases brought to court in Finland and Sweden, the abuse

was a result of an escalation of physical punishment.

Physical Punishment and Its links to Victimization, Suicidal Ideation, Suicide, and Filicide

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Victimization from aggression has been associated to physical punishment. Björkqvist, Österman, and Berg ([ 5] ) found that children who

were victims of bullying in school reported having been physically punished by adults significantly more often than other children. Straus ([

57] , p. 73) found that adults who were frequently hit as adolescents were more likely to have thoughts about killing themselves, and also to

attempt suicide. Likewise, Lester ([ 43] ) found, in a prison sample, that significantly more inmates who had attempted suicide had been

victims of physical punishment from their fathers during childhood when compared to other inmates.

The link between physical abuse and suicidality is well established. Suicidal ideation has been found to be five times higher in abused men

and women than among the non‐abused (Fuller‐Thomson, Baker, & Brennenstuhl, [ 24] ). Moreover, suicide attempts in women have been linked to childhood physical abuse (McHolm, MacMillan, & Jamieson, [ 46] ). A longitudinal study in New Zealand revealed that harsh or

abusive childhood experiences increased the risk of, among other things, suicide attempts (Fergusson & Lynskey, [ 20] ). Physical abuse has

been associated with both suicidal ideation and attempts for both men and women (Afifi et al., [ 2] ).

The ultimate consequence of physical abuse is the killing of a child. The number of children killed in Finland has fallen drastically since the

1960s (Lehti, Kääriäinen, & Kivivuori, [ 42] ). Especially the number of children killed under 12 months of age has decreased steeply, from 75

children between the years 1950 and 1954, to three children between the years 2000 and 2004 (Ellonen et al., [ 17] , p. 22). Another study

shows that between 1970 and 1994, 16 children were fatally battered in Finland (Vanamo, Kauppi, Karkola, Merikanto, & Räsänen, [ 62] ).

Half of those children had a documented history of previous abuse. The most common cause of death was hitting, spanking, and throwing.

METHODS

Participants

In 2011, the Finnish National Institute for Health and Welfare distributed 10,000 paper‐and‐pencil questionnaires to a representative sample of citizens in Western Finland aged between 15 and 80 years. The questionnaires were returned by 2,632 females and 1,977 males, the

response rate being 46.2%. Of the respondents, 82.1% had Finnish as their mother tongue, 16.7% had Swedish, and 1.2% had some other

language. For more details on the methodology and sample see, Herberts et al. ([ 35] ).

Measures

The questionnaire measured, among other things, exposure to physical punishment during childhood, alcohol abuse, depression, suicidal

ideation and attempt, mental health problems, and schizotypal personality. Details of the scales are presented in Table [NaN] . Since the

scales had different response ranges, they were all standardized into z‐scores in order to facilitate comparisons.

I Reliabilities, Number of Items, and Response Ranges of the Scales in the Study

Scales Number of Items α Response Range Authors Brief physical punishment scale (BPPS)4 .79 0–4 Österman and Björkqvist (49)

Psychosocial concomitants

Alcohol abuse (CAGE) 4 .71 Yes/no Ewing (18)

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Depression (CIDI‐SF) 2 .78 Yes/no Kessler, Andrews, Mroczek, Ustun, and Wittchen (39) Mental health problems (GHQ) 12 .90 0–3 Goldberg and Hillier (32)

Schizotypal personality (SPQ) 9 .63 Yes/no Raine (53)

The Brief Physical Punishment Scale (BPPS, Österman & Björkqvist, [ 49] ) consists of four items. The respondents estimated on a five‐point scale (from 0 never to 4 very often) how often they had been subjected to the following things by an adult during their childhood: (a) their hair

was pulled, (b) their ear was pulled, (c) they were slapped, and (d) they were beaten with an object.

Suicidal Ideation and Attempted Suicide was measured with two questions. “During the past 12 months, have you had suicidal thoughts?”

and “During the past 12 months, have you tried to commit suicide?” The response alternatives were yes or no.

Socioeconomic Differences and Health

In Finland, as in the other Nordic countries in Europe, socioeconomic differences are small in comparison to other nations. Finland has been

ranked fourth in the world regarding economic equality in the population (United Nations, [ 61] ; p. 195).

In the present study, as shown in the results section, the educational level of the respondents did not affect the relationship between physical

punishment and psychosocial concomitants. In view of this finding, socioeconomic status has not been included in the following statistical

analysis.

RESULTS

Exposure to Four Types of Physical Punishment Before and After the Establishment of a Law ...

A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted with the four types of physical punishment as dependent variables and being

born before or after the establishment of the law in 1983 as a dichotomous independent variable. The multivariate analysis showed a

significant effect for being born before or after the law was implemented (see Table [NaN] and Fig. [NaN] ). The univariate analyses revealed

significant effects for all four types of physical punishment. Respondents born before the law had been pulled by the hair, slapped, and

beaten with an object significantly more often than respondents born after the law. Regarding being pulled by the ear, the result was the

opposite; respondents born after the law was implemented had been pulled by the ear significantly more often than those born before. It is

possible that being pulled by the ear, which is a milder form of physical punishment, had substituted the harsher forms of punishment, that is,

being slapped and beaten by an object.

II Results of a Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Measuring the Effect of Being Born Before or After the Introduction of the Law

against Physical Punishment With Four Types of Physical Punishment as Dependent Variables ( N = 4,494)

F df p η Observed PowerBefore After M (SD) M (SD)

Effect of year of birth

Multivariate analysis 28.234, 4489≤.001.0251.00

p 2

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Univariate analyses

Pulled by the hair 15.271, 4492≤.001.0030.97 2.29 (0.94)2.13(0.93)

Pulled by the ear 6.20 1, 4492≤.013.0010.70 1.39 (0.77)1.47(0.79)

Slapped 39.211, 4492≤.001.0091.00 1.51 (0.85)1.29(0.67)

Beaten with an object47.441, 4492≤.001.0101.00 1.43 (0.81)1.21(0.59)

Summed Variable of Physical Punishment. Comparison Before and After the Law

When the four different types of physical punishment were added together, respondents born before the law scored significantly higher on the

summed variable of Physical Punishment, as compared to those born after the law [t = 4.72, p < .001, d = 0.20]. Please note that the

four variables measuring physical punishment had an equal weight in the summed variable; as a consequence, Pulled by the Hair, which was

the most frequently used form of physical punishment in Finland, received an unreasonably high weight in the scale. In future research,

depending on the objective of the study, the different forms should perhaps be weighted so that the harshest form receives the highest

weight.

Pulled by the Hair the Most Common Form of Physical Punishment

A within‐subjects multivariate analysis of variance (WSMANOVA) was conducted with the four items measuring physical punishment. The multivariate test showed a significant effect [F = 1982.79, p < .001, η = .57, power = 1.00]. Subsequent paired samples t‐tests revealed that Pulled by the Hair was the most common form of physical punishment in Finland for respondents born between 1931 and 1996,

differing from the other forms at the p < .001 level (see Fig. [NaN] ).

Sex and Age Group Differences for Exposure to Physical Punishment

A MANOVA was conducted with sex and age group as independent variables and four different kinds of physical punishment as dependent

variables (see Table [NaN] and Fig. [NaN] ). The multivariate analysis was significant for both sex and age group, and no interaction effect

was found. The univariate analyses showed significant effects for both sex and age group. Males had significantly more often been subjected

to all four different kinds of physical punishment during childhood than females.

III Results of a Sex × Age Group (2 × 7) Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) With Four Types of Physical Punishment as Dependent

Variables ( N = 4,492)

F df p η Observed PowerGroup With Higher Mean Effect of sex

Multivariate analysis 35.72 4, 4475 ≤.001.0311.00

Univariate analyses

Pulled by the hair 27.45 1, 4478 ≤.001.006.99 Males

Pulled by the ear 132.171, 4478 ≤.001.0291.00 Males

Slapped 10.57 1, 4478 ≤.001.002.90 Males

Beaten with an object 6.50 1, 4478 ≤.011.001.72 Males

(4492)

( 3, 4503) p 2

p 2

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Effect of age group

Multivariate analysis 11.10 24, 17912≤.001.0151.00

Univariate analyses

Pulled by the hair 6.56 6, 4478 ≤.001.009.99 I < (III), IV–V

VII < IV–V

Pulled by the ear 6.87 6, 4478 ≤.001.0091.00 II > VI–VII (IV > VII)

Slapped 10.87 6, 4478 ≤.001.0141.00 I < IV–VII

II < V–VII

III < V

Beaten with an Object 11.58 6, 4478 ≤.001.0151.00 I, II < IV–VI (III < V)

Interaction between sex and age group

Multivariate analysis 1.11 24, 17912ns .001.87

3 Note

4 Year of birth: I = 1991–1996, II = 1981–1990, III = 1971–1980, IV = 1961–1970, V = 1951–1960, VI = 1941–1950, VII = 1931–1940. For

results in brackets p = .05–.09.

According to Scheffé's test, being pulled by the hair was significantly less common among respondents born 1991–1996 than among those

born 1951–1970 (see Table [NaN] and Fig. [NaN] ). A tendency was also found for them to be pulled by the hair less often than those born

between 1971 and 1980, but not those born between 1931 and 1950. Respondents born 1931–1940 reported significantly less frequent hair‐ pulling than those born 1951–1970. Respondents born 1981–1990 were significantly more often pulled by the ear than those born 1931–

1950 (see Table [NaN] and Fig. [NaN] ). This difference was unexpected. It was not the case for those born later. Pulled by the Ear seems to

have substituted the harsher forms of physical punishment such as beaten with an object or slapped when these were less frequent. There

was also a tendency for those born 1931–1940 to have been pulled by the ear less often during their childhood than those born 1961–1970.

Respondents born 1991–1996 had been slapped significantly less often than those born 1931–1970, and those born 1981–1990 had been

slapped significantly less often than those born 1931–1960 (see Table [NaN] ). Respondents born 1971–1980, 3–12 years old at the time

when the law was established, had been slapped significantly less often than those born 1951–1960.

A pattern similar to that of being slapped was found for having been beaten with an object. According to Scheffé's test, respondents born

1981–1990 (80% of who were born after the law was established) and 1991–1996 had been significantly less often beaten with an object

than respondents born 1941–1970. Respondents born between 1971–1980 tended to have been less often beaten with an object in

comparison with those born 1951–1960 (p = .068). Respondents in this age group were all under 12 years of age at the time of the law in

1983, and they are therefore likely to have been affected by it.

All children in the age group born 1981–1990 were affected by the law. Eighty percent of the children in this group were born after the law

and the oldest children, who were only 2 years old at the time of the law, were also affected by it after their second year of life. All children in

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the age group born just before the law (1971–1980) were also affected by it since they were between 3 and 12 years old at the time when the

law was passed.

Language and Victimization From Physical Punishment During Childhood

Respondents from the Swedish‐speaking minority in Finland had significantly lower scores on the summed variable of Exposure to Physical Punishment during Childhood, than Finnish‐speaking respondents did (t = 4.58, p < .001).

Percentages of Respondents Who Had Never Been Exposed to Four Different Types of Physical ...

The percentages of respondents of the age groups studied, and males and females of the two language groups, who had never been

exposed to the four investigated types of physical punishment, are presented in Table [NaN] . With regard to age trends, the results reflect

those presented in Table [NaN] .

IV Percentage of Finnish‐ and Swedish‐Speakers, Males and Females of Seven Different Age Groups Who Were Never During Childhood Exposed to Four Different Forms of Physical Punishment

Never Pulled by the HairNever Pulled by the EarNever SlappedNever Hit With an Object N

Finnish‐speakers Females 25.8% 83.3% 72.7% 73.6% 2,194

Males 16.4% 66.4% 65.5% 67.5% 1,624

Swedish‐speakers Females 40.0% 71.1% 70.6% 86.0% 411

Males 24.1% 49.7% 59.6% 84.6% 342

Age groups (born)

Affected by the law

1991–1996 31.8% 68.0% 84.0% 86.4% 332

1981–1990 24.9% 66.9% 75.9% 82.7% 501

1971–1980 21.5% 72.2% 74.4% 76.8% 539

Not affected by the law

1961–1970 18.0% 71.9% 71.1% 70.6% 684

1951–1960 20.2% 75.1% 64.4% 68.6% 952

1941–1950 25.9% 76.8% 65.0% 69.6% 994

1931–1940 28.8% 78.0% 60.5% 72.1% 525

Whole sample 23.7% 73.5% 68.8% 73.2% 4,540

5 All under 3 years of age at the time of the law in 1983.

6 All between 3 and 12 years of age at the time of the law.

(4502)

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The group comprising 15–20‐year‐old girls of Swedish‐speaking origin (n = 26) was least exposed to any type of physical punishment within the study: of these, 46.4% had never at any time in their childhood been pulled by the hair, 82.1% were never pulled by the ear, 89.3% never

slapped, and 89.3% never beaten with an object.

After the law came into effect, the percentage of children who were never victimized during their childhood, increased steadily for all

measures; except for never being pulled by the ear. Before the law came into effect, there was only one significant increase in the

percentage of children who had never been victims of physical punishment: the percentage of children who had never been slapped

increased from 64.4% for the age group born in the 1950s to 71.1% for those born a decade later [χ = 8.27, p = .005].

Percentages of Respondents Never Exposed to Any of the Measured Types of Physical Punishment

Among respondents born after the law was established, that is, after 1983, 25% had never been exposed to any of the measured types of

physical punishment. This number was significantly higher than for respondents born before the law, among whom 20% had never been

exposed to physical punishment [χ = 8.68, p = .003].

Of respondents in the youngest age group, born 1991–1996, 30.9% of females and 25% of males had never been exposed to any of the four

types of physical punishment measured (see Table [NaN] ). The figure, both sexes included, for this age group was 28.4%, and was the

highest percentage of non‐exposed respondents in any age group of the study. This result might be due to a combination of three factors: attitude changes in Finnish society preceding the law, an effect of the law itself, and an effect of campaigns launched in order to inform

citizens of the law in 1983 and later on.

V Sex Differences in Percentages of Respondents in Seven Age Groups Never Exposed to Any of Four Types of Physical Punishment ( N =

4,494)

Year of BirthNever Exposed to Any of Four Types of PP χ p Group With Higher Frequency Total Females Males

1991–1996 28.4% 30.9%25.0%1.38 ns —

1981–1990 20.8% 24.7%14.5%7.46 ≤.006 Females

1971–1980 20.1% 23.9%15.0%6.45 ≤.011 Females

1961–1970 15.8% 19.4%10.5%9.54 ≤.002 Females

1951–1960 17.3% 20.9%12.5%11.52 ≤.001 Females

1941–1950 22.8% 30.1%13.9%36.04 ≤.001 Females

1931–1940 25.1% 32.0%17.7%14.06 ≤.001 Females

The youngest age group was also the only one where the percentage of non‐exposed females and males did not differ significantly from each other. In all the other age groups, the percentage of females not exposed to physical punishment was significantly higher than that of males.

The difference might reflect increased egalitarianism between the sexes.

2 ( 1)

2 ( 1)

2

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Physical Punishment and Life Expectancy

In the oldest group of respondents, 71–80 years of age, 25.1% had never been exposed to any of the measured types of physical

punishment. This percentage was unexpectedly high since it is common knowledge that attitudes towards physical punishment in Finland

were much less condemning in the beginning of the 20th century than today. Recent research (see the Introduction Section) has, however,

showed a clear association between exposure to physical punishment in childhood and a large number of psychological problems, lethal

diseases, and suicide attempts. The authors of this paper wish to bring forward the hypothesis that exposure to physical punishment during

childhood might be related to a reduced life expectancy. Consequently, in the oldest age group, the respondents who were not exposed to

any type of physical punishment during childhood are likely to be overrepresented, if this hypothesis is correct. As Table [NaN] reveals, this

prediction seems to be particularly accurate in the case of females in the oldest age groups (30.1% and 32.0%, respectively). The prominent

sex difference in the age group born 1941–1950 is noteworthy.

The trend for the percentage of non‐exposed respondents to increase begins after the age of 50 (those born 1951–1960). It could be argued that at this age, the effect of physical punishment on life expectancy begins to show.

Psychosocial Concomitants in Adulthood and Exposure to Physical Punishment During Childhood

A dichotomous variable for exposure to Physical Punishment was constructed, dividing the respondents in a low punishment group, with

scores below the mean of the scale, and a high punishment group, with scores above the mean of the scale. A MANOVA was conducted with

sex and amount of physical punishment (high vs. low) as independent variables, and the four psychosocial concomitants as dependent

variables (see Table [NaN] ). The multivariate test was significant for both sex and amount of physical punishment. The univariate analyses

revealed that males scored significantly higher than females on alcohol abuse, while females scored higher on depression, mental health

problems, and schizotypal personality. Respondents scoring above the mean on physical punishment scored significantly higher than the

others on all four psychosocial concomitants. The interaction between sex and physical punishment was not significant.

VI Results of a Sex × Physical Punishment (High vs. Low; 2 × 2) Multivariate Analysis of Variance With Four Psychosocial Concomitants

(Presented in z ‐Scores) as Dependent Variables ( N = 3,944)

F df p η Observed Power M (SD) M (SD) Effect of sex

Multivariate analysis 81.94 4, 3937≤.001.0771.00

Univariate analyses Females Males

Alcohol abuse 204.301, 3940≤.001.0491.00 −0.20 (0.82) 0.28 (1.14)

Depression 55.26 1, 3940≤.001.0141.00 0.10 (1.06) −0.11 (0.92)

Mental health problems 37.40 1, 3940≤.001.0091.00 0.06 (1.01) −0.10 (0.94)

Schizotypal personality 30.16 1, 3940≤.001.0081.00 0.07 (1.02) −0.09 (0.95)

Effect of physical punishment

Multivariate analysis 29.76 4, 3937≤.001.0291.00

p 2

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Univariate analyses Low PP High PP

Alcohol abuse 50.71 1, 3940≤.001.0131.00 −0.10 (0.92) 0.20 (1.10)

Depression 47.31 1, 3940≤.001.0121.00 −0.06 (0.95) 0.13 (1.08)

Mental health problems 52.69 1, 3940≤.001.0131.00 −0.09 (0.93) 0.12 (1.06)

Schizotypal personality 56.95 1, 3940≤.001.0141.00 −0.08 (0.94) 0.14 (1.08)

Interaction between sex and physical punishment

Multivariate analysis 1.58 4, 3937ns .0020.49

7 Note

8 Exposure to physical punishment (PP): Low PP, below the mean of BPPS; High PP, above the mean of BPPS.

Schizotypal Personality in Adulthood

A univariate analysis of variance was conducted with Schizotypal personality as the dependent variable and Beaten with an object and sex

as independent variables. A significant effect was found for Beaten with an object [F = 18.99, p < .001, η = .017, power = 1.00]. Scheffé's test revealed that those who had very often been beaten with an object during childhood scored significantly highest on schizotypal

personality in adulthood (all p ≤ .006). No sex difference, nor any interaction effect, was found.

Physical Punishment and Subsequent Divorce as Adult

A 5 × 4 MANOVA was conducted with civil status (married, partnership, divorced, unmarried, widow/widower) as an independent variable,

and the four items of physical punishment during childhood as dependent variables. The multivariate analysis was significant [F =

8.40, p < .001, η = 0.007, power = 1.00]. According to Scheffé's test, divorced respondents scored significantly higher than all the other groups on having been pulled by the hair, and beaten with an object during childhood. They also scored significantly higher than all the other

groups, except the widowed ones, on having been slapped.

Suicidal Ideation and Attempted Suicide

Respondents who had had suicidal thoughts during the last 12 months (n = 258), had experienced significantly more physical punishment

(the summed variable) as children than those without suicidal thoughts [t = 9.76, p < .001, d = .61] (cf. Fig. [NaN] ). It was also found that

respondents who had attempted suicide during the last 12 months (n = 18) had experienced significantly more physical punishment as

children than those who had not attempted suicide [t = 4.10, p < .001, d = .97].

Comparison Between Amount of Victimization from Physical Punishment and Number of Murdered ...

The numbers of murdered children in Finland between 1950 and 1996, provided by Ellonen et al. ([ 17] ), were compared to the amount of

physical punishment reported in the present study, measured at the same 5‐year intervals. Differences over time in population size was accounted for. It was found that the number of murdered children under 1 year of age (N = 314) was highly positively correlated with how

often children in general had been beaten with an object [r = .88, p = .001], slapped [r = .94, p < .001], pulled by the hair [r = .75, p = .012],

while it correlated negatively with children being pulled by the ear [r = −.83, p = .003]. The difference between the correlational coefficients (r)

for having been slapped and beaten with an object was not significant [z = 0.68, p > .05]. The number of murdered children between 1 and 9

( 4, 4301) p 2

( 16, 17896)

p 2

(4482)

(4479)

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years old (N = 273) was also highly positively correlated with how often children in general had been beaten with an object [r = .84, p = .002],

slapped [r = .89, p = .001], pulled by the hair [r = .74, p = .014], while it correlated negatively with children being pulled by the ear [r = −.78, p

= .008]. The number of murdered children between 10 and 14 years of age (N = 88) showed a tendency towards a significant correlation with

having been slapped (r = .58, p = .079).

DISCUSSION

It was expected that physical punishment would have diminished slowly before the passing of the law due to developmental changes in

society. The present study, however, shows that there was no consistent decrease in victimization from physical punishment during a period

of 39 years preceding the implementation of the law (see Table [NaN] ). Only one significant change preceded the law, the percentage of

children who had never been slapped increased between the 50s and 60s (Table [NaN] ). Instead, when comparing the amount of physical

punishment before and after the law, a significant decrease was found. Respondents affected by the law had been significantly less often

pulled by the hair, slapped, and beaten with an object (Table [NaN] ). The same result was also obtained when the four types of punishment

were summed together. This finding suggests that a decline in physical punishment of children does not occur automatically but that the

implementation of a law is necessary.

The decreasing amount of victimization from physical punishment after the law is clearly reflected in the steadily increasing percentages of

respondents who had never been victimized during childhood to three different types of physical punishment (see Table [NaN] ). By 2011, the

percentage of children who had never been pulled by the hair had increased to 31.8%, never slapped to 84.0%, and never beaten with an

object to 86.4%. In contrast, the percentage of children who had never been pulled by the ear was slightly lower than before the law. It is

suggested that pulling by the ear, being a milder form of physical punishment, might have been a substitute for harsher forms as they

became illegal. This is supported by the fact that in the case of the youngest age group (born 1991–1996), pulling by the ear had diminished

again and the difference was no longer significant when compared to older age groups.

An unexpected finding was made regarding the oldest age group. Respondents born before 1940 did not, as could have been assumed,

report the highest amounts of victimization from any type of physical punishment measured. Since exposure to physical abuse has been

shown to correlate with a wide range of adverse health effects, for example, cancer and heart disease, as shown by Fuller‐Thomson and Brennenstuhl ([ 26] ) and Fuller‐Thomson et al. ([ 27] ) it is possible that those who received the harshest physical punishment as children died early and accordingly were under represented in their age group at the time of the data collection. Since the reports were all given in

retrospect, it could be argued that the oldest respondents had simply forgotten their childhood experiences of physical punishment. However,

according to Hardt and Rutter ([ 34] ), the bias of retrospective reports is not sufficiently great to invalidate reports of childhood adversities.

Brown, Craig, Harris, Handley, and Harvey ([ 7] ) have shown that retrospective measures and self‐reports of childhood maltreatment do not contain any significant recollection bias; instead, a tendency towards under reporting has actually been found. The results of the present

study suggest that physical punishment could be associated with reduced life expectancy.

There are similarities between the present results and those of Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ), which was also carried out in Finland. Being pulled

by the hair was the most common form of physical punishment in both studies. The present study also found that Swedish‐speakers had

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experienced significantly less physical punishment during childhood than Finnish‐speaking, which is in line with the result obtained by Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ). However, the present study found that boys had been subjected to more physical punishment of all types than girls, which

is in contrast to the study by Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ), who found that girls had experienced more mild violence than boys, and that girls and

boys had been equally often victims of severe violence in the home.

In the present study, 23.2% of the respondents born in the 1970s had been beaten with an object (Table [NaN] ), while this was the case for

only 4.3% of almost the same age group (born 1973) in the study by Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ). The difference may be explained by the fact

that Sariola and Uutela measured birching (switching) and being hit with an object as two separate items. Historically, birching was very

common in Finland and many old people still recall today the traditional way it was administered. After misbehaving, the child was told to go

out in the forest to collect twigs, return home and ask the father to be hit with them. (The most humiliating part of birching used to be to have

to collect the twigs oneself.) Sariola and Uutela ([ 56] ) also found that, as late as in 1988, 34.6% of the Finnish respondents, aged 15–16

years, had been switched (birched). Since birching was not measured as a separate item from being otherwise beaten with an object in the

present study, respondents probably included it in their responses to “beaten with an object” which explains the higher figures.

Physical punishment during childhood was found to be associated with schizotypal personality, general mental health problems, alcohol

abuse, and depression in adult women and men alike. The results are in concordance with previous studies that have found associations

between physical punishment and schizotypal personality (Afifi et al., [ 3] ), general mental health problems (Gershoff, [ 30] ), alcohol abuse

(Afifi et al., [ 1] , [ 3] ; [ 10] ; Fergusson & Lynskey, [ 20] ; MacMillan et al., [ 45] ), and depression (Afifi et al., [ 1] , [ 3] ; MacMillan et al., [ 45] ;

Straus, [ 57] ; Turner & Finkelhorn, [ 59] ; Turner & Muller, [ 60] ). Divorced respondents scored significantly higher than others on having

been pulled by the hair, and beaten with an object during childhood. Divorcees had also been slapped more during childhood than all the

other groups, with the exception of widowed ones. A similar finding has not, to our knowledge, been reported previously.

Respondents with suicidal ideation had experienced more physical punishment during childhood than those without suicidal thoughts.

Respondents who reported that they had actually attempted suicide during the last 12 months had also experienced significantly more

physical punishment as children when than those who had not attempted suicide. These findings are in concordance with previous studies

(Afifi et al., [ 2] ; Fergusson & Lynskey, [ 20] ; Lester, [ 43] ; Straus, [ 57] ).

A strong correlation between the physical punishment of children in general and number of murdered children was found. When the number

of murdered children in Finland between the years of 1950 and 1996, measured every 5 years, was compared to the amount of physical

punishment during the same time period, it was found that the number of murdered children, from under 1 to 9 years old, was highly

positively correlated with how often children in general had been beaten with an object, slapped, and pulled by the hair. A tendency for a

correlation with being slapped was also found for children between 10 and 14 years of age. This association supports the idea of escalation

suggested by Straus ([ 57] ), Korpilahti ([ 40] ), and Zolotor et al. ([ 65] ). It must be noted, however, that ecological correlations, that is,

correlations on a group level like these, cannot validly be used as substitutes for individual correlations, as has been demonstrated by

Robinson ([ 54] ).

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It is known that attitudes predict subsequent physical punishment (Vittrup, Holden, & Buck, [ 63] ). An example of the importance of

information and attitude change is documented by Mweru ([ 48] ). When the Kenyan government in 2001 banned physical punishment in

schools, it was found that the teachers were aware of the law, but they still continued to use physical punishment, since they thought it was

the most effective thing to do. In order to diminish violence against children and ensure their human rights, a coordinated approach is

essential, with information campaigns before, after, and at the implementation of the law. A significant improvement in the safety of children

in Finland has been reached, but much still remains to be done. A national action plan for the period 2010–2015, intended to raise

awareness and change attitudes regarding physical punishment in Finland has been launched (Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, [

21] ).

Footnotes

1 Conflicts of interest: None.

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Graph: Mean values of four types of physical punishment in seven age groups.

Graph: Adult civil status and victimization from physical punishment as a child.

Graph: Victimization from physical punishment during childhood reported by respondents who had attempted suicide during the last 12

months, and for respondents with suicidal thoughts.

~~~~~~~~

By Karin Österman; Kaj Björkqvist and Kristian Wahlbeck

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