Rogerian essay
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee Preferences
Leon Windscheid1 • Lynn Bowes-Sperry2 • Jens Mazei3 • Michèle Morner4,5
Received: 5 April 2015 / Accepted: 21 September 2015 / Published online: 19 October 2015
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015
Abstract Women are underrepresented in the upper
echelons of management in most countries. Despite the
effectiveness of identity conscious initiatives for increasing
the proportion of women, many organizations have been
reluctant to implement such initiatives because potential
employees may perceive them negatively. Given the
increasing competition for labor, attracting talent is rele-
vant for the long-term success of organizations. In this
study, we used an experimental design (N = 693) to
examine the effects of identity blind and identity conscious
gender diversity initiatives on people’s pursuit intentions
toward organizations using them. We used counterfactual
thinking, derived from fairness theory, as a guiding
framework for our hypothesis development and investi-
gated the moderating influence of a forthcoming govern-
ment-mandated gender quota as well as individual
characteristics (e.g., gender). Participants reviewed state-
ments regarding workplace diversity initiatives and rated
either the initiatives’ effectiveness or indicated their
intentions to pursue employment with organizations using
them. Of those rating pursuit intentions, half were informed
that the country in which they were conducting their job
search was about to implement gender quotas. Results
indicated a diversity management paradox such that ini-
tiatives perceived as more effective made organizations
using them less attractive as employers. However, these
negative perceptions were mitigated by a government-
mandated quota, and also lower among women. Implica-
tions for the study and practice of diversity are discussed.
Keywords Diversity � Diversity paradox � Gender � Quota � Organizational attractiveness � Pursuit intentions
Introduction
Attracting a gender diverse workforce is a major challenge
in today’s corporate world. Key drivers of this challenge are
the high level of international competition for labor (e.g.,
Blau and Kahn 2005; Krisor et al. 2013; Pries 2010), the
business case for female representation in top management
(e.g., Bear et al. 2010; Francoeur et al. 2008; Torchia et al.
2011), and in many countries, the political pressure to
increase gender diversity in organizations (e.g., European
Directorate-General for Internal Policies 2013). Despite
numerous actions aimed at achieving gender equality,
women are still often underrepresented in upper manage-
ment in many countries around the globe (e.g., Grant
Thornton 2014). In this study, we explore a potential reason
for this circumstance that we refer to as ‘‘the paradox of
diversity management strategies’’—the discrepancy between
that which individuals acknowledge as effective for organi-
zations to achieve gender-balanced upper echelons and that
which individuals perceive as attractive organizational
attributes. Existing evidence indicates that identity conscious
& Leon Windscheid [email protected]
1 Reinhard-Mohn-Institute for Management and Corporate
Governance, Witten/Herdecke University, Alfred-
Herrhausen-Straße 50, 58448 Witten, Germany
2 College of Business, Western New England University,
Springfield, MA, USA
3 Organizational & Business Psychology, University of
Münster, Münster, Germany
4 Reinhard-Mohn-Institute for Management and Corporate
Governance, Witten/Herdecke University, Witten, Germany
5 German University of Administrative Sciences Speyer,
Speyer, Germany
123
J Bus Ethics (2017) 145:33–48
DOI 10.1007/s10551-015-2864-1
initiatives that are either based on opportunity enhancement
for, or preferential treatment of, female employees are in
fact often more effective for increasing the proportion of
women in top management positions than more general and
less binding identity blind initiatives such as training or
diversity evaluations (Kalev et al. 2006). Despite their
effectiveness, however, elements of fairness theory (Folger
and Cropanzano 1998, 2001) and previous empirical
research suggest the existence of a paradox such that identity
conscious initiatives may not always be well received and
lead to ‘backlash’ from non-beneficiaries, such as white men
(Leslie et al. 2014). This proposed diversity paradox is
similar to the diversity-validity dilemma described by
Pyburn et al. (2008), whereby organizations’ attempts to
increase gender diversity are hindered because some selec-
tion procedures that exhibit high validity result in women (as
a group) scoring lower than men (as group).
Today, ‘‘more than half of the countries in the world
have implemented some type of political quota’’ regarding
female representation in public decision-making bodies
(Pande and Ford 2011, p. 8). For example, the first
empirical long-term investigation of the gender quota in
Norway found a positive effect on the number of female
board chairs as well as ‘‘spill-over effects on top leadership
positions’’ (Wang and Kelan 2013, p. 463). The present
study was conducted in Germany, where the parliament
recently passed a government-mandated gender quota that
will be established by 2016 (German Ministry of Family
Affairs 2014b). The German quota is similar to recent
action taken by many other countries within (Austria,
Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Ireland, Italy, Spain,
and the Netherlands) and outside the European Union
(Iceland, Israel, Switzerland, and Norway). In brief, the
German quota regulations recently set forth require both
genders to be represented with at least 30 % on the
supervisory boards 1
of major organizations. In case of non-
compliance, board seats reserved for the underrepresented
gender have to remain empty. The organizations further
have to publicize goals for gender diversity within their
executive boards and also in general upper management
positions. Given the potential impact of this legislation for
today’s workplace, it is important to know whether and
how potential employees react toward quota regulations.
With this work, we therefore seek to contribute to a
better understanding of the following key practical ques-
tions: What happens when organizations employ strategies
aimed at increasing the proportion of women in top man-
agement teams? Are people attracted to organizations that
implement diversity strategies they perceive as effective, or
do they wish to avoid such organizations as potential
employers? What is the role of governmental legislation in
this context? To the best of our knowledge, the current
study is the first to combine various types of organizational
gender diversity initiatives with the effect of a forthcoming
government-mandated gender quota from an employer
attractiveness perspective. If, as we argue, a government-
mandated gender quota helps to increase the perceived
attractiveness of organizations using identity conscious
diversity initiatives, then such governmental legislation
could become an important driver in resolving the pro-
posed paradox of diversity management strategies. In this
respect, one of the most unique features of the current work
is the simultaneous consideration of three perspectives on
the paradox of diversity management: If decisions at the
level of the organization (i.e., implementation of certain
initiatives) are perceived differently by individuals
depending on the regulations set forth at the higher coun-
try-level, our study enables conclusions for individual
employees as well as diversity practitioners in organiza-
tions and beyond.
The German Context
The German context is of high relevance with regard to our
research questions for various reasons. First, the recent
legislative changes described previously have led to sub-
stantial public scrutiny of gender diversity—job seekers
from Germany are thus likely to be attentive to organiza-
tional gender diversity attributes. Second, (also) due to
governmental pressure, many employers publicly promote
their interest and efforts with regard to gender diversity
through various outlets such as their corporate websites
(Singh and Point 2006). Third, the German labor market
shares central gender diversity attributes with other Wes-
tern societies: For example, despite the fact that the female
labor force participation rate is approximately 54 % (Uni-
ted States 56 %, United Kingdom 56 %; Worldbank 2013),
‘‘the executive floors in Germany continue to be predom-
inantly a male monoculture’’(German Ministry of Family
Affairs 2014a, p. 61), comparable to Fortune 500 and FTSE
100 top management teams (Bernardi et al. 2006; Catalyst
2013a; Vinnicombe et al. 2014). Similarly, less than one-
third (31 %) of German senior managers are female
(United States 20 %, United Kingdom 19 %; Catalyst
2013b), and even less than one-fifth of all board seats
(14 %) are occupied by women (United States 17 %,
United Kingdom 21 %; Catalyst 2014). Key drivers of
these gender differences in Germany are issues related to
the division of labor within the household, or, in other
words, family issues (European Commission 2012).
1 The German corporate governance system is two-tiered, composed
of a board of directors and a supervisory board. The supervisory board
makes appointment decisions for and monitors the board of directors,
which is responsible for an organization’s operations (Jansson 2005;
Joecks et al. 2013).
34 L. Windscheid et al.
123
Although parental support in Germany is traditionally more
elaborate than in other countries such as the United States
(e.g., Dustmann and Schönberg 2012), the employment rate
of women with children is approximately 20 % points
lower than the employment rate of childless women
(European Commission 2012).
Perceived Effectiveness of Gender-Related Diversity Initiatives
Past research has identified a variety of human resource
management practices that can be used to improve orga-
nizational diversity (e.g., Kalev et al. 2006; Konrad and
Linnehan 1995). Konrad and Linnehan (1995) distin-
guished identity blind (e.g., management training available
to all qualified employees) from identity conscious (e.g.,
leadership development exclusively for women) initiatives.
Although identity blind initiatives are designed to ensure
that human resource practices ignore demographic group
attributes, stereotypes and biases tend to continue to taint
employment decision-making (e.g., King et al. 2006); thus,
identity blind initiatives often do not sufficiently improve
organizational diversity. By contrast, identity conscious
initiatives are designed to ensure that human resource
practices consider demographic attributes. Identity con-
scious initiatives, in turn, can be further classified as
(a) opportunity enhancement initiatives whereby target
group members are provided with extra resources but their
demographic group memberships are not considered in
ultimate employment decisions, and (b) preferential
treatment initiatives whereby targets are actually given
preference in employment decisions (Kravitz 1995; Leslie
et al. 2014).
Although field research indicates that identity conscious
initiatives are indeed more effective than identity blind
initiatives for increasing the proportion of women in
management (Kalev et al. 2006), individuals’ perceptions
are not always consistent with reality, especially when the
issue of gender is involved (McCauley et al. 1988; Swim
et al. 1995) and during the early stages of recruitment (for a
review, see Connelly et al. 2011). Thus, they are often
unable to observe themselves the actual effectiveness of
gender diversity initiatives. Given that our proposed para-
dox is based on individuals’ perceptions regarding the
effectiveness of diversity initiatives, and as such percep-
tions may influence their decisions to pursue employment
with an organization, it is important to investigate the
extent to which people’s perceptions reflect reality with
regard to the effectiveness of gender diversity. Given that
identity blind initiatives work only indirectly, individuals
should perceive identity conscious initiatives as more
effective for increasing the proportion of women in
management. Furthermore, preferential treatment initia-
tives should be perceived as more effective than opportu-
nity enhancement initiatives because the former actually
consider group memberships in employment decisions,
whereas the latter do not. In other words, we expect that the
prescriptiveness (i.e., the extent to which decision makers
are constrained by diversity-related policies and procedures
when making employment decisions) of diversity initia-
tives will be related to their perceived effectiveness as
follows:
Hypothesis 1a Individuals perceive identity conscious
initiatives as more effective than identity blind initiatives for
increasing the proportion of women in upper management.
Hypothesis 1b Individuals perceive preferential treat-
ment initiatives as more effective than opportunity
enhancement initiatives for increasing the proportion of
women in upper management.
Impact of Type of Diversity Initiative on Pursuit Intentions
Employers communicate information about their diversity
management initiatives on their websites and in other
organizational publications such as recruitment brochures
and corporate social performance reports (e.g., Singh and
Point 2006). Individuals engaged in a job search often
examine such sources of information for signals regarding
the values of, and working conditions within, organizations
in an attempt to maximize their fit with potential employers
(e.g., Turban and Greening 1997). The dissemination of
diversity-related information through various channels for
the purpose of employee recruitment has been conceptu-
alized as a form of organizational impression management
intended to signal potential employees that the organization
values diversity (Avery and McKay 2006; Goldberg and
Allen 2008; Greening and Turban 2000; Turban and
Greening 1997). Indeed, research has demonstrated that the
inclusion of diversity statements in recruitment materials is
positively related to individuals’ perceptions that the
organization values diversity (Kim and Gelfand 2003; Rau
and Hyland 2003). Notably, however, its impact on the
perceived favorability of organizations using them is less
clear given that diversity statements have been found to
have both negative (e.g., Kim and Gelfand 2003; Martins
and Parsons 2007; Richard and Kirby 1998; Williamson
et al. 2008) and positive (e.g., Avery 2003; Kim and Gel-
fand 2003; Martins and Parsons 2007) effects on organi-
zations using them. This inconsistency may be reconciled
by differentiating between the types of diversity initiatives.
In the ensuing sections, we use the rationale of counter-
factual thinking, derived from fairness theory (Folger and
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 35
123
Cropanzano 1998, 2001), as an organizing framework to
guide our hypothesis development (see Fig. 1 for an
overview).
According to the overarching principle of counterfac-
tuals, identity conscious initiatives may be viewed less
favorably than identity blind initiatives because the use of
demographic criteria for hiring and promotion (as in
identity conscious initiatives) violates both procedural and
distributive fairness principles (Bobocel and Farrell 1996;
Konrad and Linnehan 1995; Ozawa et al. 1996; Summers
1995). This reasoning is consistent with fairness theory
(Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001), which argues that
when individuals view a decision negatively, they engage
in counterfactual thinking about whether another decision
would have been better (the would counterfactual), could
have been made (the could counterfactual), and should
have been made to comply with other ethical or morally
appropriate standards (the should counterfactual).
We propose that different types of initiatives lead to
different interpretations of counterfactuals, which, in turn,
impact people’s pursuit intentions. Since many individuals
believe that using identity blind rather than identity con-
scious initiatives would result in better employment deci-
sions (because they are more directly related to the
established and endorsed principle of merit) and that these
initiatives should be used because they do not violate
ethical or moral standards, they are perceived as more fair
than identity conscious initiatives (Ozawa et al. 1996;
Shaw et al. 2003; Williamson et al. 2008). Thus, organi-
zations using identity conscious initiatives should be less
likely than those using identity blind initiatives to be per-
ceived as attractive (Harrison et al. 2006; Summers 1995).
Furthermore, this negative effect is likely to be more pro-
nounced for preferential treatment than opportunity
enhancement initiatives due to the higher prescriptiveness
of preferential treatment (Harrison et al. 2006). Hence, we
hypothesized the following:
Hypothesis 2a Individuals’ intentions to pursue
employment with organizations using identity conscious
initiatives are lower than their intentions to pursue
employment with those using identity blind initiatives.
Hypothesis 2b Individuals’ intentions to pursue employ-
ment with organizations using preferential treatment initia-
tives are lower than their intentions to pursue employment
with those using opportunity enhancement initiatives.
Moderators of the Relationship between Type of Diversity Initiative and Pursuit Intentions
We expect several factors to moderate the relationship
between the type of diversity initiative and pursuit inten-
tions. Specifically, we hypothesize that information which
influences individuals’ perceptions regarding organiza-
tional accountability for the diversity initiative as well as
individual difference characteristics moderate the influence
of type of diversity initiative on individuals’ intentions to
pursue employment with an organization. Consistent with
this view, previous research investigating the influence of
an organization’s diversity initiatives on individuals’
intentions to pursue the organization as an employer has
considered moderating factors such as justifications for the
initiative (Richard and Kirby 1997; 1998; Williamson et al.
2008) and gender (e.g., Greening and Turban 2000).
Explanation for the Diversity Initiative: Quota
Justifications and excuses are two types of explanations
that can be used by decision makers to reduce negative
Fig. 1 Overview of research model and hypotheses. The
thickness of the lines indicates
the strength of the proposed
effects, with thicker lines
representing stronger effects
36 L. Windscheid et al.
123
reactions to potentially unfavorable decisions, such as the
use of identity conscious initiatives for making employ-
ment decisions (Bobocel and Farrell 1996; Shaw et al.
2003). While individuals using excuses shift responsibility
(and thus blame others) for the decision away from them-
selves, those using justifications accept responsibility while
attempting to legitimize the unfavorable decision (Bies
et al. 1988; Shaw et al. 2003). While research indicates that
providing justifications for the use of identity conscious
initiatives can be integral to successfully managing diver-
sity (Kravitz et al. 2008; Richard and Kirby 1998), altering
perceptions of these initiatives by providing justifications is
a complex process in that it depends on the type of justi-
fication given (Harrison et al. 2006), and a particular jus-
tification may increase organizational attraction for some
individuals while decreasing it for others (Williamson et al.
2008).
In their study, Bobocel and Farrell (1996, p. 26) found
that an explicit excuse, i.e., ‘‘I was not responsible for the
decision…’’ was negatively related to perceptions of interactional fairness. This finding may reflect an attempt at
defensive impression management (Gardner and Martinko
1988) that backfired. It is possible, however, that an excuse
emanating from a source other than the decision maker
him-/herself could improve reactions to identity conscious
initiatives. We hence propose that a government-mandated
quota for the percentage of women in top management
positions may serve as an influential excuse for an orga-
nization’s use of identity conscious initiatives. In accor-
dance with attribution theory (Weiner 1986), as long as
individuals evaluating the initiative are aware of external
causes for it, they may be less likely to hold the organi-
zation accountable for potential negative outcomes—which
in turn may weaken the negative impact of the initiative on
the attractiveness of the organization (see above). This
argument is similar to that put forth by Avery and McKay
(2006) who noted that external attributions for targeted
recruitment programs could lead to the impression that the
programs are motivated by legal concerns rather than
organizational values.
In accordance with our overarching principle of coun-
terfactuals as derived from fairness theory (Folger and
Cropanzano 1998, 2001), given that organizations are
generally assumed to be responsible for their own human
resource initiatives (Avery and McKay 2006), individuals
will believe that organizations using identity conscious
initiatives generally could have decided to do otherwise. A
government-mandated gender quota, however, may
weaken this belief because it implies that organizations
have to engage in the more prescriptive diversity initiatives
in order to achieve the quota—thus mitigating issues of
procedural and distributive unfairness (Bobocel and Farrell
1996). This reasoning leads to the following prediction:
Hypothesis 3 Individuals’ intentions to pursue employ-
ment with (a) organizations using opportunity enhance-
ment initiatives and (b) organizations using preferential
treatment initiatives are higher when there is a government-
mandated gender quota regarding the proportion of women
in top management teams than when there is no such quota.
Gender
A meta-analysis of attitudes toward diversity initiatives
(Harrison et al. 2006) indicates that the gender of the
person evaluating the initiative tends not to matter for
identity blind initiatives but often does matter for identity
conscious initiatives (e.g., Barber and Roehling 1993;
Greening and Turban 2000; Konrad and Linnehan 1995;
Kravitz and Platania 1993; McNab and Johnston 2002;
Summers 1995; Williams and Bauer 1994). More specifi-
cally, men tend to have more negative reactions than
women to identity conscious initiatives—despite the find-
ing that some women are also concerned about negative
personal outcomes such as lower job satisfaction, greater
stress, or being perceived as incompetent (e.g., Harrison
et al. 2006; Heilman et al. 1992; Gilbert and Stead 1999).
The gender effect found in response to identity con-
scious initiatives has been explained using various con-
cepts such as self-interest, prejudice, and perceived fairness
(e.g., Harrison et al. 2006; Konrad and Linnehan 1995). In
accordance with our principle of counterfactuals derived
from fairness theory (Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001),
while both men and women may believe that less pre-
scriptive initiatives would lead to more favorable organi-
zational outcomes, men should be more likely than women
to believe that less prescriptive initiatives would lead to
more favorable personal outcomes for themselves—for
example, due to more limited opportunities for promotions.
In the same vein, men may be more inclined to think that
identity conscious initiatives should not be used because
they may expect to profit less from such initiatives than
women. Taken together, because men can plausibly
imagine more counterfactuals than women, men should be
more likely than women to perceive identity conscious
initiatives as unfair, and thus less likely to consider the
organization attractive.
Hypothesis 4 Women’s intentions to pursue employment
with organizations using identity conscious initiatives are
higher than men’s intentions to pursue employment with
organizations using such initiatives.
Attitudes Toward Diversity
De Meuse and Hostager (2001) argued that organizational
diversity can lead to negative, neutral, and positive
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 37
123
thoughts among different people, which reflect ‘‘the extent
to which individuals believe there is value in diversity’’(see
van Dick et al. 2008, p. 1464). The concept of motivated
social cognition (Jost et al. 2003) suggests that people with
negative attitudes toward diversity are more likely than
those with positive attitudes to believe that organizational
outcomes will suffer when organizations use more pre-
scriptive diversity initiatives, i.e., they are more likely to
believe the negative effects associated with the diversity-
validity dilemma outweigh the positive effects associated
with the business case for diversity.
In accordance with our counterfactual principle from
fairness theory (Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001), this
means that people with negative attitudes toward diversity
are more likely to believe that using less prescriptive ini-
tiatives would lead to better organizational outcomes.
Furthermore, we expect that individuals with negative
attitudes toward diversity are more likely to believe that
organizations should use less prescriptive initiatives
because they are more consistent with societal expectations
of fairness and morality than more prescriptive initiatives
(Shaw et al. 2003). Therefore, beliefs that organizations
would be better off using less prescriptive initiatives and
that they should do so is likely to have a negative impact on
intentions to pursue employment with organizations using
more prescriptive initiatives. Thus, we hypothesize the
following:
Hypothesis 5 Individuals’ intentions to pursue employ-
ment with organizations using identity conscious initiatives
are higher, the more positive their attitudes toward diver-
sity are.
Method
Participants
Approximately 9000 subscribers of PsyWeb, a German
online panel for psychological research, received a link to a
survey. Seven hundred and thirty-two completed surveys
were returned, for a response rate of 8 %, which seems
satisfactory given that participation in the panel is com-
pletely voluntary and not rewarded, as was participation in
this study, and also compared to the response rate of other
studies conducted via the same panel (e.g., Kanning et al.
2014). Thirty-nine participants were excluded due to fac-
tors such as missing data. The final sample size was
N = 693. The majority of participants were German
nationals (97 %) of which only 8 % indicated they have an
immigration background (mainly from Poland). The com-
bination of this information with data on the distribution of
different ethnicities among immigrants in Germany
(German Federal Statistical Office 2014) leads to the
conclusion that the large majority of participants in this
study were Caucasian, i.e., the racial majority in Germany.
Measures
We used three 7-point Likert type items (1 = strongly
disagree to 7 = strongly agree) to assess the diversity
statements’ perceived effectiveness with a higher score
indicating higher perceived effectiveness (see Table 1 for
sample items of all measures). Similarly, pursuit intentions
were assessed using the five intentions toward the company
items from Highhouse et al. (2003) organizational attrac-
tion scale, with higher scores indicating higher pursuit
intentions. We measured attitudes toward diversity with an
adapted version of De Meuse and Hostager’s (2001)
Reaction-to-Diversity Inventory, an established and vali-
dated measure (Hostager and De Meuse 2002). Finally, we
used two manipulation checks. First, the manipulation
check concerning the quota manipulation (described in
detail below) was a scale on which participants indicated
how much they agreed with the following statement: ‘‘[…] you were given the information that the country in which
you imagined conducting a job search will be implement-
ing a government-mandated gender quota for all compa-
nies.’’ Second, to ensure that our manipulations resulted in
the intended perception of the initiatives as either identity
blind or identity conscious, we assessed the diversity
statements’ perceived gender consciousness and concrete-
ness (Table 1). All manipulation check items were
answered on 7-point Likert type scales with higher scores
indicating higher agreement with the relevant statements.
Material: Diversity Statements
The independent variable of statement type was manipu-
lated. To test our hypotheses and to ensure external
validity, we developed one identity blind and two identity
conscious (opportunity enhancement and preferential
treatment) diversity statements that were similar to existing
statements included on German employers’ websites. In
accordance with previous research (e.g., Avery et al. 2004;
Casper et al. 2013; Williamson et al. 2008), we reviewed
all recruiting websites of the 30 major companies traded at
the German stock exchange to maximize the realism of
these statements. The length and writing style of all three
statements were consistent.
The identity blind statement focused on equality and the
importance of organizational diversity in general, hence
women should not be perceived as benefitting more than
men from the initiative:
38 L. Windscheid et al.
123
Providing equal opportunities for all our employees is
central to our corporate values and leadership prin-
ciples. That means the skills and personalities of each
employee are valued and supported. All our
employees are given the opportunity to participate in
training on understanding and benefitting from the
added value of diversity. In addition, we support
families and encourage the balance between work
and family life for all our employees.
Both identity conscious statements focused on practices
designed to increase the proportion of women in upper
management positions. The opportunity enhancement
statement was based on the most frequently mentioned
gender initiatives on the employer websites of the German
companies we reviewed aimed at enhancing opportunities
for women:
As a company, we support women through targeted
initiatives. To increase the proportion of women in
upper management positions, we provide a variety of
initiatives for our female employees. Our program, ‘‘a
network for women,’’ provides female managers
exhibiting high development potential with a plat-
form for exchange. Women also receive coaching in
workshops to build essential skills for their career
development and prepare them for leadership
positions.
The preferential treatment statement also contained
specific opportunity enhancement initiatives. However,
here the focus was on a voluntarily established (i.e., by the
organization itself) gender quota for top management
positions:
As a company, we are committed for increasing the
proportion of women in management positions. To
achieve this goal, we have established a range of
initiatives designed to support women (e.g., net-
working programs, workshops, and training). In
addition to these initiatives, we have implemented a
gender quota. 30 % of all upper management posi-
tions will be filled by women. We have established a
company-wide directive requiring special considera-
tion of women, who possess equivalent qualifications
to men, in hiring and promotion decisions.
Procedure
The data were collected online. To test our hypotheses, we
used a scenario design as established approach in diversity
research (e.g., Kidder et al. 2004; Williamson et al. 2008).
All participants initially read a brief general instruction in
which they were asked to imagine that they were looking
for a job abroad (i.e., outside Germany). Participants were
then told that they had visited the websites of potential
employers, which included information on their diversity
initiatives. Participants were also informed that all
employers in which they were interested currently had a
low proportion of women in upper management (approxi-
mately 5 to 10 %), and were then given all three diversity
statements simultaneously. The statements were described
as being derived from the websites of three different
potential employers. Participants were asked to read all
three of them. This kind of within-subject approach
increases external validity as it comes close to the expe-
rience of encountering various potential employers during
job searches (e.g., Martins and Parsons 2007).
At this point, the sample was split. One-third of the
sample participated in a within-subjects experiment to
assess the diversity initiatives of the three potential
Table 1 Overview of the applied measures
Construct Sample items
Perceived effectiveness ‘‘These measures will increase the proportion of women in upper management’’
‘‘These measures will lead to more women getting into the upper management’’
‘‘These measures will not have an impact on more women getting into upper management’’*
Pursuit intentions ‘‘I would accept a job offer from this company’’
Attitudes toward diversity Participants were provided with 70 words, some of which were positive (e.g., unity, fair) and some of which were
negative (e.g., worthless, anger). Negative words (-1) and positive words (?1) that are checked by participants
build a sum score
Manipulation check
Perceived gender
consciousness
‘‘Mainly women profit from these initiatives’’
Perceived concreteness ‘‘These initiatives are very concrete’’
* Items were coded in reverse
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 39
123
employers for their perceived effectiveness with regard to
increasing the proportion of women in upper management
positions. These participants responded to the manipulation
check regarding our classification of the statements as
either identity blind or identity conscious. The remaining
two-thirds participated in a mixed factorial design experi-
ment to assess their intentions to pursue employment with
the three organizations whose diversity statements they
were provided (within-subjects factor). These participants
were exposed to one of two conditions regarding the
existence of a government-mandated quota (between-sub-
jects factor). Participants in the first condition (Government
Quota condition), read the following information:
Within the next 2 years, the country in which you are
conducting your job search will implement a gov-
ernment-mandated gender quota of 30 % for top
management team positions. This means all organi-
zations will be required to fill thirty percent of top
management team positions with women. Organiza-
tions that do not meet this requirement will face
extensive penalties and economic sanctions from the
government. All organizations in which you are
considering employment will be affected by this
legislation.
The second condition (No-Government Quota condition)
was a control condition in which no information regarding
a government-mandated gender quota was provided. Par-
ticipants in both conditions responded to the government
quota manipulation check item. An overview of the study
design is depicted in Fig. 2.
We chose to assess the dependent variables of perceived
effectiveness and pursuit intentions with different portions
of the sample in order to reduce socially desirable
responding, which has been found to occur in survey
research on issues for which social norms exist (for a
review, see Moorman and Podsakoff 1992). Awareness of
social expectations influences participants’ responses such
that they provide responses that are consistent with (ex-
pected) norms to not appear sexist or racist (Swim et al.
1995). Since diversity in the workplace has become a
social norm (Walt and Ingley 2003), this research suggests
that participants would be reluctant to indicate a preference
for working in organizations with diversity initiatives they
perceived as ineffective.
Results
Means, standard deviations, and inter-correlations of the
main variables employed in this study are presented in
Table 2. Our intended categorization of the three state-
ments as either identity blind or identity conscious was
successful. A repeated measures one-way analysis of
variance (rANOVA) revealed significant differences for
gender consciousness [F(1, 236) = 63.10, p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.73] between the identity blind statement with M = 2.62, SD = 1.00, and the two identity conscious
statements (opportunity enhancement with M = 5.41,
SD = 1.12 and preferential treatment with M = 5.39,
SD = 1.23). Similarly, a rANOVA showed that the identity
blind statement with M = 3.52, and SD = 1.39 was per-
ceived as significantly less concrete [F(1, 236) = 69.45,
p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.23] than the identity conscious state- ments (opportunity enhancement M = 4.13, SD = 1.58;
preferential treatment with, M = 4.94, SD = 1.40).
Fig. 2 Overview of study design
40 L. Windscheid et al.
123
Perceived Effectiveness
Table 3 depicts the mean perceived effectiveness as well as
the mean pursuit intentions regarding the three diversity
initiatives. We conducted a rANOVA to test our hypothe-
ses of effectiveness differences. As predicted, we found an
effect of statement type on perceived effectiveness, F(2,
235) = 88.44, p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.43. As can be seen in the descriptive statistics depicted in Table 3, the identity blind
statement (M = 3.84, SD = 1.25) was perceived as less
effective than the opportunity enhancement statement
(M = 4.10, SD = 1.29) with d = -0.20, and also as less
effective than the preferential treatment statement
(M = 5.26, SD = 1.25) with d = -1.14. To test our
hypotheses, first the two identity conscious statements were
combined and then contrasted against the identity blind
statement. In support of Hypothesis 1a, the comparison
revealed a significantly lower perceived effectiveness of
the identity blind statement, F(1, 236) = 66.11, p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.22. As predicted in Hypothesis 1b, we also found that the preferential treatment statement led to higher
perceived effectiveness ratings than the opportunity
enhancement statement, t(236) = -10.85, p \ 0.001 (one- tailed) with d = 0.91.
Pursuit Intentions
We conducted a rANOVA to test our hypotheses of pursuit
intention differences for the organization with the identity
blind statement as compared to the organizations with the
identity conscious statements. Mauchly’s test indicated a
violation of the assumption of sphericity, v2(2) = 93.72, p \ 0.001, and the degrees of freedom were corrected using Greenhouse-Geisser estimate. As predicted, the rANOVA
revealed a significant main effect of statement type on
pursuit intentions, F(1.69, 766.95) = 195.03, p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.30. In line with expectations, Table 3 shows that pursuit intentions were higher for the organization with the
identity blind statement (M = 5.69, SD = 1.13) as com-
pared to the organization with the opportunity enhancement
statement (M = 4.19, SD = 1.37) with d = 1.19, and also
as compared to the organization with the preferential treat-
ment statement (M = 4.28, SD = 1.51) with d = 1.02. As
predicted in Hypothesis 2a, a comparison revealed that the
identity blind statement led to significantly higher pursuit
intentions as compared to the combined identity conscious
statements, F(1,455) = 276.15, p \ 0.001, g2P = 0.38. Contrary to Hypothesis 2b, however, mean pursuit intentions
were not significantly different between the organization
with the opportunity enhancement statement and the orga-
nization with the preferential treatment statement
[t(456) = -1.46, p = 0.14, d = -0.06].T a b le
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The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 41
123
Quota Versus No-Quota
Examination of participants’ responses to the manipulation
check item on quota revealed a significant difference
between the two quota conditions in line with expectations,
t(453) = 14.75, p \ 0.001. Notably, however, only 56 % of participants in the No-Quota condition and 78 % of partic-
ipants in the Quota condition answered the manipulation
check correctly. Recall that participants indicated on a
7-point Likert type scale their agreement with the following
statement: ‘‘[…] you were given the information that the country in which you imagined conducting a job search will
be implementing a mandatory gender quota for all compa-
nies.’’ As the analysis of the effect of a government-man-
dated gender quota on pursuit intentions required a careful
reading and correct understanding of the instructions and
information provided, including participants that failed the
manipulation check would reduce internal validity. In other
words, without having recognized the quota, one would not
expect effects of a quota to emerge. Thus, we decided to test
our hypotheses using only participants who answered the
manipulation check correctly. We, however, also report
results for the full sample, i.e., including participants who
answered the manipulation check incorrectly.
Means and standard deviations can be seen in Table 3.
Inspection of Table 3 shows that participants who were
presented with the quota information indicated higher
pursuit intentions than those in the control condition (i.e.,
No-Quota) for the organization with the preferential treat-
ment statement, t(305) = 1.95, p = 0.03, one-tailed,
d = 0.23. Mean pursuit intentions for the opportunity
enhancement statement did not differ significantly between
participants in the quota condition and the control condi-
tion, t(305) = -0.24, p = 0.82, d = -0.03. There was no
difference between participants in the quota condition and
participants in the control condition, t(305) = -0.35,
p = 0.73, d = -0.04, for the organization with the identity
blind statement (which was expected because an identity
blind statement generally adheres to fairness principles and
thus does not invite counterfactuals).
In the analysis including participants that failed the
manipulation check, we found no differences in mean
pursuit intentions between participants in the quota and
control condition for organizations using (a) the opportu-
nity enhancement statement [t(454) = 1.34, p = 0.18,
d = -0.13], (b) the preferential treatment statement
[t(454) = -0.29, p = 0.77, d = -0.03], or the identity
blind statement [t(454) = 0.14, p = 0.89, d = 0.02].
Gender Effects
A two-way rANOVA with gender and statement type as
independent variables and pursuit intentions as dependent
variable (Greenhouse-Geisser corrected) indicated a sig-
nificant interaction, F(1.69, 765.2) = 3.63, p = 0.03,
g2P = 0.01. Table 3 shows the means of pursuit intentions by gender and statement type. As predicted in Hypothesis
4, analyses of simple main effects (one-tailed) revealed
significantly higher pursuit intentions for women than for
men for the preferential treatment statement,
t(454) = -3.68, p \ 0.001, d = 0.35. Our analysis also revealed a significant effect in that women, as compared to
men, who showed slightly higher pursuit intentions for the
opportunity enhancement statement, t(454) = -1.63,
p = 0.05, d = 0.16. Thus, Hypothesis 4 was largely sup-
ported. As expected, there were no differences in pursuit
intentions between men and women for the identity blind
diversity statement [t(454) = -0.63, p = 0.53, d = 0.06].
Attitudes Toward Diversity
To test the effect of attitudes toward diversity on pursuit
intentions, depending on statement type, we conducted a
rANOVA with statement type as independent variable,
pursuit intentions as dependent variable, and attitudes
toward diversity as covariate. Contrary to our prediction,
the interaction effect (Greenhouse-Geisser corrected) did
not reach statistical significance, F(1,454) = 0.23,
p = 0.63, g2P = 0.001. Thus, Hypothesis 5 (i.e., individuals with more positive attitudes toward diversity have higher
pursuit intentions for organizations using identity con-
scious statements) was not supported. Following De Meuse
and Hostager’s (2001) classification, we ran further
exploratory analyses and dichotomized participants into a
combined category of realists/pessimists (-35 to ?10) and
optimists (?11 to ?35) which was similar to a median-split
(Mdn = 10). Once again, we did not find a significant
effect of attitudes toward diversity. To further explore
whether individuals’ pursuit intentions for the organization
with the identity blind statement would be affected by their
attitudes toward diversity, we conducted a regression
analysis. Attitudes toward diversity were unrelated to
pursuit intentions for the organization with the identity
blind statement, t(305) = 0.13, p = 0.90.
Discussion
Existing theory (Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001) and
empirical evidence indicate a major challenge for organi-
zational decision makers. They are under increasing pres-
sure to achieve gender diversity in top management
positions, and hence depend on more prescriptive gender
initiatives (e.g., preferential treatment) to attain these goals.
At the same time, these initiatives might negatively affect
42 L. Windscheid et al.
123
an organization’s attractiveness as an employer (Beechler
and Woodward 2009; Ng and Burke 2005). This study was
designed to investigate the organizational challenge of a
diversity management paradox, whereby organizational
initiatives perceived as effective for achieving gender-
balanced upper echelons are not perceived as attractive
organizational attributes. The key finding of this experi-
mental study, depicted in Fig. 3, supports the existence of
the paradox we proposed. Identity conscious initiatives
were perceived as more effective than identity blind ini-
tiatives; thus, empirically establishing that individuals’
perceptions of the differential effectiveness of the two
types of diversity initiatives (identity blind and identity
conscious) are consistent with actual differences found in
field research (Kalev et al. 2006). Despite being perceived
as more effective, however, identity conscious initiatives
negatively impacted the perceived favorability of organi-
zations that use them.
Notably, however, participants who recognized that a
government-mandated gender quota would be forthcoming
were in fact found to indicate higher pursuit intentions for
organizations using a preferential treatment initiative, as
predicted. This finding suggests a unique interplay between
different theoretical levels of analysis in that governmental
legislation (country-level) impacts pursuit intentions (in-
dividual-level) toward companies using different diversity
strategies (organizational level). This finding highlights
that the study and practice of diversity management is well
advised to consider the intertwined and complex reality of
today’s workplace. In accordance with our hypothesis, we
further found an effect of gender on intentions to pursue
employment with organizations using identity conscious
initiatives, with women indicating higher pursuit
intentions.
An interesting, yet unexpected, finding of the present
study is that both identity conscious statements led to equal
pursuit intentions, even though the preferential treatment
statement received substantially higher effectiveness rat-
ings than the opportunity enhancement statement. The
absence of a difference between opportunity enhancement
and preferential selection initiatives with regard to pursuit
intentions reveals an interesting practical insight: If orga-
nizations that are committed to increasing gender equality
in top management choose opportunity enhancing initia-
tives over preferential selection initiatives only because
they believe such initiatives will be perceived better by
potential and/or existing employees, they are better off
implementing preferential selection because it is more
effective for helping them achieve the goal of increased
female board participation while not additionally decreas-
ing pursuit intentions among potential employees.
Another key finding of this study is the effect of a
government-mandated gender quota for women in top
management positions on individuals’ intentions to pursue
employment with organizations voluntarily using prefer-
ential selection initiatives. After the necessary data
adjustments, we found pursuit intentions toward the orga-
nization using a preferential treatment statement were
higher in the Quota condition compared to the control
condition. This is of special interest as we set out to
determine whether a government-mandated gender quota
could serve as a buffer that protects organizations that are
using effective diversity initiatives from the negative out-
come of decreased employer attractiveness. The presence
or absence of information regarding a government-man-
dated quota, however, had no impact for the identity con-
scious opportunity enhancement statement. Recall that our
government-mandated quota condition stated that
Table 3 Means and SD of perceived effectiveness ratings and pursuit intentions
Diversity statement N Identity blind Identity conscious
(opportunity
enhancement)
Identity conscious
(preferential
treatment)
Perceived Effectiveness 237 3.84 (1.25) 4.10 (1.29) 5.26 (1.25)
Pursuit intentions (overall) 456 5.69 (1.13) 4.19 (1.37) 4.28 (1.51)
Quota manipulation (Excluding participants who failed the manipulation check)
Quota 184 5.72 (1.06) 4.16 (1.35) 4.44 (1.53)
No-Quota 123 5.77 (1.17) 4.20 (1.35) 4.09 (1.51)
Quota manipulation (Including participants who failed the manipulation check)
Quota 236 5.70 (1.11) 4.10 (1.36) 4.26 (1.51)
No-Quota 220 5.68 (1.15) 4.27 (1.37) 4.30 (1.52)
Gender differences
Women 289 5.72 (1.15) 4.27 (1.37) 4.48 (1.44)
Men 167 5.65 (1.17) 4.05 (1.35) 3.94 (1.59)
SD are indicated in parentheses
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 43
123
organizations failing to achieve 30 % women in top man-
agement teams would face penalties and economic sanc-
tions from the government. Given that opportunity
enhancement initiatives are not perceived to be as effective
as preferential treatment initiatives for increasing the pro-
portion of women in upper management, it may be that
participants believed that an even more prescriptive ini-
tiative was required to ensure compliance with the gov-
ernment mandate and thus to avoid economic penalties.
This interpretation is consistent with our finding that the
perceived effectiveness of opportunity enhancement was
much closer to that of the identity blind initiative than to
that of the preferential treatment initiative (cf. Table 3).
Since we did not expect any effect of a government-man-
dated quota for the identity blind initiative, and as the
opportunity enhancement initiative was only perceived as
slightly more effective, it makes sense that we did not find
an effect for the opportunity enhancement initiative.
Although gender mattered significantly with respect to
the preferential treatment initiative, we only found a weak
moderating effect of gender on opportunity enhancement.
This finding may be explained in terms of the ‘‘would’’
aspect of fairness theory. It is possible that women did not
believe the opportunity enhancement initiative would be
enough for helping them to obtain a position/promotion
(recall that opportunity enhancement was not perceived as
effective as the preferential treatment initiative), thus they
did not find it attractive, whereas men may have believed
that this initiative would be enough for them to lose the
position/promotion to a woman, so they did not find it
attractive. These dynamics would be expected to narrow
the difference between the genders.
We did not find a significant effect of attitudes toward
diversity on pursuit intentions toward organizations using
identity conscious diversity statements even after con-
ducting additional analyses with the variable of attitudes
toward diversity being dichotomized. A potential expla-
nation may concern the scale we used to assess attitudes
toward diversity (Hostager and De Meuse 2002), which is
comprised of seventy words. Due to the way in which the
scale was designed, it was not possible to ensure that
participants read all seventy words thoroughly (e.g.,
mandatory choice) and it may be that due to the length of
the survey in total, participants did not carefully respond to
this scale, which would have been rather time-consuming.
Therefore, limited accuracy of the scale in this study’s
design may be responsible for the absence of an effect.
Future research using alternative measures would thus be
desirable.
Limitations and Avenues for Future Research
This experiment made an important contribution to the
extant knowledge by tapping into the link between diver-
sity initiatives and pursuit intentions—a main dimension of
employer attractiveness (Highhouse et al. 2003). Given
several limitations of our study, however, further research
is necessary. This study was designed to shed light on the
challenge of a diversity management paradox faced by
organizations. We used counterfactual thinking from fair-
ness theory (Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001) as a
guiding framework for our hypotheses, but we did not
measure perceived fairness of the initiatives themselves or
the organizations using them. Future research should
investigate fairness perceptions as a potential mediator to
show that the positive effects of being perceived as an
organization that values diversity are offset, at some point,
by the negative effects of being perceived as an organiza-
tion that violates societal expectations of fairness.
The three gender diversity statements used in this study
were developed based on the actual diversity activities of
the thirty major German companies. These companies’
Fig. 3 Illustration of the paradox of diversity
management strategies
44 L. Windscheid et al.
123
typical corporate gender diversity activities like ‘‘a network
for women,‘‘ ‘‘coaching’’ or ‘‘workshops’’ for women
might, however, be unaffordable for smaller companies
with fewer employees and resources. Future research
should investigate the effects of identity blind and identity
conscious corporate gender diversity efforts that are rele-
vant to a broader scope of organizations (i.e., including
small- and medium-sized companies). Another limitation
of this study is that participants’ awareness of the success
(or lack thereof) of quota programs in countries near
Germany may have impacted our results. Thus, future
research that examines individuals’ knowledge about
related quotas in other countries as well as their general
attitude toward quotas could be especially useful.
While the results described above are mainly consistent
with assumptions from the theoretical propositions of
fairness theory (Folger and Cropanzano 1998, 2001), there
may be additional processes contributing to our findings.
For example, with regard to the impact of gender, the lower
pursuit intentions of men relative to women for organiza-
tions using identity conscious initiatives may be influenced
by neo-sexism. Men are higher than women in neo-sexism,
which has been found to be negatively related to support
for affirmative action policies designed to benefit women
(Tougas et al. 1995). Such reactions are likely to decrease
intentions of men to pursue employment with organizations
using identity conscious initiatives. Another potential
explanation for men’s lower pursuit intentions is that (as a
group) they have a stronger preference for inequality
among social groups, i.e., they are more social dominance
oriented than women, and thus more likely to believe that
initiatives designed to reduce gender inequality in man-
agement provide women with unearned advantages (Pratto
et al. 1994). Such reactions are also likely to decrease
intentions of men to pursue employment with organizations
using identity conscious initiatives. The higher levels of
neo-sexism and social dominance orientation in men may
lead them to perceive lower person-organization fit
between themselves and organizations using identity con-
scious initiatives (O’Reilly et al. 1991), as well as increase
their perceptions of unfairness, thus making them less
likely to pursue employment with such organizations.
Taken together, although our work provides the first evi-
dence of the predicted main effects, future research that
looks more closely at the underlying mechanisms is
desirable. In addition to attitudes such as neo-sexism and
social dominance orientation (or lack thereof), being a
member of underrepresented groups on dimensions other
than gender (e.g., race or sexual orientation) or of multiple
groups could also impact the model and are worthy of
examination.
We also encourage researchers to explore the boundaries
conditions of our model. For example, does the paradox of
diversity initiatives apply to dimensions of diversity other
than gender? While we expect that the prescriptiveness of
diversity initiatives focused on race, age, etc., will influ-
ence their perceived effectiveness, the relationship between
prescriptiveness of initiatives and pursuit intentions may be
different, however, when the dimension of interest is
something other than gender. If participants object to
preferential treatment policies only because they believe
such policies violate the merit principle, then the diversity
dimension of interest should have no impact on pursuit
intentions. Alternatively, if participants’ pursuit intentions
are influenced by bias against (or in favor of) women, and
they do not exhibit such bias toward other groups, the
paradox may be mitigated (strengthened).
As described in the results section, the evaluation of our
quota manipulation check revealed that a sizable percent-
age of participants did not answer the single item correctly.
By excluding participants who failed the manipulation
check, we chose a conservative way to ensure the internal
validity of our analyses. Two potential explanations may
account for participants’ failure to recognize the quota
manipulation. First, some individuals might not have read
the instructions thoroughly enough and hence may not have
recognized the presence (or absence) of information on the
government-mandated gender quota. Second, although
there was no mention of a government-mandated quota in
the No-government quota condition, those participants read
about a gender quota that was voluntarily implemented by
the organization in the identity conscious preferential
treatment statement. Despite the fact that the manipulation
check explicitly specifies a ‘‘government-mandated gender
quota,’’ it is likely that this created confusion on the part of
some participants.
We acknowledge that the characteristics of our sample
in terms of gender, age, and education level are important
to address. First, we tested for the effect of gender in our
model and controlled for age (see Table 2). Second, with
regard to the age and education level of the sample, the
larger percentage of well-educated and older individuals
may have influenced the perceived effectiveness of the
initiatives because such individuals may have had a better
understanding of the way in which they actually work, thus
resulting in stronger effects for perceptions of perceived
effectiveness. Thus, the paradox could be stronger for such
individuals.
The present work reveals a major challenge for organi-
zations that will be increasingly under pressure to achieve
gender diversity at all organizational levels. It is crucial for
researchers to provide a better understanding of how to
overcome this challenge, thus we recommend follow-up
studies to build on the growing body of knowledge
regarding the impact of justifications and excuses (e.g.,
Bobocel and Farrell 1996; Kidder et al. 2004, Richard and
The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee… 45
123
Kirby 1998, Williamson et al. 2008). Furthermore, since
legislative regulations regarding gender equality are likely
to gain momentum around the globe, we call for research on
their effects on the link between organizational diversity
efforts and reactions of external stakeholders such as
potential employees. It would be especially interesting to
examine the effects of different types of penalties and
incentives stemming from (non-)compliance with govern-
ment-mandated gender quotas. For example, more sub-
stantial penalties and incentives for (non) compliance might
strengthen the effect of quotas on intentions to pursue
employment with organizations voluntarily using identity
conscious initiatives. On the other hand, such penalties and
incentives may have a negative impact for organizations
using identity blind initiatives because these organizations
may be perceived as more likely to violate government
regulations, thus receiving substantial fines and negative
publicity. This idea is consistent with research finding that
individuals like to feel good about the organization for
which they work (e.g., Greening and Turban 2000).
It would also be interesting to delve deeper into the
mechanisms underlying men’s and women’s reactions to
identity conscious initiatives. The impact of factors like
self-interest, belief in discrimination, and sexism has been
investigated in the past research (see Harrison et al. 2006
for a meta-analysis). The desire to maintain social harmony
(Jepsen and Rodwell 2009) is one factor that has not yet
been explored but may contribute to negative reactions to
identity conscious initiatives, especially for women. Since
women tend to be concerned with maintaining social har-
mony (Gilligan 1982), and identity conscious initiatives are
controversial, this may contribute to women’s negative
reactions to such initiatives.
Conclusion
The goal of achieving gender equality in organizations’
upper echelons makes sense from both a moral and a
business perspective, which when taken together, explain the
interest of many organizations in getting more women to the
top of the management hierarchy. Identity conscious initia-
tives have the potential to achieve this goal (e.g., Kalev et al.
2006). However, this study shows that identity conscious
initiatives also have the potential to decrease individuals’
intentions to pursue employment with an organization. Our
finding that identity conscious initiatives are perceived as
not only most effective but also as least appealing could lead
to the conclusion that organizations should be cautious with
their implementation of such initiatives. In accordance with
Shore et al. (2009), however, it may be wise to take a more
proactive and positive approach toward identity conscious
initiatives. Using an experimental design, we showed that
individuals who are told about a forthcoming government-
mandated gender quota exhibited less resistance to organi-
zations using gender diversity initiatives perceived and
empirically shown to be effective. We believe that such
legislation, in countries where it has been implemented,
should be understood only as a vehicle for overcoming the
systematic bias that has worked against the ascendance of
women into top management positions. It is our hope that
instead of being driven to achieve gender equality in the
upper echelons of management by external factors such as
government quotas, organizations ultimately will be driven
by internal factors such as improved corporate governance
and business performance. As more women attain top
management positions, diversity statements espousing an
organizational culture that values gender diversity will no
longer be merely window-dressing; this should lead to
positive stakeholder perceptions, and hence be most effec-
tive for overcoming the paradox of diversity management.
Acknowledgments We wish to thank David Kravitz, Meinald Thielsch, and Daniel Kluger for their helpful comments and advice on
this research project.
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Research involving human participants All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the
ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research com-
mittee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amend-
ments or comparable ethical standards.
Informed consent Informed consent was obtained from all indi- vidual participants included in the study.
Conflictof Interest The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
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- The Paradox of Diversity Initiatives: When Organizational Needs Differ from Employee Preferences
- Abstract
- Introduction
- The German Context
- Perceived Effectiveness of Gender-Related Diversity Initiatives
- Impact of Type of Diversity Initiative on Pursuit Intentions
- Moderators of the Relationship between Type of Diversity Initiative and Pursuit Intentions
- Explanation for the Diversity Initiative: Quota
- Gender
- Attitudes Toward Diversity
- Method
- Participants
- Measures
- Material: Diversity Statements
- Procedure
- Results
- Perceived Effectiveness
- Pursuit Intentions
- Quota Versus No-Quota
- Gender Effects
- Attitudes Toward Diversity
- Discussion
- Limitations and Avenues for Future Research
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgments
- References