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about the author DIANA KENDALL is a Professor of Sociology at Baylor University, where she has been recognized as an Outstanding Professor. Dr. Kendall has taught a variety of courses, including Introduction to Sociology; Sociological Th eory (undergradu- ate and graduate); Sociology of Medicine; and Race, Class, and Gender. Previously, she enjoyed many years of teaching sociology and serving as chair of the Social and Behavioral Science Division at Austin Community College.

Diana Kendall received her Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin, where she was invited to membership in Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society. Her areas of special- ization and primary research interests are sociological theory and the sociology of medicine. In addition to Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, she is the author of Th e Power of Good Deeds: Privileged Women and the Social Reproduction of the Upper Class (Rowman & Littlefi eld, 2002), Framing Class: Media Representations of Wealth and Poverty in America (Rowman & Littlefi eld, 2005), and Members Only: Elite Clubs and the Process of Exclusion (Rowman & Littlefi eld, 2008).

Professor Kendall is actively involved in national and regional sociological associa- tions, including the American Sociological Association, Sociologists for Women in Society, the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Southwestern Sociologi- cal Association.

SOCIOLOGY in Our Times the essentials

Diana Kendall Baylor University

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Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, Eighth Edition Diana Kendall

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brief contents

1 The Sociological Perspective and Research Process 2 2 Culture 40 3 Socialization 74

4 Social Structure and Interaction in Everyday Life 104 5 Groups and Organizations 138 6 Deviance and Crime 164

7 Class and Stratifi cation in the United States 206 8 Global Stratifi cation 244 9 Race and Ethnicity 272

10 Sex and Gender 308

11 Families and Intimate Relationships 346 12 Education and Religion 380 13 Politics and the Economy in Global Perspective 420 14 Health, Health Care, and Disability 458

15 Population and Urbanization 500 16 Collective Behavior, Social Movements, and Social Change 538

Studying Society and Social Life

Social Groups and Social Control

Social Inequality

Social Institutions

Social Dynamics and Social Change

part

Language 48 Values 51 Norms 54

Technology, Cultural Change, and Diversity 55 Cultural Change 55 Cultural Diversity 56 Culture Shock 61 Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism 62

A Global Popular Culture? 62 High Culture and Popular Culture 62 Forms of Popular Culture 63

Sociological Analysis of Culture 64 Functionalist Perspectives 64 Confl ict Perspectives 64 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 67 Postmodernist Perspectives 67

Culture in the Future 69

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Global Food and Culture? 42 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Bonding with Others

Th rough Food and Conversation 59 • Media Framing: Framing Culture in the Media: You Are

What You Eat? 66 • Sociology Works! Schools as Laboratories for Getting

Along 70

Socialization 74 Why Is Socialization Important Around the

Globe? 76 Human Development: Biology and Society 77 Problems Associated with Social Isolation

and Maltreatment 79

Social Psychological Th eories of Human Development 81 Freud and the Psychoanalytic Perspective 81 Piaget and Cognitive Development 83 Kohlberg and the Stages of Moral Development 84 Gilligan’s View on Gender and Moral Development 85

Sociological Th eories of Human Development 85 Cooley and the Looking-Glass Self 86 Mead and Role-Taking 86 Recent Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 89

Agents of Socialization 89 Th e Family 90 Th e School 91 Peer Groups 92 Mass Media 92

contents

The Sociological Perspective and Research Process 2

Putting Social Life into Perspective 4 Why Study Sociology? 4 Th e Sociological Imagination 5 Th e Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination 6

Th e Development of Sociological Th inking 8 Early Th inkers: A Concern with Social Order and

Stability 9 Diff ering Views on the Status Quo: Stability Versus

Change 12 Th e Beginnings of Sociology in the United States 15

Contemporary Th eoretical Perspectives 16 Functionalist Perspectives 17 Confl ict Perspectives 19 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 20 Postmodern Perspectives 22

Th e Sociological Research Process 24 Th e “Conventional” Research Model 27 A Qualitative Research Model 30

Research Methods 31 Survey Research 31 Secondary Analysis of Existing Data 33 Field Research 34 Experiments 34

Ethical Issues in Sociological Research 36

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Suicide? 6 • Sociology Works! Durkheim’s Sociology of Suicide

and Twenty-First-Century India 13 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Postmodern Problems

in France: Worker Stress and Suicide Rates 22 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Responding to a Cry

for Help 37

Culture 40 Culture and Society in a Changing World 42

Material Culture and Nonmaterial Culture 43 Cultural Universals 44

Components of Culture 46 Symbols 46

part Studying Society and Social Life

Trying to Go It Alone: Runaway Adolescents and Teens 118

photo essay

part Social Groups and Social Control

C O

N TEN

TS vii

Gender and Racial–Ethnic Socialization 94

Socialization Th rough the Life Course 95 Childhood 95 Adolescence 96 Adulthood 96 Late Adulthood and Ageism 98

Resocialization 99 Voluntary Resocialization 99 Involuntary Resocialization 99

Socialization in the Future 100

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Socialization and the College Experience? 77 • Sociology Works! “Good Job!”: Mead’s Generalized

Other and the Issue of Excessive Praise 88 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Open Doors: Study

Abroad and Global Socialization 97 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Don’t Be Stressed Out

in College: Helping Yourself and Others 101

Social Structure and Interaction in Everyday Life 104

Social Structure: Th e Macrolevel Perspective 105

Components of Social Structure 106 Status 107 Role 112 Groups 115 Social Institutions 116

Societies: Changes in Social Structure 121 Durkheim: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity 121 Tönnies: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft 122 Industrial and Postindustrial Societies 122

Social Interaction: Th e Microlevel Perspective 123 Social Interaction and Meaning 123

Th e Social Construction of Reality 124 Ethnomethodology 126 Dramaturgical Analysis 126 Th e Sociology of Emotions 128 Nonverbal Communication 130

Changing Social Structure and Interaction in the Future 134

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Homeless Persons? 107 • Media Framing: Framing Homelessness in the Media:

Th ematic and Episodic Framing 110 • Sociology Works! Goff man’s Stigmatization Th eory

and Contemporary Homelessness 129 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Off ering a Helping Hand

to Homeless People 134

Groups and Organizations 138

Social Groups 139 Groups, Aggregates, and Categories 140 Types of Groups 140

Group Characteristics and Dynamics 142 Group Size 145 Group Leadership 147 Group Conformity 148 Groupthink 150

Formal Organizations in Global Perspective 150 Types of Formal Organizations 150 Bureaucracies 152 Problems of Bureaucracies 156 Bureaucracy and Oligarchy 157

Alternative Forms of Organization 158 Organizational Structure in Japan 158

Organizations in the Future 159

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Privacy in Groups and Organizations? 141 • Media Framing: Framing “Community” in the Media:

“Virtual Communities” on the Internet 143 • Sociology Works! Ingroups, Outgroups, and “Members

Only” Clubs 144 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Developing Invisible

(but Meaningful) Networks on the Web 160

Deviance and Crime 164 What Is Deviance? 166

Who Defi nes Deviance? 167 What Is Social Control? 168

Functionalist Perspectives on Deviance 170 What Causes Deviance, and Why Is It Functional

for Society? 170 Strain Th eory: Goals and Means to Achieve Th em 171

viii C

O N

TE N

TS Max Weber: Wealth, Prestige, and Power 216

Contemporary Sociological Models of the U.S. Class Structure 218 Th e Weberian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 218 Th e Marxian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 221

Inequality in the United States 225 Distribution of Income and Wealth 225 Consequences of Inequality 228

Opportunity Th eory: Access to Illegitimate Opportunities 172

Confl ict Perspectives on Deviance 174 Deviance and Power Relations 175 Deviance and Capitalism 175 Feminist Approaches 176 Approaches Focusing on the Interaction of Race,

Class, and Gender 177

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Deviance 177 Diff erential Association Th eory and Diff erential

Reinforcement Th eory 177 Control Th eory: Social Bonding 178 Labeling Th eory 179

Postmodernist Perspectives on Deviance 180

Crime Classifi cations and Statistics 181 How the Law Classifi es Crime 181 Other Crime Categories 181 Crime Statistics 187 Terrorism and Crime 188 Street Crimes and Criminals 188 Crime Victims 192

Th e Criminal Justice System 194 Th e Police 194 Th e Courts 195 Punishment and Corrections 197 Th e Death Penalty 199

U.S. Deviance and Crime in the Future 200

Th e Global Criminal Economy 201

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance? 167 • Sociology Works! Social Defi nitions of Deviance: Have

You Seen Bigfoot or a UFO Lately? 169 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Seeing the Writing on the

Wall—and Doing Something About It! 173 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Th e Global Reach of

Russian Organized Crime 202

part Social Inequality

Class and Stratifi cation in the United States 206

What Is Social Stratifi cation? 208

Systems of Stratifi cation 209 Slavery 211 Th e Caste System 211 Th e Class System 214

Classical Perspectives on Social Class 214 Karl Marx: Relationship to the Means

of Production 214

7 8

What Keeps the American Dream Alive? 230

photo essay

Poverty in the United States 233 Who Are the Poor? 234 Economic and Structural Sources

of Poverty 236 Solving the Poverty Problem 237

Sociological Explanations of Social Inequality in the United States 237 Functionalist Perspectives 237 Confl ict Perspectives 239 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 239

U.S. Stratifi cation in the Future 240

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream? 209 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Slavery in the

Twenty-First Century: A Global Problem 212 • Sociology Works! Reducing Structural Barriers to

Achieving the American Dream 238 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Feeding the Hungry 241

Global Stratifi cation 244 Wealth and Poverty in Global Perspective 245

Problems in Studying Global Inequality 248 Th e “Th ree Worlds” Approach 248 Th e Levels of Development Approach 249

Classifi cation of Economies by Income 250 Low-Income Economies 250 Middle-Income Economies 251 High-Income Economies 253

ix C

O N

TEN TS

White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (British Americans) 294

African Americans 294 White Ethnic Americans 297 Asian Americans 298 Latinos/as (Hispanic Americans) 301 Middle Eastern Americans 303

Global Racial and Ethnic Inequality in the Future 304 Worldwide Racial and Ethnic Struggles 304 Growing Racial and Ethnic Diversity

in the United States 304

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Race, Ethnicity, and Sports? 275 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Racism

and Antiracism in European Football 280 • Sociology Works! Attacking Discrimination to Reduce

Prejudice? 284 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Working for Racial

Harmony 305

Sex and Gender 308 Sex: Th e Biological Dimension 311

Hermaphrodites/Transsexuals 311 Sexual Orientation 312 Discrimination Based on Sexual

Orientation 314

Gender: Th e Cultural Dimension 315 Th e Social Signifi cance of Gender 317 Sexism 318

Gender Stratifi cation in Historical and Contemporary Perspective 318 Hunting and Gathering Societies 320 Horticultural and Pastoral Societies 320 Agrarian Societies 322 Industrial Societies 322 Postindustrial Societies 323

Gender and Socialization 324 Parents and Gender Socialization 324 Peers and Gender Socialization 326 Teachers, Schools, and Gender

Socialization 327 Sports and Gender Socialization 328 Mass Media and Gender Socialization 328 Adult Gender Socialization 329

Contemporary Gender Inequality 330 Gendered Division of Paid Work 330 Pay Equity (Comparable Worth) 332 Paid Work and Family Work 332

Perspectives on Gender Stratifi cation 334 Functionalist and Neoclassical

Economic Perspectives 335 Confl ict Perspectives 336 Feminist Perspectives 337

Measuring Global Wealth and Poverty 253 Absolute, Relative, and

Subjective Poverty 254 Th e Gini Coeffi cient and Global

Quality-of-Life Issues 255

Global Poverty and Human Development Issues 255 Life Expectancy 257 Health 257 Education and Literacy 258 Persistent Gaps in Human

Development 258

Th eories of Global Inequality 259 Development and Modernization

Th eory 259 Dependency Th eory 262 World Systems Th eory 262 Th e New International Division

of Labor Th eory 264

Global Inequality in the Future 265

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Global Wealth and Poverty? 247 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Marginal Migration:

Moving to a Less-Poor Nation 252 • Sociology Works! Why Place Matters in Global

Poverty 266 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Global Networking to

Reduce World Hunger and Poverty 268

Race and Ethnicity 272 Race and Ethnicity 274

Th e Social Signifi cance of Race and Ethnicity 275

Racial Classifi cations and the Meaning of Race 276

Dominant and Subordinate Groups 277

Prejudice 278 Stereotypes 278 Racism 279 Th eories of Prejudice 280

Discrimination 282

Sociological Perspectives on Race and Ethnic Relations 283 Symbolic Interactionist

Perspectives 284 Functionalist Perspectives 286 Confl ict Perspectives 287 An Alternative Perspective: Critical

Race Th eory 290

Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 290 Native Americans 290

x C

O N

TE N

TS Developing Intimate Relationships

and Establishing Families 357 Love and Intimacy 357 Cohabitation and Domestic Partnerships 359 Marriage 360 Housework and Child-Care Responsibilities 360

Child-Related Family Issues and Parenting 362 Deciding to Have Children 362 Adoption 364 Teenage Pregnancies 366 Single-Parent Households 367 Two-Parent Households 368 Remaining Single 369

Transitions and Problems in Families 370 Family Transitions Based on Age and the Life

Course 370 Family Violence 371 Children in Foster Care 372 Elder Abuse 372 Divorce 374 Remarriage 376

Family Issues in the Future 377

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Contemporary Trends in U.S. Family Life? 349 • Sociology Works! Social Factors Infl uencing

Parenting: From the Housing Market to the Baby Nursery 363

• Sociology in Global Perspective: Wombs-for-Rent: Outsourcing Births to India 364

• You Can Make a Diff erence: Providing Hope and Help for Children 373

Education and Religion 380 An Overview of Education and Religion 382

Sociological Perspectives on Education 382 Functionalist Perspectives on Education 383 Confl ict Perspectives on Education 386 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Education 391

Problems Within Elementary and Secondary Schools 392 Unequal Funding of Public Schools 392 Dropping Out 393 Racial Segregation and Resegregation 394

School Safety and School Violence 395

Opportunities and Challenges in Colleges and Universities 396 Opportunities and Challenges in Community

Colleges 396 Opportunities and Challenges in Four-Year Colleges

and Universities 398 Th e High Cost of a College Education 398 Racial and Ethnic Diff erences in Enrollment 399

Gender Issues in the Future 343

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Body Image and Gender? 311 • Sociology Works! Institutional Discrimination: Women

in a Locker-Room Culture 319 • Sociology in Global Perspective: Th e Rise of Islamic

Feminism in the Middle East? 320 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Joining Organizations to

Overcome Sexism and Gender Inequality 338

part Social Institutions

Families and Intimate Relationships 346

Families in Global Perspective 348 Family Structure and Characteristics 348 Marriage Patterns 350 Patterns of Descent and Inheritance 352 Power and Authority in Families 353 Residential Patterns 353

Th eoretical Perspectives on Families 354 Functionalist Perspectives 354 Confl ict and Feminist Perspectives 355 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 356 Postmodernist Perspectives 357

How Do We “Do Gender” in the Twenty-First Century? 340

photo essay

xi C

O N

TEN TS

Unemployment 452 Labor Unions and Worker Activism 452 Employment Opportunities for Persons

with a Disability 454

Politics and the Economy in the Future 455

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About the Media? 423 • Media Framing: Framing Politics in the Media: Hero

Framing and the Selling of an Agenda 428 • Sociology Works! C. Wright Mills’s Ideas About

the Media: Ahead of His Time? 434 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Keeping an Eye

on the Media 444

Health, Health Care, and Disability 458

Health in Global Perspective 460

Health in the United States 463 Social Epidemiology 463 Lifestyle Factors 466

Health Care in the United States 470 Th e Rise of Scientifi c Medicine

and Professionalism 472 Medicine Today 473 Paying for Medical Care in the United States 474 Paying for Medical Care in Other Nations 478 Social Implications of Advanced Medical

Technology 480 Holistic Medicine and Alternative

Medicine 481

Sociological Perspectives on Health and Medicine 482 A Functionalist Perspective: Th e Sick Role 482 A Confl ict Perspective: Inequalities in Health

and Health Care 483 A Symbolic Interactionist Perspective:

Th e Social Construction of Illness 484 A Postmodernist Perspective:

Th e Clinical Gaze 485

Mental Illness 488 Th e Treatment of Mental Illness 489

Disability 490 Sociological Perspectives on Disability 492 Social Inequalities Based on Disability 493

Health Care in the Future 495

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About Health, Illness, and Health Care? 461 • Media Framing: Framing Health Issues in the Media:

It’s Right for You! Th e Framing of Drug Ads 464 • Sociology Works! Sociology Sheds Light on the

Physician–Patient Relationship 486 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Helping Others in the

Fight Against Illness! 496

Religion in Historical Perspective 401 Religion and the Meaning of Life 401 Religion and Scientifi c Explanations 403

Sociological Perspectives on Religion 404 Functionalist Perspectives on Religion 405 Confl ict Perspectives on Religion 407 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives

on Religion 409

Types of Religious Organization 410 Ecclesia 410 Th e Church–Sect Typology 410 Cults 412

Trends in Religion in the United States 413

Education and Religion in the Future 414

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About the Impact of Religion on U.S. Education? 383 • Sociology Works! Stopping Bullying: Character

Building and Social Norms 386 • Media Framing: Framing Religion in the Media:

Shaping the Intersections of Science and Religion 406 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Understanding and

Tolerating Religious and Cultural Diff erences 416

Politics and the Economy in Global Perspective 420

Politics, Power, and Authority 422 Power and Authority 423 Ideal Types of Authority 424

Political Systems in Global Perspective 426 Monarchy 427 Authoritarianism 427 Totalitarianism 427 Democracy 429

Perspectives on Power and Political Systems 430 Functionalist Perspectives:

Th e Pluralist Model 430 Confl ict Perspectives: Elite Models 432

Th e U.S. Political System 434 Political Parties and Elections 434 Discontent with Current Political Parties 436 Political Participation and Voter Apathy 436 Governmental Bureaucracy 438

Economic Systems in Global Perspective 440 Preindustrial, Industrial, and Postindustrial

Economies 440 Capitalism 440 Socialism 446 Mixed Economies 447

Work in the Contemporary United States 448 Professions 448 Other Occupations 449 Contingent Work 450 Th e Underground Economy 451

xii C

O N

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TS FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know

About U.S. Immigration? 503 • You Can Make a Diff erence: Creating a Vital

Link Between College Students and Immigrant Children 507

• Media Framing: Framing Immigration in the Media: Media Framing and Public Opinion 515

• Sociology Works! Herbert Gans and Twenty-First-Century Urban Villagers 526

Collective Behavior, Social Movements, and Social Change 538

Collective Behavior 540 Conditions for Collective Behavior 540 Dynamics of Collective Behavior 542 Distinctions Regarding Collective Behavior 543 Types of Crowd Behavior 544 Explanations of Crowd Behavior 545 Mass Behavior 548

Social Movements 551 Types of Social Movements 552 Stages in Social Movements 554

Social Movement Th eories 555 Relative Deprivation Th eory 555 Value-Added Th eory 555 Resource Mobilization Th eory 556 Social Constructionist Th eory:

Frame Analysis 556 Political Opportunity Th eory 558 New Social Movement Th eory 560

Social Change in the Future 561 Th e Physical Environment and Change 561 Population and Change 564 Technology and Change 566 Social Institutions and Change 567 A Few Final Th oughts 569

FEATURES • Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You

Know About Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues? 541

• Sociology in Global Perspective: China: A Nation of Environmental Woes and Emergent Social Activism 558

• Sociology Works! Fine-Tuning Th eories and Data Gathering on Environmental Racism 562

• You Can Make a Diff erence: College Students Are Taking the Lead in the “Go-Green” Movement 568

Glossary 572 References 579 Photo Credits 589 Name Index 590 Subject Index 593

part Social Dynamics and Social Change

15 Population and Urbanization 500 Demography: Th e Study of Population 502

Fertility 502 Mortality 503 Migration 505 Population Composition 506

Immigration and the Changing Face(s) of the United States 508

photo essay

Population Growth in Global Context 511 Th e Malthusian Perspective 512 Th e Marxist Perspective 512 Th e Neo-Malthusian Perspective 513 Demographic Transition Th eory 513 Other Perspectives on Population Change 514

A Brief Glimpse at International Migration Th eories 515

Urbanization in Global Perspective 516 Emergence and Evolution of the City 517 Preindustrial Cities 518 Industrial Cities 518 Postindustrial Cities 519

Perspectives on Urbanization and the Growth of Cities 519 Functionalist Perspectives:

Ecological Models 519 Confl ict Perspectives: Political

Economy Models 522 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives:

Th e Experience of City Life 524

Problems in Global Cities 528

Urban Problems in the United States 530 Divided Interests: Cities, Suburbs, and Beyond 530 Th e Continuing Fiscal Crises of the Cities 532

Rural Community Issues in the United States 533

Population and Urbanization in the Future 534

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features How Much Do You Know About Suicide? 6 How Much Do You Know About Global Food and Culture? 42 How Much Do You Know About Socialization and the College Experience? 77 How Much Do You Know About Homeless Persons? 107 How Much Do You Know About Privacy in Groups and Organizations? 141 How Much Do You Know About Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance? 167 How Much Do You Know About Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream? 209 How Much Do You Know About Global Wealth and Poverty? 247 How Much Do You Know About Race, Ethnicity, and Sports? 275 How Much Do You Know About Body Image and Gender? 311 How Much Do You Know About Contemporary Trends in U.S. Family Life? 349 How Much Do You Know About the Impact of Religion on U.S. Education? 383 How Much Do You Know About the Media? 423 How Much Do You Know About Health, Illness, and Health Care? 461 How Much Do You Know About U.S. Immigration? 503 How Much Do You Know About Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues? 541

sociology in global perspective Postmodern Problems in France: Worker Stress and Suicide Rates 22 Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Socialization 97 Th e Global Reach of Russian Organized Crime 202 Slavery in the Twenty-First Century: A Global Problem 212 Marginal Migration: Moving to a Less-Poor Nation 252 Racism and Antiracism in European Football 280 Th e Rise of Islamic Feminism in the Middle East? 320 Wombs-for-Rent: Outsourcing Births to India 364 China: A Nation of Environmental Woes and Emergent Social Activism 558

media framing Framing Culture in the Media: You Are What You Eat? 66 Framing Homelessness in the Media: Th ematic and Episodic Framing 110 Framing “Community” in the Media: “Virtual Communities” on the Internet 143 Framing Religion in the Media: Shaping the Intersections of Science and Religion 406 Framing Politics in the Media: Hero Framing and the Selling of an Agenda 428

Framing Health Issues in the Media: It’s Right for You! Th e Framing of Drug Ads 464 Framing Immigration in the Media: Media Framing and Public Opinion 515

sociology works! Durkheim’s Sociology of Suicide and Twenty-First-Century India 13 Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along 70 “Good Job!”: Mead’s Generalized Other and the Issue of Excessive Praise 88 Goff man’s Stigmatization Th eory and Contemporary Homelessness 129 Ingroups, Outgroups, and “Members Only” Clubs 144 Social Defi nitions of Deviance: Have You Seen Bigfoot or a UFO Lately? 169 Reducing Structural Barriers to Achieving the American Dream 238 Why Place Matters in Global Poverty 266 Attacking Discrimination to Reduce Prejudice? 284 Institutional Discrimination: Women in a Locker-Room Culture 319 Social Factors Infl uencing Parenting: From the Housing Market to the Baby Nursery 363 Stopping Bullying: Character Building and Social Norms 386 C. Wright Mills’s Ideas About the Media: Ahead of His Time? 434 Sociology Sheds Light on the Physician–Patient Relationship 486 Herbert Gans and Twenty-First-Century Urban Villagers 526 Fine-Tuning Th eories and Data Gathering on Environmental Racism 562

you can make a diff erence Responding to a Cry for Help 37 Bonding with Others Th rough Food and Conversation 59 Don’t Be Stressed Out in College: Helping Yourself and Others 101 Off ering a Helping Hand to Homeless People 134 Developing Invisible (but Meaningful) Networks on the Web 160 Seeing the Writing on the Wall—and Doing Something About It! 173 Feeding the Hungry 241 Global Networking to Reduce World Hunger and Poverty 268 Working for Racial Harmony 305 Joining Organizations to Overcome Sexism and Gender Inequality 338 Providing Hope and Help for Children 373 Understanding and Tolerating Religious and Cultural Diff erences 416 Keeping an Eye on the Media 444

sociology and everyday life

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Helping Others in the Fight Against Illness! 496 Creating a Vital Link Between College Students and Immigrant Children 507 College Students Are Taking the Lead in the “Go-Green” Movement 568

census profi les How People in the United States Self-Identify as to Race 32 Languages Spoken in U.S. Households 52 Computer and Internet Access in U.S. Households 123 Percentage Distribution of Persons Reporting Two or More Races 277 Single Mothers with Children Under 18 324 Household Composition, 1970 and 2007 351 Educational Achievement of Persons Age 25 and Over 400 Civilian Occupations 441 Disability and Employment Status 494

maps Map 1.1 Th e World’s Economies in the Early Twenty-First Century 7 Map 1.2 National Suicide Statistics at a Glance 33 Map 2.1 Cultural Diversity: A Nation of Immigrants 58 Map 6.1 Death Row Census, July 1, 2009 200 Map 7.1 Median Income by State 225 Map 8.1 High-, Middle-, and Low-Income Economies in Global Perspective 251 Map 8.2 Proportion of World’s Population Living in Poverty (by Region) 255 Map 9.1 U.S. Racial and Ethnic Distribution 293 Map 10.1 Women’s Earnings as a Percentage of Men’s Earnings by State and Puerto Rico: 2008 334 Map 11.1 Percentage of Single-Parent Households with Children Under 18 by State: 2007 367 Map 12.1 Per Capita Public Elementary and Secondary Spending by State 393 Map 12.2 Original Locations of the World’s Major Religions 403 Map 13.1 2008 Presidential Election: State by State 437 Map 13.2a U.S. Unemployment Rate by State Before the Fall of 2008 453 Map 13.2b U.S. Unemployment Rate by State Aft er the Great Recession 453 Map 14.1 HIV Infections Worldwide 471 Map 14.2 Obesity in the United States 471 Map 14.3 Persons Not Covered by Health Insurance, by State 479 Map 15.1 Percentage of Total Population Living in Urban Areas, 2009 517

preface

Welcome to the eighth edition of Sociol-ogy in Our Times: Th e Essentials! Th e twenty-fi rst century off ers unprec-edented challenges and opportunities for each of us as individuals and for our larger soci- ety and world. In the United States, we can no longer take for granted the peace and economic prosperity that many—but far from all—people were able to enjoy in previous decades. However, even as some things change, others remain the same, and among the things that have not changed are the signifi - cance of education and the profound importance of understanding how and why people act the way they do. It is also important to analyze how societ- ies grapple with issues such as economic hardship and the threat of terrorist attacks and war, and to gain a better understanding of why many of us seek stability in our social institutions—including family, religion, education, government, and media—even if we believe that some of these institutions might benefi t from certain changes.

Like previous editions of this text, the eighth edition of Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials is up to date, forward looking, and committed to highlighting the presence of sociology in our lives, as well as its rel- evance to our lives and communities. It achieves this aim in at least two ways. First, it helps students connect with sociology by providing a meaningful, concrete context for learning by featuring the stories—the lived experiences—of diverse individuals and the social issues they face told in their own voices at the begin- ning of each chapter. In addition to giving students an opportunity to listen in on the lives of others, these engaging personal stories introduce the issues and themes such as child care, the American Dream, and immigration that are returned to throughout the chap- ters to ground students’ understanding of the text’s diverse array of classical and contemporary theory as well as interesting supporting research.

Th e second way this text highlights the relevance of sociology to our lives and communities is by show- ing students how sociology can help them understand the important social questions and circumstances that not only the featured individuals face but that they themselves or other people they know or encounter may also face. By providing students with greater understanding of others’ lives, their own lives, and the leading social issues of our time, this text also tries to help students see themselves as members of

their communities and to show them what can be done in response to social issues both locally and globally. Th e result is that students learn how sociology is not only a collection of concepts and theories but also a fi eld that can make a diff erence in their lives, their communities, and the world at large. In sum, they learn what the sociological imagination is, how to use it, and how to act on the insights it off ers.

What’s New to the Eighth Edition? For Starters, More Video! Th e eighth edition builds on the best of previ- ous editions while off ering up-to-date coverage, enhanced learning tools, and new opportunities to apply the content of each chapter to dominant sociological issues and major concerns of our times. As it is my goal to make each edition better than the previous one, I have revised all of the chapters to refl ect the latest in major events and sociologi- cal theory and research. Correspondingly, I have updated examples throughout; and all statistics, such as data relating to suicide, crime, demograph- ics, health, and poverty, are current. Additional details of what’s new follow:

● New, updated, and expanded coverage. Th is edition provides new, updated, and expanded coverage of topics including the U.S. and global economies, U.S. health care reform, politics in the United States and Barack Obama’s presidency, immigration, juvenile courts, sexual orientation, the Tea Party Movement, the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, gated communities, and political opportunity theory.

● Updated research base. More than 100 new sources are cited in this edition, the majority of them from 2008, 2009, and 2010. All data and statistics are as current as possible at press time.

● New and updated chapter-opening fi rst-person accounts of individuals’ lived experience. New and updated chapter-opening accounts focus on learning the ropes in college and medical school (Chapter 3, “Socialization”), Facebook com- pared to face-to-face communication (Chapter 5, “Groups and Organizations”), U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor ( Chapter 7, “Class and Stratifi cation in the United States”), and the

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clearly organized chapters to introduce students to the best of sociological thinking. Th e length of the text makes full coverage of the book possible in the time typically allocated to the introductory course so that all students are purchasing a book that their instructors will have the time and desire to cover in its entirety.

Part 1 establishes the foundation for studying society and social life. Using the theme of suicide, Chapter 1 introduces students to the sociologi- cal perspective and research process. Th e chapter sets forth the major theoretical perspectives used by sociologists in analyzing compelling social issues and provides a thorough description of both quantitative and qualitative methods of sociologi- cal research. In this edition, Chapter 1 includes an updated Sociology and Everyday Life quiz and a new Sociology in Global Perspective box (“Post- modern Problems in France: Worker Stress and Suicide Rates”). Th e chapter’s You Can Make a Dif- ference box equips students with knowledge that may help them help someone who is contemplating suicide (“Responding to a Cry for Help”).

Chapter 2 spotlights culture as either a stabilizing force or a force that can generate discord, confl ict, and even violence in societies. Cultural diversity is discussed as a contemporary issue, and unique cov- erage is given to popular culture and leisure and to divergent perspectives on popular culture. With the theme of global perspectives on food, the chapter opens with a lived experience about how food can serve as a powerful cultural symbol and includes a new map (Map 2.1, “Cultural Diversity: A Nation of Immigrants”). Th is chapter’s You Can Make a Dif- ference box provides students with tips on “bonding with others through food and conversation.”

Chapter 3 looks at socialization and presents an innovative analysis of gender and racial–ethnic socialization as well as human development and life span issues. Th e college experience as a socialization process serves as the new theme (the chapter opens with fi rst-person narratives about learning the ropes in college and medical school) and is integrated throughout the chapter’s features: Sociology and Everyday Life: “How Much Do You Know About Socialization and the College Experience?”; Soci- ology in Global Perspective: “Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Socialization”; and Sociology Works!: “‘Good Job!’: Mead’s Generalized Other and the Issue of Excessive Praise,” which looks at educa- tional analyst Alfi e Kohn’s study of the practice of praising children for practically everything they say or do, recalling the earlier sociological insights of George Herbert Mead. Th is chapter’s new You Can Make a Diff erence box provides essential informa- tion for students and is titled “Don’t Be Stressed Out in College: Helping Yourself and Others.”

eff ects of economic hardships on families (Chap- ter 11, “Families and Intimate Relationships”).

● New and updated boxed features. More than half of the text’s Sociology and Everyday Life quizzes have been updated, and several new Sociology in Global Perspective boxes have been added, includ- ing “Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Social- ization” (Chapter 3), “Slavery in the Twenty-First Century: A Global Problem” (Chapter 7), and “Rac- ism and Antiracism in European Football” (Chapter 9). Other new boxes include “Don’t Be Stressed Out in College: Helping Yourself and Others” (You Can Make a Diff erence, Chapter 3), “Hero Framing and the Selling of an Agenda” (Media Framing, Chapter 13), and “Helping Others in the Fight Against Ill- ness!” (You Can Make a Diff erence, Chapter 14).

● More maps and new fi gures. Maps are powerful visuals and especially useful for clearly represent- ing facts and statistics about a country as large as the United States. As a result, the eighth edition’s new maps include Map 2.1, “Cultural Diversity: A Nation of Immigrants”; Map 8.2, “Proportion of World’s Population Living in Poverty (by Region)”; Map 10.1, “Women’s Earnings as a Percentage of Men’s Earnings by State and Puerto Rico: 2008”; Map 12.1, “Per Capita Public Elementary and Sec- ondary Spending by State”; and maps 13.1, “2008 Presidential Election: State by State,” 13.2a, “U.S. Unemployment Rate by State Before the Fall of 2008,” and 13.2b, “U.S. Unemployment Rate by State Aft er the Great Recession.” Responding to requests for additional visuals in general, this edition also includes new fi gures such as Figure 4.2, “Causes of Family Homelessness in 25 Cities”; Figure 6.4, “Or- ganized Crime Th reats in the United States”; Figure 11.1, “Living Arrangements of Children Under 18 Years Old for Selected Years: 1970–2008”; and Fig- ure 15.6, “Th e World’s 12 Largest Agglomerations.”

● Expanded multimedia resources and online study options. Every chapter now concludes with a Turning to Video feature that comprises a short online video with assignable activities. Addition- al new resources for the eighth edition include a CLeBook (fully searchable with highlighting and note-taking capabilities) and eCompanion, a brief print guide developed to help students who are using the eBook study and learn. Full descrip- tions of the student and instructor supplements begin on page xx.

Overview of the Text’s Contents with Chapter- by-Chapter Changes Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edi- tion, contains sixteen high-interest, up-to-date,

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broadens this discussion, while the chapter’s new Sociology in Global Perspective feature, “Slavery in the Twenty-First Century: A Global Problem,” off ers insight into an issue with which many students are likely to be unfamiliar. Th is chapter’s You Can Make a Diff erence feature off ers guidance for feeding the hungry in our communities.

Chapter 8 addresses the issue of global stratifi ca- tion and examines diff erences in wealth and poverty in rich and poor nations around the world. Explana- tions for these diff erences are discussed. Th e chapter opens with Paul Tergat, a world-record holder in the marathon and winner of two silver Olympic medals, describing his early childhood in Kenya, which was marked by poverty and hunger, and the diff erence that meals at school made, introducing the theme of the relationship between global stratifi cation and life chances. Th is chapter includes a new map (Map 8.2, “Proportion of World’s Population Living in Poverty [by Region]”), while its You Can Make a Diff erence box off ers a guide for global networking to reduce world hunger and poverty.

Chapter 9 covers race and ethnicity and includes an illustration of the historical relationship (or lack of it) between sports and upward mobility by per- sons from diverse racial–ethnic groups. A thorough analysis of prejudice, discrimination, theoretical perspectives, and the experiences of diverse racial and ethnic groups is presented, along with global racial and ethnic issues. New lived experiences open the chapter to address racism in the United States following the election of President Barack Obama. Th e chapter also includes a new Sociology in Global Perspective box (“Racism and Antiracism in Euro- pean Football”) and a new map (Map 9.1, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Distribution”). Th e chapter’s You Can Make a Diff erence features provides a guide to working for racial harmony.

Chapter 10 examines sex and gender, with an emphasis on gender stratifi cation in historical per- spective. Linkages between gender socialization and contemporary gender inequality are explored, introduced by personal accounts of the Miss Amer- ica Pageant and body image. New to this edition is an expanded discussion of sexual orientation that addresses problems experienced by gay men, lesbi- ans, bisexuals, and transgendered persons, as well as a map (Map 10.1, “Women’s Earnings as a Percentage of Men’s Earnings by State and Puerto Rico, 2008”).

Part 4 off ers a systematic discussion of social institutions, building students’ awareness of the importance of these foundational elements of soci- ety and showing how a problem in one oft en has a signifi cant infl uence on others. Families and inti- mate relationships are explored in Chapter 11, which includes both U.S. and global perspectives on family relationships, a view of families throughout

Part 2 examines social groups and social con- trol. Chapter 4 applies the sociological imagination to social structure and interaction in everyday life, opening with a personal account of homelessness, which is returned to throughout the chapter to illus- trate the dynamic interplay of social structure and human agency in people’s daily lives. Th e chapter’s Sociology and Everyday Life quiz (“How Much Do You Know About Homeless Persons?”) has been updated, and the chapter includes a new fi gure (Figure 4.2, “Causes of Family Homelessness in 25 Cities”). Th is chapter’s You Can Make a Diff erence feature provides practical guidance for students concerned about the homeless in their communities (“Off ering a Helping Hand to Homeless People”).

Chapter 5 analyzes groups and organizations, and it includes a discussion of innovative forms of social organization and ways in which organiza- tional structures may diff erentially aff ect people based on race, class, gender, and age. Th e chapter opens with updated voices of college students dis- cussing their use of and attitudes toward the social network site Facebook.com, which again sets up the chapter’s overall exploration of how groups and organizations are changing as a result of new tech- nological means of communication. Th is edition off ers a new section on organizations in the twenty- fi rst century and includes a guide to developing invisible (but meaningful) networks on the Internet (“You Can Make a Diff erence”).

Chapter 6 examines how deviance and crime emerge in societies, using diverse theoretical approaches to describe the nature of deviance, crime, and the criminal justice system. Th e chapter opens with personal commentaries on the under- ground economy and gang membership, themes that are applied throughout the chapter. Th is edition includes a new fi gure (Figure 6.4, “Organized Crime Th reats in the United States”) and a new section on juvenile courts, while its You Can Make a Diff erence feature provides guidance on responding to graf- fi ti (“Seeing the Writing on the Wall—and Doing Something About It!”).

Part 3 looks at social diff erences and social inequality, focusing on issues of class, race/ethnic- ity, and sex/gender, while also touching on issues related to social inequality based on age. Chapter 7 focuses on class and stratifi cation in the United States and opens with new lived experiences, pre- senting the voices of President Barack Obama and Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor on the occasion of Sotomayor’s nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court. Th e chapter goes on to analyze the causes and consequences of inequality and pov- erty, as well as discuss the ideology and accessibil- ity of the American Dream. Th e chapter’s photo essay, “What Keeps the American Dream Alive?,”

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Chapter 14 analyzes health, health care, and disability from both the U.S. perspective and the global perspective. Among the topics included are social epidemiology, lifestyle factors infl uencing health and illness, health care organization in the United States and other nations, social implications of advanced medical technology, and holistic and alternative medicine. Th is chapter is unique in that it contains a thorough discussion of sociological perspectives on disability and of social inequalities based on disability. Dr. Atul Gawande’s comments about the power and the limits of medicine open the chapter, which includes two new sections, one on the 2010 Health Care Reform Law and one on mental illness. Th is chapter also includes a new map (Map 14.1, “HIV Infections Worldwide”), and the You Can Make a Diff erence guide to joining the fi ght against illness has been updated.

Part 5 surveys social dynamics and social change. Chapter 15 examines population and urbanization, looking at demography, global population change, and the process and consequences of urbaniza- tion. Special attention is given to race- and class- based segregation in urban areas and the crisis in health care in central cities. In this edition, more fi rst- person accounts of undocumented work- ers and other immigrants open the chapter and reveal a wider variety of immigrant experiences, including some that address the reasons that “ille- gal immigrants” choose to enter this country and why many of them think laws should be changed to allow them to stay. Immigration examples are inte- grated throughout the chapter, and a new section on gated communities in a capitalist economy has been added. Other changes include an updated and renamed fi gure (Figure 15.6, “Th e World’s 12 Larg- est Agglomerations”) and a new map (Map 15.1, “Percentage of Total Population Living in Urban Areas”). Th is chapter’s You Can Make a Diff erence guide focuses on ways that college students can establish links with immigrant children.

Chapter 16 concludes the text with an innovative analysis of collective behavior, social movements, and social change. In the opening personal narra- tive, students hear the voices of Rodney Crowell and Jim Lovell as they explain their concerns about global warming. As in all of the preceding chapters, the chapter theme (here environmental activism) is returned to throughout the chapter to help stu- dents grasp the importance of collective behavior and social movements in producing social change. New coverage includes a section on political oppor- tunity theory and signifi cant revisions that include new examples of aggregates, such as crowds in air- ports waiting for Icelandic volcano ash to ease, and rumors, such as the ones on Twitter about airlines fl ying doctors and nurses free to Haiti and express

the life course, and a discussion of diversity in contemporary U.S. families. Th e theme of families weathering tough times is introduced in the chap- ter’s new opening lived experiences, which focus on the ways in which economic hardships, such as loss of jobs, aff ect families. An entirely new Socio- logy and Everyday Life quiz (“How Much Do You Know About Contemporary Trends in U.S. Family Life?”) brings students deeper into the theme, and a new fi gure (Figure 11.1, “Living Arrangements of Children Under 18 Years Old for Selected Years: 1970–2008”) and map (Map 11.1, “Percentage of Single-Parent Households with Children Under 18 by State, 2007”) further illustrate trends associated with this theme. Th e chapter’s You Can Make a Dif- ference box addresses the issue of providing hope and help for children.

Education and religion are presented in Chapter 12, which highlights important sociological theories pertaining to these pivotal social institutions and integrates the theme of the infl uence of religion on education and life. Personal experience involving the debate over teaching “intelligent design” in pub- lic schools opens the chapter, and the discussion of the hidden curriculum and class, gender, and racial/ ethnic inequalities has been thoroughly revised. Th e chapter also includes a new fi gure (Figure 12.3, “ Percentage Distribution of Total Public Elementary– Secondary School System Revenue 2005–2006”) and a new map (Map 12.1, “Per Capita Public Elementary and Secondary Spending by State”). An updated Soci- ology Works! feature has been updated to include the latest bullying and suicide news and statistics. Th e chapter’s You Can Make a Diff erence box guides stu- dents to help them understand and tolerate religious and cultural diff erences.

Chapter 13 discusses politics and the economy in global perspective, highlighting the global con- text in which contemporary political and economic systems operate and showing the intertwining nature of politics, the economy, and global media outlets. Th e chapter opens with personal accounts related to the phenomenal success of parody news shows, particularly Jon Stewart’s Th e Daily Show, and the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz (“How Much Do You Know About the Media?”) has been updated. Additional changes include a new media framing box (“Hero Framing and the Selling of an Agenda”); a new section on the Tea Party; two new fi gures (Figure 13.3, “Th e ‘Typical’ Federal Civilian Employee,” and Figure 13.5, “Th e General Motors Board of Directors”); an updated fi gure (Figure 13.6, “SAT Scores by Parents’ Income and Educa- tion, 2008”); and three new maps: Map 13.1, “2008 Presidential Election: State by State,” and maps 13.2a and 13.2b, which illustrate U.S. unemploy- ment before and aft er the recession of 2008.

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result, this text speaks to a wide variety of students and captures their interest by taking into account their concerns and perspectives. Moreover, the research used includes the best work of classical and established contemporary sociologists—including many white women and people of color—and it weaves an inclusive treatment of all people into the examination of sociology in all chapters. Th erefore, this text helps students consider the signifi cance of the interlocking nature of individuals’ class, race, and gender (and, increasingly, age) in all aspects of social life.

Authentic fi rst-person narratives open each chapter to personalize the issue that unifi es the chapter’s coverage. Th ese lived experiences provide opportunities for students to examine social life beyond their own experiences and for instructors to systematically incorporate into lectures and discus- sions an array of interesting and relevant topics that help demonstrate to students the value of applying sociology to their everyday lives. Further, each set of narratives introduces its chapter’s theme, which is then, as a familiar and reliable touchstone, returned to throughout the chapter.

Highlighting the relationship between sociol- ogy and everyday life, each chapter, early on, has a brief Sociology and Everyday Life quiz that relates the sociological perspective to the important social issues presented in the opening lived experiences. (Answers are provided on a subsequent page.)

The global implications of all topics are examined throughout each chapter and in the Sociology in Global Perspective boxes, which highlight our interconnected world and reveal how the sociological imagination extends beyond national borders.

A signifi cant benefi t of a sociology course is encouraging critical thinking about such things as how the manner in which the media “package” news and entertainment infl uences our perception of social issues, and this text’s Media Framing boxes provide a solid introduction to the concept itself and several compelling examples.

Designed to help get students involved in their communities and contribute in positive ways, the You Can Make a Diff erence boxes look at ways in which students can address, on a personal level, issues raised by the chapter theme.

Census Profi les highlight current relevant data from the U.S. Census Bureau, providing students with further insight into the United States.

In addition to basic reading and study aids such as chapter outlines, key terms, and running glossa- ries, as well as quality online resources, Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, includes the following study aids to promote students’ mas- tery of the course’s content:

services shipping boxes there for free following the 2010 earthquake. Th e chapter’s You Can Make a Dif- ference box is new and focuses on college students taking the lead in the “go-green” movement.

Distinctive, Classroom-Tested Features Th e following special features are specifi cally designed to demonstrate the relevance of sociology in our lives, as well as to support students’ learning. As the preceding overview of the book’s contents shows, these features appear throughout the text— some in every chapter, others in selected chapters.

Th e text’s Sociology Works! feature shows how sociological theories and research continue to enhance our understanding of contemporary social issues and our interactions in everyday life. Soci- ology Works! discussions include the following: “Goff man’s Stigmatization Th eory and Contempo- rary Homelessness” (Chapter 4), “Why Place Mat- ters in Global Poverty” (Chapter 8), and “Sociology Sheds Light on the Physician–Patient Relationship” (Chapter 14).

To visually capture some of the signifi cant cir- cumstances and issues of our time, this edition includes four photo essays: “Trying to Go It Alone: Runaway Adolescents and Teens” (Chapter 4), “What Keeps the American Dream Alive?” (Chap- ter 7), “How Do We ‘Do Gender’ in the Twenty-First Century?” (Chapter 10), and “Immigration and the Changing Face(s) of the United States” (Chapter 15). Each essay combines three pages of thought- and conversation-stimulating photos with brief socio- logical commentary and concludes with a compan- ion online video with assignable Turning to Video questions to further bring the essay’s topics to life.

Th e text’s highly praised Concept Quick Reviews again appear in every chapter. In table format, these reading and study aids provide concise overviews of key theories and concepts, including “Social Inter- action: Th e Microlevel Perspective” (Chapter 4), “Th eoretical Perspectives on Deviance” (Chapter 6), and “Sociological Perspectives on Health and Medi- cine” (Chapter 14).

Designed to stimulate both students’ critical- thinking ability and sociological imagination, Refl ect & Analyze questions are provided at the end of the Sociology Works! feature and photo essays, as well as at the end of the text’s Media Framing and Global Perspectives boxes.

Readers will also notice unparalleled coverage of and attention to diversity, as it is integrated in numerous ways throughout the book. Th e indi- viduals portrayed and discussed in each chapter accurately mirror the diversity in society itself. As a

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Instructor’s Resource Manual. Written by D. R. Wilson, Ph.D., of Houston Baptist University, this fundamental teaching tool is designed to stream- line and maximize the eff ectiveness of your course preparation by using such resources as brief chapter outlines, chapter summaries, extensively detailed chapter lecture outlines, lecture suggestions, video suggestions, and creative lecture and teaching sug- gestions. Th is manual also contains student learning objectives, key terms, essay/discussion questions, stu- dent activities, InfoTrac® College Edition exercises, discussion exercises, Internet exercises, applied ASA recommendations, group activities, and experimen- tal learning activities based on the ASA Task Force recommendations. Student activities and discussion questions have been added for the videos presented at the end of each chapter to further support the assign- ability of this additional Turning to Video feature.

Test Bank. Simplify testing and assessment by using this printed selection of 100 multiple-choice questions, 30 true/false questions, 15 short-answer questions, and 10 essay questions for each chapter of the text, all with answer explanations and page references that correspond to the text. Th e eighth edition’s test bank was written by Gerald Titchener of Des Moines Area Community College.

PowerLecture with JoinInTM and Exam- View®. On disc, this one-stop class-preparation tool contains ready-to-use Microsoft ® PowerPoint® slides, enabling you to assemble, edit, publish, and present custom lectures with ease. PowerLec- ture helps you bring together text-specifi c lecture outlines and art from the text along with videos and your own materials—culminating in power- ful, personalized, media-enhanced presentations. Th e JoinInTM content (for use with most “clicker” systems) available within PowerLecture delivers instant classroom assessment and active learning. Take polls and attendance, quiz students, and invite them to actively participate while they learn. Featur- ing automatic grading, ExamView® is also available within PowerLecture, allowing you to create, deliver, and customize tests and study guides (both print and online) in minutes. See assessments onscreen exactly as they will print or display online. Build tests of up to 250 questions using up to 12 question types, and enter an unlimited number of new ques- tions or edit existing questions. PowerLecture also includes the text’s Instructor’s Resource Manual and Test Bank as Word documents.

Sociology CourseMate. Th is website for Soci- ology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, brings chapter topics to life with interactive learning, study, and exam preparation tools, including quizzes

● Concept Quick Review. Th ese tables categorize and contrast the major theories or perspectives on the specifi c topics presented in a chapter.

● Questions for Critical Th inking. Each chapter concludes with questions for critical thinking to encourage students to refl ect on important issues, to develop their own critical-thinking skills, and to highlight how ideas presented in one chapter oft en build on those developed previously.

● End-of-Chapter Summaries in Question-and- Answer Format. Chapter summaries provide a built-in review for students by reexamining ma- terial covered in the chapter in an easy-to-read question-and-answer format to review, highlight, and reinforce the most important concepts and issues discussed in each chapter.

● End-of-Chapter Turning to Video activities comprising online video and assignable ques- tions provide a dynamic, multimedia study op- tion that eff ectively reinforces chapter concepts in a review context.

● Quick-Start Guide to Using Your Sociological Imagination. Located at the front of the book, this feature orients students and poses quick- start questions for each chapter so that students are already thinking sociologically even before they begin reading a chapter. It has proven to be an appreciated feature.

Comprehensive Supplements Package A wide array of supplements developed to create the best teaching and learning experience inside as well as outside the classroom accompanies Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition. All of the continuing supplements have been thoroughly revised and updated, and some new supplements have been added. Cengage Learning prepared the following descriptions, and I invite you to start tak- ing full advantage of the teaching and learning tools available to you by reading this overview.

Supplements for Instructors Annotated Instructor’s Edition. Th e thor- oughly revised Annotated Instructor’s Edition (AIE) of the text off ers page-by-page annotations to assist instructors before, during, and aft er class. Th e AIE’s annotations are gathered under sev- eral distinctive headings, including Active Learn- ing, Extra Examples, Global Perspective, Popular Culture, Sociological Imagination, and Applied Sociology. Additionally, annotations fl ag coverage that fulfi lls the American Sociological Association (ASA) Task Force’s recommendations for teaching sociology.

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Th e Sociological Imagination). Each 3- to 6-min- ute video segment has been specially chosen to enhance and enliven class lectures and discus- sions of 20 key topics covered in the introduction to sociology course. Accompanying the video is a brief written description of each clip, along with suggested discussion questions to help instructors incorporate the material into their course. Avail- able on DVD or VHS.

● Sociology: Core Concepts Video. Another exclu- sive off ering jointly created by Wadsworth/Cengage Learning and DALLAS TeleLearning, this video contains 15- to 20-minute video segments that will enhance student learning of the essential concepts in the introductory course and can be used to initi- ate class lectures, discussion, and review. Th e video covers topics such as the sociological imagination, stratifi cation, race and ethnic relations, and social change. Available on DVD or VHS.

● ABC® videos. Launch your lectures with excit- ing video clips from the award-winning news coverage of ABC. Addressing topics covered in a typical course, these videos are divided into short segments—perfect for introducing key concepts in contexts relevant to students’ lives.

● AIDS in Africa DVD. Expand your students’ global perspective of HIV/AIDS with this award- winning documentary series, which focuses on controlling HIV/AIDS in southern Africa. Films focus on caregivers in the faith community; how young people share messages of hope through song and dance; the relationship of HIV/AIDS to gender, poverty, stigma, education, and justice; and the story of two HIV-positive women help- ing others.

Readers. To help you add depth or further broaden the scope of your course, Wadsworth/Cen- gage Learning off ers readers for your consideration. Th ese readers are available at a discount when pack- aged with Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials:

● CourseReader: Sociology is a new, fully custom- izable online reader that provides access to hun- dreds of readings as well as audio and video selections from multiple disciplines. Th is easy-to- use supplementary content solution allows you to select exactly the content you need for your courses and is loaded with convenient pedagogi- cal features such as highlighting, printing, note taking, and audio downloads. CourseReader: Sociology is the perfect complement to any class, giving you the freedom to assign individualized content at an aff ordable price.

● Sociological Odyssey: Contemporary Readings in Introductory Sociology, Th ird Edition, by Patricia A. Adler and Peter Adler

and fl ash cards for each chapter’s key terms and con- cepts. Th e site also provides an eBook version of the text with highlighting and note-taking capabilities. For instructors, this text’s CourseMate also includes Engagement Tracker, a fi rst-of-its-kind tool that monitors student engagement in the course. Go to login.cengage.com to access these resources.

WebTutorTM on Blackboard® and WebCT®. Jump-start your course with customizable, rich, text-specifi c content within your course manage- ment system. Simply load a content cartridge into your course management system to easily blend, add, edit, reorganize, or delete content, all of which is specifi c to Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, and includes media resources, quizzing, Internet links, discussion top- ics, and interactive games and exercises.

Classroom Activities for Introductory Soci- ology Courses. Made up of contributions from instructors teaching introductory sociology around the country, this booklet features classroom activi- ties, student projects, and lecture ideas to help instructors make topics fun and interesting for stu- dents. With general teaching tactics as well as topic- focused activities, it’s never been easier to fi nd a way to integrate new ideas into your classroom.

Tips for Teaching Sociology, Third Edition. Written by veteran instructor Jerry M. Lewis of Kent State University, this booklet contains tips on course goals and syllabi, lecture preparation, exams, class exercises, research projects, course evaluations, and more. It is an invaluable tool for fi rst-time instruc- tors of the introductory course and for veteran instructors in search of new ideas.

Videos. Adopters of Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, have numerous video options available for use with the text:

● Th e Wadsworth Sociology Video Library Vol- ume 1 (featuring BBC Motion Gallery video clips) drives home the relevance of course topics through short, provocative clips of current and historical events. Perfect for enriching lectures and engaging students in discussion, many of the segments on this volume have been gathered from the BBC Motion Gallery. Ask your Cengage Learning representative for a list of contents.

● Wadsworth’s Lecture Launchers for Introducto- ry Sociology. An exclusive off ering jointly created by Wadsworth/Cengage Learning and DALLAS TeleLearning, this video contains a collection of video highlights taken from the Exploring Society: An Introduction to Sociology telecourse (formerly

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key terms and key people with page references to the text, detailed chapter outlines, “Analyzing and Understanding the Boxes,” study activities, learn- ing objectives, practice tests consisting of 25–30 multiple-choice questions and 10–15 true–false questions, InfoTrac College Edition readings and exercises, and Internet exercises. All multiple-choice and true–false questions include answer explana- tions and page references to the text.

Introduction to Sociology Group Activi- ties Workbook. Th is supplement, by Lori Ann Fowler of Tarrant County College, contains both in- and out-of-class group activities (using resources such as MicroCase® Online Data exercises from Wadsworth’s Online Sociology Resource Center) that you can tear out and turn in to the instructor once they are completed. Also included are ideas for video clips to anchor group discussions, maps, case studies, group quizzes, ethical debates, group ques- tions, group project topics, and ideas for outside readings on which you can base group discussions. Both a workbook for students and a repository of ideas, this is a valuable resource for students and instructors alike!

Student Telecourse Guide. Th is telecourse guide for Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, is designed to accom- pany the Exploring Society: Introduction to Socio- logy telecourse produced by DALLAS TeleLearning of the Dallas County Community College District (DCCCD). Th e Telecourse Guide provides the essential integration of videos and text, giving you valuable resources designed to direct your daily study in the Exploring Society telecourse. Each chapter of the Telecourse Guide contains a lesson that corresponds to each of the 22 video segments in the telecourse. Every lesson includes the follow- ing components: Overview, Lesson Assignment, Lesson Goal, Lesson Learning Objectives, Review, Lesson Focus Points, Related Activities, Practice Tests, and Answer Key. Th ese resources are avail- able to qualifi ed adopters, and ordering options for student supplements are fl exible. Please visit us at www.cengage.com for more information, including ISBNs; to receive examination copies of any of these instructor or student resources; or for product dem- onstrations. All text purchase and rental options as well as supplemental materials are available to stu- dents through www.cengagebrain.com.

Acknowledgments Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edi- tion, would not have been possible without the insightful critiques of these colleagues, who have

● Globalization: Th e Transformation of Social Worlds, by D. Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn

● Classic Readings in Sociology, Fourth Edition, by Eve L. Howard

● Understanding Society: An Introductory Read- er, Second Edition, by Margaret L. Andersen, Kim A. Logio, and Howard F. Taylor

● Sociological Footprints: Introductory Readings in Sociology, Eleventh Edition, by Leonard Car- gan and Jeanne H. Ballantine

● Extension: Wadsworth’s Sociology Reader Col- lection. Create your own customized reader for your sociology class, drawing from dozens of clas- sic and contemporary articles found on the exclu- sive Wadsworth Cengage Learning TextChoice database. Using the TextChoice website (www .textchoice.com), you can preview articles, select your content, and add your own original material. TextChoice will then produce your materials as a printed supplementary reader for your class.

Supplements for Students Sociology CourseMate. Th is website for Soci- ology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition, brings chapter topics to life with interactive learn- ing, study, and exam preparation tools, including quizzes and fl ash cards for each chapter’s key terms and concepts. Th e site also provides an eBook version of the text with highlighting and note- taking capabilities. Students can access this new learning tool and all other online resources through cengagebrain.com.

eCompanion. For many students, using eBooks has been a hurdle because their format is not always portable and accessible in class. Addressing this chal- lenge, the eCompanion is a portable tool under 200 pages designed to complement the comprehensive digital text. It includes review questions, chapter out- lines with space for note taking, and removable study cards to help with learning and test preparation. Together, this print and digital combination off ers the complete textbook in digital format with core study resources in print, thereby providing the func- tionality of digital and the convenience and famil- iarity of print, enabling today’s students to learn the course’s key concepts in the most fl exible way pos- sible. Allison Gustafson of Ventura College prepared the original content of the eCompanion for Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials, Eighth Edition.

Study Guide with Practice Tests. Th is stu- dent study tool, by Kathryn Sinast Mueller of Baylor University, contains brief chapter outlines, chapter summaries, student learning objectives, a list of

http://www.cengage.com

http://www.cengagebrain.com

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Tawwater, Austin Community College; Robert Tur- ley, College of the Canyons; Daniel Van Dussen, Youngstown State University.

And for their many valuable contributions to ear- lier editions, I would also like to thank the following reviewers again: Jan Abu-Shakrah, Portland Com- munity College; Ted Alleman, Penn State University; Ginna Babcock, University of Idaho; Kay Barches, Skyline College; Sampson Lee Blair, University of Oklahoma; Elizabeth Bodien, Northampton Com- munity College; Barbara Bollmann, Community College of Denver; Gayle Gordon Bouzard, Texas State University, San Marcos; Joni Boye-Bearman, Wayne State College; John Brady, Texas Lutheran University; Valerie Brown, Case Western Reserve University; Deborah Carter, Johnson C. Smith University; Margaret Choka, Pellissippi State Com- munity College; Dennis Cole, Owens Community College; Brooks Cowan, University of Vermont; Russell Curtis, University of Houston; Mary Ann Czarnezki, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee; Lillian Daughaday, Murray State University; Kevin Delaney, Temple University; Judith Dilorio, Indi- ana University–Purdue University; Harold Dor- ton, Southwest Texas State University; Kevin Early, Oakland University; Don Ecklund, Lincoln Land Community College; Cindy Epperson, St. Louis Community College at Meramec; Julian Th omas Euell, Ithaca College; Grant Farr, Portland State University; Joe R. Feagin, University of Florida; Nancy Feather, West Virginia University; Kathryn M. Feltey, University of Akron; Leticia Fernandez, University of Texas at El Paso; William Finlay, Uni- versity of Georgia; Andrea Fontana, UNLV; Mark Foster, Johnson County Community College; How- ard Gabennesch, University of Southern Indiana; Richard Gale, University of Oregon; DeAnn K. Gauthier, University of Southwestern Louisiana; Robert B. Girvan, Clarion University; Tanya Glad- ney, University of Nebraska–Lincoln; Michael Gos- lin, Tallahassee Community College; Anna Hall, Delgado Community College; Lee Hamilton, New Mexico State University; Gary D. Hampe, University of Wyoming; Carole Hill, Shelton State Community College; Art Jipson, University of Dayton; Richard Kamei, Glendale Community College; William Kelly, University of Texas, Austin; Bud Khleif, University of New Hampshire; Joachim Kibirige, Missouri West- ern State University; Michael B. Kleiman, University of South Florida; Janet Koenigamen, College of St. Benedict; Rosalind Kopfstein, Western Connecticut State University; Amy Krull, Western Kentucky Uni- versity; Monica Kumba, Buff alo State University; Yechiel Lahavy, Atlantic Community College; Greg- ory Leavitt, Idaho State University; Amy Leimer, Tennessee Tech University; Abraham Levine, El

reviewed some or all of this text and its supplements or responded to a detailed survey. I extend my pro- found thanks to each one for engaging with me in the revision process.

Reviewers Margaret Choka, Pellissippi State Community

College J. Michael Cruz, Southern Methodist University Jason J. Leiker, Utah State University Donald P. Stewart, University of Nevada,

Las Vegas Kell Stone, El Camino College Charles M. ViVona, Queensborough Commu-

nity College

Survey Respondents Mel Barber, Flagler College Pauli Taylor Boyd, MATC and UWM Erica Burrell, Baton Rouge Community College Suzi Calliham, Colby Community College Maria Flynn, Ocean County College Jeff Hahn, Mount Union College Rebecca Hartzog, Milwaukee Area Technical

College Rosalind Kopfstein, Western Connecticut State

University Jessica Pardee, University of Central Florida Rita Sakitt, Suff olk County Community College Connie Veldink, Everett Community College John White, Community College of Rhode Island Jessie M. Williams, Mineral Area College

I would also like to thank again the reviewers and survey respondents who helped throughout the revision of the previous edition: Cheryl Albers, Buff alo State University; Annette Allen, Troy Uni- versity; Amy Blackstone, University of Maine; Dan- iel Boudon, Hofstra University; Robin Brownfi eld, Rutgers University; Karyn Daniels, Long Beach City College; Mark Gaskill, State University of New York at Oneonta; Sara E. Hanna, Oakland Community College; Danielle Hedegard, University of Arizona; Jane Hellinghausen, Odessa College; Ursula Hines, Cuyamaca College; Karen Honeycutt, Keene State College; Connie Jamison, Volunteer State Com- munity College; Chris Johnson, University of Loui- siana at Monroe; Allison Jones, Ventura College; John C. Kilburn, Jr., Texas A&M International Uni- versity; Cindy J. Lahar, York County Community College; Chad Litton, University of Mary; Suzanne L. Maughan, University of Nebraska–Kearney; Nix McCray, Community College of Baltimore County; Christine Monnier, College of DuPage; Efren Padilla, California State University–East Bay; K. J. Stone, Los Angeles Southwest College; Dawn

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Radford University; Richard Valencia, Fresno City College; Steven Vasser, Mankato State University; Carl Wahlstrom, Genesee Community College; Henry Walker, Cornell University; Susan Waller, University of Central Oklahoma; Judith Ann War- ner, Texas A&M International University; N. Ree Wells, Missouri Southern State University; Jerry Williams, Stephen Austin State; and John Zipp, Uni- versity of Wisconsin–Milwaukee.

Finally, I deeply appreciate the energy, creativity, and dedication of the many people responsible for the development and production of Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essentials. I wish to thank Wadsworth/ Cengage Learning’s Erin Mitchell, Renee Deljon, Melissa Cregger, Linda Stewart, Mallory Ortberg, and Cheri Palmer for their enthusiasm and insights throughout the development of this text. Many other people worked hard on the production of the eighth edition of Sociology in Our Times: Th e Essen- tials, especially Greg Hubit and Donald Pharr. I am extremely grateful to them.

I invite you to send your comments and sugges- tions about this book to me in care of:

Wadsworth, Cengage Learning 20 Davis Drive Belmont, CA 94002

Camino College; Diane Levy, University of North Carolina, Wilmington; Stephen Lilley, Sacred Heart University; Michael Lovaglia, University of Iowa; Akbar Mahdo, Ohio Wesleyan University; Rebecca Matthews, University of Iowa; M. Cathey Maze, Franklin University; Jane McCandless, State Uni- versity of West Georgia; Barbara Miller, Pasadena City College; John Molan, Alabama State Univer- sity; Betty Morrow, Florida International Univer- sity; Kelly Mosel-Talavera, Texas State University, San Marcos; Tina Mougouris, San Jacinto College; Mani Pande, Kansas State University; Dale Parent, Southeastern Louisiana University; Linda Petroff , Central Community College; Karen Polite, Har- risburg Area Community College–Lancaster Cam- pus; J. Keith Price, West Texas A&M University; Barbara Richardson, Eastern Michigan University; Lois Rood, Tennessee Tech University; Ellen Rosen- garten, Sinclair Community College; Phil Rutledge, University of North Carolina, Charlotte; Joseph Scimecca, George Mason University; Marcia Texler Segal, Indiana University Southeast; Dorothy Smith, State University of New York–Plattsburg; Teresa Sobieszczyk, University of Montana; Jackie Stan- fi eld, Northern Colorado University; Mary Texeira, California State University–San Bernardino; Jamie Th ompson, University of Central Oklahoma; Gary Tiedeman, Oregon State University; James Unnever,

SOCIOLOGY in Our Times the essentials

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▲ Tina Meier, the mother of Megan Meier, displays photographs of her daughter, who committed suicide at the age of thirteen after reacting to fake MySpace postings by the mother of one of her former friends. Studying sociology provides us with new insights on problems such as suicide by making us aware that much more goes on in social life than we initially observe.

His name was Josh Evans. He was 16 years old. And he was hot. “Mom! Mom! Mom! Look at him!” Tina Meier recalls her

daughter saying. Josh had contacted Megan Meier through her MySpace page

and wanted to be added as a friend. “Yes, he’s cute,” Tina Meier told her

daughter. “Do you know who he is?” “No, but look at him! He’s hot! Please, please,

can I add him?” Mom said yes. And for six weeks Megan and

Josh—under Tina’s watchful eye—became acquainted in the virtual world of MySpace.

Josh said he was born in Florida and recently had moved to O’Fallon [Missouri]. He was homeschooled. He played the guitar and drums. . . .

As for 13-year-old Megan . . . [she] loved swimming, boating, fi shing, dogs, rap music and boys.

But her life had not always been easy, her mother says. She was heavy and for years had tried to lose weight. She had attention defi cit disorder and battled depression. . . . But things were going exceptionally well. She had shed 20 pounds, getting down to 175. She was 5 foot 5½ inches tall. . . .

Part of the reason for Megan’s rosy outlook was Josh, Tina says. After school Megan would

The Sociological Perspective and Research Process

Chapter Focus Question

How do sociological theory and research add to our knowledge of human societies and social issues

such as suicide?

rush to the computer. . . . It did seem odd, Tina says, that Josh never asked for Megan’s phone number. And when Megan asked for his, she says, Josh said he didn’t have a cell and his mother did not yet have a landline.

And then on Sunday, Oct. 15, 2006, Megan received a puzzling and disturbing message from Josh. Tina recalls that it said, “I don’t know if I want to be friends with you anymore because I’ve heard that you are not very nice to your friends.”

Frantic, Megan shot back: “What are you talking about?” (Pokin, 2007)

This and other hostile instant message exchanges set into motion the fi nal, disturbing episode in the life of Megan Meier, as she was suddenly confronted with not only the anger and cynicism of a young man she thought she knew and trusted but also the bullying of other young people gathered on the social networking site MySpace who also sent a barrage of hate-fi lled messages that called Megan a liar and much worse.

“Mom, they’re being Horrible!” Megan said, sobbing into the phone when her mother called. After an hour, Megan ran into her bedroom and hanged herself with a belt.

“She felt there was no way out,” Ms. Meier said. (Maag, 2007) —the parents of Megan Meier recalling the events leading up to her suicide at only thirteen years of age

In this chapter

● Putting Social Life into Perspective

● The Development of Sociological Thinking

● Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives

● The Sociological Research Process

● Research Methods

● Ethical Issues in Sociological Research

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• IRM: Check for class discussion ideas on the topic of Megan Meier’s death and Durkheim’s theory of suicide.

• Popular Culture: Ask students to talk about their own experiences with Facebook and MySpace and to create lists of positive and negative functions of these social networking sites.

• Popular Culture: What do you think these popular reality TV shows tell us about U.S. society: The Jersey Shore, Keeping up with the Kardashians, Extreme Makeover, The Bachelorette, and The Real Housewives of Orange County?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #9 Multicultural, Cross- Cultural, and Cross-National Content

• Recent Events: Have students analyze President Obama’s 2009 comments to the U.N. General Assembly on a new era of global interdependence: “In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game. No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation. No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed. No balance of power among nations will hold” (whitehouse.gov).

Why Study Sociology? Sociology helps us gain a better understanding of ourselves and our social world. It enables us to see how behavior is largely shaped by the groups to which we belong and the society in which we live. A society is a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations, such as the United States, Mexico, or Nigeria. Examining the world order helps us understand that each of us is aff ected by global interdependence—a relationship in which the lives of all people are intertwined closely and any one nation’s problems are part of a larger global problem. Environmental problems are an example: People throughout the world share the same biosphere— the zone of the Earth’s surface and atmosphere that sustains life. When environmental degradation, such as removing natural resources or polluting the air and water, takes place in one region, it may have an adverse eff ect on people around the globe.

Individuals can make use of sociology on a more personal level. Sociology enables us to move beyond established ways of thinking, thus allowing us to gain new insights into ourselves and to develop a greater awareness of the connection between our own “world” and that of other people. According to the sociologist Peter Berger (1963: 23), sociological inquiry helps us see that “things are not what they seem.” Sociology provides new ways of approaching problems and making decisions in everyday life. For this reason, people with a knowledge of sociology are employed in a variety of fi elds that apply socio- logical insights to everyday life (see ▼ Figure 1.1).

Sociology promotes understanding and toler- ance by enabling each of us to look beyond intuition, common sense, and our personal experiences. Many of us rely on intuition or common sense gained from personal experience to help us understand our daily lives and other people’s behavior. Commonsense knowledge guides ordinary conduct in everyday life. However, many commonsense notions are actually myths. A myth is a popular but false notion that may be used, either intentionally or unintention- ally, to perpetuate certain beliefs or “theories” even in the light of conclusive evidence to the contrary. Before reading on, take the quiz in the Sociology and Everyday Life box on page 6.

C learly, the suicide of Megan deeply touched her parents and friends while raising many issues about the problem of cyber-bullying. In the aft ermath of

Megan’s tragic death, her parents tried to send an instant message to Josh Evans to inform him about the destructive nature of his actions, only to learn that his MySpace account had been deleted. Six weeks aft er Megan’s death, her parents learned that Josh Evans never existed: His fake persona alleg- edly had been created by a mother whose daughter was once Megan’s friend. According to some media reports, this parent created a fake MySpace account for “Josh Evans” so that she could fi nd out what Megan would say about her daughter and other people. Subsequently, other members gathered on MySpace and—not knowing that Josh Evans did not exist—jumped into the fray and began hurling accu- sations at Megan and bullying her. A local ordinance in Megan’s hometown now prohibits any harass- ment that uses the Internet, text messaging services, or any other electronic medium.

Although we will never know the full story of Megan’s life, this tragic occurrence brings us to a larger sociological question: Why does anyone com- mit suicide? Is suicide purely an individual phenom- enon, or is it related to our social interactions and the social environment and society in which we live?

In this chapter, we examine how sociological the- ories and research can help us understand the seem- ingly individualistic act of taking one’s own life. We will see how sociological theory and research meth- ods might be used to answer complex questions, and we will wrestle with some of the diffi culties that soci- ologists experience as they study human behavior.

Putting Social Life into Perspective Sociology is the systematic study of human soci- ety and social interaction. It is a systematic study because sociologists apply both theoretical perspec- tives and research methods (or orderly approaches) to examinations of social behavior. Sociologists study human societies and their social interactions in order to develop theories of how human behavior is shaped by group life and how, in turn, group life is aff ected by individuals.

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• Active Learning: Positivism is a school of thought that emphasizes direct experience and an optimistic view of scientifi c knowledge. Ask students to write for ten minutes in class about their opinions of scientifi c progress and to share their thoughts aloud in a class discussion about the challenges of studying society scientifi cally.

• Extra Examples: Sociologist Peter Berger uses the phrase “debunking motif” in relation to what sociology does. Provide your class with some examples from advertising, warfare, or social conventions.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Pop Culture: Recent fi lms with a suicide theme include Little Miss

Sunshine, The Hours, Wristcutters: A Love Story, Million Dollar Baby, The Happening, Suicide Club, The Bridge, and Last Days.

• Pop Culture: The Sorrows of Young Werther was published in 1774 by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. It led to some of the fi rst cases of copycat suicides, by people who read about the suicide of Werther in the novel. Talk with your class about the media and its infl uence on our actions—even on suicide (suicide contagion).

By contrast, sociologists strive to use scientifi c standards, not popular myths or hearsay, in study- ing society and social interaction. Th ey use system- atic research techniques and are accountable to the scientifi c community for their methods and the pre- sentation of their fi ndings. Whereas some sociolo- gists argue that sociology must be completely value free—free from distorting subjective (personal or emotional) bias—others do not think that total objec- tivity is an attainable or desirable goal when studying human behavior. However, all sociologists attempt to discover patterns or commonalities in human behavior. When they study suicide, for example, they look for recurring patterns of behavior even though individual people usually commit the acts and other individuals suff er as a result of these actions.

Consequently, sociologists seek out the multiple causes and eff ects of suicide or other social issues. Th ey analyze the impact of the problem not only from the standpoint of the people directly involved but also from the standpoint of the eff ects of such behavior on all people.

The Sociological Imagination Sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959b) described socio- logical reasoning as the sociological imagination— the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society. Th is awareness enables us to understand the link between our per- sonal experiences and the social contexts in which they occur. Th e sociological imagination helps us

distinguish between personal troubles and social (or public) issues. Personal troubles are private problems that aff ect individuals and the networks of people with whom they associate regularly. As a result, those problems must be solved by individuals within their immediate social settings. For example, one person being unemployed may be a personal trouble. Public issues are problems that aff ect large numbers of people and oft en require solutions at the societal level. Wide- spread unemployment as a result of economic changes such as plant closings is an example of a public issue. Th e sociological imagination helps us place seemingly personal troubles, such as losing one’s job or feeling like committing suicide, into a larger social context, where we can distinguish whether and how personal troubles may be related to public issues.

Suicide as a Personal Trouble Many of our individual experiences may be largely beyond our own control. Th ey are determined by society as a

Health and Human Services

Counseling Education Medicine Nursing Social Work

Business

Advertising Labor Relations Management Marketing

Communication

Broadcasting Public Relations Journalism

Academia

Anthropology Economics Geography History Information Studies Media Studies/ Communication Political Science Psychology Sociology

Law

Law Criminal Justice

▲ FIGURE 1.1 FIELDS THAT USE SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH In many careers, including jobs in academia, business, communication, health and human services, and law, the ability to analyze social science research is an important asset. Source: Based on Katzer, Cook, and Crouch, 1991.

sociology the systematic study of human society and social interaction.

society a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations.

sociological imagination C. Wright Mills’s term for the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society.

• Active Learning: Provide students with a list of concerns such as paying tuition, stress disorders, and substance abuse. Ask students to talk about how these can be seen as both personal troubles and public issues.

• IRM: You’ll fi nd material that explores the contrasts between high- and low-income cultures to help students recognize concrete diff erences in the ways that various cultures defi ne reality.

• For Discussion: The United States has a very religious culture compared to most other high-income cultures.

How are U.S. religious values infl uenced by our high-income culture?

• Research: The rapid gains in the market share of developing countries means that these low-income countries have become a driving force underlying the global trade cycle, reducing (but certainly not eliminating) the infl uence of high-income countries (World Bank).

• Extra Examples: Other middle-income countries include the Philippines, Iran, Turkey, and Russia.

whole—by its historical development and its orga- nization. In everyday life, we do not defi ne personal experiences in these terms. If a person commits sui- cide, many people consider it to be the result of his or her own personal problems.

Suicide as a Public Issue We can also use the sociological imagination to look at the problem of suicide as a public issue—a societal problem. Early sociologist Emile Durkheim refused to accept com- monsense explanations of suicide. In what is probably the fi rst sociological study to use scientifi c research methods, he related suicide to the issue of cohesiveness (or lack of cohesiveness) in society instead of viewing suicide as an isolated act that could be understood only by studying individual personalities or inherited tendencies. In Suicide (1964b/1897), Durkheim doc- umented his contention that a high suicide rate was symptomatic of large-scale societal problems.

The Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination Although existing sociological theory and research provide the foundation for sociological think- ing, we must reach beyond past studies that have

focused primarily on the United States to develop a more comprehensive global approach for the future (see ▼ Map 1.1). In the twenty-fi rst century, we face important challenges in a rapidly changing nation and world. Th e world’s high-income countries are nations with highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administra- tive, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and personal income. Some examples are the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, and the countries of Western Europe.

As compared with other nations of the world, many high-income nations have a high standard of living and a lower death rate due to advances in nutrition and medical technology. However, every- one living in a so-called high-income country does not necessarily have a high income or an outstand- ing quality of life. In contrast, middle-income coun- tries are nations with industrializing economies, particularly in urban areas, and moderate levels of national and personal income. Some examples of middle-income countries are the nations of East- ern Europe and many Latin American countries, where nations such as Brazil and Mexico are indus- trializing rapidly.

True False

T F 1. For people thinking of suicide, it is diffi cult, if not impossible, to see the bright side of life. T F 2. People who talk about suicide don’t do it. T F 3. Suicide rates in the United States are highest for Asian/Pacifi c Islanders because of pressure to achieve. T F 4. Rates of suicide are highest in the intermountain states located in the western and northwestern regions of the

United States. T F 5. Females complete suicide (take their own life) at a much higher rate than that of males. T F 6. Over half of all suicides occur in adult women between the ages of 25 and 65. T F 7. Older women have lower rates of both attempted and completed suicide than older men. T F 8. Children don’t know enough to be able to intentionally kill themselves. T F 9. Suicide rates for African Americans are higher than for white Americans. T F 10. More teenagers and young adults die from suicide than from cancer, heart disease, AIDS, birth defects, stroke,

pneumonia, infl uenza, and chronic lung disease combined.

Answers on page 8.

How Much Do You Know About Suicide?

sociology and everyday life 6

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• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disc provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, vedios. PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• Extra Examples: Suicide is the fourth-leading cause of death for adults between the ages of 18 and 65 years in the United States, with approximately 27,321 suicides annually. For all age groups, a

person dies by suicide about every 16 minutes in the United States. An attempt is estimated to be made once every minute (American Foundation for Suicide Prevention).

Low-income countries are primarily agrarian nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income. Examples of low- income countries are many of the nations of Africa and Asia, particularly India and the People’s Repub- lic of China, where people typically work the land and are among the poorest in the world. However, generalizations are diffi cult to make because there are wide diff erences in income and standards of liv- ing within many nations (see Chapter 8, “Global Stratifi cation”). Th roughout this text, we will con- tinue to develop our sociological imaginations by examining social life in the United States and other nations.

Developing a better understanding of diversity and tolerance for people who are diff erent from us is important for our personal, social, and economic well-being. Whatever your race/ethnicity, class, sex, or age, are you able to include in your thinking the perspectives of people who are quite dissimilar in experiences and points of view? Before answering

high-income countries (sometimes referred to as industrial countries) nations with highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administrative, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and personal income.

middle-income countries (sometimes referred to as developing countries) nations with industrializing economies, particularly in urban areas, and moderate levels of national and personal income.

low-income countries (sometimes referred to as underdeveloped countries) nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income.

North America

South America

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▲ MAP 1.1 THE WORLD’S ECONOMIES IN THE EARLY TWENTYFIRST CENTURY High-income, middle-income, and low-income countries.

this question, a few defi nitions are in order. Race is a term used by many people to specify groups of people distinguished by physical characteristics such as skin color; in fact, there are no “pure” racial types, and the concept of race is considered by most

• Active Learning: Have students work in small groups to compare their answers to the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz.

1. True. To people thinking of suicide, an acknowledgment that there is a bright side only confi rms and conveys the message that they have failed; otherwise, they could see the bright side of life as well.

2. False. Some people who talk about suicide do kill themselves. Warning signals of possible suicide attempts include talk of suicide, the desire not to exist anymore, and despair.

3. False. Asian/Pacifi c Islanders had the lowest rates of suicide per 100,000 in the United States, whereas Native Americans (American Indian/Alaskan Natives) had the highest suicide rates.

4. True. Suicide rates are highest in the western and northwestern regions of the United States (see Map 1.2 on page 33). What sociological factors might help explain this trend?

5. False. Males complete suicide at a rate four times that of females. However, females attempt suicide three times more often than males.

6. False. Just the opposite is true: Over half of all suicides occur in adult men aged 25 to 65.

7. True. In the United States, as in other countries, suicide rates are the highest among men over age 70. One theory of why this is true asserts that older women may have a more fl exible and diverse coping style than do older men.

8. False. Children do know how to intentionally hurt or kill themselves. They may learn the means and methods from televi- sion, movies, or other people. However, the National Center for Health Statistics (the agency responsible for com- piling suicide statistics) does not recognize suicides under the age of 10; they are classifi ed as accidents, despite evidence that young children have taken their own lives.

9. False. Suicide rates are much higher among white Americans than African Americans.

10. True. Suicide is a leading cause of death among teenagers and young adults. It is the third leading cause of death among young people between 15 and 24 years of age, following accidents (unintentional injuries) and homicide.

Sources: Based on American Association of Suicidology, 2009; and National Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2009b.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Suicide

sociology and everyday life 8

sociologists to be a social construction that people use to justify existing social inequalities. Ethnicity refers to the cultural heritage or identity of a group and is based on factors such as language or country of origin. Class is the relative location of a person or group within the larger society, based on wealth, power, prestige, or other valued resources. Sex refers to the biological and anatomical diff erences between females and males. By contrast, gender refers to the meanings, beliefs, and practices associated with sex diff erences, referred to as femininity and masculinity.

The Development of Sociological Thinking Th roughout history, social philosophers and reli- gious authorities have made countless observa- tions about human behavior. However, the idea of

observing how people lived, fi nding out what they thought, and doing so in a systematic manner that could be verifi ed did not take hold until the nine- teenth century and the social upheaval brought about by industrialization and urbanization.

Industrialization is the process by which soci- eties are transformed from dependence on agri- culture and handmade products to an emphasis on manufacturing and related industries. Th is process occurred fi rst during the Industrial Revo- lution in Britain between 1760 and 1850, and was soon repeated throughout Western Europe. By the mid-nineteenth century, industrialization was well under way in the United States. Massive eco- nomic, technological, and social changes occurred as machine technology and the factory system shift ed the economic base of these nations from agriculture to manufacturing. A new social class of

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industrialists emerged in textiles, iron smelting, and related industries. Many people who had labored on the land were forced to leave their tightly knit rural communities and sacrifi ce well-defi ned social relationships to seek employment as factory workers in the emerging cities, which became the centers of industrial work.

Urbanization is the process by which an increasing proportion of a population lives in cities rather than in rural areas. Although cities existed long before the Industrial Revolution, the development of the factory system led to a rapid increase in both the number of cities and the size of their populations. People from very diverse backgrounds worked together in the same factory. At the same time, many people shift ed from being producers to being consumers. For example, fami- lies living in the cities had to buy food with their wages because they could no longer grow their own crops to consume or to barter for other resources. Similarly, people had to pay rent for their lodging because they could no longer exchange their ser- vices for shelter.

Th ese living and working conditions led to the development of new social problems: inadequate housing, crowding, unsanitary conditions, poverty, pollution, and crime. Wages were so low that entire families—including very young children—were

forced to work, oft en under hazardous condi- tions and with no job security. As these conditions became more visible, a new breed of social thinkers turned its attention to trying to understand why and how society was changing.

Early Thinkers: A Concern with Social Order and Stability At the same time that urban problems were grow- ing worse, natural scientists had been using reason, or rational thinking, to discover the laws of phys- ics and the movement of the planets. Social think- ers started to believe that by applying the methods developed by the natural sciences, they might dis- cover the laws of human behavior and apply these laws to solve social problems.

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As the Industrial Revolution swept through the United States beginning in the nineteenth century, sights like this became increasingly common. This early automobile assembly line is emblematic of the factory system that shifted the base of the U.S. economy from agriculture to manufacturing. What new technologies are transforming the U.S. economy in the twenty-fi rst century?

▲

industrialization the process by which societies are transformed from dependence on agriculture and handmade products to an emphasis on manufacturing and related industries.

urbanization the process by which an increasing proportion of a population lives in cities rather than in rural areas.

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• IRM: Student Activities: Introduce theoretical sociology by asking your students to come up with some of their own theories about “why things are the way they are” in society. Keep asking the question “why?” in response to their explanations. Doing so will help push students into more general and abstract thinking and lead them toward key theories discussed in this chapter.

• Extra Examples: The founders of the Brazilian republic included “Order and Progress” on their fl ag to refl ect Comte’s motto for

positivism: “Love as a principle and order as the basis; progress as the goal.” Have students research Comte’s global infl uence (statemaster.com).

• Extra Examples: The “Sociological Tour Through Cyberspace” website provides additional resources on Auguste Comte: trinity .edu/mkearl.

• For Discussion: Have students discuss Comte’s view that “Religion is an illusion of childhood, outgrown under proper education.”

Auguste Comte Th e French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857) coined the term soci- ology from the Latin socius (“social, being with others”) and the Greek logos (“study of ”) to describe a new science that would engage in the study of society. Even though he never actually conducted sociological research, Comte is considered by some to be the “founder of sociology.” Comte’s theory that societies contain social statics (forces for social order and stability) and social dynamics (forces for confl ict and change) continues to be used, although not in these exact terms, in contemporary sociology.

Comte stressed that the methods of the natural sciences should be applied to the objective study of society. He sought to unlock the secrets of society so that intellectuals like him could become the new secular (as contrasted with religious) “high priests” of society (Nisbet, 1979). For Comte, the best poli- cies involved order and authority. He envisioned that a new consensus would emerge on social issues and that the new science of sociology would play a signifi cant part in the reorganization of society (Lenzer, 1998).

Comte’s philosophy became known as positivism—a belief that the world can best be understood through scientifi c inquiry. He believed that positivism had two dimensions: (1) methodological—the application of scientifi c knowledge to both physical and social phenomena— and (2) social and political—the use of such knowl- edge to predict the likely results of diff erent policies so that the best one could be chosen.

Social analysts have praised Comte for his advo- cacy of sociology and his insights regarding linkages between the social structural elements of society (such as family, religion, and government) and social thinking in specifi c historical periods. How- ever, a number of contemporary sociologists argue that Comte contributed to an overemphasis on the “natural science model” and focused on the experi- ences of a privileged few, to the exclusion by class, gender, race, ethnicity, and age of all others.

Harriet Martineau Comte’s works were made more accessible for a wide variety of schol- ars through the eff orts of the British sociologist Harriet Martineau (1802–1876). Until recently, Martineau received no recognition in the fi eld of sociology, partly because she was a woman in a male- dominated discipline and society. Not only did she translate and condense Comte’s works, but she was also an active sociologist in her own right.

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• Active Learning: Ask students to rephrase the following sentence from the text in their own words: “She [Harriet Martineau] argued that sociologists should be impartial in their assessment of society but that it is entirely appropriate to compare the existing state of society with the principles on which it was founded.”

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Recent Events: Have students discuss the role of gender in Hillary

Clinton’s campaign for president. Did the public or the press judge her by diff erent standards from those used for other candidates?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Sociological Imagination: Point out that many traditional and

industrial societies (including the United States) once saw slavery and caste systems as refl ecting the natural dominance of the “fi ttest.” Have students discuss how social Darwinism might confuse what is with what should be or what must be in society.

• Active Learning: Ask students to brainstorm and come up with examples of “survival of the fi ttest” social Darwinism in our own culture.

Martineau studied the social customs of Britain and the United States, analyzing the consequences of industrialization and capitalism. In Society in America (1962/1837), she examined religion, poli- tics, child rearing, slavery, and immigration in the United States, paying special attention to social distinctions based on class, race, and gender. Her works explore the status of women, children, and “suff erers” (persons who are considered to be crimi- nal, mentally ill, handicapped, poor, or alcoholic).

Martineau advocated racial and gender equality. She was also committed to creating a science of society that would be grounded in empirical obser- vations and widely accessible to people. She argued that sociologists should be impartial in their assess- ment of society but that it is entirely appropriate to compare the existing state of society with the prin- ciples on which it was founded (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley, 1998). Martineau believed that a better society would emerge if women and men were treated equally, enlightened reform occurred, and cooperation existed among people in all social classes (but led by the middle class).

Herbert Spencer Unlike Comte, who was strongly infl uenced by the upheavals of the French Revolution, the British social theorist Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) was born in a more peace- ful and optimistic period in his country’s history. Spencer’s major contribution to sociology was an evolutionary perspective on social order and social change. Evolutionary theory is “a theory to explain the mechanisms of organic/social change” (Haines, 1997: 81). According to Spencer’s Th eory of General Evolution, society, like a biological organism, has various interdependent parts (such as the family, the economy, and the government) that work to ensure the stability and survival of the entire society.

Spencer believed that societies develop through a process of “struggle” (for existence) and “fi tness” (for survival), which he referred to as the “survival of the fi ttest.” Because this phrase is oft en attributed to Charles Darwin, Spencer’s view of society is known as social Darwinism—the belief that those species of animals, including human beings, best adapted to their environment survive and prosper, whereas those poorly adapted die out. Spencer equated this process of natural selection with progress because only the “fi ttest” members of society would survive

the competition, and the “unfi t” would be fi ltered out of society.

Critics believe that his ideas are fl awed because societies are not the same as biological systems; people are able to create and transform the environ- ment in which they live. Moreover, the notion of the survival of the fi ttest can easily be used to justify class, racial–ethnic, and gender inequalities and to rationalize the lack of action to eliminate harmful practices that contribute to such inequalities.

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▲ Herbert Spencer

positivism a term describing Auguste Comte’s belief that the world can best be understood through scientifi c inquiry.

social Darwinism Herbert Spencer’s belief that those species of animals, including human beings, best adapted to their environment survive and prosper, whereas those poorly adapted die out.

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• Historical Perspective: Herbert Spencer believed that the “great aim of education is not knowledge but action.” Ask students if they agree with this claim and to explain why or why not.

• Sociological Imagination: How do people experience shared values these days? Do online social networking sites promote or confuse shared values?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Applied Sociology: “The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point, however, is to change it” (Karl Marx). Students may be unfamiliar with Marx’s infl uence on world history. Introduce socialism and communism, along with the pivotal role of Marxist thought in global history and culture.

• Global Perspective: Have students research and discuss the leftward movement of politics in Latin America and the continuing

Emile Durkheim French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) stressed that people are the product of their social environment and that behavior cannot be understood fully in terms of individual biological and psychological traits. He believed that the limits of human potential are socially based, not biologically based.

In his work Th e Rules of Sociological Method (1964a/1895), Durkheim set forth one of his most important contributions to sociology: the idea that societies are built on social facts. Social facts are patterned ways of acting, thinking, and feel- ing that exist outside any one individual but that exert social control over each person. Durkheim believed that social facts must be explained by other social facts—by reference to the social structure rather than to individual attributes.

Durkheim observed that rapid social change and a more specialized division of labor produce strains in society. Th ese strains lead to a breakdown in traditional organization, values, and authority and to a dramatic increase in anomie—a condition in which social control becomes ineff ective as a result of the loss of shared values and of a sense of purpose in society. According to Durkheim, ano- mie is most likely to occur during a period of rapid social change. In Suicide (1964b/1897), he explored

▲ Emile Durkheim

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the relationship between anomic social conditions and suicide, a concept that remains important in the twenty-fi rst century (see “Sociology Works!”).

Durkheim’s contributions to sociology are so sig- nifi cant that he has been referred to as “the crucial fi gure in the development of sociology as an aca- demic discipline [and as] one of the deepest roots of the sociological imagination” (Tiryakian, 1978: 187). He is described as the founding fi gure of the functionalist theoretical tradition.

Although they acknowledge Durkheim’s impor- tant contributions, some critics note that his emphasis on societal stability, or the “problem of order”—how society can establish and maintain social stability and cohesiveness—obscured the subjective meaning that individuals give to social phenomena such as religion, work, and suicide. From this view, overemphasis on structure and the determining power of “society” resulted in a corresponding neglect of agency (the beliefs and actions of the actors involved) in much of Durkheim’s theorizing (Zeitlin, 1997).

Diff ering Views on the Status Quo: Stability Versus Change Together with Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Georg Simmel, Durkheim established the course of mod- ern sociology. We will look fi rst at Marx’s and Weber’s divergent thoughts about confl ict and social change in societies and then at Georg Simmel’s microlevel analysis of society.

Karl Marx In sharp contrast to Durkheim’s focus on the stability of society, German economist and philosopher Karl Marx (1818–1883) stressed that history is a continuous clash between confl ict- ing ideas and forces. He believed that confl ict— especially class confl ict—is necessary in order to produce social change and a better society. For Marx, the most important changes are economic. He concluded that the capitalist economic system was responsible for the overwhelming poverty that he observed in London at the beginning of the Indus- trial Revolution (Marx and Engels, 1967/1848).

In the Marxian framework, class confl ict is the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class. Th e capitalist class, or bourgeoisie, comprises those who own and control the means of production— the tools, land, factories, and money for investment

infl uence of Marxist ideas in the region (Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, and Nicaragua).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Popular Culture: Ask students to imagine how Karl Marx would

interpret the U.S. hip-hop/rap music subculture. Would he be right to see it as an expression of class consciousness? What might he miss in such an interpretation?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • IRM: Lecture Ideas: Compare Simmel’s ideas about social spheres

with Tönnies’s ideas about Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft society. • IRM: “Sociology Works!” Use this feature’s questions for an in-class

writing assignment. • ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

that form the economic basis of a society. Th e work- ing class, or proletariat, is composed of those who must sell their labor because they have no other means to earn a livelihood. From Marx’s view- point, the capitalist class controls and exploits the masses of struggling workers by paying less than the value of their labor. Th is exploitation results in workers’ alienation—a feeling of powerlessness

social facts Emile Durkheim’s term for patterned ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that exist outside any one individual but that exert social control over each person.

anomie Emile Durkheim’s designation for a condition in which social control becomes ineff ective as a result of the loss of shared values and of a sense of purpose in society.

The bond attaching [people] to life slackens because the bond which attaches [them] to society is itself slack.

—Emile Durkheim, Suicide (1964b/1897)

Although this statement described social conditions accompanying the high rates of suicide found in late- nineteenth-century France, Durkheim’s words ring true today as we look at contemporary suicide rates for cities such as Bangalore, which some refer to as “India’s Suicide City” (Guha, 2004).

At fi rst glance, we might think that the outsourcing of jobs in the technology sector—from high-income nations such as the United States to India—would provide happiness and job satisfaction for individuals in cities such as Bangalore and New Delhi who have gained new opportunities and higher salaries in recent years as a result of outsourcing. News sto- ries have focused on the wealth of opportunities that these outsourced jobs have brought to millions of men and women in India, most of whom are in their twenties and thirties and who now earn larger incomes than do their parents and many of their contemporaries. However, the underlying story of what is really going on in these cities stands in stark contrast:

Rapid urbanization and fast-paced changes in the economy and society are weakening social ties that have been very im- portant to individuals. Social bonds have been weakened or dissolved as people move away from their families and their community. Life in the cities moves at a much faster pace than in the rural areas, and many individuals experience loneliness, sleep disorders, family discord, and major health risks such as heart disease and depression (Mahapatra, 2007). In the words of Ramachandra Guha (2004), a historian residing in India, Durkheim’s sociology of suicide remains highly relevant to fi nding new answers to this challenging problem: “The rash of suicides in city and village is a qualitatively new development in our history. We sense that tragedies are as much social as they are individual. But we know very little of what lies behind them. What we now await, in sum, is an Indian Durkheim.”

refl ect & analyze How does sociology help us to examine seemingly private acts such as suicide within a larger social context? Why are some people more inclined to commit suicide if they are not part of a strong social fabric?

Durkheim’s Sociology of Suicide and Twenty-First-Century India

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• IRM: Have students contrast the emphasis on class struggles and bureaucratic institutions in Marx and Weber, respectively. Which do they think has a bigger impact on contemporary life?

• Media Coverage: Ask students to examine political campaigns and their use of populism and other forms of class solidarity to win over voters.

• Active Learning: Examine Simmel’s concept of patterned interactions. Ask students to explore how college classes, student/ student, and student/professor interactions are examples. Have them come up with other examples and diagram the “web” of patterned interactions in their own lives.

and estrangement from other people and from one- self. Marx predicted that the working class would become aware of its exploitation, overthrow the capitalists, and establish a free and classless society.

Marx is regarded as one of the most profound sociological thinkers; however, his social and eco- nomic analyses have also inspired heated debates among generations of social scientists. Central to his view was the belief that society should not just be studied but should also be changed, because the status quo (the existing state of society) involved the oppression of most of the population by a small group of wealthy people. Th ose who believe that sociology should be value free are uncomfortable with Marx’s advocacy of what some perceive to be radical social change. Scholars who examine society through the lens of race, gender, and class believe his analysis places too much emphasis on class rela- tions, oft en to the exclusion of issues regarding race/ ethnicity and gender.

Max Weber German social scientist Max Weber (pronounced VAY-ber) (1864–1920) was also con- cerned about the changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution. Although he disagreed with Marx’s idea that economics is the central force in social change, Weber acknowledged that economic interests are important in shaping human action.

Even so, he thought that economic systems were heavily infl uenced by other factors in a society.

Unlike many early analysts who believed that val- ues could not be separated from the research pro- cess, Weber emphasized that sociology should be value free—research should be conducted in a sci- entifi c manner and should exclude the researcher’s personal values and economic interests (Turner, Beeghley, and Powers, 2002). However, Weber real- ized that social behavior cannot be analyzed by the objective criteria that we use to measure such things as temperature or weight. Although he recognized that sociologists cannot be totally value free, Weber stressed that they should employ verstehen (German for “understanding” or “insight”) to gain the abil- ity to see the world as others see it. In contempo- rary sociology, Weber’s idea is incorporated into the concept of the sociological imagination (discussed earlier in this chapter).

Weber was also concerned that large-scale orga- nizations (bureaucracies) were becoming increas- ingly oriented toward routine administration and a specialized division of labor, which he believed were destructive to human vitality and freedom. Accord- ing to Weber, rational bureaucracy, rather than class struggle, is the most signifi cant factor in determin- ing the social relations between people in industrial societies. From this view, bureaucratic domination can be used to maintain powerful (capitalist) inter- ests in society. As discussed in Chapter 5 (“Groups and Organizations”), Weber’s work on bureaucracy has had a far-reaching impact.

Weber made signifi cant contributions to mod- ern sociology by emphasizing the goal of value-free inquiry and the necessity of understanding how others see the world. He also provided important insights on the process of rationalization, bureau- cracy, religion, and many other topics. In his writ- ings, Weber was more aware of women’s issues than many of the scholars of his day. Perhaps his aware- ness at least partially resulted from the fact that his wife, Marianne Weber, was an important fi gure in the women’s movement in Germany in the early twentieth century (Roth, 1988).

Georg Simmel At about the same time that Durkheim was developing the fi eld of sociology in France, the German sociologist Georg Simmel (pro- nounced ZIM-mel) (1858–1918) was theorizing ▲ Max Weber

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about society as a web of patterned interactions among people. In Th e Sociology of Georg Simmel (1950/1902–1917), he analyzed how social interac- tions vary depending on the size of the social group. He concluded that interaction patterns diff ered between a dyad, a social group with two members, and a triad, a social group with three members. He developed formal sociology, an approach that focuses attention on the universal recurring social forms that underlie the varying content of social interaction. Simmel referred to these forms as the “geometry of social life.”

Like the other social thinkers of his day, Simmel analyzed the impact of industrialization and urban- ization on people’s lives. He concluded that class confl ict was becoming more pronounced in modern industrial societies. He also linked the increase in individualism, as opposed to concern for the group, to the fact that people now had many cross-cutting “social spheres”—membership in a number of orga- nizations and voluntary associations—rather than having the singular community ties of the past.

Simmel’s contributions to sociology are signifi - cant. He wrote more than thirty books and numer- ous essays on diverse topics, leading some critics to state that his work is fragmentary and piecemeal. However, his thinking has infl uenced a wide array of sociologists, including the members of the “Chicago School” in the United States.

The Beginnings of Sociology in the United States From Western Europe, sociology spread in the 1890s to the United States, where it thrived as a result of the intellectual climate and the rapid rate of social change. Th e fi rst departments of sociology in the United States were located at the University of Chicago and at Atlanta University, then an African American school.

The Chicago School Th e fi rst department of sociology in the United States was established at the University of Chicago, where the faculty was instrumental in starting the American Sociological Society (now known as the American Sociological Association). Robert E. Park (1864–1944), a mem- ber of the Chicago faculty, asserted that urbaniza- tion has a disintegrating infl uence on social life by producing an increase in the crime rate and in racial

▲ Georg Simmel

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▲ According to the sociologist Georg Simmel, society is a web of patterned interactions among people. If we focus on the behavior of individuals only, we may miss the underlying forms that make up the “geometry of social life.”

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8: The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

• IRM: Lecture Idea: Contrast Du Bois’s ideas with those of Booker T. Washington, and warn students about the dehumanizing eff ect of assuming that members of various minority groups all think alike. (See a similar comment in the section on feminist theory in the text.)

• Extra Examples: Have students discuss this statement: “It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. . . . The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife—this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. . . .” (W. E. B. Du Bois, 1903).

and class antagonisms that contribute to the segre- gation and isolation of neighborhoods (Ross, 1991). George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), another mem- ber of the faculty at Chicago, founded the symbolic interaction perspective, which is discussed later in this chapter.

Jane Addams Jane Addams (1860–1935) is one of the best-known early women sociologists in the United States because she founded Hull House, one of the most famous settlement houses, in an impov- erished area of Chicago. Th roughout her career, she was actively engaged in sociological endeavors: She lectured at numerous colleges, was a charter mem- ber of the American Sociological Society, and pub- lished a number of articles and books. Addams was one of the authors of Hull-House Maps and Papers, a ground-breaking book that used a methodological technique employed by sociologists for the next forty years (Deegan, 1988). She was also awarded a Nobel Prize for her assistance to the underprivileged.

W. E. B. Du Bois and Atlanta University Th e second department of sociology in the United States was founded by W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) at Atlanta University. He created a laboratory of soci- ology, instituted a program of systematic research, founded and conducted regular sociological con- ferences on research, founded two journals, and established a record of valuable publications. His classic work, Th e Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1967/1899), was based on his research into Philadelphia’s African American community and

stressed the strengths and weaknesses of a com- munity wrestling with overwhelming social prob- lems. Du Bois was one of the fi rst scholars to note that a dual heritage creates confl ict for people of color. He called this duality double-consciousness— the identity confl ict of being both a black and an American. Du Bois pointed out that although people in this country espouse such values as democracy, freedom, and equality, they also accept racism and group discrimination. African Americans are the victims of these confl icting values and the actions that result from them (Benjamin, 1991).

Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives Given the many and varied ideas and trends that infl uenced the development of sociology, how do contemporary sociologists view society? Some see it as basically a stable and ongoing entity; others view it in terms of many groups competing for scarce resources; still others describe it based on the every- day, routine interactions among individuals. Each of these views represents a method of examining the same phenomena. Each is based on general ideas about how social life is organized and represents an eff ort to link specifi c observations in a meaningful way. Each uses a theory—a set of logically inter- related statements that attempts to describe, explain,

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: To help understand functionalist perspectives,

ask students to write about the ways that a typical family works. They should list the various functions fulfi lled by parents, infants, adult children, grandparents, aunts and uncles, diff erent ages, genders, and so on.

• For Discussion: Point to the following sentence in the text: “Each theory helps interpret reality in a distinct way by providing a

framework in which observations may be logically ordered.” What are some of the theories that your students are using to interpret reality?

• Sociological Imagination: To help students with their critical thinking, ask them to write about how the various social institutions have “worked” (or not worked) in their lives.

and (occasionally) predict social events. Each the- ory helps interpret reality in a distinct way by pro- viding a framework in which observations may be logically ordered. Sociologists refer to this theoreti- cal framework as a perspective—an overall approach to or viewpoint on some subject. Th ree major theo- retical perspectives have been predominant in U.S. sociology: the functionalist, confl ict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives. Other perspectives, such as postmodernism, have emerged and gained accep- tance among some social thinkers more recently. Before turning to the specifi cs of these perspectives, we should note that some theorists and theories do not fi t neatly into any of these perspectives.

Functionalist Perspectives Also known as functionalism and structural func- tionalism, functionalist perspectives are based on the assumption that society is a stable, orderly sys- tem. Th is stable system is characterized by societal consensus, whereby the majority of members share a common set of values, beliefs, and behavioral expec- tations. According to this perspective, a society is composed of interrelated parts, each of which serves a function and (ideally) contributes to the overall stability of the society. Societies develop social struc- tures, or institutions, that persist because they play

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theory a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events.

functionalist perspectives the sociological approach that views society as a stable, orderly system.

a part in helping society survive. Th ese institutions include the family, education, government, religion, and the economy. If anything adverse happens to one of these institutions or parts, all other parts are aff ected, and the system no longer functions properly.

Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton Talcott Parsons (1902–1979), perhaps the most infl uential contemporary advocate of the functionalist per- spective, stressed that all societies must provide for meeting social needs in order to survive. Parsons (1955) suggested, for example, that a division of labor (distinct, specialized functions) between husband and wife is essential for family stability and social order. Th e husband/father performs the instrumental tasks, which involve leadership and decision-making responsibilities in the home and

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• Media Coverage: U.S. soldiers’ suicide rates have been rising at an alarming rate over the past several years. Have students research this in the national news media. Might these types of suicides have a sociological explanation?

• Popular Culture: Sociologist Donna Gaines has a personal blog site: http://drdonnagaines.blogspot.com.

• Active Learning: In small groups, ask students to tackle the problem of anomic suicide. How can individuals feel more connected to society? What are the major obstacles to solving the problems associated with anomie?

employment outside the home to support the fam- ily. Th e wife/mother is responsible for the expressive tasks, including housework, caring for the children, and providing emotional support for the entire fam- ily. Parsons believed that other institutions, includ- ing school, church, and government, must function to assist the family and that all institutions must work together to preserve the system over time (Parsons, 1955).

Functionalism was refi ned further by Robert K. Merton (1910–2003), who distinguished between manifest and latent functions of social institutions. Manifest functions are intended and/or overtly recognized by the participants in a social unit. In contrast, latent functions are unintended functions that are hidden and remain unacknowledged by participants. For example, a manifest function of education is the transmission of knowledge and skills from one generation to the next; a latent function is the establishment of social relations and networks. Merton noted that all features of a social system may not be functional at all times; dysfunctions are the undesirable consequences of any element of a soci- ety. A dysfunction of education in the United States is the perpetuation of gender, racial, and class inequali- ties. Such dysfunctions may threaten the capacity of a society to adapt and survive (Merton, 1968).

Applying a Functional Perspective to Suicide How might functionalists analyze the problem of suicide among young people? Most functionalists emphasize the importance to a soci- ety of shared moral values and strong social bonds. When rapid social change or other disruptive con- ditions occur, moral values may erode, and people may become more uncertain about how to act and about whether or not their life has meaning.

In sociologist Donna Gaines’s (1991) study of the suicide pact of four teenagers in Bergenfi eld, New Jersey, she concluded that Durkheim’s description of both fatalistic and anomic suicide could be applied to the suicides of some teenagers. In regard to fatalistic suicide, people sometimes commit suicide “because they have lost the ability to dream” (Gaines, 1991: 253). According to Gaines, the four teenagers who took their lives in Bergenfi eld were bound closely together in a shared predicament: Th ey wanted to get out, but they couldn’t. As one young man noted, “Th ey were beaten down as far as they could go” because they lacked confi dence in themselves and were fearful of the world they faced. In other words, they felt trapped, and to them—without having a sense of meaningful choices—the only way out was to commit suicide (Gaines, 1991: 253). But, accord- ing to Gaines, fatalistic suicide does not completely

explain the experiences of suicidal young people. Young people may also engage in anomic suicide, where the individual does not feel connected to the society. In fact, as Gaines (1991: 253) notes, “the glue that holds the person to the group isn’t strong enough; social bonds are loose, weak, or absent. To be anomic is to feel disengaged, adrift , alienated. Like you don’t fi t in anywhere, there is no place for

Shopping malls are a refl ection of a consumer society. A manifest function of a shopping mall is to sell goods and services to shoppers; however, a latent function may be to provide a communal area in which people can visit friends and eat. For this reason, food courts have proven to be a boon in shopping malls around the globe.

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• Active Learning: Have your class discuss Weber’s conceptions of power and prestige. Have them identify examples from their own social lives.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • IRM: Questions for Discussion: Where might Mills’s theory of the

“power elite” apply in contemporary society? Could it ever distort our view of society, as in conspiracy theories?

• Popular Culture: Ask your class if they can come up with a list of things Oprah Winfrey does not have the power to accomplish. Use this to help students understand the powerful impact of prestige in a democratic society.

• Active Learning: Have students write down their fi rst impressions of the term feminism. Group students, and then ask them to share their thoughts on this word. Consider creating a collective list of negative and positive impressions of the word. Which list is larger? Why?

you: in your family, your school, your town—in the social order.”

Confl ict Perspectives According to confl ict perspectives, groups in soci- ety are engaged in a continuous power struggle for control of scarce resources. Confl ict may take the form of politics, litigation, negotiations, or family discussions about fi nancial matters. Sim- mel, Marx, and Weber contributed signifi cantly to this perspective by focusing on the inevitability of clashes between social groups. Today, advocates of the confl ict perspective view social life as a continu- ous power struggle among competing social groups.

Max Weber and C. Wright Mills As previ- ously discussed, Karl Marx focused on the exploita- tion and oppression of the proletariat (the workers) by the bourgeoisie (the owners or capitalist class). Max Weber recognized the importance of economic

conditions in producing inequality and confl ict in society, but he added power and prestige as other sources of inequality. Weber (1968/1922) defi ned power as the ability of a person within a social rela- tionship to carry out his or her own will despite resis- tance from others, and prestige as a positive or negative social estimation of honor (Weber, 1968/1922).

C. Wright Mills (1916–1962), a key fi gure in the development of contemporary confl ict theory, encouraged sociologists to get involved in social reform. Mills encouraged everyone to look beneath everyday events in order to observe the major resource and power inequalities that exist in society. He believed that the most important decisions in the United States are made largely behind the scenes by the power elite—a small clique composed of top cor- porate, political, and military offi cials. Mills’s power elite theory is discussed in Chapter 13 (“Politics and the Economy in Global Perspective”).

Th e confl ict perspective is not one unifi ed the- ory but rather encompasses several branches. One branch is the neo-Marxist approach, which views struggle between the classes as inevitable and as a prime source of social change. A second branch focuses on racial–ethnic inequalities and the contin- ued exploitation of members of some racial–ethnic groups. A third branch is the feminist perspective, which focuses on gender issues.

The Feminist Approach A feminist theoreti- cal approach (or “feminism”) directs attention to women’s experiences and the importance of gender as an element of social structure. Th is approach is based on the belief that “women and men are equal and should be equally valued as well as have equal rights” (Basow, 1992). According to feminist theo- rists, we live in a patriarchy, a system in which men

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manifest functions functions that are intended and/ or overtly recognized by the participants in a social unit.

latent functions unintended functions that are hidden and remain unacknowledged by participants.

confl ict perspectives the sociological approach that views groups in society as engaged in a continuous power struggle for control of scarce resources.

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• Research: “The stereotype that boys do better at math is still held widely by teachers and parents. . . . I still hear anecdotes about guidance counselors steering girls away from engineering, telling them they won’t be able to do the math”(New York Times, 7/25/2008). Have students evaluate this statement from Professor Janet Hyde, whose study found no sex diff erences in math scores in grades 2–11.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Figure Note: After examining the chart presented in Figure 1.2, ask

students why they think males are more successful at suicide than females. What would a macrolevel analysis of this type of question look like? What would a microlevel analysis look like?

• Active Learning: What are the symbols that are in place in your class that give meaning to experience and interactions? Have

dominate women and in which things that are con- sidered to be “male” or “masculine” are more highly valued than those considered to be “female” or “fem- inine.” Th e feminist perspective assumes that gender is socially created, rather than determined by one’s biological inheritance, and that change is essential in order for people to achieve their human poten- tial without limits based on gender. Some feminists argue that women’s subordination can end only aft er the patriarchal system becomes obsolete. However, feminism is not one single, unifi ed approach; there are several feminist perspectives, which are dis - cussed in Chapter 10 (“Sex and Gender”).

Applying Confl ict Perspectives to Suicide How might advocates of a confl ict approach explain suicide among teenagers and young people?

Social Class Although many other factors may be present, social class pressures may aff ect rates of sui- cide among young people when they perceive that they have few educational or employment oppor- tunities in our technologically oriented society and little hope for the future. As a result, young people from low-income or working-class family back- grounds may believe that they are among the most powerless people in society. However, class-based inequality alone cannot explain suicides among young people because teenage suicides also occur among affl uent young people (Colt, 1991).

Gender In North America, females are more likely to attempt suicide, whereas males are more

likely to actually take their own life. Despite the fact that women’s suicidal behavior has traditionally been attrib- uted to problems in their interpersonal relationships, such as loss of a boyfriend, lover, or husband, feminist analysts believe that we must examine social struc- tural pressures that are brought to bear on

young women and how these may contribute to their behavior—for example, cultural assumptions about women and what their multiple roles should be in the family, education, and the workplace. Women also experience unequal educational and employ- ment opportunities that may contribute to feelings of powerlessness and alienation. Recent research shows that there are persistent gender gaps in U.S. employment, politics, and other areas of social life that tend to adversely aff ect women more than men.

Race Racial subordination may be a factor in some suicides. ( ▼ Figure 1.2 displays U.S. suicides in terms of race and sex.) Th is fact is most glaringly refl ected in the extremely high rate of suicide among Native Americans, who constitute about 1 percent of the U.S. population. Th e rate of suicide among young Native American males on government- owned reservations is especially high, and almost 60 percent of Native American suicides involve fi rearms (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2009). Most research has focused on individualis- tic reasons why young Native Americans commit suicide; however, analysts using a race-and-ethnic framework focus on the eff ect of social inequalities and racial discrimination on suicidal behavior.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Th e confl ict and functionalist perspectives have been criticized for focusing primarily on macro- level analysis. A macrolevel analysis examines whole societies, large-scale social structures,

As one of the wealthiest and most-beloved entertainers in the world, Oprah Winfrey is an example of Max Weber’s concept of prestige—a positive estimate of honor. Ms. Winfrey has used her success and prestige to do good works for many causes, including starting the Oprah Winfrey Leadership Academy for Girls in South Africa.

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students come up with a list on their own, starting with the Chicago School’s examples. Then compare lists with two other students. Create a combined list as an all-class activity.

• IRM: See the IRM for discussion questions focusing on defi nitions of race/ethnicity, gender, class, and age.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Applied Sociology: Use concepts from Goff man’s dramaturgical analysis to help students understand their local shopping mall and the methods used to market status, sex, and success. You may want to quote Ralph Waldo Emerson: “We are symbols and inhabit symbols.”

• IRM: Question for Discussion: What are some of the pros and cons of taking either a macrolevel or microlevel analysis of society?

and social systems instead of looking at impor- tant social dynamics in individuals’ lives. Our third perspective, symbolic interactionism, fi lls this void by examining people’s day-to-day interactions and their behavior in groups. Th us, symbolic inter- actionist approaches are based on a microlevel analysis, which focuses on small groups rather than large-scale social structures.

We can trace the origins of this perspective to the Chicago School, especially George Herbert Mead and the sociologist Herbert Blumer (1900–1986), who is credited with coining the term symbolic inter- actionism. According to symbolic interactionist perspectives, society is the sum of the interactions of individuals and groups. Th eorists using this perspective focus on the process of interaction— defi ned as immediate reciprocally oriented commu- nication between two or more people—and the part that symbols play in giving meaning to human com- munication. A symbol is anything that meaningfully represents something else. Examples of symbols include signs, gestures, written language, and shared values. Symbolic interaction occurs when people communicate through the use of symbols—for example, a ring to indicate a couple’s engagement. But symbolic communication occurs in a variety of forms, including facial gestures, posture, tone of

voice, and other symbolic gestures (such as a hand- shake or a clenched fi st).

Symbols are instrumental in helping people derive meanings from social interactions. In social encoun- ters, each person’s interpretation or defi nition of a given situation becomes a subjective reality from that person’s viewpoint. We oft en assume that what we consider to be “reality” is shared by others; however, this assumption is oft en incorrect. Subjective reality is acquired and shared through agreed-upon sym- bols, especially language. If a person shouts “Fire!” in a crowded movie theater, for example, that language produces the same response (attempting to escape) in all of those who hear and understand it. When

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▲ FIGURE 1.2 SUICIDE RATES BY RACE AND SEX Rates are for U.S. suicides and indicate the number of deaths by suicide for every 100,000 people in each category for 2006. Source: National Center for Health Statistics, 2008.

macrolevel analysis an approach that examines whole societies, large-scale social structures, and social systems.

microlevel analysis sociological theory and research that focus on small groups rather than on large-scale social structures.

symbolic interactionist perspectives the sociological approach that views society as the sum of the interactions of individuals and groups.

• Media Coverage: Have students research media accounts of the suicide epidemic at France Telecom, where 26 workers killed themselves in an 18-month period during a major corporate restructuring. Have them apply postmodern perspectives to the changes in the company and its plans to cut one-fi fth of its workforce (CBS News, 11/20/2009).

• Global Perspective: Ask students to examine the recent histories of Lithuania, Russia, Hungary, and Japan. What kinds of structural shifts might help explain their having such high suicide rates? What other factors in culture, society, and religion might explain these statistics?

people in a group do not share the same meaning for a given symbol, however, confusion results: People who do not know the meaning of the word fi re will not know what the commotion is about. How people interpret the messages they receive and the situations they encounter becomes their subjective reality and may strongly infl uence their behavior.

Applying Symbolic Interactionist Perspec- tives to Suicide Social analysts applying a symbolic interactionist framework to the study of suicide would focus on a microlevel analysis of the people’s face-to-face interactions and the roles they played in society. In our eff orts to interact with oth- ers, we defi ne the situation according to our own subjective reality. Th is applies to suicide just as it does to other types of conduct.

From this point of view, a suicide attempt may be a way of moving toward other people—in the form of

a cry for help and personal acceptance—rather than a move toward death (Colt, 1991). People may attempt to communicate in such desperate ways because other forms of communication have failed. For example, a thirteen-year-old Illinois girl slashed her wrists shortly before she knew her mother was expected to come into her room; she wanted to show her parents how upset and unhappy she was about their pend- ing divorce. As the girl later said, “I didn’t really want to die. I just hoped and prayed that if Mom and Dad knew how upset and unhappy I was, Dad would move back in” (qtd. in Giffi n and Felsenthal, 1983: 19).

Postmodern Perspectives According to postmodern perspectives, existing theories have been unsuccessful in explaining social life in contemporary societies that are char- acterized by postindustrialization, consumerism,

When I started as a psychiatrist, 35 years ago, my patients were talking about their personal lives. Now it’s all about their jobs. People are suff ering in the workplace. They shouldn’t be, from the logic of management. After all, they have a good job, a nice vacation. But they are suff ering.

—Marie-France Hirigoyen, a psychiatrist in France, describing how workers who many believe should feel secure are complaining about rapid economic changes and job-related stress (qtd. in Jolly and Saltmarsh, 2009)

Although social scientists and health care professionals be- lieve that many factors contribute to an increase in the num- ber of suicides that occur in a region or a nation, there is some consensus that an increase in the suicide rate in France might be attributed to stress in the workplace. Some of the suicides in France have drawn widespread media attention, including a male worker who stabbed himself hara-kiri style in the mid- dle of a meeting and a female employee who leaped to her death from her fi fth-fl oor offi ce window (Jolly and Saltmarsh, 2009). Suicides such as these have brought about a question: What is going on in a nation that is assumed by much of the

Postmodern Problems in France: Worker Stress and Suicide Rates

sociology in global perspective

rest of the world to have it made when it comes to work? For many years, workers in France have had excellent job security, a thirty-fi ve-hour workweek, and lengthy, paid vacations.

Applying a postmodern perspective, what might contrib- ute to an increase in the number of suicides in France? If we think of the postmodern perspective regarding risk, it is pos- sible to envision how some people who have a good job and benefi ts might remain fearful. People who already think of themselves as somewhat powerless may have an increase in feelings of depression, fear, and ambivalence when they are constantly exposed to increasing levels of personal risk. Ac- cording to one labor union offi cial, “Stress has become a na- tional sport. We need employers to modify the way that they organize work, but we don’t have the impression that any- thing will happen soon” (qtd. in Jolly and Saltmarsh, 2009: B3).

Although job security is somewhat guaranteed in France, numerous companies are now facing competition in the global marketplace, and some of them are cutting jobs through voluntary departures, early retirement, and other mechanisms short of actually giving workers “pink slips” that terminate their employment. As current workers see this

going on around them, many of them are apparently becom- ing concerned about their own future. Despite the ability to keep their jobs, some employees are being asked to change jobs internally, change work locations, or both. When work- ers have a sense that constant upheaval is going on around them, they become insecure even if they are reminded that they have job security.

When we look at current economic issues from a global perspective, particularly in light of a postmodern theoretical approach, we can see that rapid social change (as suggested by Durkheim) may be a factor in why some nations have a higher rate of suicide than others. However, we can also see that factors such as risk and the increasingly fragmented na- ture of contemporary society may lead to feelings of stress and ambivalence regardless of what the true nature of the situation might be. In the words of Xavier Darcos, France’s em- ployment minister, “We are in a transforming economy. . . . For us, unemployment is the absolute failure. We prefer to have people who don’t feel totally happy at work, or to work part time, rather than people being unemployed” (qtd. in Jolly and Saltmarsh, 2009: B3).

According to the World Health Organization, France as a nation has the eighth-highest suicide rate per 100,000 people,

with a rate of 26.4 per 100,000 for men and a rate of 9.2 per 100,000 for women (Jolly and Saltmarsh, 2009). Countries with higher rates of suicide than France (in order from fi rst to seventh) are Lithuania (68.1 for men, 12.9 for women), Russia (58.1 for men, 9.8 for women), Hungary (42.3 for men, 11.2 for women), Japan (34.8 for men, 13.2 for women), Belgium (31.2 for men, 11.4 for women), South Korea (29.6 for men, 14.1 for women), and Poland (27.8 for men, 4.6 for women). The rates for men and women are listed separately so that you can see the diff erences based on gender. This brings us to several im- portant questions not only about the reasons for suicide but also the pronounced gender diff erences in rates of suicide.

refl ect & analyze How is it that we can feel high levels of stress when we are placed in situations where everything is supposedly all right? Why do some workers in France feel as much stress when they are asked to move from one position to another as workers feel in the United States when they are laid off or fi red? How might the postmodern perspective on the relationship between risk and the class structure be applied to the problem of an increasing rate of suicide in France?

and global communications. Postmodern social theorists reject the theoretical perspectives we have previously discussed, as well as how those theories were created (Ritzer, 2000b).

Postmodern theories are based on the assumption that the rapid social change that occurs as societies move from modern to postmodern (or postindus- trial) conditions has a harmful eff ect on people. One evident change is a signifi cant decline in the infl u- ence of social institutions such as the family, reli- gion, and education on people’s lives. Th ose who live in postmodern societies typically pursue individual freedom and do not want the structural constraints that are imposed by social institutions. However, the collective ties that once bound people together become weakened, placing people at higher levels of risk—“probabilities of physical harm due to given technological or other processes”—than in the past (Beck, 1992: 4). As social institutions grow weaker,

people at risk come to believe that social and eco- nomic chaos looms before them and that no safety net is provided by families, peers, and the larger community. According to one theorist, there is a relationship between risk and the class structure: “Wealth accumulates at the top, risks at the bottom” (Beck, 1992: 35). Social inequality and class diff er- ences increase as people in the lower economic tiers are exposed to increasing levels of personal risk that, in turn, produce depression, fear, and ambiva- lence. Problems such as these are found in nations throughout the world, as discussed in the Sociology in Global Perspective box.

postmodern perspectives the sociological approach that attempts to explain social life in modern societies that are characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications.

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• For Discussion: What are some of the various social meanings that we can associate with suicide?

• Research: In 1933, Kiyoko Matsumoto committed suicide by jumping into a volcano crater in Japan. A trend of copycat suicides followed. Over the next year, 944 people (804 men, 140 women) followed her example and jumped into the same crater (Time, 1/28/1935). Have students discuss this story from all four sociological perspectives.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Applied Sociology: Ask students to talk about all the specialists and other authorities in their lives. Instead of a central source of authority and wisdom, our current culture produces a wide range of specialists. How does might this contribute to the idea that we live fragmented lives?

• For Discussion: The text asks this question: “Why in recent decades has there been a signifi cant increase in suicide rates among young African American males between the ages of 15 and 19?” Before examining the postmodern explanation, ask students to brainstorm alternative explanations in a class discussion.

In sum, postmodern theories tend to emphasize the fragmented nature of contemporary society brought about by constant change, a situation that leads to feelings of ambivalence among individuals because they are uncertain about which course of action they should take and because there is no one present to help them fi gure this out (Bauman, 1992). Postmodern theory enhances our study of sociology because it opens up broad new avenues of inquiry, even as it challenges other theoretical perspectives and asks pertinent questions about our current belief systems. However, postmodern theory has also been criticized for raising more questions than it attempts to answer and for being so vague and abstract that it is hard to understand and even more diffi cult to apply (Ritzer and Goodman, 2004).

Applying Postmodern Perspectives to Suicide Although most postmodern social the- orists have not addressed suicide as a social issue, some sociologists believe that postmodern theory can help us understand diff ering rates of suicide, particularly among people in certain ethnic catego- ries. Consider, for example, this research question: Why in recent decades has there been a signifi cant increase in suicide rates among young African American males between the ages of fi ft een and nineteen? Historically, African Americans at all income levels had lower rates of suicide than other ethnic groups in the United States—a fact that schol- ars attributed to higher levels of religiosity and group support that protected African Americans from sui- cidal behavior (Willis, Coombs, Cockerham, and Frison, 2002). However, this pattern changed over the past two decades, particularly in the category of young African American males between the ages of fi ft een and nineteen, a statistical group that now has a rate of suicide comparable to that of young white males (Willis et al., 2002).

Although youths across ethnic categories share certain risk factors for suicide, such as social isolation, feelings of marginality, high rates of unemployment, and sometimes depression, young African American males appear to be at greater risk for suicide (based on postmodern theorization) because people in this statistical category are among the most likely to be at risk in other ways in a postmodern society. A major problem for some African American young men is the absence of educational and employment

opportunities. Th is problem is combined with other issues, such as the weakening of the family structure, a breakdown in community values, the diminished importance of the African American church, and the growing infl uence of the media in revealing the vast inequalities that exist in the United States and in other high-income nations. Th ese problems have been further exacerbated by a dramatic rise in the drug trade and in possession of fi rearms (Willis et al., 2002).

According to some sociologists, postmodern theory helps explain why there are higher rates of suicide among African American youths than in the past: Th e transition from a modern to a postmodern society has left them at greater risk than others due to the loss of social support systems that previously would have helped them cope with fear, depression, and suicidal tendencies. In the past, African Ameri- cans lived a community-oriented existence; today, they face an “individualistic” society that contrib- utes to personal stress and heightened vulnerabil- ity without any place in which to turn (Willis et al., 2002).

Each of the four sociological perspectives we have examined involves diff erent assumptions. Con- sequently, each leads us to ask diff erent questions and to view the world somewhat diff erently. Diff er- ent aspects of reality are the focus of each approach. Whereas functionalism emphasizes social cohesion and order, confl ict approaches focus primarily on social tension and change. In contrast, symbolic interactionism primarily examines people’s interac- tions and shared meanings in everyday life. Post- modernism challenges all of the other perspectives and questions current belief systems.

Th e Concept Quick Review for this chapter sum- marizes all four of these perspectives. Th roughout this book, we will be using these perspectives as lenses through which to view our social world.

The Sociological Research Process Research is the process of systematically collecting information for the purpose of testing an existing theory or generating a new one. What is the rela- tionship between sociological theory and research? Th e relationship between theory and research has

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• Active Learning: The fi rst step in the conventional research model is to select and defi ne the research problem. Ask students to brainstorm together and come up with a list of fi ve social research problems. For extra credit, you could send students to the library to fi nd research studies that have already been conducted.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Table Note: Use the diagram of the major theoretical perspectives

available on the PowerLecture disc to supplement your review of the perspectives summarized above.

been referred to as a continuous cycle, as shown in ▼ Figure 1.3 (Wallace, 1971).

Not all sociologists conduct research in the same manner. Some researchers primarily engage

in quantitative research, whereas others engage in qualitative research. With quantitative research, the goal is scientifi c objectivity, and the focus is on data that can be measured numerically. Quan- titative research typically emphasizes complex sta- tistical techniques. Most sociological studies on suicide have used quantitative research. Th ey have compared rates of suicide with almost every con- ceivable variable, including age, sex, race/ethnic- ity, education, and even sports participation. For example, researchers in one study examined the eff ects of church membership, divorce, and migra- tion on suicide rates in the United States at various times between 1933 and 1980. Th e study concluded that suicide rates were higher where divorce rates were higher, migration higher, and church member- ship lower (see Breault, 1986). (Th e Understanding Statistical Data Presentations box explains how to read numerical tables, how to interpret the data and draw conclusions, and how to calculate ratios and rates.)

The Major Theoretical Perspectives

[ concept quick review 1.1 ]

Perspective Analysis Level View of Society

Functionalist Macrolevel Society is composed of interrelated parts that work together to maintain stability within society. This stability is threatened by dysfunctional acts and institutions.

Confl ict Macrolevel Society is characterized by social inequality; social life is a struggle for scarce resources. Social arrangements benefi t some groups at the expense of others.

Symbolic Interactionist Microlevel Society is the sum of the interactions of people and groups. Behavior is learned in interaction with other people; how people defi ne a situation becomes the foundation for how they behave.

Postmodernist Macrolevel/Microlevel Societies characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communication bring into question existing assumptions about social life and the nature of reality.

Theories

Observations

Generalizations Hypotheses

DEDUCTIVE SCIENCE

INDUCTIVE SCIENCE

▲ FIGURE 1.3 THE THEORY AND RESEARCH CYCLE The theory and research cycle can be compared to a relay race; although all participants do not necessarily start or stop at the same point, they share a common goal—to examine all levels of social life. Source: Adapted from Walter Wallace, The Logic of Science in Sociology. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1971.

quantitative research sociological research methods that are based on the goal of scientifi c objectivity and that focus on data that can be measured numerically.

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• Media Coverage: Explain some of the statistical procedures that have been presented in recent news stories. Help your students to see the link between the methods discussed above and what they experience in the media.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• For Discussion: Be careful to explain to students the logic behind variable relationships. Use a number of concrete examples, and have your students create their own hypotheses to explain suicide. Review these, emphasizing the diff erence between independent and dependent variables.

Are men or women more likely to commit suicide? Are suicide rates increasing or decreasing? Such questions can be answered in numerical terms. Sociologists often use sta- tistical tables as a concise way to present data because such tables convey a large amount of information in a relatively small space; ■ Table 1 gives an example. To understand a table, follow these steps:

1. Read the title. The title, “U.S. Suicides, by Sex and Method Used, 1984 and 2005,” tells us that the table shows rela- tionships between two variables: sex and method of sui- cide used. It also indicates that the table contains data for two diff erent time periods: 1984 and 2005.

2. Check the source and other explanatory notes. In this case, the source is National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006. Checking the source helps determine its reliability and timeliness. The fi rst footnote indicates that the table includes only people who reside in the United States. The next footnote refl ects that, due to rounding, the percentages in a column may not total 100.0%. The fi nal two footnotes provide more information about ex- actly what is included in each category.

3. Read the headings for each column and each row. The main column headings in Table 1 are “Method,” “Males,” and “ Females.” These last two column headings are divided into two groups: 1984 and 2005. The columns present informa- tion (usually numbers) arranged ver- tically. The rows present information horizontally. Here, the row headings indicate suicide methods.

4. Examine and compare the data. To examine the data, determine what units of measurement have been used. In Table 1, the fi gures are nu- merical counts (for example, the total number of reported female suicides by poisoning in 2005 was 2,632) and percentages (for exam- ple, in 2005, poisoning accounted for 39.1 percent of all female sui- cides reported). A percentage, or proportion, shows how many of a given item there are in every one hundred. Percentages allow us to compare groups of diff erent sizes.

5. Draw conclusions. By looking for patterns, some conclusions can be drawn from Table 1. a. Determining the increase or de-

crease. Between 1984 and 2005, reported male suicides by fi re- arms increased from 14,504 to

14,926—an increase of 422—while female suicides by fi rearms decreased by 523. This represents a total increase (for males) and decrease (for females) in sui- cides by fi rearms for the two years being compared. The amount of increase or decrease can be stated as a percentage: Total male suicides by fi rearms were about 2.9 percent higher in 2005, calculated by di- viding the total increase (422) by the earlier (lower) number. Total female suicides by fi rearms were about 20 percent lower in 2005, calculated by dividing the total decrease (523) by the earlier (higher) number.

b. Drawing appropriate conclusions. The number of female suicides by fi rearms decreased about 20 percent between 1984 and 2005; the number for poisoning increased by about 9.4 percent. We might conclude that more women preferred poisoning over fi rearms as a means of killing themselves in 2005 than in 1984. Does that mean fewer women had access to guns in 2005? That poisoning one- self became more acceptable? Although several possible answers to these questions exist, one thing is evident as we compare data on suicide by sex and method over time: Firearms remain the most commonly used method of suicide among males (usually in the range of 56–58 percent annually) while poisoning continues to be the most common method of suicide for females (usually in the range of 39–41 percent annually).

Understanding Statistical Data Presentations

U.S. Suicides, by Sex and Method Used, 1984 and 2005a table 1

Method Males Females

1984 2005 1984 2005

Total 22,689 25,907 6,597 6,730

Firearms 14,504 14,926 2,609 2,086

(% of total)b (64.0) (57.6) (39.5) (30.9)

Poisoningc 3,203 3,112 2,406 2,632

(% of total)b (14.1) (12.0) (36.5) (39.1)

Suff ocationd 3,478 5,887 863 1,361

(% of total)b (15.3) (22.7) (13.0) (20.2)

Other 1,504 1,992 719 651

(% of total)b (6.6) (7.7) (10.9) (9.8)

aExcludes deaths of nonresidents of the United States. bDue to rounding, the percentages in a column may not add up to 100.0%. cIncludes solids, liquids, and gases. dIncludes hanging and strangulation.

Source: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Extra Examples: Craig Rusbult has developed a visual strategy

for teaching the scientifi c method—a much more elaborate diagram—that you might fi nd useful as you go deeper into this topic with your class: www.asa3.org/asa/education/think/ science.htm.

• Active Learning: Explore the diff ering rationales for using either a quantitative or qualitative research model. Ask students to bring

to class examples of research conducted using each method. Have small groups of students try to discern which method is being used in each example.

• For Discussion: Discuss in class some of the ways that statistical research and reports can be misused by individuals and organizations. Describe these statistical problems to your class: overgeneralizations, loaded questions, correlation versus causation, and biased samples.

With qualitative research, interpretive descrip- tions (words) rather than statistics (numbers) are used to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships. An example of qualitative research is a study in which the researchers system- atically analyzed the contents of suicide notes to look for recurring themes (such as feelings of despair or failure) in such notes to determine if any patterns could be found that would help in understanding why people kill themselves (Leenaars, 1988).

The “Conventional” Research Model Research models are tailored to the specifi c problem being investigated and the focus of the researcher. Both quantitative research and qualitative research contribute to our knowledge of society and human social interaction, and involve a series of steps as shown in ▼ Figure 1.4. We will now trace the steps

in the “conventional” research model, which focuses on quantitative research. Th en we will describe an alternative model that emphasizes qualitative research.

1. Select and defi ne the research problem. Sometimes, a specifi c experience such as knowing someone who committed suicide can trigger your interest in a topic. Other times, you might select topics to fi ll gaps or challenge misconceptions in exist- ing research or to test a specifi c theory (Babbie, 2004). Emile Durkheim selected suicide because he wanted to demonstrate the importance of

Generate hypotheses for theory construction, draw conclusions, and

report the findings

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Formulate the hypothesis

Review the literature

Draw conclusions; report the findings

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Review the literature

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Select and define the research problem

Review the literature

DEDUCTIVE METHOD (Classic)

INDUCTIVE METHOD (Inclusive)

▲ FIGURE 1.4 STEPS IN SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

qualitative research sociological research methods that use interpretive description (words) rather than statistics (numbers) to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships.

http://www.asa3.org/asa/education/think/

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• For Discussion: What are some of the important variables that might be correlated in some way with suicide? Have students identify them as dependent or independent.

• IRM: See the IRM for an activity that asks students to bring to class copies of research articles from sociology journals and identify components of the research process as refl ected in these articles.

• Figure Note: As students come into class, ask them to turn to Figure 1.5 and to write descriptions of the three relationships symbolically presented in the diagram. Students can compare their descriptions with one another and then create group descriptions that are more elaborate and comprehensive.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

society in situations that might appear to be arbi- trary acts by individuals. Suicide was a suitable topic because it was widely believed that suicide was a uniquely individualistic act. However, Durkheim emphasized that suicide rates provide better explanations for suicide than do individual acts of suicide. He reasoned that if suicide were purely an individual act, then the rate of suicide (the relative number of people who kill them- selves each year) should be the same for every group regardless of culture and social structure. Moreover, Durkheim wanted to know why there were diff er- ent rates of suicide—whether factors such as religion, mari- tal status, sex, and age had an eff ect on social cohesion.

2. Review previous research. Before beginning the research, it is important to analyze what others have written about the topic. You should deter- mine where gaps exist and note mistakes to avoid. When Durkheim began his study, very little sociological litera- ture existed to review; how- ever, he studied the works of several moral philosophers, including Henry Morselli (1975/1881).

3. Formulate the hypothesis (if applicable). You may formu- late a hypothesis—a statement of the expected relationship

between two or more variables. A variable is any concept with measurable traits or char- acteristics that can change or vary from one person, time, situation, or society to another. Th e most fundamental relationship in a hypoth- esis is between a dependent variable and one or more independent variables (see ▼ Figure 1.5). Th e independent variable is presumed to be the cause of the relationship; the dependent variable is assumed to be caused by the inde- pendent variable(s) (Babbie, 2004). Durkheim’s

Causal relationship Causal relationship

Inverse causal relationship (Durkheim)

Multiple-cause explanation

FIGURE 1.5 HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN VARIABLES A causal hypothesis connects one or more independent (causal) variables with a dependent (aff ected) variable. The diagram illustrates three hypotheses about the causes of suicide. To test these hypotheses, social scientists would need to operationalize the variables (defi ne them in measurable terms) and then investigate whether the data support the proposed explanation.

▲

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Be sure to clarify the diff erence between validity

and reliability. Use concrete examples. Give students some samples to work on to test their understanding.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #9 Multicultural, Cross- Cultural, and Cross-National Content

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Research: Bring to class a number of leading sociology journals.

Pass them around so that students can get an idea of the current research topics that social scientists are studying.

hypothesis stated that the rate of suicide varies inversely with the degree of social integration. In other words, a low degree of social integration (the independent variable) may “cause” or “be related to” a high rate of suicide (the dependent variable).

Not all social research uses hypotheses. If you plan to conduct an explanatory study (showing a cause-and-eff ect relationship), you will likely want to formulate one or more hypotheses to test theories. If you plan to conduct a descrip- tive study, however, you will be less likely to do so because you may desire only to describe social reality or provide facts.

4. Develop the research design. You must determine the unit of analysis to be used in the study. A unit of analysis is what or whom is being studied (Babbie, 2004). In social science research, indi- viduals, social groups (such as families, cities, or geographic regions), organizations (such as clubs, labor unions, or political parties), and social artifacts (such as books, paintings, or wed- dings) may be units of analysis. Durkheim’s unit of analysis was social groups, not individuals, because he believed that the study of individual cases of suicide would not explain the rates of suicide in various European countries.

5. Collect and analyze the data. You must decide what population will be observed or questioned and then carefully select a sample. A sample is the people who are selected from the popula- tion to be studied; the sample should accurately represent the larger population. A representative sample is a selection from a larger population that has the essential characteristics of the total population. For example, if you interviewed fi ve students selected haphazardly from your soci- ology class, they would not be representative of your school’s total student body. By contrast, if you selected fi ve students from the total student body by a random sample, they would be closer to being representative (although a random sam- ple of fi ve students would be too small to yield much useful data).

Validity and reliability may be problems in research. Validity is the extent to which a study or research instrument accurately measures what it is supposed to measure. A recurring issue in studies that analyze the relationship

between religious beliefs and suicide is whether “church membership” is an accurate indicator of a person’s religious beliefs. In fact, one person may be very religious yet not belong to a specifi c church, whereas another person may be a mem- ber of a church yet not hold very deep religious beliefs. Reliability is the extent to which a study or research instrument yields consistent results when applied to diff erent individuals at one time or to the same individuals over time. Soci- ologists have found that diff erent interviewers get diff erent answers from the people being inter- viewed. For example, how might interviews with college students who have contemplated suicide be infl uenced by the interviewers themselves?

Once you have collected your data, the data must be analyzed. Analysis is the process through which data are organized so that comparisons can be made and conclusions drawn. Sociologists use many techniques to analyze data. Aft er collecting data from vital statistics for approximately 26,000 suicides, Durkheim analyzed his data according to four distinctive categories of suicide. Egoistic suicide occurs among people who are isolated from any social group. By contrast, altruis- tic suicide occurs among individuals who are excessively integrated into society (for example,

hypothesis a statement of the expected relationship between two or more variables.

variable in sociological research, any concept with measurable traits or characteristics that can change or vary from one person, time, situation, or society to another.

independent variable in an experiment, the variable assumed to be the cause of the relationship between variables.

dependent variable in an experiment, the variable assumed to be caused by the independent variable(s).

validity in sociological research, the extent to which a study or research instrument accurately measures what it is supposed to measure.

reliability in sociological research, the extent to which a study or research instrument yields consistent results when applied to diff erent individuals at one time or to the same individuals over time.

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• For Discussion: Most students have seen examples of conventional research in their natural science classes, but many are unfamiliar with qualitative studies. Bring samples of qualitative abstracts to class, and have students compare them to quantitative approaches.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• For Discussion: The text reports research on suicide by Silvia Canetto: “According to Canetto’s analysis, gender diff erences in suicidal behavior are more closely associated with beliefs about and cultural expectations for men and women rather than purely interpersonal crises.” Have the class discuss what some of these cultural gender expectations might be.

military leaders who kill themselves aft er defeat in battle). Anomic suicide results from a lack of social regulation, whereas fatalistic suicide results from excessive regulation and oppressive disci- pline (for example, slaves).

6. Draw conclusions and report the fi ndings. Aft er analyzing the data, your fi rst step in drawing conclusions is to return to your hypothesis or research objective to clarify how the data relate both to the hypothesis and to the larger issues being addressed. At this stage, you note the limi- tations of the study, such as problems with the sample, the infl uence of variables over which you had no control, or variables that your study was unable to measure.

Reporting the fi ndings is the fi nal stage. Th e report generally includes a review of each step taken in the research process in order to make the study available for replication—the repetition of the investigation in substantially the same way that it was originally conducted. Social scientists generally present their fi ndings in papers at pro- fessional meetings and publish them in technical journals and books. In reporting his fi ndings in Suicide (1964b/1897), Durkheim concluded that the suicide rate of a group is a social fact that can- not be explained in terms of the personality traits of individuals. Instead, his fi ndings suggested that social conditions in a society are a more sig- nifi cant infl uence in determining rates of suicide.

We have traced the steps in the “conventional” research process (based on deduction and quantita- tive research). But what steps might be taken in an alternative approach based on induction and quali- tative research?

A Qualitative Research Model Although the same underlying logic is involved in both quantitative and qualitative sociological research, the styles of these two models are very dif- ferent (King, Keohane, and Verba, 1994). As previ- ously stated, qualitative research is more likely to be used when the research question does not eas- ily lend itself to numbers and statistical methods. As compared to a quantitative model, a qualitative approach oft en involves a diff erent type of research question and a smaller number of cases.

How might qualitative research be used to study suicidal behavior? In studying diff erent rates of suicide among women and men, for example, the social psychologist Silvia Canetto (1992) ques- tioned whether existing theories and quantitative research provided an adequate explanation for gender diff erences in suicidal behavior and decided that she would explore alternate explanations. Analyzing previous research, Canetto learned that most studies linked suicidal behavior in women to problems in their personal relationships, particu- larly with men. By contrast, most studies of men’s suicides focused on their performance and found that men are more likely to be suicidal when their self-esteem and independence are threatened. According to Canetto’s analysis, gender diff erences in suicidal behavior are more closely associated with beliefs about and cultural expectations for men and women rather than purely interpersonal crises.

As in Canetto’s study, researchers using a quali- tative approach may engage in problem formulation to clarify the research question and to formulate questions of concern and interest to people partici- pating in the research (Reinharz, 1992). To create a research design for Canetto’s study, we might start with the proposition that studies have attributed women’s and men’s suicidal behavior to the wrong causes. Next, we might decide to interview indi- viduals who have attempted suicide. Our research design might develop a collaborative approach in which the participants are brought into the research- design process, not just treated as passive objects to be studied (Reinharz, 1992).

Although Canetto did not gather data in her study, she reevaluated existing research, conclud- ing from existing data that alternate explanations of women’s and men’s suicidal behavior are justifi ed.

In a qualitative approach, the next step is collect- ing and analyzing data to assess the validity of the starting proposition. Data gathering is the founda- tion of the research. Researchers pursuing a qualita- tive approach tend to gather data in natural settings, such as where the person lives or works, rather than in a laboratory or other research setting. Data col- lection and analysis frequently occur concurrently, and the analysis draws heavily on the language of the persons studied, not the researcher.

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• IRM: See the IRM discussion questions focused on comparing and contrasting the research methods that sociologists use to analyze society.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Applied Sociology: Take your class on a quick tour of the Gallup and Harris organizations’ websites: gallup.com and harrisinteractive.com. Have them examine their statistical methods.

Research Methods How do sociologists know which research method to use? Are some approaches best for a particular problem? Research methods are specifi c strate- gies or techniques for systematically conducting research. We will look at four of these methods: survey research, analysis of existing statistical data, fi eld research, and experiments.

Survey Research A survey is a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts. Surveys are the most widely used research method in the social sciences because they make it possible to study things that are not directly

observable—such as people’s attitudes and beliefs— and to describe a population too large to observe directly (Babbie, 2004). Researchers frequently select a representative sample (a small group of respon- dents) from a larger population (the total group of people) to answer questions about their attitudes, opinions, or behavior. Respondents are people who provide data for analysis through interviews or ques- tionnaires. Th e Gallup and Harris polls are among the most widely known large-scale surveys; however, government agencies such as the U.S. Census Bureau conduct a variety of surveys as well.

Unlike many polls that use various methods of gaining a representative sample of the larger popu- lation, the Census Bureau attempts to gain infor- mation from all persons in the United States. Th e decennial census occurs every 10 years, in the years ending in “0.” Th e purpose of this census is to count the population and housing units of the entire United States. Th e population count determines how seats in the U.S. House of Representatives are apportioned; however, census fi gures are also used in formulating public policy and in planning and decision making in the private sector. Th e Census Bureau attempts to survey the entire U.S. population by using two forms—a “short form” of questions asked of all respondents, and a “long form” that contains additional questions asked of a representa- tive sample of about one in six respondents. Statis- tics from the Census Bureau provide information that sociologists use in their research. An example is shown in the Census Profi les feature: “How People in the United States Self-Identify as to Race.” Note that because of recent changes in the methods used to collect data by the Census Bureau, information on race from the 2000 census is not directly compa- rable with data from earlier censuses.

Survey data are collected by using question- naires and interviews. A questionnaire is a printed research instrument containing a series of items to which subjects respond. Items are oft en in the form

▲ Conducting surveys and polls is an important means of gathering data from respondents. Some surveys take place on street corners; increasingly, however, such surveys are done by telephone, Internet, or other means.

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research methods specifi c strategies or techniques for systematically conducting research.

survey a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts.

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• U.S. Census: The U.S. Census is the largest survey taken in this country. Explain how and why it is not a sample of respondents. Based on the most recent Census fi gures, 26 percent of women age 25 years and over had obtained a bachelor’s degree as of 2004. Twenty percent of fathers with employed wives were the primary caregiver for their preschoolers. Have students discuss why such information might be important.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • U.S. Census: Pull up the U.S. Census Bureau website (census

.gov), and show your class the range of resources and reports that researchers use for secondary analysis.

of statements with which the respondent is asked to “agree” or “disagree.” Questionnaires may be admin- istered by interviewers in face-to-face encounters or by telephone, but the most commonly used technique is the self-administered questionnaire, which is either mailed to the respondent’s home or administered to groups of respondents gathered at the same place at the same time. For example, the sociologist Kevin E. Early (1992) used survey data collected through questionnaires to test his hypothesis that suicide rates are lower among African Americans than among white Americans due to the infl uence of the black church. Data from questionnaires fi lled out by mem- bers of six African American churches in Florida sup- ported Early’s hypothesis that the church buff ers some African Americans against harsh social forces—such as racism—that might otherwise lead to suicide.

Survey data may also be collected by interviews. An interview is a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent ques- tions and records the answers. Survey research oft en uses structured interviews, in which the interviewer asks questions from a standardized questionnaire. Structured interviews tend to produce uniform or replicable data that can be elicited time aft er time by diff erent interviews. For example, in addition to surveying congregation members, Early (1992) con- ducted interviews with pastors of African American churches to determine the pastors’ opinions about the extent to which the African American church reinforces values and beliefs that discourage suicide.

Survey research is useful in describing the char- acteristics of a large population without having to interview each person in that population. In recent

Beginning with Census 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau has made it possible for people responding to census ques- tions regarding their race to mark more than one racial category. Although the vast majority of respondents select only one category (see below), the Census Bureau reports that in 2003 approximately 4.3 million people (1.48 percent of the population) in the United States

How People in the United States Self-Identify as to Race

census profi les

self-identifi ed as being of more than one race. As a result, if you look at the fi gures as set forth, they total more than 100 percent of the total population. How can this be? Sim- ply stated, some individuals are counted at least twice, based on the number of racial categories they listed.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2007.

Percentage of Total Race Population

White alone or in combination with one or more other races 81.8

African American alone or in combination with one or more other races 13.3

Asian American alone or in combination with one or more other races 4.6

Native American alone or in combination with one or more other races 1.5

Native Hawaiian or other Pacifi c Islander alone or in combination with one or more other races 0.3

Total 101.5

African American only 12.8%

White only 80.5%

Asian American only 4.1%

Native American only 0.95%

Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander only 0.17%

Two or more races 1.48%

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• Research: When your students look at Facebook or MySpace pages, they are conducting a form of content analysis. Pull up a sample in class, and demonstrate some of the content dimensions you would begin to analyze. What aspects of Facebook do your students notice that you miss?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Active Learning: Obtain permission ahead of time, divide your class into small groups, and have them conduct a content analysis of someone’s purse or backpack. If your class is small enough and security is not a problem, use a bag from someone in another group. Ask groups to construct a description of the person who owns the purse or bag.

years, computer technology has enhanced research- ers’ ability to do multivariate analysis—research involving more than two independent variables. For example, to assess the infl uence of religion on suicidal behavior among African Americans, a researcher might look at the eff ects of age, sex, income level, and other variables all at once to determine which of these independent variables infl uences suicide the most or least and how infl uential each variable is relative to the others. However, a weakness of survey research is the use of standardized questions; this approach tends to force respondents into categories in which they may or may not belong. Moreover, survey research relies on self-reported information, and some people may be less than truthful, particu- larly on emotionally charged issues such as suicide.

Secondary Analysis of Existing Data In secondary analysis, researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others. Existing data sources include

public records, offi cial reports of organizations or government agencies, and raw data collected by other researchers. For example, Durkheim used vital statistics (death records) that were originally collected for other purposes to examine the rela- tionship among variables such as age, marital status, and the circumstances surrounding the person’s sui- cide. Today, many researchers studying suicide use data compiled by the National Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. For example, look at ▼ Map 1.2, “National Suicide Sta- tistics at a Glance,” based on data compiled by the

11.82–13.08 14.31–15.895.42–11.81 13.09–14.30 15.90–18.19 18.20–83.76 Suppressed/undefined

▲ MAP 1.2 NATIONAL SUICIDE STATISTICS AT A GLANCE

Source: www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/suicide/statistics/suicide_map.html

interview a research method using a data- collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent questions and records the answers.

secondary analysis a research method in which researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others.

http://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/suicide/statistics/suicide_map.html

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• For Discussion: Ask students to identify some examples of social phenomena that would best be studied using an ethnographic approach. Tattoo artists? Beat cops on the police force? Families going through divorce?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • CourseMate: The Sociology CourseMate site includes a “Research

Online” link. From here you can access links to a variety of web pages that examine sociological research methods.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Assign students to small discussion groups, and

have them diagram the Arturo Biblarz research study described in the text, identifying the experimental and control groups. Use this activity to help students understand the principles of the experimental method, including correlation and cause and eff ect.

CDC, and try to develop several plausible sociologi- cal explanations for why suicide rates are the high- est in the western and northwestern regions of the United States. Also note the patterns of high suicide rates among some counties in the central Midwest, the South, and Central Florida. Can you provide an explanation of why rates might be higher in these areas?

Secondary analysis also includes content analysis—the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life. Among the materials studied are written records (such as books, diaries, poems, and graffi ti), narratives and visual texts (such as movies, televi- sion shows, advertisements, and greeting cards), and material culture (such as music, art, and even garbage). In content analysis, researchers look for regular patterns, such as the frequency of suicide as a topic on television talk shows.

One strength of secondary analysis is that data are readily available and inexpensive. Another is that because the researcher oft en does not collect the data personally, the chances of bias may be reduced. In addition, the use of existing sources makes it pos- sible to analyze longitudinal data (things that take place over a period of time or at several diff erent points in time) to provide a historical context within which to locate original research. However, second- ary analysis has inherent problems. For one thing, the researcher does not always know if the data are incomplete, unauthentic, or inaccurate.

Field Research Field research is the study of social life in its natural setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play. Some kinds of behav- ior can be best studied by “being there”; a fuller understanding can be developed through observa- tions, face-to-face discussions, and participation in events. Researchers use these methods to generate qualitative data: observations that are best described verbally rather than numerically.

Sociologists who are interested in observing social interaction as it occurs may use participant observation—the process of collecting system- atic observations while being part of the activities

of the group that the researcher is studying. Partic- ipant observation generates more “inside” informa- tion than simply asking questions or observing from the outside. For example, to learn more about how coroners make a ruling of “suicide” in connection with a death and to analyze what (if any) eff ect such a ruling has on the accuracy of “offi cial” suicide sta- tistics, the sociologist Steve Taylor (1982) engaged in participant observation at a coroner’s offi ce over a six-month period. As he followed a number of cases from the initial report of death through the various stages of investigation, Taylor learned that it was important to “be around” so that he could listen to discussions and ask the coroners questions because intuition and guesswork play a large part in some decisions to rule a death as a suicide.

Another approach to fi eld research is the ethnography—a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years (Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg, 1991). Unlike partici- pant observation, ethnographic studies usually take place over a longer period of time. For example, the sociologist Elijah Anderson (1990) conducted a study in two areas of a major city—one African American and low-income, the other racially mixed but becoming increasingly middle- to upper-income and white. As Anderson spent numerous hours on the streets, talking and listening to the people, he was able to document changes in residents’ everyday lives brought about by increased drug abuse, loss of jobs, decreases in city services despite increases in taxes, and the eventual exodus of middle-income people from the central city.

Experiments An experiment is a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior. Exper- iments are designed to create “real-life” situations, ideally under controlled circumstances, in which the infl uence of diff erent variables can be modifi ed and measured. Conventional experiments require that subjects be divided into two groups: an experi- mental group and a control group. Th e experimen- tal group contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental

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• Research: In a 2008 study published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, men were found to look at their partners in a more negative light after meeting a single, attractive woman. In contrast, women were more likely to work to strengthen their

current relationships after meeting an available, attractive man. Help students understand the basics of experimental method by asking them to design a study that might produce such results.

condition) to study its eff ect on them. Th e control group contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable. For example, the soci- ologist Arturo Biblarz and colleagues (1991) exam- ined the eff ects of media violence and depictions of suicide on attitudes toward suicide by showing one group of subjects (an experimental group) a fi lm about suicide, while a second (another experimen- tal group) saw a fi lm about violence, and a third (the control group) saw a fi lm containing neither suicide nor violence. Th e research found some evidence that people exposed to suicidal acts or violence in the media may be more likely to demonstrate an emotional state favorable to suicidal behavior, par- ticularly if they are already “at risk” for suicide.

Researchers may use experiments when they want to demonstrate that a cause-and-eff ect relationship exists between variables. In order to show that a change in one variable causes a change in another, three conditions must be satisfi ed: (1) a correlation between the two variables must be shown to exist (correlation exists when two variables are associ- ated more frequently than could be expected by

▲ Elijah Anderson (shown above) conducted an ethnographic study of two very diff erent Philadelphia neighborhoods that became the basis for his landmark study, Code of the Street. What can researchers learn from ethnographic research that might be less apparent if they used other methods to study human behavior?

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content analysis the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life.

participant observation a research method in which researchers collect data while being part of the activities of the group being studied.

ethnography a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years.

experiment a research method involving a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior.

experimental group in an experiment, the group that contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its eff ect on them.

control group in an experiment, the group that contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable.

correlation a relationship that exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance.

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• Research: Have students go online to the American Sociological Association’s website (asanet.org) and then pull up the Code of Ethics page. Have them follow links from this page to explore more specifi c issues in research ethics.

• For Discussion: What would violations of the ASA Code of Ethics look like? Have students brainstorm about scenarios that would and would not breach these ethical standards.

• For Discussion: Ask students to evaluate Zellner’s methodology for his research. Do the ends justify his means? What are some other choices that he could have made in designing his research model?

chance), (2) the independent variable must have occurred prior to the dependent variable, and (3) any change in the dependent variable must not have been due to an extraneous variable—one outside the stated hypothesis.

Th e major advantage of an experiment is the researcher’s control over the environment and the ability to isolate the experimental variable. Because many experiments require relatively little time and money and can be conducted with limited numbers of subjects, it is possible for researchers to repli- cate an experiment several times by using diff erent groups of subjects (Babbie, 2004). Perhaps the great- est limitation of experiments is that they are artifi - cial: Social processes that are set up by researchers or that take place in a laboratory setting are oft en not the same as real-life occurrences.

Ethical Issues in Sociological Research Th e study of people (“human subjects”) raises vital questions about ethical concerns in sociological research. Researchers are required to obtain written “informed consent” statements from the persons they study—but what constitutes “informed con- sent”? And how do researchers protect the identity and confi dentiality of their sources?

Th e American Sociological Association (ASA) Code of Ethics (1997) sets forth certain basic

standards that sociologists must follow in con- ducting research. Among these standards are the following:

1. Researchers must endeavor to maintain objectiv- ity and integrity in their research by disclosing their research fi ndings in full and including all possible interpretations of the data (even when these interpretations do not support their own viewpoints).

2. Researchers must safeguard the participants’ right to privacy and dignity while protecting them from harm.

3. Researchers must protect confi dential informa- tion provided by participants, even when this information is not considered to be “privileged” (legally protected, as is the case between doc- tor and patient and between attorney and cli- ent) and legal pressure is applied to reveal this information.

4. Researchers must acknowledge research collab- oration and assistance they receive from others and disclose all sources of fi nancial support.

Sociologists are obligated to adhere to this code and to protect research participants; however, many ethi- cal issues arise in conducting research. For example, the sociologist William Zellner (1978) wanted to look at fatal single-occupant automobile accidents to determine if some drivers were actually committing suicide. To examine this issue further, he sought to interview the family, friends, and acquaintances of persons killed in single-car crashes to determine if the deaths were possibly intentional. To recruit respon- dents, Zellner told them that he hoped the research would reduce the number of automobile accidents in the future. He did not mention that he suspected “autocide” might have occurred in the case of their friend or loved one. From his data, Zellner concluded that at least 12 percent of the fatal single-occupant crashes were suicides—and that these crashes some- times also killed or critically injured other people as well. However, Zellner’s research raised important research questions: Was his research unethical? Did he misrepresent the reasons for his study?

In this chapter, we have looked at how theory and research work together to provide us with insights on human behavior. Th eory and research are the “life- blood” of sociology. Th eory provides the framework

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▲ Do extremely violent video games cause an increase in violent tendencies in their users? Experiments are one way to test this hypothesis.

Chad felt that he knew Frank quite well. After all, they had been roommates for two years at State U. As a result, Chad was taken aback when Frank became very withdrawn, sleep- ing most of the day and mumbling about how unhappy he was. One evening, Chad began to wonder whether he needed to do something because Frank had begun to talk about “end- ing it all” and saying things like “The world will be better off without me.” If you were in Chad’s place, would you know the warning signs that you should look for? Do you know what you might do to help someone like Frank?

The American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, a na- tional nonprofi t organization dedicated to funding research, education, and treatment programs for depression and sui- cide prevention, suggests that each of us should be aware of these warning signs of suicide:

● Talking about death or suicide. Be alert to such state- ments as “Everyone would be better off without me.” Sometimes, individuals who are thinking about suicide speak as if they are saying good-bye.

● Making plans. The person may do such things as giving away valuable items, paying off debts, and otherwise “putting things in order.”

● Showing signs of depression. Although most depressed people are not suicidal, most suicidal people are depressed. Serious depression tends to be expressed as a loss of pleasure or withdrawal from activities that a person has previously enjoyed. It is especially impor- tant to note whether fi ve of the following symptoms are present almost every day for several weeks: change in appetite or weight, change in sleeping patterns, speaking or moving with unusual speed or slowness, loss of interest in usual activities, decrease in sexual drive, fatigue, feelings of guilt or worthlessness, and indecisiveness or inability to concentrate.

Responding to a Cry for Help

you can make a diff erence

The possibility of suicide must be taken seriously: Most peo- ple who commit suicide give some warning to family mem- bers or friends. Instead of attempting to argue the person out of suicide or saying “You have so much to live for,” let the person know that you care and understand, and that his or her problems can be solved. Urge the person to see a school counselor, a physician, or a mental health professional imme- diately. If you think the person is in imminent danger of com- mitting suicide, you should take the person to an emergency room or a walk-in clinic at a psychiatric hospital. It is best to remain with the person until help is available.

For more information about suicide prevention, contact the following organizations:

● American Foundation for Suicide Prevention (www .afsp.org), 120 Wall Street, 22nd Floor, New York, NY 10005. (888) 333-2377. AFSP is a leading not-for-profi t organization dedicated to understanding and prevent- ing suicide through research and education.

● Suicide Awareness Voices of Education (www.save .org) is a resource index with links to other valuable resources, such as “Questions Most Frequently Asked on Suicide,” “Symptoms of Depression and Danger Signs of Suicide,” and “What to Do If Someone You Love Is Suicidal.”

● Befrienders Worldwide (www.befrienders.org) is a website providing information for anyone feeling depressed or suicidal or who is worried about a friend or relative who feels that way. It includes a directory of suicide and crisis helplines.

for analysis; research provides opportunities for us to use our sociological imagination to generate new knowledge. Our challenge today is to fi nd new ways of integrating knowledge and action and to include all people in the theory and research process in order to help fi ll the gaps in our existing knowledge

about social life and how it is shaped by gender, race, class, age, and the broader social and cultural context in which everyday life occurs (Cancian, 1992). Each of us can and should fi nd new ways to integrate knowledge and action into our daily lives (see the You Can Make a Diff erence box).

http://www.save.org

http://www.befrienders.org

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chapter review ● What is sociology, and how can it help us

understand ourselves and others?

Sociology is the systematic study of human society and social interaction. We study sociology to understand how human behavior is shaped by group life and, in turn, how group life is aff ected by individuals. Our culture tends to emphasize individualism, and sociol- ogy pushes us to consider more complex connections between our personal lives and the larger world.

● What is the sociological imagination?

According to C. Wright Mills, the sociological imagi- nation helps us understand how seemingly personal troubles, such as suicide, are actually related to larger social forces. It is the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society.

● What are the major contributions of early sociologists such as Durkheim, Marx, and Weber?

Durkheim argued that societies are built on social facts, that rapid social change produces strains in society, and that the loss of shared values and purpose can lead to a condition of anomie. Marx stressed that within society there is a continuous clash between the owners of the means of produc- tion and the workers, who have no choice but to sell their labor to others. According to Weber, sociology should be value free and people should become more aware of the role that bureaucracies play in daily life.

● How did Simmel’s perspective diff er from that of other early sociologists?

Whereas other sociologists primarily focused on society as a whole, Simmel explored small social groups and argued that society is best seen as a web of patterned interactions among people.

● What are the major contemporary sociological perspectives?

Functionalist perspectives assume that society is a stable, orderly system characterized by societal consensus. Confl ict perspectives argue that society is a continuous power struggle among competing groups, oft en based on class, race, ethnicity, or gen- der. Symbolic interactionist perspectives focus on

how people make sense of their everyday social inter- actions. Postmodern theorists believe that entirely new ways of examining social life are needed and that it is time to move beyond functionalist, confl ict, and symbolic interactionist approaches.

● How does quantitative research diff er from qualitative research?

Quantitative research focuses on data that can be measured numerically (comparing rates of suicide, for example). Qualitative research focuses on inter- pretive description (words) rather than statistics to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships.

● What are the key steps in the conventional research process?

A conventional research process based on deduction and the quantitative approach has these key steps: (1) selecting and defi ning the research problem; (2) reviewing previous research; (3) formulating the hypothesis, which involves constructing variables; (4) developing the research design; (5) collecting and analyzing the data; and (6) drawing conclusions and reporting the fi ndings.

● What steps are often taken by researchers using the qualitative approach?

A researcher taking the qualitative approach might (1) formulate the problem to be studied instead of creating a hypothesis, (2) collect and analyze the data, and (3) report the results.

● What are the major types of research methods?

Th e main types of research methods are surveys, secondary analysis, fi eld research, and experiments. Surveys are polls used to gather facts about people’s attitudes, opinions, or behaviors; a representative sample of respondents provides data through ques- tionnaires or interviews. In secondary analysis, researchers analyze existing data, such as a govern- ment census, or cultural artifacts, such as a diary. In fi eld research, sociologists study social life in its natural setting through participant observation, interviews, and ethnography. Th rough experiments, researchers study the impact of certain variables on their subjects.

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key terms anomie 12

confl ict perspectives 19

content analysis 34

control group 35

correlation 35

dependent variable 28

ethnography 34

experiment 34

experimental group 34

functionalist perspectives 17

high-income countries 6

hypothesis 28

independent variable 28

industrialization 8

interview 32

latent functions 18

low-income countries 7

macrolevel analysis 20

manifest functions 18

microlevel analysis 21

middle-income countries 6

participant observation 34

positivism 10

postmodern perspectives 22

qualitative research 27

quantitative research 25

reliability 29

research methods 31

secondary analysis 33

social Darwinism 11

social facts 12

society 4

sociological imagination 5

sociology 4

survey 31

symbolic interactionist perspectives 21

theory 16

urbanization 9

validity 29

variable 28

questions for critical thinking 1. What does C. Wright Mills mean when he says

that the sociological imagination helps us “to grasp history and biography and the relations be- tween the two within society”? (Mills, 1959b: 6).

2. As a sociologist, how would you remain objective yet still see the world as others see it? Would you make subjective decisions when trying to under- stand the perspectives of others?

3. Early social thinkers were concerned about sta- bility in times of rapid change. In our more global world, is stability still a primary goal? Or is con- stant confl ict important for the well-being of all humans? Use the confl ict and functionalist per- spectives to bolster your analysis.

Watch the CBS video Census 2010 (running time 2:25), available through CengageBrain.com. This video reports the purpose of the census and the eff orts to count everyone. (See page xiv for a list of Census Profi les included in this text.) As you watch the video, think about the saying “Stand up and be counted,” and consider

the ways in which your community may be aff ected by the results of the census. After you’ve watched the video, consider these questions: Were you counted in the 2010 Census? Why were you or weren’t you?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

● If you are a returning user, log in at CengageBrain.com and go to your My Home page. ● If you are a fi rst-time user, the site will walk you through the registration process to redeem your access code. ● Alternatively, you may search by this book’s title to locate its complimentary resources.

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▲ How is the food that we consume linked to our identity and the larger culture of which we are a part? Do people who identify with more than one culture face more-complex issues when it comes to food preferences?

At home, I kept opening the refrigerator and cupboards, wishing for American foods to magically appear. I wanted what the other kids had: Bundt cakes and casseroles, Cheetos and Doritos. . . . The more American foods I ate, the more my desires multiplied, outpacing my interest in Vietnamese food. I had memorized the menu at Dairy Cone, the sugary options in the cereal aisle at Meijer’s [grocery], and every inch of the candy display at Gas City: the rows of gum, the rows of chocolate, the

rows without chocolate. . . . I knew Reese’s peanut butter cups, Twix, Heath Crunch, Nestlé Crunch, Baby Ruth, Bar None, Oh Henry!, Mounds and Almond Joy, Snickers, Mr. Goodbar[,] . . . Milk Duds, [and] Junior Mints. I dreamed of taking it all, plus the freezer full of popsicles and nutty, chocolate-coated ice cream drumsticks. I dreamed of Little Debbie, Dolly Madison, Swiss Miss, all the bakeries presided over by prim and proper girls. —Bich Minh Nguyen (2007: 50–51), an English professor at Purdue University, describing how food served as a powerful cultural symbol in her childhood as a Vietnamese American

Growing up in Oakland . . . I came to dislike Chinese food. That may have been, in part, because I was Chinese and desperately wanted to be American. I was American, of course, but being born and raised in Chinatown—in a restaurant my parents operated, in fact—I didn’t feel much like the people I saw outside Chinatown, or in books and movies.

Culture

It didn’t help that for lunch at school, my mother would pack— Ai ya!—Chinese food. Barbecued pork sandwiches, not ham and cheese; Chinese pears, not apples. At home—that is, at the New Eastern Café—it was Chinese food night after night. No wonder I would sneak off , on the way to Chinese school, to Hamburger Gus for a helping of thick-cut French fries. —author Ben Fong-Torres (2007: 11) describing his experiences as a Chinese American who desired to “Americanize” his eating habits

In this chapter ● Culture and Society in a

Changing World

● Components of Culture

● Technology, Cultural Change, and Diversity

● A Global Popular Culture?

● Sociological Analysis of Culture

● Culture in the Future

Chapter Focus Question

What part does culture play in shaping people and the social

relations in which they participate?

W hy are these authors concerned about the food they ate as children? For all of us, the food we consume is linked to our identity and to the larger culture of which we are a part. For people who identify with more than one culture, food and eat- ing patterns may become a very complex issue. To some people, food consumption is nothing more than how we meet a basic biological need; how- ever, many sociologists are interested in food and eating because of their cultural signifi cance in our lives (see Mennell, 1996; Mennell, Murcott, and van Otterloo, 1993).

What is culture? Culture is the knowledge, language, values, customs, and material objects that are passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a human group or society. As previously defi ned, a society is a large social group- ing that occupies the same geographic territory and is

subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations. Whereas a society is composed of people, a culture is composed of ideas, behavior, and material possessions. Society and culture are interdependent; neither could exist without the other.

In this chapter, we exam- ine society and culture, with special attention to how our material culture, including the food we eat, is related to our beliefs, values, and actions. We also analyze culture from functionalist, confl ict, sym- bolic interactionist, and post- modern perspectives. Before reading on, test your knowledge of food and culture by answering the questions in the Sociology and Everyday Life box.

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• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disc provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, videos, PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• Quote, Unquote: Have your class respond to the following: “The illiterate of the twenty-fi rst century will not be those who cannot

read and write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn” (Alvin Toffl er). How might Toffl er’s remark apply to contemporary culture?

• Active Learning: Anthropologist Cliff ord Geertz defi ned culture as the total way of life of a people. Ask your students to write down a defi nition of this word as they begin this chapter.

disappeared? At a basic level, we need rules in order to navigate our bicycles and cars through traffi c. At a more abstract level, we need laws to establish and protect our rights.

In order to survive, societies need rules about civility and tolerance. We are not born knowing how to express certain kinds of feelings toward others. When a person shows kindness or hatred toward another individual, some people may say “Well, that’s just human nature” when explaining this behavior. Such a statement is built on the assumption that what we do as human beings is determined by nature (our biological and genetic makeup) rather than nurture (our social environment)—in other words, that our behavior is instinctive. An instinct is an unlearned, biologically determined behavior pattern common to all members of a species that predictably occurs whenever certain environmental conditions exist. For example, spiders do not learn to build webs. Th ey build webs because of instincts that are triggered by basic biological needs such as protection and reproduction.

Humans do not have instincts. What we most oft en think of as instinctive behavior can actu- ally be attributed to refl exes and drives. A refl ex is

Culture and Society in a Changing World How important is culture in determining how peo- ple think and act on a daily basis? Simply stated, cul- ture is essential for our individual survival and our communication with other people. We rely on cul- ture because we are not born with the information we need to survive. We do not know how to take care of ourselves, how to behave, how to dress, what to eat, which gods to worship, or how to make or spend money. We must learn about culture through interaction, observation, and imitation in order to participate as members of the group. Sharing a com- mon culture with others simplifi es day-to-day inter- actions. However, we must also understand other cultures and the world views therein.

Just as culture is essential for individuals, it is also fundamental for the survival of societies. Cul- ture has been described as “the common denomina- tor that makes the actions of individuals intelligible to the group” (Haviland, 1993: 30). Some system of rule making and enforcing necessarily exists in all societies. What would happen, for example, if all rules and laws in the United States suddenly

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True False

T F 1. Cheese is a universal food enjoyed by people of all nations and cultures. T F 2. Giving round-shaped foods to the parents of new babies is considered to be lucky in some cultures. T F 3. Wedding cakes are made of similar ingredients in all countries, regardless of culture or religion. T F 4. Food is an important part of religious observance for many diff erent faiths. T F 5. In authentic Chinese cuisine, cooking methods are divided into “yin” and “yang” qualities. T F 6. Because of the fast pace of life in the United States, virtually everyone relies on mixes and instant foods at

home and fast foods when eating out. T F 7. Potatoes are the most popular mainstay in the diet of fi rst- and second-generation immigrants who have

arrived in the United States over the past forty years. T F 8. According to sociologists, individuals may be off ended when a person from another culture does not under-

stand local food preferences or the cultural traditions associated with eating even if the person is obviously an “outsider” or a “tourist.”

Answers on page 44.

How Much Do You Know About Global Food and Culture?

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• For Discussion: Ask students to compare their answers on the Global Food and Culture quiz. What do our food and eating habits reveal about our culture?

• Active Learning: Working in small groups, students should list examples of material culture. Next, ask them to fi nd examples of nonmaterial culture that some of those items on their fi rst list might represent.

• Active Learning: Take your students online to explore material culture around the world. Take a look at Amazon.com. At the bottom of the home page you will fi nd links to the company’s international sites: Canada, United Kingdom, France, Japan, Germany, and China. Have them compare diff erences in style and substance. Other sites that have gone international include McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, and Apple.

to make them from iron, carbon, and chromium (Westrum, 1991). At the most basic level, material culture is important because it is our buff er against the environment. For example, we create shelter to protect ourselves from the weather and to give ourselves privacy. Beyond the survival level, we make, use, and share objects that are interesting and important to us. Why are you wearing the par- ticular clothes you have on today? Perhaps you’re communicating something about yourself, such as where you attend school, what kind of music you like, or where you went on vacation.

Nonmaterial culture consists of the abstract or intangible human creations of society that infl uence people’s behavior. Language, beliefs, val- ues, rules of behavior, family patterns, and political systems are examples of nonmaterial culture. Even the gestures that we use in daily conversation are part of the nonmaterial culture in a society. As many international travelers and businesspeople have learned, it is important to know what gestures mean in various nations (see ▼ Figure 2.1). Although the “hook ’em Horns” sign—the pinky and index fi nger raised up and the middle two fi ngers folded down— is used by fans to express their support for University of Texas at Austin sports teams, for millions of Ital- ians the same gesture means “Your spouse is being unfaithful.” In Argentina, rotating one’s index fi nger around the front of the ear means “You have a tele- phone call,” but in the United States it usually sug- gests that a person is “crazy” (Axtell, 1991). Similarly, making a circle with your thumb and index fi nger indicates “OK” in the United States, but in Tunisia it means “I’ll kill you!” (Samovar and Porter, 1991).

an unlearned, biologically determined involuntary response to some physical stimuli (such as a sneeze aft er breathing some pepper in through the nose or the blinking of an eye when a speck of dust gets in it). Drives are unlearned, biologically determined impulses common to all members of a species that satisfy needs such as those for sleep, food, water, or sexual gratifi cation. Refl exes and drives do not determine how people will behave in human soci- eties; even the expression of these biological char- acteristics is channeled by culture. For example, we may be taught that the “appropriate” way to sneeze (an involuntary response) is to use a tissue or turn our head away from others (a learned response). Similarly, we may learn to sleep on mats or in beds. Most contemporary sociologists agree that culture and social learning, not nature, account for virtually all of our behavior patterns.

Because humans cannot rely on instincts in order to survive, culture is a “tool kit” for survival. According to the sociologist Ann Swidler (1986: 273), culture is a “tool kit of symbols, stories, rituals, and world views, which people may use in varying confi gurations to solve diff erent kinds of problems.” Th e tools we choose will vary according to our own personality and the situations we face. We are not puppets on a string; we make choices from among the items in our own “tool box.”

Material Culture and Nonmaterial Culture Our cultural tool box is divided into two major parts: material culture and nonmaterial culture (Ogburn, 1966/1922). Material culture consists of the physical or tangible creations that mem- bers of a society make, use, and share. Initially, items of material culture begin as raw materials or resources such as ore, trees, and oil. Th rough tech- nology, these raw materials are transformed into usable items (ranging from books and computers to guns and tanks). Sociologists defi ne technol- ogy as the knowledge, techniques, and tools that make it possible for people to transform resources into usable forms, and the knowledge and skills required to use them aft er they are developed. From this standpoint, technology is both concrete and abstract. For example, technology includes a pair of scissors and the knowledge and skill necessary

culture the knowledge, language, values, customs, and material objects that are passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a hu- man group or society.

material culture a component of culture that consists of the physical or tangible creations (such as clothing, shelter, and art) that members of a society make, use, and share.

nonmaterial culture a component of culture that consists of the abstract or intangible human creations of society (such as attitudes, beliefs, and values) that infl uence people’s behavior.

one pump. . . . Middle Eastern people will continue shaking your hand throughout the greeting.”

• Active Learning: Engage the class in creating a list of cultural universals such as economics, family, religion, government, art, recreation, and education. In small groups, have them list examples of how these universals are manifested diff erently in places around the world.

• Extra Examples: Ask what the following statement implies about culture, from business etiquette expert Lydia Ramsey: “The American-style handshake with a fi rm grip, two quick pumps, eye contact, and a smile is not universal. Variations in handshakes are based on cultural diff erences, not on personality or values. The Japanese give a light handshake. Germans off er a fi rm shake with

As the example of hand gestures shows, a cen- tral component of nonmaterial culture is beliefs— the mental acceptance or conviction that certain things are true or real. Beliefs may be based on tra- dition, faith, experience, scientifi c research, or some combination of these. Faith in a supreme being and trust in another person are examples of beliefs. We may also have a belief in items of material culture. When we travel by airplane, for instance, we believe that it is possible to fl y at 33,000 feet and to arrive at

our destination even though we know that we could not do this without the airplane itself.

Cultural Universals Because all humans face the same basic needs (such as for food, clothing, and shelter), we engage in similar activities that contribute to our survival. Anthropolo- gist George Murdock (1945: 124) compiled a list of more than seventy cultural universals—customs and

1. False. Although cheese is a popular food in many cultures, most of the people living in China fi nd cheese very distasteful and prefer delicacies such as duck’s feet.

2. True. Round foods such as pears, grapes, and moon cakes are given to celebrate the birth of babies because the shape of the food is believed to symbolize family unity.

3. False. Although wedding cakes are a tradition in virtually all nations and cultures, the ingredients of the cake—as well as other foods served at the celebration—vary widely at this important family celebration. The traditional wedding cake in Italy is made from biscuits, for example, whereas in Norway the wedding cake is made from bread topped with cream, cheese, and syrup.

4. True. Many faiths, including Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism, have dietary rules and rituals that in- volve food; however, these practices and beliefs vary widely among individuals and communities. For some people, food forms an integral part of religion in their life; for others, food is less relevant.

5. True. Just as foods are divided into yin foods (e.g., bean sprouts, cabbage, and carrots) and yang foods (beef, chicken, eggs, and mushrooms), cooking methods are also referred to as having yin qualities (e.g., boiling, poaching, and steaming) or yang qualities (deep-frying, roasting, and stir-frying). For many Chinese Americans, yin and yang are complemen- tary pairs that should be incorporated into all aspects of social life, including the ingredients and preparation of foods.

6. False. Although more people now rely on fast foods, there is a “slow-food” movement afoot to encourage people to prepare their food from scratch for a healthier lifestyle. Also, some cultural and religious communities—such as the Amish of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana—encourage families to prepare their food from scratch and to preserve their own fruits, vegetables, and meats. Rural families are more likely to grow their own food or prepare it from scratch than are families residing in urban areas.

7. False. Rice is a popular mainstay in the diets of people from diverse cultural backgrounds who have arrived in the United States over the past four decades. Groups ranging from the Hmong and Vietnamese to Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans use rice as a central ingredient in their diets. Among some in the younger generations, however, food choices have become increasingly Americanized, and items such as french fries and pizza have become very popular.

8. True. Cultural diversity is a major issue in eating, and people in some cultures, religions, and nations expect that even an “outsider” will have a basic familiarity with, and respect for, their traditions and practices. However, social analysts also suggest that we should not generalize or imply that certain characteristics apply to all people in a cultural group or nation.

Sources: Based on Better Health Channel, 2007; Ohio State University, 2007; and PBS, 2005a.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Global Food and Culture

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• IRM: See the IRM for an activity that asks students about the worst thing they ever ate, which helps to get the discussion started about ethnocentrism.

practices that occur across all societies. His catego- ries included appearance (such as bodily adornment and hairstyles), activities (such as sports, dancing, games, joking, and visiting), social institutions (such as family, law, and religion), and customary practices (such as cooking, folklore, gift giving, and hospitality). Whereas these general customs and practices may be present in all cultures, their specifi c forms vary from one group to another and from one time to another within the same group. For example, although telling jokes may be a universal practice, what is considered to be a joke in one society may be an insult in another.

How do sociologists view cultural universals? In terms of their functions, cultural universals are use- ful because they ensure the smooth and continual operation of society (Radcliff e-Brown, 1952). A soci- ety must meet basic human needs by providing food, shelter, and some degree of safety for its members so that they will survive. Children and other new members (such as immigrants) must be taught the ways of the group. A society must also settle disputes and deal with people’s emotions. All the while, the self-interest of individuals must be balanced with the needs of society as a whole. Cultural universals help fulfi ll these important functions of society.

From another perspective, however, cultural universals are not the result of functional necessity; these practices may have been imposed by mem- bers of one society on members of another. Similar customs and practices do not necessarily constitute cultural universals. Th ey may be an indication that a conquering nation used its power to enforce cer- tain types of behavior on those who were defeated (Sargent, 1987). Sociologists might ask questions such as “Who determines the dominant cultural patterns?” For example, although religion is a cul- tural universal, traditional religious practices of indigenous peoples (those who fi rst live in an area) have oft en been repressed and even stamped out by subsequent settlers or conquerors who hold politi- cal and economic power over them. However, many people believe there is cause for optimism in the

▲ FIGURE 2.1 HAND GESTURES WITH DIFFERENT MEANINGS As international travelers and businesspeople have learned, hand gestures may have very diff erent meanings in diff erent cultures.

a. HORNS: “Hook ’em Horns” or “your spouse is unfaithful”

b. CIRCLE: “OK (absolutely fi ne)” or “I’ll kill you”

c. THUMBS UP: “Great” or an obscenity

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beliefs the mental acceptance or conviction that certain things are true or real.

cultural universals customs and practices that occur across all societies.

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in English, and four-fi fths of electronic information is stored in English.

• Extra Examples: In 2005, Indian government statistics reported 6,787 dowry-related murders and suicides, caused by husbands’ dissatisfaction with their wives’ dowry payments (National Crime Records Bureau). Have students discuss violence against women across cultures. Can diff erent cultures learn from one another in these matters? Do they have the right to judge one another?

• For Discussion: Ask students this: What are the most important symbols that refl ect your cultural values—a U.S. fl ag, a rock t-shirt, an infant, a shiny new car, a successful relationship, the mall, etc.? (Provide students with some sample images.)

• Global Perspective: More than one billion people are believed to speak some form of English. For every native speaker there are three nonnative speakers. Three-quarters of the world’s mail is

United States because the democratic ideas of this nation provide more guarantees of religious free- dom than do some other nations.

Components of Culture Even though the specifi cs of individual cultures vary widely, all cultures have four common nonmaterial cultural components: symbols, language, values, and norms. Th ese components contribute to both harmony and strife in a society.

Symbols A symbol is anything that meaningfully rep- resents something else. Culture could not exist without symbols because there would be no shared

meanings among people. Symbols can simultane- ously produce loyalty and animosity, and love and hate. Th ey help us communicate ideas such as love or patriotism because they express abstract concepts with visible objects. For example, fl ags can stand for patriotism, nationalism, school spirit, or religious beliefs held by members of a group or society. Sym- bols can stand for love (a heart on a valentine), peace (a dove), or hate (a Nazi swastika), just as words can be used to convey these meanings. Symbols can also transmit other types of ideas. A siren is a symbol that denotes an emergency situation and sends the mes- sage to clear the way immediately. Gestures are also a symbolic form of communication—a movement of the head, body, or hands can express our ideas or feelings to others. For example, in the United States,

▲ Food is a universal type of material culture, but what people eat and how they eat it vary widely, as shown in these cross-cultural examples from the United Arab Emirates (upper left), Holland (upper right), and China (bottom). What might be some reasons for the similarities and diff erences that you see in these photos?

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• Research: Have students research the fi eld of semiotics, which studies signs and symbols and their relation to each other and to the world. Have them identify and defi ne semantics, syntactics, and pragmatics, as they apply to the study of semiotics.

• Recent Events: Have students examine the U.S. debate around same-sex marriage as a cultural phenomenon. Have them identify ways in which the culture of marriage has changed in the United States (e.g., earlier condemnation of interracial marriage and vows that wives should “obey” husbands). How has marriage changed in our culture and in other cultures?

pointing toward your chest with your thumb or fi n- ger is a symbol for “me.”

Symbols aff ect our thoughts about class. For example, how a person is dressed or the kind of car that he or she drives is oft en at least subconsciously used as a measure of that individual’s economic standing or position. With regard to clothing, although many people wear casual clothes on a daily basis, where the clothing was purchased is some- times used as a symbol of social status. Were the items purchased at Wal-Mart, Old Navy, Abercrom- bie & Fitch, or Saks Fift h Avenue? What indicators are there on the items of clothing—such as the Nike swoosh, some other logo, or a brand name—that indicate something about the status of the product? Automobiles and their logos are also symbols that

have cultural meaning beyond the shopping envi- ronment in which they originate.

Finally, symbols may be specifi c to a given cul- ture and have special meaning to individuals who share that culture but not necessarily to other peo- ple. Consider, for example, the use of certain foods to celebrate the Chinese New Year: Bamboo shoots and black moss seaweed both represent wealth, peanuts and noodles symbolize a long life, and tan- gerines represent good luck. What foods in other cultures represent “good luck” or prosperity?

▲ The customs and rituals associated with weddings are one example of nonmaterial culture. What can you infer about beliefs and attitudes concerning marriage in the societies represented by these photographs?

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symbol anything that meaningfully represents something else.

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setting or ‘empty rhetoric’ if it’s public. This attitude toward talk ignores the fact that people are emotionally involved with each other and that talking is the major way we establish, maintain, monitor and adjust our relationships” (Deborah Tannen). Ask students whether they agree or disagree with Tannen, and why.

• Research: Have students research and discuss the theoretical perspective expressed in the following: “We dissect nature along

• Active Learning: Assign a handful of your students the task of communicating several messages to the rest of the class nonverbally—a game of charades. Have them consider whether or not they used language to convey the messages and what role that language has in cultural development.

• Research: “Many of us dismiss talk that does not convey important information as worthless—meaningless small talk if it’s a social

Language Language is a set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another. Verbal (spoken) language and nonverbal (written or gestured) language help us describe reality. One of our most important human attributes is the ability to use language to share our experiences, feelings, and knowledge with others. Language can create visual images in our head, such as “the kittens look like little cotton balls” (Samovar and Porter, 1991). Language also allows people to distinguish themselves from outsiders and maintain group boundaries and solidarity (Farb, 1973).

Language is not solely a human characteristic. Other animals use sounds, gestures, touch, and smell to communicate with one another, but they use signals with fi xed meanings that are limited to the immediate situation (the present) and that

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▲ Would you expect the user of this device to be impoverished or affl uent? What do possessions indicate about their owner’s social class?

cannot encompass past or future situ- ations. For example, chimpanzees can use elements of Standard Ameri- can Sign Language and manipulate physical objects to make “sentences,” but they are not physically endowed with the vocal apparatus needed to form the consonants required for oral language. As a result, nonhuman animals cannot transmit the more complex aspects of culture to their off spring. Humans have a unique abil- ity to manipulate symbols to express abstract concepts and rules and thus to create and transmit culture from one generation to the next.

Language and Social Reality Does language create or simply com- municate reality? Anthropological linguists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whorf have suggested that language not only expresses our thoughts and perceptions but also infl uences our perception of reality. According to the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis, language shapes the view of reality of its

speakers (Whorf, 1956; Sapir, 1961). If people are able to think only through language, then language must precede thought. If language actually shapes the reality we perceive and experience, then some aspects of the world are viewed as important and others are virtually neglected because people know the world only in terms of the vocabulary and gram- mar of their own language.

If language does create reality, are we trapped by our language? Many social scientists agree that the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis overstates the relationship between language and our thoughts and behavior patterns. Although they acknowledge that language has many subtle meanings and that words used by people refl ect their central concerns, most soci- ologists contend that language may infl uence our behavior and interpretation of social reality but does not determine it.

Language and Gender What is the relation- ship between language and gender? What cultural assumptions about women and men does language

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• Active Learning: Ask the class to brainstorm and come up with exhaustive lists of words that are used to refer to men and to women. Analyze the two lists. How many of the terms are negative? How many of the terms are about age, objects, food, sex? Which terms are neutral? Which list has the most negative words? Which has the most positive?

lines laid down by our native languages. The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not fi nd there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic fl ux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds—and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds” (Benjamin Whorf ).

refl ect? Scholars have suggested several ways in which language and gender are intertwined:

● Th e English language ignores women by using the masculine form to refer to human beings in general (Basow, 1992). For example, the word man is used generically in words such as chair- man and mankind, which allegedly include both men and women.

● Use of the pronouns he and she aff ects our think- ing about gender. Pronouns show the gender of the person we expect to be in a particular oc- cupation. For instance, nurses, secretaries, and schoolteachers are usually referred to as she, but doctors, engineers, electricians, and presidents are usually referred to as he (Baron, 1986).

● Words have positive connotations when relating to male power, prestige, and leadership; when re- lated to women, they carry negative overtones of weakness, inferiority, and immaturity (Epstein, 1988: 224). ■ Table 2.1 shows how gender-based language refl ects the traditional acceptance of men and women in certain positions, implying that the jobs are diff erent when fi lled by women rather than men.

● A language-based predisposition to think about women in sexual terms reinforces the notion that women are sexual objects. Women are oft en described by terms such as fox, broad, bitch, babe, or doll, which ascribe childlike or even petlike characteristics to them. By contrast, men have performance pressures placed on them by being defi ned in terms of their sexual prowess, such as dude, stud, and hunk (Baker, 1993).

Gender in language has been debated and stud- ied extensively in recent years, and some changes have occurred. Th e preference of many women to be called Ms. (rather than Miss or Mrs. in reference to their marital status) has received a degree of accep- tance in public life and the media. Many organiza- tions and publications have established guidelines for the use of nonsexist language and have changed

Language and Gender table 2.1

Male Term Female Term Neutral Term

Teacher Teacher Teacher

Chairman Chairwoman Chair, chairperson

Congressman Congresswoman Representative

Policeman Policewoman Police offi cer

Fireman Lady fi reman Firefi ghter

Airline steward Airline stewardess Flight attendant

Race car driver Woman race car driver Race car driver

Professor Teacher/female professor Professor

Doctor Lady/woman doctor Doctor

Bachelor Old maid Single person

Male prostitute Prostitute Prostitute

Welfare recipient Welfare mother Welfare recipient

Worker/employee Working mother Worker/employee

Janitor/maintenance man Maid/cleaning lady Custodial attendant

Sources: Adapted from Korsmeyer, 1981: 122; and Miller and Swift, 1991.

language a set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another.

Sapir–Whorf hypothesis the proposition that language shapes the view of reality of its speakers.

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that the crucible turns our people out as Americans, of American nationality, and not as dwellers in a polyglot boarding house” (President Theodore Roosevelt).

• Media Coverage: In July 2008, New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg signed an executive order requiring all city agencies to provide services in the city’s six most commonly spoken languages: Spanish, Chinese, Russian, Korean, Italian, and French Creole.

• IRM: Lecture Idea: Address the ways that subcultures engage in boundary maintenance using jargon to distinguish themselves from the dominant culture. Why is this important? What are some important examples?

• For Discussion: Have students discuss and debate the pros and cons of this statement: “We have room for but one language in this country, and that is the English language, for we intend to see

titles such as chairman to chair or chairperson. “Men Working” signs in many areas have been replaced with “People Working.” Some occupations have been given “genderless” titles, such as fi refi ghter or fl ight attendant. Yet many people resist change, arguing that the English language is being ruined (Epstein, 1988). To develop a more inclusive and equitable society, many scholars suggest that a more inclusive language is needed (see Basow, 1992).

Language, Race, and Ethnicity Language may create and reinforce our perceptions about race and ethnicity by transmitting preconceived ideas about the superiority of one category of people over another. Let’s look at a few images conveyed by words in the English language in regard to race/ ethnicity:

● Words may have more than one meaning and create and/or reinforce negative images. Terms such as blackhearted (malevolent) and expres- sions such as a black mark (a detrimental fact) and Chinaman’s chance of success (unlikely to succeed) associate the words black or Chinaman with negative associations and derogatory imagery. By contrast, expressions such as that’s white of you and the good guys wear white hats reinforce positive associations with the color white.

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▲ Certain jobs are stereotypically considered to be “men’s jobs”; others are “women’s jobs.” Is your perception of a male fl ight attendant the same as your perception of a female fl ight attendant?

● Overtly derogatory terms such as nigger, kike, gook, honkey, chink, spic, and other racial–ethnic slurs have been “popularized” in mov- ies, music, comic routines, and so on. Such derogatory terms are oft en used in conjunction with physical threats against persons.

● Words are frequently used to cre- ate or reinforce perceptions about a group. For example, Native Ameri- cans have been referred to as “sav- age” and “primitive,” and African Americans have been described as “uncivilized,” “cannibalistic,” and “pagan.”

● Th e “voice” of verbs may minimize or incorrectly identify the activities

or achievements of people of color. For example, the use of the passive voice in the statement “Afri- can Americans were given the right to vote” ignores how African Americans fought for that right. Active-voice verbs may also inaccurately attribute achievements to people or groups. Some histori- ans argue that cultural bias is shown by the very notion that “Columbus discovered America”— given that America was already inhabited by peo- ple who later became known as Native Americans (see Stannard, 1992; Takaki, 1993).

In addition to these concerns about the English language, problems also arise when more than one language is involved. Across the nation, the question of whether or not the United States should have an “offi cial” language continues to arise. Some people believe that there is no need to designate an offi cial language; other people believe that English should be designated as the offi cial language and that the use of any other language should be discouraged or negatively sanctioned. Recently, the city council in Farmers Branch—a suburb of Dallas, Texas— adopted a resolution declaring English as the offi cial language of that city. According to the resolution, the use of a common language “removes barriers of misunderstanding and helps to unify the people of Farmers Branch, [the state of Texas,] and the United States and helps to enable the full economic and civic participation of all of its citizens . . .” (City of Farmers Branch, 2006). Th is resolution was passed

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increased by 193 percent. Have students explore the current eff orts to contact non-English speakers in the 2010 census. What issues might prevent their being counted?

• Active Learning: What do the core U.S. values actually look like in practice? Assign one value to each group, and then ask students to create lists of norms that are refl ective of the values. Share the results with the entire class.

While some agencies, like the department of education, already off er translation of documents, this is being presented as the most comprehensive citywide eff ort to date to expand language services (New York Observer).

• U.S. Census: The number of non-English-language speakers at least doubled in six states from 1990 to 2000. The largest percentage increase occurred in Nevada, where the number

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▲ Rapid changes in language and culture in the United States are refl ected in this sign at a shopping center. How do functionalist and confl ict theorists’ views regarding language diff er?

at the same time as a local law that banned “illegal immigrants” from renting apartments in Farmers Branch. Are deep-seated social and cultural issues embedded in social policy decisions such as these? Although the United States has always been a nation of immigrants, in recent decades this country has experienced rapid changes in population that have brought about greater diversity in languages and cultures. Recent data gathered by the U.S. Census Bureau (see “Census Profi les: Languages Spoken in U.S. Households,” p.52) indicate that although more than 80 percent of the people in this country speak only English at home, almost 20 percent speak a lan- guage other than English. Th e largest portion (over 10 percent of the U.S. population) of non-English speakers speak Spanish at home.

Language is an important means of cultural transmission. Th rough language, children learn about their cultural heritage and develop a sense of personal identity in relationship to their group. For example, Latinos/as in New Mexico and south Texas use dichos—proverbs or sayings that are unique to the Spanish language—as a means of expressing

themselves and as a refl ection of their cultural heri- tage. Examples of dichos include Anda tu camino sin ayuda de vecino (“Walk your own road without the help of a neighbor”) and Amor de lejos es para pendejos (“A long-distance romance is for fools”). Dichos are passed from generation to generation as a priceless verbal tradition whereby people can give advice or teach a lesson (Gandara, 1995).

Language is also a source of power and social control; language perpetuates inequalities between people and between groups because words are used (whether or not intentionally) to “keep people in their place.” As the linguist Deborah Tannen (1993: B5) has suggested, “Th e devastating group hatreds that result in so much suff ering in our own country and around the world are related in origin to the small intolerances in our everyday conversations—our readiness to attribute good intentions to ourselves and bad intentions to others.” Language, then, is a refl ection of our feelings and values.

Values Values are collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particular culture (Williams, 1970). Values do not dictate which behaviors are appropriate and which ones are not, but they provide us with the criteria by which we evaluate people, objects, and events. Values typically come in pairs of positive and negative values, such as being brave or cowardly, hardworking or lazy. Because we use values to jus- tify our behavior, we tend to defend them staunchly.

Core American Values Do we have shared val- ues in the United States? Sociologists disagree about the extent to which all people in this country share a core set of values. Functionalists tend to believe that shared values are essential for the maintenance of a society, and scholars using a functionalist approach have conducted most of the research on core values. Analysts who focus on the importance of core val- ues maintain that the following ten values, identifi ed

values collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particu- lar culture.

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• IRM: Questions for Discussion: How do you think members of various racial, ethnic, gender, and class categories subscribe to and internalize U.S. core values? How might they reinterpret or infl ect those values?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Popular Culture: The Boy Scout Oath (or Promise): “On my honor

I will do my best to do my duty to God and my country and to obey the Scout Law; to help other people at all times; to keep myself physically strong, mentally awake, and morally straight.” What values are refl ected in this oath? Have students discuss its contemporary signifi cance.

forty years ago by sociologist Robin M. Williams, Jr. (1970), are still very important to people in the United States:

1. Individualism. People are responsible for their own success or failure. Individual ability and hard work are the keys to success. Th ose who do not succeed have only themselves to blame because of their lack of ability, laziness, immo- rality, or other character defects.

2. Achievement and success. Personal achieve- ment results from successful competition with

others. Individuals are encouraged to do bet- ter than others in school and to work in order to gain wealth, power, and prestige. Mate- rial possessions are seen as a sign of personal achievement.

3. Activity and work. People who are industri- ous are praised for their achievement; those perceived as lazy are ridiculed. From the time of the early Puritans, work has been viewed as important. Even during their leisure time, many people “work” in their play. For example, think of all the individuals who take exercise classes,

Among the categories of information gathered by the U.S. Census Bureau is data on the languages spoken in U.S. households. As shown below, English is the only lan- guage spoken at home in more than 80 percent of U.S. households; however, in almost 20 percent of U.S. house- holds, some other language is the primary language spoken at home.

Languages Spoken in U.S. Households

census profi les

People who speak a language other than English at home are asked not only to indicate which other lan- guages they speak but also how well they speak English. Approximately 44 percent of people who speak a language

English only 80.3%

Some other language

19.7%

Spanish 62.0%

Languages Spoken at Home Other Than English, by Percentage

Chinese 4.4% French 2.7%Tagalog

2.7% German 2.2% Vietnamese 2.2% Korean 1.9%

Other 15.0%

Polish 1.2%

Arabic 1.3%

Portuguese 1.3%

Italian 1.5%

Russian 1.6%

other than English at home report that they speak English “less than well.” The principal languages other than Eng- lish that are most frequently spoken at home are shown in the following chart. Do you think that changes in the languages spoken in this country will bring about other signifi cant changes in U.S. culture? Why or why not?.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2008.

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means of asceticism, and at the same time the surest and most evident proof of rebirth and genuine faith, must have been the most powerful conceivable lever for the expansion of . . . the spirit of capitalism.”

• For Discussion: List some ways that the Protestant work ethic may have contributed to the U.S. values. Have students respond to Max Weber’s statement that “The religious valuation of restless, continuous, systematic work in a worldly calling, as the highest

run in marathons, garden, repair or restore cars, and so on in their spare time.

4. Science and technology. People in the United States have a great deal of faith in science and technology. Th ey expect scientifi c and techno- logical advances ultimately to control nature, the aging process, and even death.

5. Progress and material comfort. Th e material comforts of life include not only basic neces- sities (such as adequate shelter, nutrition, and medical care) but also the goods and services that make life easier and more pleasant.

6. Effi ciency and practicality. People want things to be bigger, better, and faster. As a result, great value is placed on effi ciency (“How well does it work?”) and practicality (“Is this a realistic thing to do?”).

7. Equality. Since colonial times, overt class dis- tinctions have been rejected in the United States. However, “equality” has been defi ned as “equality of opportunity”—an assumed equal chance to achieve success—not as “equality of outcome. “

8. Morality and humanitarianism. Aiding others, especially following natural disasters (such as fl oods or hurricanes), is seen as a value. Th e notion of helping others was originally a part of religious teachings and tied to the idea of morality. Today, people engage in humanitarian acts without necessarily perceiving that it is the “moral” thing to do.

9. Freedom and liberty. Individual freedom is highly valued in the United States. Th e idea of freedom includes the right to private owner- ship of property, the ability to engage in private enterprise, freedom of the press, and other free- doms that are considered to be “basic” rights.

10. Racism and group superiority. People value their own racial or ethnic group above all others. Such feelings of superiority may lead to dis- crimination; slavery and segregation laws are classic examples. Many people also believe in the superiority of their country and that “the American way of life” is best.

Do you think that these values are still important today? Are there core values that you believe should be added to this list? Although sociologists have not agreed upon a specifi c list of emerging core values,

various social analysts have suggested that some additional shared values in the United States today include the following:

● Ecological sensitivity, with an increased aware- ness of global problems such as overpopulation and global warming.

● Emphasis on developing and maintaining rela- tionships through honesty and with openness, fairness, and tolerance of others.

● Spirituality and a need for meaning in life that reaches beyond oneself.

Value Contradictions All societies, includ- ing the United States, have value contradictions. Value contradictions are values that confl ict with one another or are mutually exclusive (achieving one makes it diffi cult, if not impossible, to achieve another). Core values of morality and humani- tarianism may confl ict with values of individual achievement and success. For example, humanitar- ian values refl ected in welfare and other government aid programs for people in need come into confl ict with values emphasizing hard work and personal achievement.

Ideal Culture Versus Real Culture What is the relationship between values and human behav- ior? Sociologists stress that a gap always exists between ideal culture and real culture in a society. Ideal culture refers to the values and standards of behavior that people in a society profess to hold. Real culture refers to the values and standards of behavior that people actually follow. For example, we may claim to be law-abiding (ideal cultural value) but smoke marijuana (real cultural behavior), or we may regularly drive over the speed limit but think of ourselves as “good citizens.”

Most of us are not completely honest about how well we adhere to societal values. In a University of Arizona study known as the “Garbage Project,” household waste was analyzed to determine the rate of alcohol consumption in Tucson. People were asked about their level of alcohol consumption, and in some areas of the city, they reported very low

value contradictions values that confl ict with one another or are mutually exclusive.

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Which rules does it seem that no one really follows? What kinds of consequences are spelled out?

• Active Learning: Create a chart on the board, and ask your class to come up with examples of folkways, mores, and the values they refl ect in their lives. Think of examples of social reactions to norm violations for each.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • IRM: Questions for Discussion: What values might be represented

by the norm of attending this sociology class? • For Discussion: Bring to class copies of your college/university

student handbook. Have students fi nd examples of rules and regulations. Which rules seem more important than others?

levels of alcohol use. However, when these people’s garbage was analyzed, researchers found that over 80 percent of those households consumed some beer, and more than half discarded eight or more empty beer cans a week (Haviland, 1993). Obvi- ously, this study shows a discrepancy between ideal cultural values and people’s actual behavior.

Norms Values provide ideals or beliefs about behavior but do not state explicitly how we should behave. Norms, on the other hand, do have specifi c behav- ioral expectations. Norms are established rules of behavior or standards of conduct. Prescriptive norms state what behavior is appropriate or accept- able. For example, persons making a certain amount of money are expected to fi le a tax return and pay any taxes they owe. Norms based on custom direct us to open a door for a person carrying a heavy load. By contrast, proscriptive norms state what behavior is inappropriate or unacceptable. Laws that prohibit us from driving over the speed limit and “good man- ners” that preclude you from texting during class are examples. Prescriptive and proscriptive norms operate at all levels of society, from our everyday actions to the formulation of laws.

Formal and Informal Norms Not all norms are of equal importance; those that are most crucial are formalized. Formal norms are written down and involve specifi c punishments for violators. Laws are the most common type of formal norms; they have been codifi ed and may be enforced by sanctions. Sanctions are rewards for appropriate behavior or penalties for inappropriate behavior. Examples of positive sanctions include praise, honors, or medals for conformity to specifi c norms. Negative sanctions range from mild disapproval to the death penalty.

Norms considered to be less important are referred to as informal norms—unwritten standards of behavior understood by people who share a com- mon identity. When individuals violate informal norms, other people may apply informal sanctions. Informal sanctions are not clearly defi ned and can be applied by any member of a group (such as frown- ing at someone or making a negative comment or gesture).

Folkways Norms are also classifi ed according to their relative social importance. Folkways are informal norms or everyday customs that may be violated without serious consequences within a particular culture (Sumner, 1959/1906). Th ey pro- vide rules for conduct but are not considered to be essential to society’s survival. In the United States, folkways include using underarm deodorant, brush- ing our teeth, and wearing appropriate clothing for a specifi c occasion. Oft en, folkways are not enforced; when they are enforced, the resulting sanctions tend to be informal and relatively mild.

Mores Other norms are considered to be highly essential to the stability of society. Mores are strongly held norms with moral and ethical connotations that may not be violated without serious conse- quences in a particular culture. Because mores (pronounced MOR-ays) are based on cultural values and are considered to be crucial to the well-being of the group, violators are subject to more severe nega- tive sanctions (such as ridicule, loss of employment, or imprisonment) than are those who fail to adhere to folkways. Th e strongest mores are referred to as taboos. Taboos are mores so strong that their vio- lation is considered to be extremely off ensive and even unmentionable. Violation of taboos is punish- able by the group or even, according to certain belief systems, by a supernatural force. Th e incest taboo,

▲ Crowded conditions exist around the world, yet certain norms prevail in everyday life. Is the behavior of the people in this Osaka, Japan, train station a refl ection of formal or informal norms?

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• Pop Culture: Have students analyze clips from popular comedy fi lms that demonstrate norm violations. Why are these so often humorous? Is laughing about these violations a form of social control? How do we react to violations of specifi c mores such as incest or drug addiction?

which prohibits sexual or marital relations between certain categories of kin, is an example of a nearly uni- versal taboo.

Laws Laws are formal, standard- ized norms that have been enacted by legislatures and are enforced by formal sanctions. Laws may be either civil or criminal. Civil law deals with disputes among persons or groups. Persons who lose civil suits may encounter negative sanc- tions such as having to pay com- pensation to the other party or being ordered to stop certain conduct. Criminal law, on the other hand, deals with public safety and well- being. When criminal laws are violated, fi nes and prison sentences are the most likely negative sanc- tions, although in some states the death penalty is handed down for certain major off enses.

Technology, Cultural Change, and Diversity Cultures do not generally remain static. Th ere are many forces working toward change and diversity. Some societies and individuals adapt to this change, whereas others suff er culture shock and succumb to ethnocentrism.

Cultural Change Societies continually experience cultural change at both material and nonmaterial levels. Changes in technology continue to shape the material culture of society. Technology refers to the knowledge, tech- niques, and tools that allow people to transform resources into usable forms and the knowledge and skills required to use what is developed. Although most technological changes are primarily modifi ca- tions of existing technology, new technologies refers to changes that make a signifi cant diff erence in many people’s lives. Examples of new technologies include the introduction of the printing press more than 500 years ago and the advent of computers and electronic communications in the twentieth century. Th e pace of technological change has increased rapidly in the past 150 years, as contrasted with the 4,000 years

prior to that, during which humans advanced from digging sticks and hoes to the plow.

All parts of culture do not change at the same pace. When a change occurs in the material culture of a society, nonmaterial culture must adapt to that change. Frequently, this rate of change is uneven, resulting in a gap between the two. Sociologist William F. Ogburn (1966/1922) referred to this dis- parity as cultural lag—a gap between the technical

▲ In 1999 Napster began as an online service that allowed its users to share music for free. However, the music industry claimed that Napster was violating its copyrights and sued the company. Napster was in business until 2001, an example of cultural lag, as the courts took time coming to grips with the implications of the new technology.

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norms established rules of behavior or standards of conduct.

sanctions rewards for appropriate behavior or penalties for inappropriate behavior.

folkways informal norms or everyday customs that may be violated without serious consequences within a particular culture.

mores strongly held norms with moral and ethical connotations that may not be violated without serious consequences in a particular culture.

taboos mores so strong that their violation is considered to be extremely off ensive and even unmentionable.

laws formal, standardized norms that have been enacted by legislatures and are enforced by formal sanctions.

technology the knowledge, techniques, and tools that allow people to transform resources into a usable form and the knowledge and skills required to use what is developed.

cultural lag William Ogburn’s term for a gap between the technical development of a society (material culture) and its moral and legal institutions (nonmaterial culture).

• For Discussion: Ask the class this: What are other examples of cultural lag that we experience at a university? What are some possible examples that we might see in the future? What about the way we elect the nation’s president and the information technology that now gives us instant access to data?

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• Active Learning: Have students use the Census’s American FactFinder and the State and County QuickFacts portals to learn demographic information about the communities where they reside.

• For Discussion: Bring up the topic of multiculturalism and the concept of identity politics: the tendency to defi ne one’s political

development of a society and its moral and legal institutions. In other words, cultural lag occurs when material culture changes faster than nonma- terial culture, thus creating a lag between the two cultural components. For example, at the material cultural level, the personal computer and electronic coding have made it possible to create a unique health identifi er for each person in the United States. Based on available technology (material culture), it would be possible to create a national data bank that included everyone’s individual medical records from birth to death. Using this identifi er, health provid- ers and insurance companies could rapidly transfer medical records around the globe, and researchers could access unlimited data on people’s diseases, test results, and treatments. However, the availabil- ity of this technology does not mean that it will be accepted by people who believe (nonmaterial cul- ture) that such a national data bank would constitute an invasion of privacy and could easily be abused by others. Th e failure of nonmaterial culture to keep pace with material culture is linked to social confl ict and societal problems. As in the above example, such changes are oft en set in motion by discovery, inven- tion, and diff usion.

Discovery is the process of learning about some- thing previously unknown or unrecognized. His- torically, discovery involved unearthing natural elements or existing realities, such as “discovering” fi re or the true shape of the Earth. Today, discov- ery most oft en results from scientifi c research. For example, discovery of a polio vaccine virtually elim- inated one of the major childhood diseases. A future discovery of a cure for cancer or the common cold could result in longer and more productive lives for many people.

As more discoveries have occurred, people have been able to reconfi gure existing material and non- material cultural items through invention. Invention is the process of reshaping existing cultural items into a new form. Guns, video games, airplanes, and First Amendment rights are examples of inventions that positively or negatively aff ect our lives today.

When diverse groups of people come into con- tact, they begin to adapt one another’s discoveries, inventions, and ideas for their own use. Diff usion is the transmission of cultural items or social practices from one group or society to another through such means as exploration, war, the media, tourism, and

immigration. Today, cultural diff usion moves at a very rapid pace in the global economy.

Cultural Diversity Cultural diversity refers to the wide range of cul- tural diff erences found between and within nations. Cultural diversity between countries may be the result of natural circumstances (such as climate and geography) or social circumstances (such as level of technology and composition of the population). Some nations—such as Sweden—are referred to as homogeneous societies, meaning that they include people who share a common culture and who are typically from similar social, religious, political, and economic backgrounds. By contrast, other nations— including the United States—are referred to as het- erogeneous societies, meaning that they include people who are dissimilar in regard to social char- acteristics such as religion, income, or race/ ethnicity (see ▼ Figure 2.2).

Immigration contributes to cultural diversity in a society. Th roughout its history, the United States has been a nation of immigrants (see ▼ Map 2.1). Over the past 175 years, more than 55 million “documented” (legal) immigrants have arrived here; innumerable people have also entered the country as undocu- mented immigrants. Immigration can cause feelings of frustration and hostility, especially in people who feel threatened by the changes that large numbers of immigrants may produce (Mydans, 1993). Oft en, people are intolerant of those who are diff erent from themselves. When societal tensions rise, people may look for others on whom they can place blame—or single out persons because they are the “other,” the “outsider,” the one who does not “belong.” Ronald Takaki, an ethnic studies scholar, described his experience of being singled out as an “other”:

I had fl own from San Francisco to Norfolk and was riding in a taxi to my hotel to attend a conference on multiculturalism. . . . My driver and I chatted about the weather and the tourists. . . . Th e rearview mirror refl ected a white man in his forties. “How long have you been in this country?” he asked. “All my life,” I replied, wincing. “I was born in the United States.” With a strong southern drawl, he remarked: “I was wondering because your English is excellent!” Th en, as I had many times before, I explained:

• Sociological Imagination: Have students examine the following critique of U.S. health care as a description of cultural lag: “The system must be reorganized to be patient-centered. For example, many people do not get sick 9–5, Monday through Friday. This limitation on access is for the convenience of providers and not patients” (Arthur Levin, Director of the Center for Medical Consumers in New York City).

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argument that the United States, like many other industrialized nations, has stopped reproducing at replacement level and is in need of such migration.

• Extra Examples: Ronald Takaki made a number of important contributions to sociology, including his theory that the idea that Asians are a model minority is really a myth.

and social identity in terms of one’s racial, ethnic, religious, or social class.

• Research: As defi ned in a March 2000 United Nations report, replacement migration is “the international migration that would be needed to off set declines in the size of the population, the declines in the population of working age, as well as to off set the overall aging of a population.” Have students research the

“My grandfather came here from Japan in the 1880s. My family has been here, in America, for over a hun- dred years.” He glanced at me in the mirror. Some- how I did not look “American” to him; my eyes and complexion looked foreign. (Takaki, 1993: 1)

Have you ever been made to feel like an “out- sider”? Each of us receives cultural messages that may make us feel good or bad about ourselves or may give us the perception that we “belong” or

“do not belong.” Can people overcome such feelings in a culturally diverse society such as the United States? Some analysts believe it is possible to com- municate with others despite diff erences in race, ethnicity, national origin, age, sexual orientation, religion, social class, occupation, leisure pursuits, regionalism, and so on (see the You Can Make a Diff erence box). People who diff er from the domi- nant group may also fi nd reassurance and social support in a subculture or a counterculture.

▲

Evangelical Protestants 25.9%

Roman Catholics 23.4%Nonreligious

18.5%

Mainline Protestants

18.0%

Black Protestants 7.8%

Other Christians 3.3%

Other 1.1%Jews 2.0%

Under $9,999 9.6%

$10,000 to $24,999 20.0%

$25,000 to $49,999 29.2%

$50,000 to $74,999 19.1%

$75,000 and over 22.1%

White (Non-Hispanic) 68.2%

African American (Non-Hispanic)

12.4%

Latino/a 14.3%

Asianb 4.2% American Indiand 0.8%

Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islandersc 0.1%

Religious Affiliation

Household Incomea

Race and Ethnic Distribution FIGURE 2.2 HETEROGENEITY OF U.S. SOCIETY Throughout history, the United States has been heterogeneous. Today, we represent a wide diversity of social categories, including our religious affi liations, income levels, and racial/ethnic categories. aIn Census Bureau terminology, a household consists of people who occupy a housing unit. bIncludes Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Asian, Indian, Korean, Vietnamese, and other Asians. cIncludes Native Hawaiian, Guamanian or Chamorro, Samoan, and other Pacifi c Islanders. dIncludes American Indians, Eskimos, and Aleuts.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2008.

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• U.S. Diversity: With more than 28 percent of U.S. adults leaving the faith of their childhoods to practice another religion—or no religion—the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey confi rmed that “a remarkable amount of movement” is occurring. As a result, the Pew Forum concludes that Protestants are on the verge of becoming a minority among religious groups in the United States (Melody Merin, U.S. Department of State).

• IRM: Questions for Discussion: What aspects of your own defi nitions of reality have been challenged by interactions with people from diff erent backgrounds?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

• Research: Have students research Tom Shachtman’s Rumspringa: To Be or Not to Be Amish. This study examines the Amish tradition

Subcultures A subculture is a category of people who share distinguishing attributes, beliefs, values, and/or norms that set them apart in some signifi cant manner from the dominant culture. Emerging from the functionalist tradi- tion, this concept has been applied to distinctions ranging from ethnic, religious, regional, and age- based categories to those categories presumed to be “deviant” or marginalized from the larger soci- ety. In the broadest use of the concept, thousands of categories of people residing in the United States might be classifi ed as participants in one or more subcultures, including Native Americans, Muslims, Generation Xers, and motorcycle enthu- siasts. However, many sociological studies of sub- cultures have limited the scope of inquiry to more visible, distinct subcultures such as the Old Order

Amish and ethnic enclaves in large urban areas to see how subcultural participants interact with the dominant U.S. culture.

The Old Order Amish Having arrived in the United States in the early 1700s, members of the Old Order Amish have fought to maintain their distinct identity. Today, over 75 percent of the more than 100,000 Amish live in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, where they practice their reli- gious beliefs and remain a relatively closed social network. According to sociologists, this religious community is a subculture because its members share values and norms that diff er signifi cantly from those of people who primarily identify with the dominant culture. Th e Amish have a strong faith in God and reject worldly concerns. Th eir

0 100 Miles100 Miles0

0 100 Miles

Ancestry with largest population in county

Ancestry with largest population in state

African American

see categories below

Aleut/Eskimo

American

American Indian

Dutch

English

Finnish

French

German

Hispanic/Spanish

Irish

Italian

Mexican

Norwegian

Puerto Rican

Other

OTHER: Chinese (San Francisco County, CA) Cuban (Miami-Dade County, FL) Dominican (New York County, NY) Filipino (Kauai and Maui counties, HI) French Canadian (Androskoggin County, ME) Hawaiian (Kalawao County, HI) Japanese (Hawaii State; Honolulu County, HI) Polish (Luzerne County, PA) Portugese (Bristol County, MA and Bristol County, RI)

0 100 Miles

▲ MAP 2.1 CULTURAL DIVERSITY: A NATION OF IMMIGRANTS

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 special tabulation. American Factfi nder at factfi nder.census.gov provides census data and mapping tools.

of adolescent “running around,” or rumspringa, as a foil for understanding U.S. adolescence and identity formation in general (Publishers Weekly).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Box Note/Active Learning: Here students can fi nd information

for short writing assignments or even research papers. This box begins with a quotation from a blog. Students can work in smaller

groups to conduct web searches for similar blogs and to research connections between food and social interaction.

• Active Learning: Ask some of your students to try out the website suggestions from this box. Bring a report back to share with the class. Project the web page on a screen, and walk the class through some of the resources. What are fi ve important facts learned from one of these sites? Why is each important?

core values include the joy of work, the primacy of the home, faithfulness, thrift iness, tradition, and humility. Th e Amish hold a conservative view of the family, believing that women are subordi- nate to men, birth control is unacceptable, and wives should remain at home. Children (about seven per family) are cherished and seen as an economic asset: Th ey help with the farming and other work. Many of the Old Order Amish speak

Pennsylvania Dutch (a dialect of German) as well as English. Th ey dress in traditional clothing, live on farms, and rely on the horse and buggy for transportation.

[A reader recently said] how meeting for lunch was central to her relationship with her friends. I think that’s true for a lot of us. . . . [Food is a] medium through which connections [are] built. My new friends and I started getting together once a month for dinner to celebrate birthdays, with lots of food involved. Most of them were non-native English speakers, so deep discussion of intellectual topics was diffi cult. Functional English only goes so far, and my smattering of Arabic wasn’t up to the challenge, either. So we’d spend hours over dinner in various restaurants, exchanging food off our plates. . . . There’s something intimate about sharing food. . . . When we share food, we share ourselves. It bonds us in a way other things don’t.

—Terry, in a blog titled “Food as Bonding” (Dailytroll.com, 2006)

Terry’s blog describes how sharing food (an important com- ponent of culture) can help us in bonding with and learning more about people from diverse cultures. However, simply meeting with people from other cultural backgrounds or shar- ing a meal with them is not the same thing as really getting to understand them and helping them to understand us. Daisy Kabagarama, a U.S. college professor who was born in Uganda, suggests in Breaking the Ice (1993) that the following tech- niques can help each of us in communicating across cultures:

● Get acquainted. Show genuine interest, have a sense of curiosity and appreciation, feel empathy for others, be nonjudgmental, and demonstrate fl exibility.

● Ask the right questions. Ask general questions fi rst and specifi c ones later, making sure that questions are clear and simple and are asked in a relaxed, nonthreatening manner.

Bonding with Others Through Food and Conversation

you can make a diff erence

● Consider visual images. Use compliments carefully; it is easy to misjudge other people based on their physical appearance alone, and appearance norms diff er widely across cultures.

● Deal with stereotypes. Overcome stereotyping and myths about people from other cultures through sin- cere self-examination, searching for knowledge, and practicing objectivity.

● Establish trust and cooperation. Be available when needed. Give and accept criticism in a positive manner and be spontaneous in interactions with others, but remember that rules regarding spontaneity are diff er- ent for each culture.

Electronic systems now link people around the world, making it possible for us to communicate with people from diverse racial–ethnic backgrounds and cultures with- out even leaving home or school. Try these websites for interesting information on multicultural issues and cultural diversity:

● Multicultural Education Pavilion provides resources on racism, sexism, and classism in the United States, as well as access to multicultural newsgroups, essays, and a large list of multicultural links on the Web: www.edchange.org/multicultural

● MultiWorld is a bilingual (Chinese and English) e-zine that includes information on culture, people, art, and nature, along with sites about nations such as the United States, Canada, Ireland, China, Belgium, and Brazil. You can access MultiWorld by going to the fol- lowing address and clicking the Resources tab: http://sunsite.nus.edu

subculture a group of people who share a distinctive set of cultural beliefs and behaviors that diff ers in some signifi cant way from that of the larger society.

http://www.edchange.org/multicultural

http://sunsite.nus.edu

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• Research: The bitter confl ict between Sunni and Shiite Muslim sects in Iraq has increased dramatically since the ouster of Saddam Hussein. Under Hussein, the minority Sunni sect dominated majority Shiite groups. The struggle between these two groups goes back to when Islam experienced a leadership split in the seventh century, culminating in brutal civil warfare. Ask students to research this schism as both a religious and ethnic diff erence.

Th e Amish are aware that they share distinctive values and look diff erent from other people; these diff erences provide them with a collective identity and make them feel close to one another (Schae- fer and Zellner, 2007). Th e belief system and group cohesiveness of the Amish remain strong despite the intrusion of corporations and tourists, the vanish- ing farmlands, and increasing levels of government regulation in their daily lives (Schaefer and Zellner, 2007).

Ethnic Subcultures Some people who have unique shared behaviors linked to a common racial, language, or nationality background identify themselves as members of a specifi c subculture, whereas others do not. Examples of ethnic subcultures include African Americans, Latinos/Latinas (Hispanic Americans), Asian Americans, and Native Americans. Some ana- lysts include “white ethnics” such as Irish Americans, Italian Americans, and Polish Americans. Others also include Anglo Americans (Caucasians).

Although people in ethnic subcultures are dis- persed throughout the United States, a concen- tration of members of some ethnic subcultures is visible in many larger communities and cities. For example, Chinatowns, located in cities such as San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, are one of the more visible ethnic subcultures in the United States. By living close to one another and

clinging to their original customs and language, fi rst-generation immigrants can survive the abrupt changes they experience in material and nonmate- rial cultural patterns. In New York City, for example, Korean Americans and Puerto Rican Americans constitute distinctive subcultures, each with its own food, music, and personal style. In San Antonio, Mexican Americans enjoy diff erent food and music than do Puerto Rican Americans or other groups. Subcultures provide opportunities for expression of distinctive lifestyles, as well as sometimes helping people adapt to abrupt cultural change. Subcultures can also serve as a buff er against the discrimination experienced by many ethnic or religious groups in the United States. However, some people may be forced by economic or social disadvantage to remain in such ethnic enclaves.

▲ Although modernization and consumerism have changed the way of life of some subcultures, groups such as the Old Order Amish have preserved some of their historical practices, including traveling by horse-drawn carriage.

▲ In heterogenous societies such as the United States, people from diverse cultures encourage their children to learn about their heritage. This East Indian mother and daughter in California are dancing with fl ower petals.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Ask students to bring in music that they feel

refl ects countercultural ideas. Listen to some of the songs, and talk about them with the class. Bring in some of your own music, and explain how these songs are (or were) countercultural.

• Research: Have students explore culture shock as a real feeling of disorientation. Dr. Carmen Guanipa has a more elaborate

description of this feeling and some suggestions for overcoming it: http://edweb.sdsu.edu/people/CGuanipa/cultshok.htm.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • IRM: Questions for Discussion: Why do you think that the

Americanization of other world cultures is taking place? In what ways is U.S. culture “better”? In what ways is U.S. culture so much

Countercultures Some subcultures actively oppose the larger society. A counterculture is a group that strongly rejects dominant societal values and norms and seeks alternative lifestyles (Yinger, 1960, 1982). Young people are most likely to join counter- cultural groups, perhaps because younger persons generally have less invested in the existing culture. Examples of countercultures include the beatniks of the 1950s, the fl ower children of the 1960s, the drug enthusiasts of the 1970s, and contemporary members of nonmainstream religious sects, or cults.

Culture Shock Culture shock is the disorientation that people feel when they encounter cultures radically diff erent from their own and believe they cannot depend on their own taken-for-granted assumptions about life. When people travel to another society, they may not know how to respond to that setting. For example, Napoleon Chagnon (1992) described his initial shock at seeing the Yanomamö (pronounced yah-noh-MAH-mah) tribe of South America on his fi rst trip in 1964.

Th e Yanomamö (also referred to as the “Yano- mami”) are a tribe of about 20,000 South American Indians who live in the rain forest. Although Cha- gnon traveled in a small aluminum motorboat for three days to reach these people, he was not prepared for the sight that met his eyes when he arrived:

I looked up and gasped to see a dozen burly, na- ked, sweaty, hideous men staring at us down the shaft s of their drawn arrows. Immense wads of green tobacco were stuck between their lower teeth and lips, making them look even more hid- eous, and strands of dark-green slime dripped from their nostrils—strands so long that they reached down to their pectoral muscles or driz- zled down their chins and stuck to their chests and bellies. We arrived as the men were blowing ebene, a hallucinogenic drug, up their noses. . . . I was horrifi ed. What kind of welcome was this for someone who had come to live with these people and learn their way of life—to become friends with them? But when they recognized Barker [a guide], they put their weapons down and returned to their chanting, while keeping a nervous eye on the village entrances. (Chagnon, 1992: 12–14)

▲ Even as global travel and the media make us more aware of people around the world, the distinctiveness of the Yanomamö in South America remains apparent. Are people today more or less likely than those in the past to experience culture shock upon encountering diverse groups of people such as these Yanomamö?

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counterculture a group that strongly rejects dominant societal values and norms and seeks alternative lifestyles.

culture shock the disorientation that people feel when they encounter cultures radically diff erent from their own and believe they cannot depend on their own taken-for-granted assumptions about life.

Th e Yanomamö have no written language, system of numbers, or calendar. Th ey lead a nomadic life- style, carrying everything they own on their backs. Th ey wear no clothes and paint their bodies; the women insert slender sticks through holes in the lower lip and through the pierced nasal septum. In other words, the Yanomamö—like the members of

http://edweb.sdsu.edu/people/CGuanipa/cultshok.htm

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Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights say about this? Does cultural relativism prevent people from condemning slavery or human rights abuses in other societies?

• Global Perspective: “Bollywood is the name given to the huge fi lm industry based in Bombay, India’s movie capital. Some 1,200 fi lms a year are produced in India. . . . So what, exactly, is a Bollywood movie? Well, they’re usually long—about three hours—and chock

more infl uential in the world? In what ways is U.S. culture a product of other cultures?

• For Discussion: Explore the concept of ethnocentrism with your class, connecting it to globalization and democracy. Are there human values that transcend cultures? Where do these come from? The Declaration of Independence states that we are “endowed by our Creator.” What do your students believe? What does the United

thousands of other cultures around the world—live in a culture very diff erent from that of the United States.

Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism When observing people from other cultures, many of us use our own culture as the yardstick by which we judge their behavior. Sociologists refer to this approach as ethnocentrism—the practice of judging all other cultures by one’s own culture (Sumner, 1959/1906). Ethnocentrism is based on the assumption that one’s own way of life is supe- rior to all others. For example, most schoolchil- dren are taught that their own school and country are the best. Th e school song, the pledge to the fl ag, and the national anthem are forms of positive ethnocentrism. However, negative ethnocentrism can also result from constant emphasis on the sup e - riority of one’s own group or nation. Negative eth- nocentrism is manifested in derogatory stereotypes that ridicule recent immigrants whose customs, dress, eating habits, or religious beliefs are mark- edly diff erent from those of dominant-group mem- bers. Long-term U.S. residents who are members of racial and ethnic minority groups, such as Native Americans, African Americans, and Latinas/os, have also been the target of ethnocentric practices by other groups.

An alternative to ethnocentrism is cultural rela- tivism—the belief that the behaviors and customs of any culture must be viewed and analyzed by the culture’s own standards. For example, the anthro- pologist Marvin Harris (1974, 1985) uses cultural relativism to explain why cattle, which are viewed as sacred, are not killed and eaten in India, where widespread hunger and malnutrition exist. From an ethnocentric viewpoint, we might conclude that cow worship is the cause of the hunger and poverty in India. However, according to Harris, the Hindu taboo against killing cattle is very important to their economic system. Live cows are more valuable than dead ones because they have more important uses than as a direct source of food. As part of the ecological system, cows consume grasses of little value to humans. Th en they produce two valuable resources—oxen (the neutered off spring of cows) to power the plows and manure (for fuel and fertil- izer)—as well as milk, fl oor covering, and leather.

As Harris’s study reveals, culture must be viewed from the standpoint of those who live in a particular society.

Cultural relativism also has a downside. It may be used to excuse customs and behavior (such as cannibalism) that may violate basic human rights. Cultural relativism is a part of the sociological imagination; researchers must be aware of the cus- toms and norms of the society they are studying and then spell out their background assumptions so that others can spot possible biases in their studies. However, according to some social scientists, issues surrounding ethnocentrism and cultural relativ- ism may become less distinct in the future as peo- ple around the globe increasingly share a common popular culture. Others, of course, disagree with this perspective. Let’s see what you think.

A Global Popular Culture? Before taking this course, what was the fi rst thing you thought about when you heard the term culture? In everyday life, culture is oft en used to describe the fi ne arts, literature, and classical music. When peo- ple say that a person is “cultured,” they may mean that the individual has a highly developed sense of style or aesthetic appreciation of the “fi ner” things.

High Culture and Popular Culture Some sociologists use the concepts of high culture and popular culture to distinguish between diff er- ent cultural forms. High culture consists of clas- sical music, opera, ballet, live theater, and other activities usually patronized by elite audiences, composed primarily of members of the upper- middle and upper classes, who have the time, money, and knowledge assumed to be necessary for its appreciation. In the United States, high culture is oft en viewed as being international in scope, arriv- ing in this country through the process of diff usion, because many art forms originated in European nations or other countries of the world. By contrast, much of U.S. popular culture is oft en thought of as “homegrown” in this country. Popular culture con- sists of activities, products, and services that are assumed to appeal primarily to members of the middle and working classes. Th ese include rock concerts, spectator sports, movies, and television

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signifi cance of each item for diff erent members of the class. Focus attention on the collective meanings that begin to emerge from the exercise.

• For Discussion: Compare Bourdieu’s idea about cultural capital to ideas about social capital by Robert Putnam, who defi nes social capital as the collective value of all “social networks” and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other.

full of plot lines, music, dance—just about anything that can go in a movie” (Madhulika Sikka, ABC News, 2005). Have students watch and analyze a Bollywood fi lm as a product of Indian and global culture.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Hold a pop culture “show and tell.” Ask students

to bring to class examples of popular culture. Discuss the symbolic

soap operas and situation comedies. Although we will distinguish between “high” and “popular” cul- ture in our discussion, it is important to note that some social analysts believe that the rise of a con- sumer society in which luxury items have become more widely accessible to the masses has greatly reduced the great divide between activities and pos- sessions associated with wealthy people or a social elite (see Huyssen, 1984; Lash and Urry, 1994).

However, most sociological examinations of high culture and popular culture focus primarily on the link between culture and social class. French soci- ologist Pierre Bourdieu’s (1984) cultural capital theory views high culture as a device used by the dominant class to exclude the subordinate classes. According to Bourdieu, people must be trained to appreciate and understand high culture. Individu- als learn about high culture in upper-middle- and upper-class families and in elite education systems, especially higher education. Once they acquire this trained capacity, they possess a form of cultural capital. Persons from poor and working-class back- grounds typically do not acquire this cultural capital. Because knowledge and appreciation of high culture are considered a prerequisite for access to the domi- nant class, its members can use their cultural capi- tal to deny access to subordinate-group members and thus preserve and reproduce the existing class structure.

Forms of Popular Culture Th ree prevalent forms of popular culture are fads, fashions, and leisure activities. A fad is a temporary but widely copied activity followed enthusiastically by large numbers of people. Most fads are short- lived novelties. According to the sociologist John Lofl and (1993), fads can be divided into four major categories. First, object fads are items that people purchase despite the fact that they have little use or intrinsic value. Recent examples include Webkinz, Harry Potter wands, and SpongeBob SquarePants trading cards. Second, activity fads include pursuits such as body piercing, “surfi ng” the Internet, and the “free hugs” campaign, wherein individuals off er hugs to strangers in a public setting as a random act of kindness to make someone feel better. Th ird are idea fads, such as New Age ideologies. Fourth are personality fads—for example, those surrounding

celebrities such as Lady Gaga, Tiger Woods, Snoop Dogg, and Brad Pitt.

A fashion is a currently valued style of behavior, thinking, or appearance that is longer lasting and more widespread than a fad. Examples of fashion are found in many areas, including child rearing, education, arts, clothing, music, and sports. Soccer is an example of a fashion in sports. Until recently, only schoolchildren played soccer in the United States. Now it has become a popular sport, perhaps in part because of immigration from Latin America and other areas of the world where soccer is widely played.

Like soccer, other forms of popular culture move across nations. In fact, popular culture is one of the United States’ largest exports to other nations. Of the world’s 100 most-attended fi lms in the 1990s, for example, 88 were produced by U.S.-based fi lm

▲ Is this wristband an example of a fad or a fashion?

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ethnocentrism the practice of judging all other cultures by one’s own culture.

cultural relativism the belief that the behaviors and customs of any culture must be viewed and analyzed by the culture’s own standards.

high culture classical music, opera, ballet, live theater, and other activities usually patronized by elite audiences.

popular culture the component of culture that consists of activities, products, and services that are assumed to appeal primarily to members of the middle and working classes.

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which mark off their acts from those of the profane world” (Bronislaw Malinowski).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Have students work in teams to create a list of biological needs, instrumental needs, and integrative needs.

• Active Learning: Have students write a brief answer to this question: What is the function of religion? Have them respond to this statement: “Both magic and religion are based strictly on mythological tradition, and they also both exist in the atmosphere of the miraculous, in a constant revelation of their wonder-working power. They both are surrounded by taboos and observances

companies. Likewise, music, television shows, nov- els, and street fashions from the United States have become a part of many other cultures. In turn, people in this country continue to be strongly infl u- enced by popular culture from other nations. For example, contemporary music and clothing in the United States refl ect African, Caribbean, and Asian cultural infl uences, among others.

Will the spread of popular culture produce a homogeneous global culture? Critics argue that the world is not developing a global culture; rather, other cultures are becoming westernized. Political and religious leaders in some nations oppose this process, which they view as cultural imperial- ism—the extensive infusion of one nation’s cul- ture into other nations. For example, some view the widespread infusion of the English language into countries that speak other languages as a form of cultural imperialism. On the other hand, the concept of cultural imperialism may fail to take into account various cross-cultural infl uences. For example, cultural diff usion of literature, music, clothing, and food has occurred on a global scale. A global culture, if it comes into existence, will most likely include components from many societies and cultures.

Sociological Analysis of Culture Sociologists regard culture as a central ingredient in human behavior. Although all sociologists share a similar purpose, they typically see culture through somewhat diff erent lenses as they are guided by diff erent theoretical perspectives in their research. What do these perspectives tell us about culture?

Functionalist Perspectives As previously discussed, functionalist perspec- tives are based on the assumption that society is a stable, orderly system with interrelated parts that serve specifi c functions. Anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1922) suggested that culture helps peo- ple meet their biological needs (including food and procreation), instrumental needs (including law and education), and integrative needs (including religion and art). Societies in which people share a common language and core values are more likely to have consensus and harmony.

How might functionalist analysts view popu- lar culture? According to many functionalist theo- rists, popular culture serves a signifi cant function in society in that it may be the “glue” which holds society together. Regardless of race, class, sex, age, or other characteristics, many people are brought together (at least in spirit) to cheer teams compet- ing in major sporting events such as the Super Bowl and the Olympic Games. Television and the Inter- net help integrate recent immigrants into the main- stream culture, whereas longer-term residents may become more homogenized as a result of seeing the same images and being exposed to the same beliefs and values (Gerbner et al., 1987).

However, functionalists acknowledge that all societies have dysfunctions which produce a vari- ety of societal problems. When a society contains numerous subcultures, discord results from a lack of consensus about core values. In fact, popular culture may undermine core cultural values rather than reinforce them. For example, movies may glo- rify crime, rather than hard work, as the quickest way to get ahead. According to some analysts, exces- sive violence in music videos, movies, and television programs may be harmful to children and young people. From this perspective, popular culture can be a factor in antisocial behavior as seemingly diverse as hate crimes and fatal shootings in public schools.

A strength of the functionalist perspective on culture is its focus on the needs of society and the fact that stability is essential for society’s continued survival. A shortcoming is its overemphasis on har- mony and cooperation. Th is approach also fails to fully account for factors embedded in the structure of society—such as class-based inequalities, racism, and sexism—that may contribute to confl ict among people in the United States or to global strife.

Confl ict Perspectives Confl ict perspectives are based on the assumption that social life is a continuous struggle in which members of powerful groups seek to control scarce resources. According to this approach, values and norms help create and sustain the privileged position of the powerful in society while excluding others. As early confl ict theorist Karl Marx stressed, ideas are cultural creations of a society’s most powerful

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• IRM: Questions for Discussion: What did Karl Marx mean by the statement that ideas are cultural creations of a society’s most powerful members (ideological hegemony)?

members. Th us, it is possible for political, economic, and social leaders to use ideology—an integrated system of ideas that is external to, and coercive of, people—to maintain their positions of dominance in a society. As Marx stated,

Th e ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e., the class which is the ruling material force in society, is at the same time, its ruling intellectual force. Th e class, which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of men- tal production. . . . Th e ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas. (Marx and Engels, 1970/1845–1846: 64)

Many contemporary confl ict theorists agree with Marx’s assertion that ideas, a nonmaterial com- ponent of culture, are used by agents of the ruling class to aff ect the thoughts and actions of mem- bers of other classes. Th e role of the mass media in infl uencing people’s thinking about the foods that they should—or should not—eat is an example of ideological control (see the Framing Culture in the Media box).

How might confl ict theorists view popular cul- ture? Some confl ict theorists believe that popular culture, which originated with everyday people, has been largely removed from their domain and has become nothing more than a part of the capitalist economy in the United States (Gans, 1974; Cantor, 1980, 1987). From this approach, media conglomer- ates such as Time Warner, Disney, and Viacom create

popular culture, such as fi lms, television shows, and amusement parks, in the same way that they would produce any other product or service. Creating new popular culture also promotes consumption of commodities—objects outside ourselves that we purchase to satisfy our human needs or wants (Fjellman, 1992). According to contemporary social analysts, consumption—even of things that we do not necessarily need—has become prevalent at all social levels, and some middle- and lower-income individuals and families now use as their frame of reference the lifestyles of the more affl uent in their communities. As a result, many families live on credit in order to purchase the goods and services that they would like to have or that keep them on the competitive edge with their friends, neighbors, and coworkers (Schor, 1999).

Other conflict theorists examine the intertwin- ing relationship among race, gender, and popular culture. According to the sociologist K. Sue Jewell (1993), popular cultural images are often linked to negative stereotypes of people of color, partic- ularly African American women. Jewell believes that cultural images depicting African American women as mammies or domestics—such as those previously used in Aunt Jemima Pancake ads and recent resurrections of films such as Gone with the Wind—affect contemporary black women’s economic prospects in profound ways (Jewell, 1993).

cultural imperialism the extensive infusion of one nation’s culture into other nations.

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The decision to hold the 2008 Summer Olympics in China was a controversial one, as demonstrated by the protests that popped up along the Olympic torch relay.

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• Media Coverage: “. . . [D]eregulation has paved the way for a few media companies to dominate the country’s information distribution system. Over the past two decades the number of major U.S. media companies fell by more than one-half; most of the survivors are controlled by fewer than ten huge media conglomerates” (Rep. Maurice Hinchey, The Nation, 2006). Ask about the dangers and advantages of media conglomeration.

• Research: “The CNN Eff ect,” the creation of a 24-hour news reporting cycle, has infl uenced U.S. foreign policy. Have students research the view of Steven Livingston (George Washington University) that the media may function alternately or simultaneously as (1) a policy agenda-setting agent, (2) an impediment to the achievement of desired policy goals, and (3) an accelerant to policy decision making.

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The agonizing decision to pick Yale over Harvard didn’t come down only to academics for Philip Gant. . . . It also came down to his tummy. And his eco-savvy. . . . When he chose Yale last year, Gant wasn’t swayed by its running tab of presidential alumni: President Bush, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, Gerald Ford and William Howard Taft. He was more impressed by Yale’s leading-edge dedication to serving “sustainable” food. . . . In addition to wanting sustainable food, students such as Gant want it to be organic: grown without pesticides, herbicides, antibiotics or hormones.

—USA Today reporting that “More University Students Call for Organic, ‘Sustainable’ Food” (Horovitz, 2006)

You may ask “What does a newspaper article about univer- sity cafeterias and organic food have to do with culture?” The answer is simple: Food is very much a part of all cultures. What we eat and how it is grown and prepared are a product of the culture of the society in which we live. Fads and fashions in food may come and go, but we often become aware of them as a result of mass media such as television, magazines, news- papers, and the Internet. Our ideas may be infl uenced by me- dia framing of stories about food and eating habits. The term media framing refers to the process by which information and entertainment are packaged by the mass media (newspapers, magazines, radio and television networks and stations, and the Internet) before being presented to an audience. This pro- cess includes factors such as the amount of exposure given to a story, where it is placed, the positive or negative tone it con- veys, and its accompanying headlines, photographs, or other visual or auditory eff ects (if any). Through framing, the media emphasize some beliefs and values over others and manipu- late salience by directing people’s attention to some ideas while ignoring others. As such, a frame constitutes a story line or an unfolding narrative about an issue. These narratives are organizations of experience that bring order to events. Conse- quently, such narratives wield power because they infl uence how we make sense of the world (Kendall, 2005).

Media framing of food takes place in television networks and magazines, some of which are devoted solely to the topic of food. There are stories and articles about food on an almost daily basis in the other forms of mass media.

So why did USA Today report on Philip Gant’s concerns about campus food? At least in part, the article resulted from a recent emphasis on organic food reporting in the media. Organic food refers to crops that are grown without the use of

You Are What You Eat?

framing culture in the media 66

artifi cial fertilizers or most pesticides and that are processed without ionizing radiation or food additives, and to meat that is raised without antibiotics or growth hormones.

What most of us know about the “good” and “bad” sides of organic foods comes from the media. According to some media analysts, organic foods contain some nutrients that are not present in commercial foods, and organic foods do not have certain toxins that may be present in commercial foods (Crinnion, 1995). As one journalist stated, organic food meth- ods “honor the fragile complexity of our ecosystem, the health of those who work the land, and the long-term well-being of customers who enjoy [the] harvest . . .” (Shapin, 2006). How- ever, not all media reports agree on this issue: Some sources note that pesticides are used on organic farms (Idaho Asso- ciation of Soil Conservation Districts, 2004) and that organic foods typically cost the consumer more money.

How a story about food is framed has a major eff ect on how each of us feels about the subject of that story. When the media report that some type of food—spinach, packaged sal- ads, or some brand of peanut butter—is being recalled by the manufacturer due to health concerns, for example, we may quit buying that particular product for a while.

Thinking specifi cally about the production of food, the media often use the term “Big Agra” to describe the major corporations around the globe that grow and market much of the food that we eat. These megacorporations own giant cultivated tracts that use procedures intended to maximize the crop yield, harvest that crop (whether plants or animals) at the lowest price possible, and distribute the crop to mar- kets in the United States and other countries. Maximizing crop yield involves the use of chemicals and pesticides—and cheap labor. “Big Agra” obviously has a stake in the battle over how the media frame stories that compare its foods with organic foods; the organic food industry also has a stake in the battle. Accordingly, both sides attempt to infl uence how stories about their products are framed in the media because that can make a big diff erence in their respective profi ts. Whether it is fast food or fresh spinach, they want to have an impact on what you buy and where you buy it.

refl ect & analyze What factors aff ect your perceptions of what is “good” food and “bad” food? Are these factors infl uenced by advertis- ing and media framing?

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• For Discussion: According to Jean Baudrillard, “America is a desert. It is a vast cultural void where the real and the unreal are merged so completely that distinctions between them disappear. People’s whole lives are played out as if part of a fi lm or soap opera. The masses no longer make themselves evident as a class; they have been swamped by so much meaning that they have lost

all meaning.” Do students fi nd this assessment accurate, fair, and resonant?

• Research: Have the class examine whether Baudrillard’s claims about Disney can be applied to other aspects of postmodern culture: “Disney wins at yet another level. It is not only interested in erasing the real by turning it into a three-dimensional virtual image with no depth, but it also seeks to erase time by synchronizing

A strength of the confl ict perspective is that it stresses how cultural values and norms may perpet- uate social inequalities. It also highlights the inevi- tability of change and the constant tension between those who want to maintain the status quo and those who desire change. A limitation is its focus on societal discord and the divisiveness of culture.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Unlike functionalists and confl ict theorists, who focus primarily on macrolevel concerns, symbolic interactionists engage in a microlevel analysis that views society as the sum of all people’s interactions. From this perspective, people create, maintain, and modify culture as they go about their every- day activities. Symbols make communication with others possible because they provide us with shared meanings.

According to some symbolic interactionists, peo- ple continually negotiate their social realities. Values and norms are not independent realities that auto- matically determine our behavior. Instead, we rein- terpret them in each social situation we encounter. However, the classical sociologist Georg Simmel warned that the larger cultural world—including both material culture and nonmaterial culture— eventually takes on a life of its own apart from the actors who daily re-create social life. As a result, indi- viduals may be more controlled by culture than they realize. Simmel (1990/1907) suggested that money is an example of how people may be controlled by their culture. According to Simmel, people initially cre- ate money as a means of exchange, but then money acquires a social meaning that extends beyond its purely economic function. Money becomes an end in itself, rather than a means to an end. Today, we are aware of the relative “worth” not only of objects but also of individuals. Many people revere wealthy entrepreneurs and highly paid celebrities, entertain- ers, and sports fi gures for the amount of money they make, not for their intrinsic qualities. According to Simmel (1990/1907), money makes it possible for us to relativize everything, including our relationships with other people. When social life can be reduced to money, people become cynical, believing that any- thing—including people, objects, beauty, and truth— can be bought if we can pay the price. Although

Simmel acknowledged the positive functions of money, he believed that the social interpretations people give to money oft en produce individual feel- ings of cynicism and isolation.

A symbolic interactionist approach highlights how people maintain and change culture through their interactions with others. However, interaction- ism does not provide a systematic framework for analyzing how we shape culture and how it, in turn, shapes us. It also does not provide insight into how shared meanings are developed among people, and it does not take into account the many situations in which there is disagreement on meanings. Whereas the functional and confl ict approaches tend to over- emphasize the macrolevel workings of society, the interactionist viewpoint oft en fails to take these larger social structures into account.

Postmodernist Perspectives Postmodernist theorists believe that much of what has been written about culture in the Western world is Eurocentric—that it is based on the uncritical assumption that European culture (including its dis- persed versions in countries such as the United States, Australia, and South Africa) is the true, universal cul- ture in which all the world’s people ought to believe (Lemert, 1997). By contrast, postmodernists believe that we should speak of cultures, rather than culture.

However, Jean Baudrillard, one of the best-known French social theorists and key fi gures in postmod- ern theory, believes that the world of culture today is based on simulation, not reality. According to Baudrillard, social life is much more a spectacle that simulates reality than reality itself. Many U.S. chil- dren, upon entering school for the fi rst time, have already watched more hours of television than the total number of hours of classroom instruction they will encounter in their entire school careers (Lemert, 1997). Add to this the number of hours that some children will have spent playing computer games or using the Internet, where they oft en fi nd that it is more interesting to deal with imaginary heroes and villains than to interact with “real people” in real life. Baudrillard refers to this social creation as hyperreality—a situation in which the simulation of reality is more real than experiencing the event itself and having any actual connection with what is taking place. For Baudrillard, everyday life has been

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all the periods, all the cultures, in a single traveling motion, by juxtaposing them in a single scenario.”

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: “Americans spent $22 billion on luxury bathrooms last year—about 10 times what the federal government spent on AIDS research” (Washington Post). How might this statistic refl ect a culture of simulation?

captured by the signs and symbols generated to rep- resent it, and we ultimately relate to simulations and models as if they were reality.

Baudrillard (1983) uses Disneyland as an example of a simulation—one that conceals the reality that exists outside rather than inside the boundaries of the artifi cial perimeter. According to Baudrillard, Disney- like theme parks constitute a form of seduction that substitutes symbolic (seductive) power for real power, particularly the ability to bring about social change. From this perspective, amusement park “guests” may feel like “survivors” aft er enduring the rapid speed and gravity-defying movements of the roller-coaster rides or see themselves as “ winners” aft er surviving fi ghts with hideous cartoon villains on the “dark rides.” In reality, they have been made to appear to have power, but they do not actually possess any real power.

Similarly, the anthropologist Stephen M. Fjell- man (1992) studied Disney World in Orlando, Flor- ida, and noted that people may forget, at least briefl y, that the outside world can be threatening while they stroll Disney World’s streets without fear of crime or automobiles. Although this freedom may be tem- porarily empowering, it may also lull people into accepting a “worldview that presents an idealized

United States as heaven. . . . How nice if they could all be like us—with kids, a dog, and General Elec- tric appliances—in a world whose only problems are avoiding Captain Hook, the witch’s apple, and Toad Hall weasels” (Fjellman, 1992: 317).

In their examination of culture, postmodernist social theorists thus make us aware of the fact that no single perspective can grasp the complexity and diversity of the social world. Th ere is no one, single, universal culture. Th ey also make us aware that reality may not be what it seems. Accord- ing to the postmodernist view, no one authority can claim to know social reality, and we should deconstruct—take apart and subject to intense critical scrutiny—existing beliefs and theories about culture in hopes of gaining new insights (Ritzer, 1997).

Although postmodern theories of culture have been criticized on a number of grounds, we will mention only three. One criticism is postmod- ernism’s lack of a clear conceptualization of ideas. Another is the tendency to critique other perspec- tives as being “grand narratives,” whereas postmod- ernists off er their own varieties of such narratives. Finally, some analysts believe that postmodern

People of all ages are spending many hours each week using computers, playing video games, and watching television. How is this behavior diff erent from the ways in which people enjoyed popular culture in previous generations?

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• For Discussion: Play the song by the Barenaked Ladies, “If I Had a Million Dollars.” Ask your class to think about what’s really not for sale these days. Focus on Simmel’s idea that money makes everything relative. Does it? Have students make a list of what’s not for sale in contemporary culture.

• Active Learning: Ask students this: In what kind of future would you like to live? Based on what they have read in Chapter 2, ask the class to write down their ideas about the future of our culture. Encourage students to balance any pessimistic ideas with optimistic hopes and dreams. What are some specifi c ways that they can become active participants in changing culture for the better?

analyses of culture lead to profound pessimism about the future.

Th is chapter’s Concept Quick Review summa- rizes the components of culture as well as how the four major perspectives view it.

Culture in the Future As we have discussed in this chapter, many changes are occurring in the United States. Increasing cul- tural diversity can either cause long-simmering racial and ethnic antagonisms to come closer to

Analysis of Culture

[ concept quick review 2.1 ]

Components of Culture Symbol Anything that meaningfully represents something else.

Language A set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another.

Values Collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particular culture.

Norms Established rules of behavior or standards of conduct.

Sociological Analysis of Culture Functionalist Perspectives Culture helps people meet their biological, instrumental, and expressive needs.

Confl ict Perspectives Ideas are a cultural creation of society’s most powerful members and can be used by the ruling class to aff ect the thoughts and actions of members of other classes.

Symbolic Interactionist People create, maintain, and modify culture during their Perspectives everyday activities; however, cultural creations can take on a life of their own and end up controlling people.

Postmodern Perspectives Much of culture today is based on simulation of reality (e.g., what we see on television) rather than reality itself.

In recent years, there has been a signifi cant increase in the number of immigrants who have become U.S. citizens. However, an upsurge in anti-immigrant sentiment has put pressure on the Border Patrol and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service, which are charged with enforcing immigration laws.

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• IRM: Lecture Ideas: Journalist Thomas L. Friedman has written about the culture clash caused in part by globalization. There are a number of very clearly presented examples in his books that may enrich your presentation. He also has a blog site that you can use to keep up with his work: thomaslfriedman.com.

• IRM: Questions for Discussion: What will be the dominant cultural patterns in the United States and around the world in the twenty- fi rst century? Include technology, global culture, and cultural imperialism in your discussion/debate.

• Box Note: Sociology Works! Ask students to work in small groups to discuss the Refl ect & Analyze questions. This could also be a topic for a short refl ective essay.

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a boiling point or result in the creation of a truly “rainbow culture” in which diversity is respected and encouraged.

In the future, the issue of cultural diversity will increase in importance, especially in schools. Multi- cultural education that focuses on the contributions of a wide variety of people from diff erent back- grounds will continue to be an issue of controversy from kindergarten through college. In the Los Ange- les school district, for example, students speak more than 114 diff erent languages and dialects. Schools will face the challenge of embracing widespread

cultural diversity while conveying a sense of com- munity and national identity to students (see “Soci- ology Works!”).

Technology will continue to have a profound eff ect on culture. Television and radio, fi lms and vid- eos, and electronic communications will continue to accelerate the fl ow of information and expand cultural diff usion throughout the world. Global communication devices will move images of peo- ple’s lives, behavior, and fashions instantaneously among almost all nations. Increasingly, computers and cyberspace will become people’s window on the

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Sociology makes us aware of the importance of culture in daily life. Research in sociology has also shown the signifi - cance of schools and friendship groups in exposing children and young people to cultures that are diff erent from their own. Recent studies have shown that it may be easier for children to set aside their diff erences and get to know one another than it is for adults to do so. Consider what is happening among some children at International Community School, an innovative Decatur, Georgia, school where some students were born in the United States, but most are refugees from as many as forty war-torn countries: This school has become a “laboratory for getting along,” particularly as some of the children have taken the initiative to befriend and help others (St. John, 2007). An excellent example is the friendship that developed between nine-year-old Dante Ramirez and Soung Oo Hlaing, an eleven- year-old Burmese refugee who spoke no English:

The two boys met on the fi rst day of school this year. Despite the language barrier, Dante managed to invite the newcomer to sit with him at lunch.

”I didn’t think he’d make friends at the beginning because he didn’t speak that much English,” Dante said. “So I thought I should be his friend.”

In the next weeks, the boys had a sleepover. They trick- or-treated on Soung’s fi rst Halloween. Soung, a gifted artist, gave Dante pointers on how to draw. And Dante helped

Soung with his English. “I use simple words that are easy to know and sometimes hand movements,” Dante explained. “For ‘huge,’ I would make my hands bigger. And for ‘big,’ I would make my hands smaller than for huge.” (St. John, 2007: A14)

Over time, as the boys got to know each other better, their mothers also developed a friendship and began to celebrate ethnic holidays together even though they largely relied on gestures (a form of nonverbal communication) to communi- cate with each other. Only time will tell how successful this “laboratory” will be in helping people from diverse cultures get along, but from a sociological perspective, community ef- forts such as this are clearly a right start.

Sociologists believe that it is important for cross-cultural communications and cooperation to develop among individ- uals from diverse cultural backgrounds who now share com- mon spaces. If a chance exists for greater understanding and cooperation in the twenty-fi rst century, it may well originate in the small-group interactions of children in settings such as this school.

refl ect & analyze What examples can you provide that show how sociology works in regard to culture on your own college campus or in the community where you reside?

Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along

sociology works! 70

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71 world and, in the process, promote greater integration or fragmentation among nations. Integration occurs when there is a widespread acceptance of ideas and items—such as democracy, rock music, blue jeans, and McDonald’s hamburgers—among cultures. By contrast, fragmentation occurs when people in one culture disdain the beliefs and actions of other cul- tures. As a force for both cultural integration and fragmentation, technology will continue to revo- lutionize communications, but most of the world’s population will not participate in this revolution.

From a sociological perspective, the study of culture helps us not only understand our own

“tool kit” of symbols, stories, rituals, and world views but also expand our insights to include those of other people of the world, who also seek strat- egies for enhancing their own lives. If we under- stand how culture is used by people, how cultural elements constrain or further certain patterns of action, what aspects of our cultural heritage have enduring effects on our actions, and what spe- cific historical changes undermine the validity of some cultural patterns and give rise to others, we can apply our sociological imagination not only to our own society but to the entire world as well (see Swidler, 1986).

chapter review ● What is culture?

Culture is the knowledge, language, values, and cus- toms passed from one generation to the next in a human group or society. Culture can be either mate- rial or nonmaterial. Material culture consists of the physical creations of society. Nonmaterial culture is more abstract and refl ects the ideas, values, and beliefs of a society.

● What are cultural universals?

Cultural universals are customs and practices that exist in all societies and include activities and insti- tutions such as storytelling, families, and laws. How- ever, specifi c forms of these universals vary from one cultural group to another.

● What are the four nonmaterial components of culture that are common to all societies?

Th ese components are symbols, language, values, and norms. Symbols express shared meanings; through them, groups communicate cultural ideas and abstract concepts. Language is a set of symbols through which groups communicate. Values are a culture’s collective ideas about what is acceptable or not acceptable. Norms are the specifi c behavioral expectations within a culture.

● What are the main types of norms?

Folkways are norms that express the everyday cus- toms of a group, whereas mores are norms with strong moral and ethical connotations, and are essential to the stability of a culture. Laws are for- mal, standardized norms that are enforced by for- mal sanctions.

● What are high culture and popular culture?

High culture consists of classical music, opera, bal- let, and other activities usually patronized by elite audiences. Popular culture consists of the activi- ties, products, and services of a culture that appeal primarily to members of the middle and working classes.

● How is cultural diversity refl ected in society?

Cultural diversity is reflected through race, eth- nicity, age, sexual orientation, religion, occupa- tion, and so forth. A diverse culture also includes subcultures and countercultures. A subculture has distinctive ideas and behaviors that differ from the larger society to which it belongs. A counterculture rejects the dominant societal val- ues and norms.

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● What are culture shock, ethnocentrism, and cultural relativism?

Culture shock refers to the anxiety that people experience when they encounter cultures radi- cally diff erent from their own. Ethnocentrism is the assumption that one’s own culture is superior to others. Cultural relativism views and analyzes another culture in terms of that culture’s own values and standards.

● How do the major sociological perspectives view culture?

A functionalist analysis of culture assumes that a common language and shared values help produce

consensus and harmony. According to some confl ict theorists, culture may be used by certain groups to maintain their privilege and exclude others from society’s benefi ts. Symbolic interactionists suggest that people create, maintain, and modify culture as they go about their everyday activities. Postmodern thinkers believe that there are many cultures within the United States alone. In order to grasp a better understanding of how popular culture may simulate reality rather than be reality, postmodernists believe that we need a new way of conceptualizing culture and society.

key terms beliefs 44

counterculture 61

cultural imperialism 64

cultural lag 55

cultural relativism 62

cultural universals 44

culture 41

culture shock 61

ethnocentrism 62

folkways 54

high culture 62

language 48

laws 55

material culture 43

mores 54

nonmaterial culture 43

norms 54

popular culture 62

sanctions 54

Sapir–Whorf hypothesis 48

subculture 58

symbol 46

taboos 54

technology 55

value contradictions 53

values 51

questions for critical thinking 1. Would it be possible today to live in a totally sepa-

rate culture in the United States? Could you avoid all infl uences from the mainstream popular culture or from the values and norms of other cultures? How would you be able to avoid any change in your culture?

2. Do fads and fashions refl ect and reinforce or challenge and change the values and norms of a society? Consider a wide variety of fads and

fashions: musical styles; computer and video games and other technologies; literature; and po- litical, social, and religious ideas.

3. You are doing a survey analysis of recent immi- grants to the United States to determine the eff ects of popular culture on their views and behavior. What are some of the questions you would use in your survey?

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Watch the ABC video Best Ever? Healthy Nation (running time 3:50), available through CengageBrain.com. This video presents research fi ndings showing that for the fi rst time in fi fty years, the average American’s cholesterol level is in the healthy range. As you watch the video, think about your own diet (and cholesterol

level, if you know it). After you’ve watched the video, consider these questions: In what ways is your diet infl uenced by cultural factors? How would you rate the overall healthfulness of your diet, especially those aspects of it that may be culturally infl uenced?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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▲ For students attending college for the fi rst time, the socialization process is complex and immediate. What socialization issues did you face during your fi rst term in higher education?

Nothing could have gone more wrong for me on my fi rst day [as a student] at Penn State. I didn’t know who Joe Paterno [the school’s long-time, championship-winning football coach] is or why the library is named after him. I hadn’t bought any of my books yet because I thought they would be passed out to me as was customary in high school, and, worst of all, I had never really read a map on my own before so fi nding the classrooms in the huge main campus was really hard. Avoid looking like an idiot on your fi rst day of higher education by following a few pieces of advice, all of which revolve around the two most important things I learned about being a college student: stay organized and make friends whenever possible. . . . Good luck on your fi rst day!

—As a student, Mdmse. Amelie (2010) found that she was completely unprepared for the fi rst day of college, so she now helps other students with the socialization process by providing Web tips on how to survive in college.

The white coat ceremony . . . was intended to herald our introduction into the [Harvard Medical School] community on our fi rst day of medical school. While not the long coat of a physician or resident, the white coat signaled our medical affi liation and diff erentiated us from the civilian visitors and volunteers.

This was not an affi liation I was ready to claim as a fi rst-year medical student. Over the course of the year, after taking courses in anatomy, pharmacology, physiology, genetics, and embryology, I was more deeply impressed by how little I knew than by how much I had

Socialization

Chapter Focus Question

How does socialization occur throughout our lives, including our

college years?

learned. Yet every Monday in our Patient–Doctor course I found myself in my white coat interviewing still another patient.

Despite the uncertainty of my place in the medical world, my white coat ushered me into the foreign world of the patient– doctor dynamic. . . . These weekly interviews as part of our Patient–Doctor course were about learning the important questions, the right mannerisms, and the appropriate responses to our patients. Our instructors taught us to take a careful, methodical history, which I more or less skillfully replicated every week with a diff erent patient. Although the goal of these weekly patient interactions was to discover a person’s experience with illness, these interviews were more about my learning process than about the patient’s story. . . .

When I interviewed patients, they saw my white coat. . . . The white coat masked my youth. It masked my inexperience. It masked my nervousness. Yet in the medical world my white coat did not off er the solace of anonymity but forced me to take on power that I was not ready to accept. —Ellen Lerner Rothman, M.D. (1999: 2–3), describing the professional socialization process that she and most other medical students encounter in the early years of their training as they learn what is expected of them as doctors in training and how to communicate most eff ectively with patients

In this chapter ● Why Is Socialization

Important Around the Globe?

● Social Psychological Theories of Human Development

● Sociological Theories of Human Development

● Agents of Socialization

● Gender and Racial–Ethnic Socialization

● Socialization Through the Life Course

● Resocialization

● Socialization in the Future

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• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, videos, PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• Research: Have students research the views of Steven Pinker, who challenges traditional concepts of socialization from an evolutionary biology perspective, in books such as The Blank Slate:

“No one denies the importance of learning, socialization, and the creation and transmission of culture. The question is, how do they work? You need some kind of innate machinery to accomplish learning and socialization, and the creation and transmission of culture” (APA Monitor on Psychology).

self-identity and the physical, mental, and social skills needed for survival in society. It is the essen- tial link between the individual and society because it helps us to become aware of ourselves as a part of the larger groups and organizations of which we are a part. Socialization also helps us to learn how to communicate with other people and to have knowl- edge of how other people expect us to behave in a variety of social settings. Briefl y stated, socialization enables us to develop our human potential and to learn the ways of thinking, talking, and acting that are necessary for social living.

Socialization is most crucial during childhood because it is essential for the individual’s survival and for human development. Th e many people who met the early material and social needs of each of us were central to our establishing our own iden- tity. During the fi rst three years of our life, we begin to develop both a unique identity and the ability to manipulate things and to walk. We acquire sophisti- cated cognitive tools for thinking and for analyzing a wide variety of situations, and we learn eff ective communication skills. In the process, we begin a socialization process that takes place throughout our lives and through which we also have an eff ect on other people who watch us.

Socialization is also essential for the survival and stability of society. Members of a society must be socialized to support and maintain the exist- ing social structure. From a functionalist perspec- tive, individual conformity to existing norms is not taken for granted; rather, basic individual needs and desires must be balanced against the needs of the social structure. Th e socialization process is most eff ective when people conform to the norms of soci- ety because they believe that doing so is the best course of action. Socialization enables a society to “reproduce” itself by passing on its culture from one generation to the next.

Although the techniques used to teach newcom- ers the beliefs, values, and rules of behavior are somewhat similar in many nations, the content of socialization diff ers greatly from society to society. How people walk, talk, eat, make love, and wage war are all functions of the culture in which they are raised. At the same time, we are also infl uenced by our exposure to subcultures of class, race, eth- nicity, religion, and gender. In addition, each of us has unique experiences in our family and friendship

W hat do the comments by Mdmse. Amelie and Dr. Ellen Lerner Roth-man have in common? Sociologically speaking, their statements express concern about the socialization process and how we learn to adapt when we join a new social organiza- tion. Many of us experience stress when we take on new and seemingly unfamiliar roles and fi nd that we must learn the appropriate norms regarding how persons in a specifi c role should think, act, and communicate with others.

Look around in your classes at the beginning of each semester, and you will probably see other students who are trying to fi nd out what is going to be expected of them as a student in a particular course. What is the course going to cover? What are the instructor’s requirements? How should students communicate with the instructor and other students in the class? Some information of this type is learned through formal instruction, such as in a classroom, but much of what we know about school is learned informally through our observations of other people, by listening to what they say when we are in their physical presence, or through interacting with them by cell phone, e-mail, or text messaging when we are apart. Sociologists use the term socialization to refer to both the formal and informal processes by which people learn a new role and fi nd out how to be a part of a group or organization. As we shall see in this chapter, this process takes place throughout our life.

In this chapter, we examine the process of socializa- tion and identify reasons why socialization is crucial to the well-being of individuals, groups, and societies. We discuss both sociological and social psychologi- cal theories of human development. We look at the dynamics of socialization—how it occurs and what shapes it. Th roughout the chapter, we focus on posi- tive and negative aspects of the socialization process, including the daily stresses that may be involved in this process. Before reading on, test your knowledge about socialization and the college experience by tak- ing the quiz in the Sociology and Everyday Life box.

Why Is Socialization Important Around the Globe? Socialization is the lifelong process of social interaction through which individuals acquire a

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• Active Learning: Ask your class members to make a short list of all the characteristics that make them human. Steer them away from biological characteristics and toward social ones. Which characteristics were taught and learned through socialization? Do all humans share in these characteristics?

• Active Learning: Class members should take the quiz in pairs. Wait and check answers together as a class. Which questions did most

members of the class seem to miss? Use these to shape your class discussions and presentations.

• U.S. Census: The 2000 Census data showed that among the 11.3 million children younger than fi ve whose mothers were employed, 30 percent were cared for on a regular basis by a grandparent during their mother’s working hours. A slightly greater percentage spent time in an organized care facility, such as a day-

humans diff er from nonhuman animals because we lack instincts and must rely on learning for our sur- vival. Human infants have the potential to develop human characteristics if they are exposed to an ade- quate socialization process.

Every human being is a product of biology, soci- ety, and personal experiences—that is, of hered- ity and environment or, in even more basic terms, “nature” and “nurture.” How much of our develop- ment can be explained by socialization? How much by our genetic heritage? Sociologists focus on how humans design their own culture and transmit it from generation to generation through socializa- tion. By contrast, sociobiologists assert that nature, in the form of our genetic makeup, is a major fac- tor in shaping human behavior. Sociobiology is the systematic study of how biology aff ects social behavior (Wilson, 1975). According to the zoologist Edward O. Wilson, who pioneered sociobiology,

groupings. Th e kind of human being that we become depends greatly on the particular society and social groups that surround us at birth and during early childhood. What we believe about ourselves, our society, and the world does not spring full-blown from inside ourselves; rather, we learn these things from our interactions with others.

Human Development: Biology and Society What does it mean to be “human”? To be human includes being conscious of ourselves as individuals with unique identities, personalities, and relation- ships with others. As humans, we have ideas, emo- tions, and values. We have the capacity to think and to make rational decisions. But what is the source of “humanness”? Are we born with these human characteristics, or do we develop them through our interactions with others?

When we are born, we are totally dependent on others for our survival. We cannot turn ourselves over, speak, reason, plan, or do many of the things that are associated with being human. Although we can nurse, wet, and cry, most small mammals can also do those things. As discussed in Chapter 2, we

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True False

T F 1. Professors are the primary agents of socialization for college students. T F 2. In recent studies, few students report that they spend time studying with other students. T F 3. Many students fi nd that taking college courses is stressful because it is an abrupt change from high school. T F 4. Law and medical students often report that they experience a high level of academic pressure because they

know their classmates were top students during their undergraduate years. T F 5. Academic stress may be positive for students: It does not necessarily trigger psychological stress. T F 6. College students typically fi nd the socialization process in higher education to be less stressful than the profes-

sional socialization process they experience when they enter an occupation or profession. T F 7. Students who have paid employment (outside of school) experience higher levels of stress than students who

are not employed during their college years. T F 8. Getting good grades and completing schoolwork are the top sources of stress reported by college students.

Answers on page 78.

How Much Do You Know About Socialization and the College Experience?

sociology and everyday life 77

socialization the lifelong process of social interac- tion through which individuals acquire a self-identity and the physical, mental, and social skills needed for survival in society.

sociobiology the systematic study of how biology aff ects social behavior.

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of both nature and nurture. Do this before you present a lecture on the topic so that your class will be prepared to think about the subject.

care center, nursery, or preschool. Meanwhile, 25 percent received care from their fathers, 3 percent from siblings, and 8 percent from other relatives when mothers went to work.

• Active Learning: Have the class write for ten minutes. Ask each student to write about specifi c ways that he or she is a product

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1. False. Numerous studies have concluded that although professors are important in helping students learn about the aca- demic side of the college experience, our friends and acquaintances help us adapt to higher education.

2. False. A recent study reported in The Chronicle of Higher Education found that 87.7 percent of fi rst-year students at four-year colleges stated that they studied with other students. Similar data are not available for students at two-year schools. Would this percentage be higher, lower, or about the same at two-year and community colleges?

3. True. The college environment is stressful for many students who fi nd that it is an abrupt change from high school be- cause workloads increase, students are expected to manage their time independently and eff ectively, and grades are increasingly important for a person’s career goals and other future endeavors.

4. True. The competitive nature of the admission process in law schools and medical schools virtually guarantees that new students will be surrounded by classmates who were exceptional students during their undergraduate years. How- ever, this level of achievement may be a source of stimulation for some students rather than a source of discomfort and stress.

5. True. Some amount of academic stress may be positive in helping students reach their academic and career goals; how- ever, excessive stress may be detrimental if it results in high levels of psychological stress or problematic behaviors such as alcohol abuse.

6. False. Recent studies that found that stress levels among college students are higher than those of people entering a new occupation or profession. For this reason, students are encouraged to develop good coping skills and build support networks of friends, family, and other individuals in the college community so that they have someone they can turn to if they believe that the pressure has become excessive.

7. False. Although numerous studies have been conducted to determine whether or not paid employment (outside of school) contributes to higher stress levels among college students, most research has not shown a signifi cant rela- tionship between the number of hours worked and levels of stress among students. Earning more money for school and personal expenses appears to off set additional time and responsibility in the workplace.

8. True. The two top stressors most frequently reported on college campuses are getting good grades and completing schoolwork. However, fi rst-year college students also report that changes in eating and sleeping habits, increased workloads and new responsibilities, and going home for holidays and other breaks are major sources of stress for them.

Sources: Campus Times, 2008; Chronicle of Higher Education, 2009; Messenger, 2009; Reuters, 2008; Ross, Niebling, and Heckert, 1999; and Whitman, 1985.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Socialization and the College Experience

sociology and everyday life 78

genetic inheritance underlies many forms of social behavior such as war and peace, envy of and con- cern for others, and competition and cooperation. Most sociologists disagree with the notion that bio- logical principles can be used to explain all human behavior. Obviously, however, some aspects of our physical makeup—such as eye color, hair color, height, and weight—are largely determined by our heredity.

How important is social infl uence (“nurture”) in human development? Th ere is hardly a single

behavior that is not infl uenced socially. Except for simple refl exes, most human actions are social, either in their causes or in their consequences. Even solitary actions such as crying or brushing our teeth are ulti- mately social. We cry because someone has hurt us. We brush our teeth because our parents (or dentist) told us it was important. Social environment prob- ably has a greater eff ect than heredity on the way we develop and the way we act. However, heredity does provide the basic material from which other people help to mold an individual’s human characteristics.

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• Media Coverage: A seven-year-old boy who can communicate only by chirping, after his mother raised him as a pet bird, has been rescued by Russian care workers. Reports in Russian media claim the child, suff ering from “Mowgli syndrome,” was found in a tiny two-room apartment that appeared to double as an aviary. Social worker Galina Volskaya told the newspaper Pravda that “the bird

• Research: Americans are far more socially isolated today than they were two decades ago, and a sharply growing number of people say they have no one in whom they can confi de, according to a comprehensive evaluation of the decline of social ties in the United States, based on research conducted by Miller McPherson, Lynn Smith-Lovin, and Matthew E. Brashears (American Sociological Review, 2006).

or hostile toward other monkeys (Harlow and Har- low, 1962, 1977).

Because humans rely more heavily on social learning than do monkeys, the process of socializa- tion is even more important for us.

Isolated Children Of course, sociologists would never place children in isolated circumstances so that they could observe what happened to them. However, some cases have arisen in which parents or other caregivers failed to fulfi ll their responsi- bilities, leaving children alone or placing them in isolated circumstances. From analysis of these situ- ations, social scientists have documented cases in which children were deliberately raised in isolation. A look at the lives of two children who suff ered such emotional abuse provides important insights into the importance of a positive socialization process and the negative eff ects of social isolation.

Anna Born in 1932 to an unmarried, mentally impaired woman, Anna was an unwanted child. She

Our biological and emotional needs are related in a complex equation. Children whose needs are met in settings characterized by aff ection, warmth, and closeness see the world as a safe and comfortable place and see other people as trustworthy and help- ful. By contrast, infants and children who receive less-than-adequate care or who are emotionally re- jected or abused oft en view the world as hostile and have feelings of suspicion and fear.

Problems Associated with Social Isolation and Maltreatment Social environment, then, is a crucial part of an individual’s socialization. Even nonhuman primates such as monkeys and chimpanzees need social con- tact with others of their species in order to develop properly. As we will see, appropriate social contact is even more important for humans.

Isolation and Nonhuman Primates Research- ers have attempted to demonstrate the eff ects of social isolation on nonhuman primates raised with- out contact with others of their own species. In a series of laboratory experiments, the psychologists Harry and Margaret Harlow (1962, 1977) took infant rhesus monkeys from their mothers and isolated them in separate cages. Each cage contained two nonliving “mother substitutes” made of wire, one with a feeding bottle attached and the other covered with soft terry cloth but without a bottle. Th e infant monkeys instinctively clung to the cloth “mother” and would not abandon it until hunger drove them to the bottle attached to the wire “mother.” As soon as they were full, they went back to the cloth “moth- er” seeking warmth, aff ection, and physical comfort.

Th e Harlows’ experiments show the detrimental eff ects of isolation on nonhuman primates. When the young monkeys were later introduced to other members of their species, they cringed in the corner. Having been deprived of social contact with other monkeys during their fi rst six months of life, they never learned how to relate to other monkeys or to become well-adjusted adults—they were fearful of

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As Harry and Margaret Harlow discovered, humans are not the only primates that need contact with others. Deprived of its mother, this infant monkey found a substitute.

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safeguarding the future mental and emotional well-being of children in need of parents (Adoption History Project).

• Extra Examples: Learn more about Genie and obtain teaching resources at the NOVA: Secret of the Wild Child site: www.pbs.org/ wgbh/nova/teachers/programs/2112_wildchil.html.

• Historical Perspective: Dr. Susan Curtiss, one of the original Genie researchers, reported in 2001 that Genie is in an adult-care facility

boy” was treated like another of his mother’s many pet birds by his thirty-one-year-old mother (Daily Mail, 2/2008).

• Historical Perspective: Harry Harlow’s experiments (1963–1968) added scientifi c legitimacy to two powerful arguments: against institutional child care and in favor of psychological parenthood. Both suggested that the permanence associated with adoption was far superior to other arrangements when it came to

she began to notice me standing beside her bed, I held my hand out and she reached out and took my hand and carefully felt my thumb and fi ngers indi- vidually, and then put my hand against her cheek. She was exactly like a blind child. (Rymer, 1993: 45)

Extensive therapy was used in an attempt to socialize Genie and develop her language abili- ties (Curtiss, 1977; Pines, 1981). Th ese eff orts met with limited success: In the 1990s, Genie was liv- ing in a board-and-care home for retarded adults (see Angier, 1993; Rigler, 1993; Rymer, 1993).

Why do we discuss children who have been the victims of maltreatment in a chapter that looks at the socialization process? Th e answer lies in the fact that such cases are important to our understand- ing of the socialization process because they show the importance of this process and refl ect how det- rimental social isolation and neglect can be to the well-being of people.

was kept in an attic-like room in her grandfather’s house. Her mother, who worked on the farm all day and oft en went out at night, gave Anna just enough care to keep her alive; she received no other care. Sociologist Kingsley Davis (1940) described Anna’s condition when she was found in 1938:

[Anna] had no glimmering of speech, absolutely no ability to walk, no sense of gesture, not the least capacity to feed herself even when the food was put in front of her, and no comprehension of cleanli- ness. She was so apathetic that it was hard to tell whether or not she could hear. And all of this at the age of nearly six years.

When she was placed in a special school and given the necessary care, Anna slowly learned to walk, talk, and care for herself. Just before her death at the age of ten, Anna reportedly could follow directions, talk in phrases, wash her hands, brush her teeth, and try to help other children (Davis, 1940).

Genie About three decades later, Genie was found in 1970 at the age of thirteen. She had been locked in a bedroom alone, alternately strapped down to a child’s potty chair or straitjacketed into a sleeping bag, since she was twenty months old. She had been fed baby food and beaten with a wooden paddle when she whimpered. She had not heard the sounds of human speech because no one talked to her and there was no television or radio in her room (Curtiss, 1977; Pines, 1981). Genie was placed in a pediatric hospital, where one of the psychologists described her condition:

At the time of her admission she was virtually unso- cialized. She could not stand erect, salivated con- tinuously, had never been toilet-trained and had no control over her urinary or bowel functions. She was unable to chew solid food and had the weight, height and appearance of a child half her age. (Rigler, 1993: 35)

In addition to her physical condition, Genie showed psychological traits associated with neglect, as described by one of her psychiatrists:

If you gave [Genie] a toy, she would reach out and touch it, hold it, caress it with her fi ngertips, as though she didn’t trust her eyes. She would rub it against her cheek to feel it. So when I met her and

▲ A victim of extreme child abuse, Genie was isolated from human contact and tortured until she was rescued at the age of thirteen. Subsequent attempts to socialize her were largely unsuccessful.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #10 The Intellectual Connections Between Sociology and Other Fields

• Research: Research suggests that children who are repeatedly abused, or are abused by a member of their immediate family, are at higher risk of attempting suicide in later life. Sexual abuse, and to a lesser extent physical abuse in childhood, have both

that off ers broad exposure to events and activities. Among other regular outings, Genie travels with her group to Las Vegas to play slot machines and explore. Unfortunately, Genie’s language skills have deteriorated as has her ability to sign. Despite these setbacks, Dr. Curtiss said that Genie still has “a powerhouse of zest for life.”

only to explain child abuse but also to describe how a positive process of socialization occurs. Let’s look fi rst at several social psychological theories that focus pri- marily on how the individual personality develops.

Freud and the Psychoanalytic Perspective Th e basic assumption in Sigmund Freud’s (1924) psychoanalytic approach is that human behavior and personality originate from unconscious forces within individuals. Freud (1856–1939), who is known as the founder of psychoanalytic theory, developed his major theories in the Victorian era, when biologi- cal explanations of human behavior were prevalent. It was also an era of extreme sexual repression and male dominance when compared to contemporary U.S. standards. Freud’s theory was greatly infl uenced by these cultural factors, as refl ected in the impor- tance he assigned to sexual motives in explaining behavior. For example, Freud based his ideas on the belief that people have two basic tendencies: the urge to survive and the urge to procreate.

Child Maltreatment What do the terms child maltreatment and child abuse mean to you? When asked what constitutes child maltreatment, many people fi rst think of cases that involve severe physi- cal injuries or sexual abuse. However, neglect is the most frequent form of child maltreatment (Dubowitz et al., 1993). Child neglect occurs when children’s basic needs—including emotional warmth and security, adequate shelter, food, health care, educa- tion, clothing, and protection—are not met, regard- less of cause (Dubowitz et al., 1993: 12). Neglect oft en involves acts of omission (where parents or caregivers fail to provide adequate physical or emo- tional care for children) rather than acts of commis- sion (such as physical or sexual abuse). Of course, what constitutes child maltreatment diff ers from society to society.

Social Psychological Theories of Human Development Over the past hundred years, a variety of psychologi- cal and sociological theories have been developed not

What are the consequences to children of isolation and physical abuse, as contrasted with social interaction and parental aff ection? Sociologists emphasize that social environment is a crucial part of an individual’s socialization.

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• Historical Perspective: “A new report by the American Psychoanalytic Association has found that while psychoanalysis or what purports to be psychoanalysis is alive and well in literature, fi lm, history, and just about every other subject in the humanities, psychology departments and textbooks treat it as ‘desiccated and dead,’ a historical artifact instead of ‘an ongoing movement and a

been associated with a tendency toward suicide (British Journal of Psychiatry, 8/2008).

• Active Learning: Have students evaluate Freud’s theory of personality from personal experience. Do the id, ego, and superego resonate with their childhood and later experiences? Does it leave out important parts of experience and personality? Ask them to back up their responses with specifi c examples.

personality is all id, and from birth the child fi nds that urges for self-gratifi cation—such as wanting to be held, fed, or changed—are not going to be satis- fi ed immediately. However, id remains with people throughout their life in the form of psychic energy, the urges and desires that account for behavior. By contrast, the second level of personality—the ego— develops as infants discover that their most basic desires are not always going to be met by others. Th e ego is the rational, reality-oriented component of personality that imposes restrictions on the innate pleasure-seeking drives of the id. Th e ego channels the desire of the id for immediate grati- fi cation into the most advantageous direction for the individual. Th e third level of personality—the superego—is in opposition to both the id and the ego. Th e superego, or conscience, consists of the moral and ethical aspects of personality. It is fi rst ex- pressed as the recognition of parental control and eventually matures as the child learns that parental control is a refl ection of the values and moral de- mands of the larger society. When a person is well adjusted, the ego successfully manages the oppos- ing forces of the id and the superego. ▼ Figure 3.1 illustrates Freud’s theory of personality.

Although subject to harsh criti- cism, Freud’s theory made people aware of the importance of early childhood experiences, including abuse and neglect. His theories have also had a profound infl uence on contemporary mental health

▼ Sigmund Freud, founder of the psychoanalytic perspective.

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Ego “I guess I’ll have

to wait until I have the money to buy that candy bar.”

Superego “It’s wrong to steal.”

Id “I want that candy

bar, no matter what!”

UNCONSCIOUS

According to Freud (1924), human development occurs in three states that refl ect diff erent levels of the personality, which he referred to as the id, ego, and superego. Th e id is the component of person- ality that includes all of the individual’s basic biological drives and needs that demand imme- diate gratifi cation. For Freud, the newborn child’s

FIGURE 3.1 FREUD’S THEORY OF PERSONALITY This illustration shows how Freud might picture a person’s internal confl ict over whether to commit an antisocial act such as stealing a candy bar. In addition to dividing personality into three components, Freud theorized that our personalities are largely unconscious— hidden from our normal awareness. To dramatize his point, Freud compared conscious awareness (portions of the ego and superego) to the visible tip of an iceberg. Most of personality— including the id, with its raw desires and impulses—lies submerged in our subconscious.

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Theory: An Overview (http://video.google.com/videoplay? docid=-9014865592046332725).

• Applied Sociology: Have students examine the work of Professor Thomas E. Wartenberg of Mount Holyoke College in teaching abstract, philosophical reasoning to second graders. Do they agree that his work contradicts Piaget’s stages? For more information, see

living, evolving process’” (New York Times, 11/2007). Have students research this split and why it might have developed.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Extra Examples: Direct students to a four-minute online video on Piaget’s theory, narrated by David Elkind and available at Google Videos under the title Piaget’s Developmental

practitioners and on other human development theories.

Piaget and Cognitive Development Jean Piaget (1896–1980), a Swiss psychologist, was a pioneer in the fi eld of cognitive (intellectual) devel- opment. Cognitive theorists are interested in how people obtain, process, and use information—that is, in how we think. Cognitive development relates to changes over time in how we think.

Piaget (1954) believed that in each stage of devel- opment (from birth through adolescence), children’s activities are governed by their perception of the world around them. His four stages of cognitive de- velopment are organized around specifi c tasks that, when mastered, lead to the acquisition of new men- tal capacities, which then serve as the basis for the next level of development. Piaget emphasized that all children must go through each stage in sequence

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es ▼ Jean Piaget, a pioneer in the fi eld of cognitive development.

before moving on to the next one, although some children move through them faster than others.

1. Sensorimotor stage (birth to age two). During this period, children understand the world only through sensory contact and immediate action because they cannot engage in symbolic thought or use language. Toward the end of the second year, children comprehend object permanence; in other words, they start to realize that objects continue to exist even when the items are out of sight.

2. Preoperational stage (age two to seven). In this stage, children begin to use words as mental sym- bols and to form mental images. However, they still are limited in their ability to use logic to solve problems or to realize that physical objects may change in shape or appearance while still retain- ing their physical properties. For example, Piaget showed children two identical beakers fi lled with the same amount of water. Aft er the children agreed that both beakers held the same amount of water, Piaget poured the water from one beaker into a taller, narrower beaker and then asked them about the amounts of water in each beaker. Th ose still in the preoperational stage believed that the taller beaker held more water because the water line was higher than in the shorter, wider beaker.

3. Concrete operational stage (age seven to eleven). During this stage, children think in terms of tan- gible objects and actual events. Th ey can draw conclusions about the likely physical conse- quences of an action without always having to try the action out. Children begin to take the role of others and start to empathize with the viewpoints of others.

id Sigmund Freud’s term for the component of personality that includes all of the individual’s basic biological drives and needs that demand immediate gratifi cation.

ego according to Sigmund Freud, the rational, reality-oriented component of personality that imposes restrictions on the innate pleasure-seeking drives of the id.

superego Sigmund Freud’s term for the conscience, consisting of the moral and ethical aspects of personality.

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-9014865592046332725

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: A new study conducted by researchers at the University of Utah, one of the fi rst studies to consider how growing up in a war zone aff ects children’s moral development, appears in the July/August 2008 issue of the journal Child Development. Ask students to consider these fi ndings in light of Kohlberg’s stages.

the article on Wartenberg’s methods by Abby Goodnough in the New York Times (4/18/2010).

• Quote, Unquote: “If you want to be creative, stay in part a child, with the creativity and invention that characterizes children before they are deformed by adult society” (Jean Piaget). Ask your class to submit suggestions for accomplishing this goal.

maturation and socialization. However, critics have noted several weaknesses in Piaget’s ap- proach to cognitive development. For one thing, the theory says little about individual diff erences among children, nor does it provide for cultural diff erences. For another, as the psychologist Carol Gilligan (1982) has noted, Piaget did not take into account how gender aff ects the process of social development.

Kohlberg and the Stages of Moral Development Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) elaborated on Piaget’s theories of cognitive reasoning by conduct- ing a series of studies in which children, adolescents, and adults were presented with moral dilemmas that took the form of stories. Based on his fi ndings, Kohlberg (1969, 1981) classifi ed moral reasoning into three sequential levels:

1. Preconventional level (age seven to ten). Chil- dren’s perceptions are based on punishment and obedience. Evil behavior is that which is likely to be punished; good conduct is based on obedience and avoidance of unwanted consequences.

2. Conventional level (age ten through adulthood). People are most concerned with how they are perceived by their peers and with how one con- forms to rules.

3. Postconventional level (few adults reach this stage). People view morality in terms of indi- vidual rights; “moral conduct” is judged by prin- ciples based on human rights that transcend government and laws.

Although Kohlberg presents interesting ideas about the moral judgments of children, some crit- ics have challenged the universality of his stages of moral development. Th ey have also suggested that the elaborate “moral dilemmas” he used are too abstract for children. In one story, for exam- ple, a husband contemplates stealing for his criti- cally ill wife medicine that he cannot aff ord. When questions are made simpler, or when children and adolescents are observed in natural (as opposed to laboratory) settings, they oft en demonstrate so- phisticated levels of moral reasoning (Darley and Shultz, 1990; Lapsley, 1990).

4. Formal operational stage (age twelve through adolescence). By this stage, adolescents are able to engage in highly abstract thought and under- stand places, things, and events they have never seen. Th ey can think about the future and evalu- ate diff erent options or courses of action.

Piaget provided useful insights on the emer- gence of logical thinking as the result of biological

▼ Psychologist Jean Piaget identifi ed four stages of cognitive development, including the preoperative stage, in which children have limited ability to realize that physical objects may change in shape or appearance. Piaget poured liquid from one beaker into a taller, narrower beaker and then asked children about the amounts of liquid in each beaker.

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is a gender connection to the appeal of these diff erent kinds of ethics?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• For Discussion: Ask the members of the class to give examples of the components of their self-concepts (physical, active, social, and

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

• For Discussion: Research and explain to students the diff erence between deontological and consequentialist ethics. Ask students which kind of ethics makes the most sense to them, in a range of diff erent ethical scenarios. Do they agree with Gilligan that there

compassion and care is an important contribution to our knowledge about moral reasoning.

Sociological Theories of Human Development Although social scientists acknowledge the con- tributions of psychoanalytic and psychologically based explanations of human development, soci- ologists believe that it is important to bring a socio- logical perspective to bear on how people develop an awareness of self and learn about the culture in which they live. According to a sociological per- spective, we cannot form a sense of self or personal identity without intense social contact with oth- ers. Th e self represents the sum total of percep- tions and feelings that an individual has of being a distinct, unique person—a sense of who and what one is. When we speak of the “self,” we typically use words such as I, me, my, mine, and myself (Cooley, 1998/1902). Th is sense of self (also referred to self- concept) is not present at birth; it arises in the pro- cess of social experience. Self-concept is the totality of our beliefs and feelings about ourselves. Four components make up our self-concept: (1) the phys- ical self (“I am tall”), (2) the active self (“I am good at soccer”), (3) the social self (“I am nice to others”), and (4) the psychological self (“I believe in world peace”). Between early and late childhood, a child’s focus tends to shift from the physical and active dimensions of self toward the social and psychologi- cal aspects. Self-concept is the foundation for com- munication with others; it continues to develop and change throughout our lives.

Our self-identity is our perception about what kind of person we are. As we have seen, socially isolated children do not have typical self-identities because they have had no experience of “human- ness.” According to symbolic interactionists, we do not know who we are until we see ourselves as we

Gilligan’s View on Gender and Moral Development Psychologist Carol Gilligan (b. 1936) is one of the major critics of Kohlberg’s theory of moral devel- opment. According to Gilligan (1982), Kohlberg’s model was developed solely on the basis of research with male respondents, and women and men oft en have divergent views on morality based on diff er- ences in socialization and life experiences. Gilligan believes that men become more concerned with law and order but that women tend to analyze social relationships and the social consequences of behav- ior. For example, in Kohlberg’s story about the man who is thinking about stealing medicine for his wife, Gilligan argues that male respondents are more likely to use abstract standards of right and wrong, whereas female respondents are more likely to be concerned about what consequences his stealing the drug might have for the man and his family. Does this constitute a “moral defi ciency” on the part of either women or men? Not according to Gilligan.

Subsequent research that directly compared women’s and men’s reasoning about moral dilemmas has supported some of Gilligan’s assertions but not others. For example, some other researchers have not found that women are more compassionate than men (Tavris, 1993). Overall, however, Gilligan’s ar- gument that people make moral decisions according to both abstract principles of justice and principles of

How do these teenagers’ perceptions of the world differ from their perceptions ten years earlier, according to Piaget?

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Extra Examples: Students will be familiar with Freud’s dimensions of human personality from the earlier discussion. Use this familiarity as a starting point to go into more detail about Mead’s ideas about the “I” and the “me.”

psychological). How do they identify themselves and how do they identify others in their day-to-day interactions?

• Figure Note: It is sometimes easier for students to grasp the concept behind the looking-glass self if they will remember this: “I am not who I think I am; I am not who you think I am; I am who I think you think I am.” We don’t view ourselves as others see us; we construct a self-image out of our interpretations from others.

appreciation of them. First, people come to take the role of the other (role-taking). By taking the roles of others, the individual hopes to ascertain the intention or direction of the acts of others. Th en the person begins to construct his or her own roles (role-making) and to anticipate other individuals’ responses. Finally, the person plays at her or his par- ticular role (role-playing).

According to Mead (1934), in the early months of life, children do not realize that they are separate from others. However, they do begin early on to see a mirrored image of themselves in others. Shortly aft er birth, infants start to notice the faces of those around them, especially the signifi cant others, whose faces start to have meaning because they are associ- ated with experiences such as feeding and cuddling. Signifi cant others are those persons whose care, aff ection, and approval are especially desired and who are most important in the development of the self. Gradually, we distinguish ourselves from our caregivers and begin to perceive ourselves in contrast to them. As we develop language skills and learn to understand symbols, we begin to develop a self-concept. When we can represent ourselves in our minds as objects distinct from everything else, our self has been formed.

believe that others see us. Th e perspectives of sym- bolic interactionists Charles Horton Cooley and George Herbert Mead help us understand how our self-identity is developed through our interactions with others.

Cooley and the Looking-Glass Self According to the sociologist Charles Horton Cooley (1864–1929), the looking-glass self refers to the way in which a person’s sense of self is derived from the perceptions of others. Our looking-glass self is based on our perception of how other people think of us (Cooley, 1998/1902). As ▼ Figure 3.2 shows, the looking-glass self is a self-concept derived from a three-step process:

1. We imagine how our personality and appearance will look to other people.

2. We imagine how other people judge the appear- ance and personality that we think we present.

3. We develop a self-concept. If we think the evalu- ation of others is favorable, our self-concept is enhanced. If we think the evaluation is unfavor- able, our self-concept is diminished. (Cooley, 1998/1902)

Th e self develops only through contact with others, just as social institutions and societies do not exist independently of the interaction of individuals (Schubert, 1998).

Mead and Role-Taking George Herbert Mead (1863–1931) extended Cooley’s insights by linking the idea of self-concept to role-taking—the process by which a person mentally assumes the role of another person or group in order to understand the world from that person’s or group’s point of view. Role-taking oft en occurs through play and games, as children try out dif- ferent roles (such as being mommy, daddy, doctor, or teacher) and gain an

We imagine how we appear to other people.

We imagine how other people judge the appearance that we think we present.

If we think the evaluation is favorable, our self-concept is enhanced.

If we think the evaluation is unfavorable, our self- concept is diminished.

FIGURE 3.2 HOW THE LOOKING-GLASS SELF WORKS

Source: Based on Katzer, Cook, and Crouch, 1991.

▼

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• Active Learning: Have students discuss or write in response to this question: What were some of the earliest messages about yourself that you internalized from your signifi cant other(s)? Continue the activity by quoting Karl Menninger’s remark that “What’s done to children, they will do to society.” Ask students to consider the ways they began to interpret messages about themselves from society as a whole—from what Mead called “the generalized other.”

• Active Learning: Students should examine Mead’s stage theory of development and refl ect on their own movement through these stages. Have them focus on the social interactions and personal discoveries that took place along the way.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

do not see role-taking as something they have to do.

3. During the game stage, which begins in the early school years, children understand not only their own social position but also the positions of oth- ers around them. In contrast to play, games are structured by rules, are oft en competitive, and involve a number of other “players.” At this time, children become concerned about the demands and expectations of others and of the larger

Mead (1934) divided the self into the “I” and the “me.” Th e “I” is the subjective element of the self and represents the spontaneous and unique traits of each person. Th e “me” is the objective element of the self, which is composed of the internalized attitudes and demands of other members of society and the indi- vidual’s awareness of those demands. Both the “I” and the “me” are needed to form the social self. Th e unity of the two constitutes the full development of the individual. According to Mead, the “I” develops fi rst, and the “me” takes form during the three stages of self-development:

1. During the preparatory stage, up to about age three, interactions lack meaning, and children largely imitate the people around them. At this stage, children are preparing for role-taking.

2. In the play stage, from about age three to fi ve, children learn to use language and other sym- bols, thus enabling them to pretend to take the roles of specifi c people. At this stage, they begin to see themselves in relation to others, but they

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looking-glass self Charles Horton Cooley’s term for the way in which a person’s sense of self is derived from the perceptions of others.

role-taking the process by which a person mentally assumes the role of another person in order to under- stand the world from that person’s point of view.

signifi cant others those persons whose care, aff ec- tion, and approval are especially desired and who are most important in the development of the self.

According to sociologist George Herbert Mead, the self develops through three stages. In the preparatory stage, children imitate others; in the play stage, children pretend to take the roles of specifi c people; and in the game stage, children become aware of the “rules of the game” and the expectations of others.

▲

• Quote, Unquote: “All children wear the sign: ‘I want to be important NOW.’ Many of our juvenile delinquency problems arise because nobody reads the sign” (Dan Pursuit, California’s Delinquency Control Institute). What kinds of social problems can your class trace back to poor childhood socialization?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Research: Have students research the cultural critic Neal Postman’s

arguments in the Disappearance of Childhood (1982). The concept of childhood is a relatively recent invention, Postman argues, but its distortion by mass media threatens the integrity of adulthood, as well.

How useful are symbolic interactionist perspec- tives in enhancing our understanding of the social- ization process? Certainly, this approach contrib- utes to our understanding of how the self develops (see “Sociology Works!”). However, this approach has certain limitations. Sociologist Anne Kaspar (1986) suggests that Mead’s ideas about the social self may be more applicable to men than to women

society. Mead used the example of a baseball game to describe this stage because children, like baseball players, must take into account the roles of all the other players at the same time. Mead’s concept of the generalized other refers to the child’s awareness of the demands and expecta- tions of the society as a whole or of the child’s subculture.

Hang out at a playground, visit a school, or show up at a child’s birthday party, and there’s one phrase you can count on hearing repeatedly: “Good job!” Even tiny infants are praised for smacking their hands together (“Good clapping!”). Many of us blurt out these judgments of our children to the point that it has become almost a verbal tic. (Kohn, 2001)

Educational analyst Alfi e Kohn describes the common practice of praising children for practically everything they say or do. According to Kohn, excessive praise or unearned compliments may be problematic for children because, rath- er than bolstering their self-esteem, such praise may increase a child’s dependence on adults. As children increasingly rely on constant praise and on signifi cant others to identify what is good or bad about their performance, they may not develop the ability to make meaningful judgments about what they have done. As Kohn suggests (2001), “ Sadly, some of these kids will grow into adults who continue to need someone to pat them on the head and tell them whether what they did was OK.”

Kohn’s ideas remind us of the earlier sociological insights of George Herbert Mead, who described how children learn to take into account the expectations of the larger society and to balance the “I” (the subjective element of the self: the spon- taneous and unique traits of each person) with the “me” (the objective element of the self: the internalized attitudes and demands of other members of society and the individual’s awareness of those demands). As Mead (1934: 160) stated, “What goes on in the game goes on in the life of the child at all times. He is continually taking the attitudes of those about him, especially the roles of those who in some sense control him and on whom he depends.” According to Mead, role-tak- ing is vital to the formation of a mature sense of self as each individual learns to visualize the intentions and expectations

of other people and groups. Excessively praising children may make it more diffi cult for them to develop a positive self- concept and visualize an accurate picture of what is expected of them as they grow into young adulthood.

Does this mean that children should not be praised? Defi - nitely not! It means that we should think about when and how to praise children. What children may need sometimes is not praise, but encouragement. As child development spe- cialist Docia Zavitkovsky has stated,

I sometimes say that praise is fi ne “when praise is due.” We get into the habit of praising when it isn’t praise that is appropriate but encouragement. For example, we’re always saying to young children: “Oh, what a beautiful picture,” even when their pictures aren’t necessarily beautiful. So why not really look at each picture? Maybe a child has painted a picture with many wonderful colors. Why don’t we comment on that—on the reality of the picture? (qtd. in Scholastic Parent & Child, 2007)

From this perspective, positive feedback can have a very im- portant infl uence on a child’s self-esteem because he or she can learn how to do a “good job” when engaging in a spe- cifi c activity or accomplishing a task rather than simply be- ing praised for any eff ort expended. Mead’s concept of the generalized other makes us aware of the importance of other people’s actions in how self-concept develops.

refl ect & analyze What eff ect does receiving praise when we are young have on us when we are college students? Also, when we are dealing with our peers, how might we thoughtfully use the phrase “Good job!” without making it into an overworked expression?

”Good Job!”: Mead’s Generalized Other and the Issue of Excessive Praise

sociology works! 88

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162) states that peer culture is “a stable set of ac- tivities or routines, artifacts, values, and concerns that children produce and share.” Th is peer culture emerges through interactions as children “borrow” from the adult culture but transform it so that it fi ts their own situation. In fact, Corsaro (1992) believes that the peer group is the most signifi cant arena in which children and young people acquire cultural knowledge.

Agents of Socialization Agents of socialization are the persons, groups, or institutions that teach us what we need to know in order to participate in society. We are exposed to many agents of socialization throughout our

because women are more likely to experience inher- ent confl icts between the meanings they derive from their personal experiences and those they take from the culture, particularly in regard to balancing the responsibilities of family life and paid employment. (Th is chapter’s Concept Quick Review summarizes the major theories of human development.)

Recent Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Th e symbolic interactionist approach emphasizes that socialization is a collective process in which children are active and creative agents, not just pas- sive recipients of the socialization process. From this view, childhood is a socially constructed cat- egory (Adler and Adler, 1998). Children are capable of actively constructing their own shared meanings as they acquire language skills and accumulate in- teractive experiences (Qvortrup, 1990). According to the “orb web model” of the sociologist William A. Corsaro (1985, 1997), children’s cultural knowl- edge refl ects not only the beliefs of the adult world but also the unique interpretations and aspects of the children’s own peer culture. Corsaro (1992:

Psychological and Sociological Theories of Human Development

[ concept quick review 3.1 ]

Freud’s psychoanalytic perspective

Piaget’s cognitive development

Kohlberg’s stages of moral development

Gilligan: gender and moral development

Cooley’s looking-glass self

Mead’s three stages of self-development

Children fi rst develop the id (drives and needs), then the ego (restrictions on the id), and then the superego (moral and ethical aspects of personality).

Children go through four stages of cognitive (intellectual) development, going from understanding only through sensory contact to engaging in highly abstract thought.

People go through three stages of moral development, from avoidance of unwanted consequences to viewing morality based on human rights.

Women go through stages of moral development from personal wants to the greatest good for themselves and others.

A person’s sense of self is derived from his or her perception of how others view him or her.

In the preparatory stage, children imitate the people around them; in the play stage, children pretend to take the roles of specifi c people; and in the game stage, children learn the demands and expectations of roles.

Social Psychological Theories of Human Development

Sociological Theories of Human Development

generalized other George Herbert Mead’s term for the child’s awareness of the demands and expectations of the society as a whole or of the child’s subculture.

agents of socialization the persons, groups, or insti- tutions that teach us what we need to know in order to participate in society.

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from the mother, and to become fully independent” (Erich Fromm). Ask your students to share in small groups some of the ways they may have experienced this phenomenon.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Writing Assignment: Ask your class to address this question in

a brief essay: What were the most important cultural and social values that were transmitted to you by your family? Or what do you

• Research: A recent Money magazine article reports that 58 percent of mothers with children age 5 and under work outside the home. That number rises to 74 percent for women with children ages 6 to 17. Ninety percent of fathers are employed.

• Quote, Unquote: “The mother–child relationship is paradoxical and, in a sense, tragic. It requires the most intense love on the mother’s side, yet this very love must help the child grow away

teach their children. On the one hand, working-class parents, who are closely supervised and expected to follow orders at work, typically emphasize to their children the importance of obedience and confor- mity. On the other hand, parents from the middle and professional classes, who have more freedom and fl exibility at work, tend to give their children more freedom to make their own decisions and to be creative. Kohn concluded that diff erences in the parents’ occupations are a better predictor of child- rearing practices than is social class itself.

Whether or not Kohn’s fi ndings are valid today, the issues he examined make us aware that not ev- eryone has the same family experiences. Many fac- tors—including our cultural background, nation of origin, religion, and gender—are important in de- termining how we are socialized by family members and others who are a part of our daily life.

Confl ict theorists stress that socialization con- tributes to false consciousness—a lack of awareness and a distorted perception of the reality of class as it aff ects all aspects of social life. As a result, social- ization reaffi rms and reproduces the class structure in the next generation rather than challenging the conditions that presently exist. For example, chil- dren in low-income families may be unintentionally socialized to believe that acquiring an education and aspiring to loft y ambitions are pointless because

lifetime; in turn, we have an infl uence on those so- cializing agents and organizations. Here, we look at the most pervasive ones in childhood—the family, the school, peer groups, and the mass media.

The Family Th e family is the most important agent of socialization in all societies. From our infancy onward, our families transmit cultural and social values to us. As discussed later in this book, families vary in size and structure. Some families consist of two parents and their biologi- cal children, whereas others consist of a single parent and one or more children. Still other families refl ect changing patterns of divorce and remarriage, and an increasing number are made up of same-sex partners and their children. Over time, patterns have changed in some two-parent families so that fathers, rather than mothers, are the primary daytime agents of so- cialization for their young children.

Th eorists using a functionalist perspective em- phasize that families serve important functions in society because they are the primary locus for the procreation and socialization of children. Most of us form an emerging sense of self and acquire most of our beliefs and values within the family context. We also learn about the larger dominant culture (including language, attitudes, beliefs, values, and norms) and the primary subcultures to which our parents and other relatives belong.

Families are also the primary source of emotional support. Ideally, people receive love, understanding, security, acceptance, intimacy, and companionship within families. Th e role of the family is especially signifi cant because young children have little social experience beyond the family’s boundaries; they have no basis for comparing or evaluating how they are treated by their own family.

To a large extent, the family is where we acquire our specifi c social position in society. From birth, we are a part of the specifi c racial, ethnic, class, religious, and regional subcultural grouping of our family. Studies show that families socialize their chil- dren somewhat diff erently based on race, ethnicity, and class (Kohn, 1977; Kohn et al., 1990; Harrison et al., 1990). For example, sociologist Melvin Kohn (1977; Kohn et al., 1990) has suggested that social class (as measured by parental occupation) is one of the strongest infl uences on what and how parents

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▲ As this celebration attended by three generations of family members illustrates, socialization enables society to “reproduce” itself.

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• For Discussion: Can your students recall some of the things they learned through the “hidden” curriculum during their elementary and secondary school years? How have these lessons helped or hindered their college educations?

believe to be the most important values that you want to transmit to your own family?

• IRM: Internet Activities: Home Schooling and Socialization

has increased dramatically, the number of children in day-care and preschool programs has also grown rapidly. Currently, about 60 percent of all U.S. pre- school children are in day care, either in private homes or institutional settings, and this percentage continues to climb (Children’s Defense Fund, 2009). Generally, studies have found that quality day-care and preschool programs have a positive eff ect on the overall socialization of children. Th ese programs provide children with the opportunity to have fre- quent interactions with teachers and to learn how to build their language and literacy skills. High-quality programs also have a positive eff ect on the academic performance of children, particularly those from low-income families. Today, however, the cost of child-care programs has become a major concern for many families.

Although schools teach specifi c knowledge and skills, they also have a profound eff ect on children’s self-image, beliefs, and values. As children enter school for the fi rst time, they are evaluated and systematically compared with one another by the teacher. A permanent, offi cial record is kept of each child’s personal behavior and academic activities. From a functionalist perspective, schools are re- sponsible for (1) socialization, or teaching students to be productive members of society; (2) trans- mission of culture; (3) social control and personal development; and (4) the selection, training, and placement of individuals on diff erent rungs in the society (Ballantine and Hammack, 2009).

In contrast, confl ict theorists assert that stu- dents have diff erent experiences in the school sys- tem depending on their social class, their racial– ethnic background, the neighborhood in which they live, their gender, and other factors. According to the sociologists Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976), much of what happens in school amounts to teaching a hidden curriculum in which children learn to be neat, to be on time, to be quiet, to wait their turn, and to remain attentive to their work. Th us, schools do not socialize children for their own well-being but rather for their later roles in the workforce, where it is important to be punctual and to show deference to supervisors. Students who are destined for leadership or elite positions acquire diff erent skills and knowledge than those who will enter working-class and middle-class occupations (see Cookson and Persell, 1985).

of existing economic conditions in the family. By contrast, middle- and upper-income families typi- cally instill ideas of monetary and social success in children while encouraging them to think and be- have in “socially acceptable” ways.

The School As the amount of specialized technical and scientifi c knowledge has expanded rapidly and as the amount of time that children are in educational settings has increased, schools continue to play an enormous role in the socialization of young people. For many people, the formal education process is an under- taking that lasts up to twenty years.

As the number of one-parent families and fami- lies in which both parents work outside the home

▲ Students are sent to school to be educated. However, what else will they learn in school beyond the academic curriculum? Sociologists diff er in their responses to this question.

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• For Discussion: How are the Internet and information technology changing the ways that we are being socialized? What are some of the positive contributions?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Active Learning: Bring to class a variety of popular magazines, and ask students to look specifi cally at adult male and female models in advertisements. What are the age ranges on display? Typically, there will be a wider range of age for men and a narrower range for women. What kinds of advertisements are older women typically found in? What about for men?

some degree of freedom from parents and other authority fi gures (Corsaro, 1992). Although peer groups aff ord children some degree of freedom, they also teach cultural norms such as what constitutes “acceptable” behavior in a specifi c situation. Peer groups simultaneously refl ect the larger culture and serve as a conduit for passing on culture to young people. As a result, the peer group is both a product of culture and one of its major transmitters (Elkin and Handel, 1989).

Is there such a thing as “peer pressure”? Indi- viduals must earn their acceptance with their peers by conforming to a given group’s norms, attitudes, speech patterns, and dress codes. When we conform to our peer group’s expectations, we are rewarded; if we do not conform, we may be ridiculed or even ex- pelled from the group. Conforming to the demands of peers frequently places children and adolescents at cross-purposes with their parents. For example, young people are frequently under pressure to ob- tain certain valued material possessions (such as toys, clothing, athletic shoes, or cell phones); they then pass the pressure on to their parents through emotional pleas to purchase the desired items.

Mass Media An agent of socialization that has a profound impact on both children and adults is the mass media, composed of large-scale organizations that use print or electronic means (such as radio, televi- sion, fi lm, and the Internet) to communicate with large numbers of people. Th e media function as socializing agents in several ways: (1) they inform us about events; (2) they introduce us to a wide va- riety of people; (3) they provide an array of view- points on current issues; (4) they make us aware of products and services that, if we purchase them, will supposedly help us to be accepted by others; and (5) they entertain us by providing the opportunity to live vicariously (through other people’s experi- ences). Although most of us take for granted that the media play an important part in contemporary socialization, we frequently underestimate the enor- mous infl uence this agent of socialization may have on children’s attitudes and behavior.

Recent studies have shown that U.S. children, on average, are spending more time each year in front of TV sets, computers, and video games.

Peer Groups As soon as we are old enough to have acquaintances outside the home, most of us begin to rely heavily on peer groups as a source of information and approval about social behavior. A peer group is a group of people who are linked by common interests, equal social position, and (usually) similar age. In early childhood, peer groups are oft en composed of class- mates in day care, preschool, and elementary school. Recent studies have found that preadolescence—the latter part of the elementary school years—is an age period in which children’s peer culture has an important eff ect on how children perceive them- selves and how they internalize society’s expecta- tions (Adler and Adler, 1998). In adolescence, peer groups are typically made up of people with similar interests and social activities. As adults, we continue to participate in peer groups of people with whom we share common interests and comparable occu- pations, income, and/or social position.

Peer groups function as agents of socialization by contributing to our sense of “belonging” and our feelings of self-worth. As early as the preschool years, peer groups provide children with an opportunity for successful adaptation to situations such as gaining access to ongoing play, protecting shared activities from intruders, and building solidarity and mutual trust during ongoing activities (Corsaro, 1985; Rizzo and Corsaro, 1995). Unlike families and schools, peer groups provide children and adolescents with

▲ The pleasure of participating in activities with friends is one of the many attractions of adolescent peer groups. What groups have contributed the most to your sense of belonging and self-worth?

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93 of young people watching that much television. Television has been praised for off ering numerous positive experiences to children. Some scholars sug- gest that television (when used wisely) can enhance children’s development by improving their language abilities, concept-formation skills, and reading skills and by encouraging prosocial development (Winn, 1985). However, other studies have shown that chil- dren and adolescents who spend a lot of time watching television oft en have lower grades in school, read fewer books, exercise less, and are overweight (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 1997).

Of special concern to many people is the issue of television violence. It is estimated that the typi- cal young person who watches 28 hours of television per week will have seen 16,000 simulated murders and 200,000 acts of violence by the time he or she reaches age 18. A report by the American Psycho- logical Association states that about 80 percent of all television programs contain acts of violence and that commercial television for children is 50 to 60 times more violent than prime-time television for adults. For example, some cartoons average more than 80 violent acts per hour (APA Online, 2000). Th e violent content of media programming and the marketing and advertising practices of mass me- dia industries that routinely target children under age 17 have come under the scrutiny of government agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission due to concerns raised by parents and social analysts.

In addition to concerns about violence in televi- sion programming, motion pictures, and electronic games, television shows have been criticized for projecting negative images of women and people of color. Although the mass media have changed some of the roles that they depict women as playing, some newer characters tend to reinforce existing stereo- types of women as sex objects even when they are in professional roles such as doctors or lawyers.

According to the Annenberg Public Policy Center (University of Pennsylvania) study on media in the home, “Th e introduction of new media continues to transform the environment in American homes with children. . . . Rather than displacing television as the dominant medium, new technologies have supplemented it, resulting in an aggregate increase in electronic media penetration and use by Ameri- ca’s youth” (qtd. in Dart, 1999: A5). Recent research indicates that children between the ages of 2 and 5 spend about 24.85 hours per week watching televi- sion. Add to that an additional 7 hours per week that children spend playing video games, watching DVDs, and TiVo-style time-shift ed television, and more time than ever is spent with electronic media. Here is a pattern of viewing for 2–5-year-olds as reported by one researcher: “[Children begin] heavy viewing around 9 a.m., when, perhaps, an older sib- ling leaves for school; an early aft ernoon dip; then a rise in the aft er-school hours, consonant with older children’s viewing patterns, and a second peak around 8 p.m. . . . For better or worse, TV is a frequent com- panion to our lives” (Mindlin, 2009: B3). Consider the fact that U.S. children spend about 1,000 hours per year in school. If we think of television-watching time alone, by the time that students graduate from high school, they will have spent more time in front of the television set than sitting in the classroom.

Parents, educators, social scientists, and pub- lic offi cials have widely debated the consequences

▲ For decades, analysts have been concerned about the eff ects of television viewing on the young. However, the relatively recent advent of video games, the Internet, cellular phones, and texting devices have exacerbated the problem. Today, it is possible—and common—for every spare minute of a young person’s day to be spent on audiovisual and digital entertainment.

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peer group a group of people who are linked by common interests, equal social position, and (usually) similar age.

mass media large-scale organizations that use print or electronic means (such as radio, television, fi lm, and the Internet) to communicate with large numbers of people.

http://www.Beepstock.com/Robinbeckham/Alamy

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• For Discussion: Have students discuss the following, from cultural critic Susan Sontag: “What is most beautiful in virile men is something feminine; what is most beautiful in feminine women is something masculine.”

• For Discussion: In what ways have the arrival and success of Condoleezza Rice, Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi, and Sarah Palin aff ected gender socialization in America?

• Extra Examples: Introduce the idea of gender socialization to your class, getting them ready for Chapter 10 (“Sex and Gender”). Help students to begin to think about gender as a social construct. Talk about children’s toys as agents of gender socialization.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

middle-class families. In a study of African American families, the sociologist Janice Hale-Benson (1986) found that children typically are not taught to think of gender strictly in “male–female” terms. Both daughters and sons are socialized toward autonomy, independence, self-confi dence, and nurturance of children (Bardwell, Cochran, and Walker, 1986). So- ciologist Patricia Hill Collins (1990) has suggested that “othermothers” (women other than a child’s bio- logical mother) play an important part in the gender socialization and motivation of African American children, especially girls. Othermothers oft en serve as gender role models and encourage women to become activists on behalf of their children and community (Collins, 1990). By contrast, studies of Korean American and Latino/a families have found more tra- ditional gender socialization (Min, 1988), although some evidence indicates that this pattern may be changing (Jaramillo and Zapata, 1987).

Like the family, schools, peer groups, and the me- dia also contribute to our gender socialization. From kindergarten through college, teachers and peers reward gender-appropriate attitudes and behavior. Sports reinforce traditional gender roles through a rigid division of events into male and female catego- ries. Th e media are also a powerful source of gen- der socialization; starting very early in childhood, children’s books, television programs, movies, and music provide subtle and not-so-subtle messages about how boys and girls should act (see Chapter 10, “Sex and Gender”).

In addition to gender-role socialization, we re- ceive racial socialization throughout our lives. Racial socialization is the aspect of socialization that contains specifi c messages and practices concern- ing the nature of one’s racial or ethnic status as it relates to our identity, interpersonal relationships, and location in the social hierarchy. Racial socializa- tion includes direct statements regarding race, mod- eling behavior (wherein a child imitates the behavior of a parent or other caregiver), and indirect activities such as exposure to an environment that conveys a specifi c message about a racial or ethnic group (“We are better than they are,” for example).

Th e most important aspects of racial identity and attitudes toward other racial–ethnic groups are passed down in families from generation to genera- tion. As the sociologist Martin Marger (1994: 97) notes, “Fear of, dislike for, and antipathy toward one

Th roughout this text, we will look at additional ex- amples of how the media socialize us in ways that we may or may not realize.

Gender and Racial–Ethnic Socialization Gender socialization is the aspect of socialization that contains specifi c messages and practices con- cerning the nature of being female or male in a specifi c group or society. Th rough the process of gender socialization, we learn about what attitudes and behaviors are considered to be appropriate for girls and boys, men and women, in a particular society. Diff erent sets of gender norms are appropri- ate for females and males in the United States and most other nations.

One of the primary agents of gender socialization is the family. In some families, this process begins even before the child’s birth. Parents who learn the sex of the fetus through ultrasound or amniocen- tesis oft en purchase color-coded and gender-typed clothes, toys, and nursery decorations in anticipa- tion of their daughter’s or son’s arrival. Aft er birth, parents may respond diff erently toward male and female infants; they oft en play more roughly with boys and talk more lovingly to girls. Th roughout childhood and adolescence, boys and girls are typi- cally assigned diff erent household chores and given diff erent privileges (such as how late they may stay out at night).

When we look at the relationship between gen- der socialization and social class, the picture be- comes more complex. Although some studies have found less-rigid gender stereotyping in higher- income families (Seegmiller, Suter, and Duviant, 1980; Brooks-Gunn, 1986), others have found more (Bardwell, Cochran, and Walker, 1986). One study found that higher-income families are more likely than low-income families to give “male-oriented” toys (which develop visual spatial and problem- solving skills) to children of both sexes (Serbin et al., 1990). Working-class families tend to adhere to more-rigid gender expectations than do middle- class families (Canter and Ageton, 1984; Brooks- Gunn, 1986).

We are limited in our knowledge about gen- der socialization practices among racial–ethnic groups because most studies have focused on white,

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• Active Learning: Ask your students to work in groups of three to four to talk about some of the ways that college can be a form of anticipatory socialization.

• Research: Child care allows families to earn more than one income—which is economically what many families need today to survive. For families with income under $60,000 annually, a mother’s income accounts for more than half of household income.

• Research: Have students examine Racial Identity and Racial Socialization Attitudes of African American Parents, a study by Anita Jones Thomas (1999), which explores racial socialization messages used by African American parents, specifi c messages according to the gender of children, and the relationship between racial socialization and racial identity attitudes.

belief that childhood should be a time of carefree play, safety, and freedom from economic, political, and sexual responsibilities. However, other families refl ect the discrepancy between cultural ideals and reality—children grow up in a setting characterized by fear, danger, and risks that are created by paren- tal neglect, emotional maltreatment, or premature economic and sexual demands (Knudsen, 1992). Abused children oft en experience low self-esteem, an inability to trust others, feelings of isolationism and powerlessness, and denial of their feelings.

group or another is learned in much the same way that people learn to eat with a knife or fork rather than with their bare hands or to respect others’ pri- vacy in personal matters.” Th ese beliefs can be trans- mitted in subtle and largely unconscious ways; they do not have to be taught directly or intentionally. Scholars have found that ethnic values and attitudes begin to crystallize among children as young as age four (Van Ausdale and Feagin, 2001). By this age, the society’s ethnic hierarchy has become apparent to the child. Some minority parents feel that racial socialization is essential because it provides children with the skills and abilities they will need to survive in the larger society.

Socialization Through the Life Course Why is socialization a lifelong process? Th rough- out our lives, we continue to learn. Each time we experience a change in status (such as becoming a college student or getting married), we learn a new set of rules, roles, and relationships. Even be- fore we achieve a new status, we oft en participate in anticipatory socialization—the process by which knowledge and skills are learned for future roles. Many societies organize social activities according to age and gather data regarding the age composi- tion of the people who live in that society. Some so- cieties have distinct rites of passage, based on age or other factors, that publicly dramatize and validate changes in a person’s status. In the United States and other industrialized societies, the most common categories of age are childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (oft en subdivided into young adulthood, middle adulthood, and older adulthood).

Childhood Some social scientists believe that a child’s sense of self is formed at a very early age and that it is diffi - cult to change this self-perception later in life. Sym- bolic interactionists emphasize that during infancy and early childhood, family support and guidance are crucial to a child’s developing self-concept. In some families, children are provided with emotional warmth, feelings of mutual trust, and a sense of secu- rity. Th ese families come closer to our ideal cultural

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▲ Do you believe that what this child is learning here will have an infl uence on her actions in the future? What other childhood experiences might off set early negative racial socialization?

gender socialization the aspect of socialization that contains specifi c messages and practices concerning the nature of being female or male in a specifi c group or society.

racial socialization the aspect of socialization that contains specifi c messages and practices concerning the nature of one’s racial or ethnic status.

anticipatory socialization the process by which knowledge and skills are learned for future roles.

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• Active Learning: To get students to think about the major socializing experiences during their life course thus far (childhood, adolescence, and adulthood), ask them to come to class with notes about some of these experiences and to be prepared to make connections to the text and your lecture/presentation.

As income declines, the share of the mother’s income as part of the total family income rises (National Association of Childcare Resource and Referral Agencies).

confl ict with parents, teachers, and other authority fi gures who attempt to restrict their freedom. Ado- lescents may also fi nd themselves caught between the demands of adulthood and their own lack of fi nancial independence and experience in the job market. Th e experiences of individuals during ado- lescence vary according to race, class, and gender.

Based on their family’s economic situation and personal choices, some young people leave high school and move directly into the world of work while others pursue a college education and may continue to receive advice and fi nancial support from their parents. Others are involved in both the world of work and the world of higher education as they seek to support themselves and to acquire more years of formal education or vocational/career training. In the twenty-fi rst century, more college students are exploring international study programs as part of their adult socialization to help them gain new insights on the world around them (see the Sociology in Global Perspective box).

Adulthood One of the major diff erences between child social- ization and adult socialization is the degree of free- dom of choice. If young adults are able to support themselves fi nancially, they gain the ability to make more choices about their own lives. In early adult- hood (usually until about age forty), people work toward their own goals of creating meaningful re- lationships with others, fi nding employment, and seeking personal fulfi llment. Of course, young adults continue to be socialized by their parents, teachers, peers, and the media, but they also learn new attitudes and behaviors. For example, when we marry or have children, we learn new roles as part- ners or parents. Adults oft en learn about fads and fashions in clothing, music, and language from their children.

Workplace (occupational) socialization is one of the most important types of early adult socialization. Th is type of socialization tends to be most intense immediately aft er a person makes the transition from school to the workplace; however, this process may continue throughout our years of employment. Many people experience continuous workplace so- cialization as a result of having more than one career in their lifetime.

Adolescence In industrialized societies, the adolescent (or teen- age) years represent a buff er between childhood and adulthood. In the United States, no specifi c rites of passage exist to mark children’s move into adult- hood; therefore, young people have to pursue their own routes to self-identity and adulthood (Gilmore, 1990). Anticipatory socialization is oft en associ- ated with adolescence, during which many young people spend much of their time planning or be- ing educated for future roles they hope to occupy. Rites of passage may be used to mark the transi- tion between childhood and adolescence or adoles- cence and adulthood. A celebration known as a Bar Mitzvah is held for some Jewish boys on their thir- teenth birthday, and a Bat Mitzvah is held for some Jewish girls on their twelft h birthday; these events mark the occasion upon which young people accept moral responsibility for their own actions and the fact that they are now old enough to own personal property. Similarly, some Latinas are honored with the quinceañera—a celebration of their fi ft eenth birthday that marks their passage into young wom- anhood. Although it is not offi cially designated as a rite of passage, many of us think of the time when we get our fi rst driver’s license or graduate from high school as another way in which we mark the transition from one period of our life to the next.

Adolescence is oft en characterized by emotional and social unrest. In the process of developing their own identities, some young people come into

▲ An important rite of passage for many Latinas is the quinceañera—a celebration of their fi fteenth birthday and their passage into womanhood. Can you see how this occasion might also be a form of anticipatory socialization?

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global intellectual exchange, from the scholars of the Middle Ages to the colonial interactions of the nineteenth century. They may want to focus on cities such as ancient Cordoba and nineteenth- century Hong Kong as centers of global interchange. Have them consider ways in which globalization is both a new and an old process.

• Active Learning: Have students choose articles to read from Global Study magazine (www.globalstudymagazine.com), and then connect them to the trends and statistics discussed in the box. What kinds of socialization are described in the articles?

• Research: Although studying abroad is increasing, it is a very old, even ancient phenomenon. Have students research the history of

As I had been told, the fi rst month or so of the study abroad experience feels like a vacation in that everything is exciting and new. After this “honeymoon” period, the experience becomes something other than merely a vacation or fl eeting visit. You start to relate to the people, the culture, and life in that country not from the eyes of a tourist passing through, but progressively from the eyes of those around you—the citizens who were born and raised there. That is the perspective which is unattainable without actually living in another country, and a perspective which I have come to appreciate and understand more fully as I settle back into life here back at home.

—John R. R. Howie (2010), a Boston College economics and Mandarin Chinese major, explaining what studying abroad at Peking University, in Beijing, meant to him

Although we may read and hear about what goes on in other countries, it is quite diff erent to be able to see and experience those cultures fi rsthand. Perhaps this is why a re- cord number of U.S. students are choosing to study abroad: Studying in another country is an important part of the col- lege socialization process for preparing to live and work in an interconnected world. According to recent reports, more than 260,000 students annually participate in study-abroad programs, and this number continues to increase each year. China, India, and the Middle East have become increasingly popular destinations for study abroad; however, the lead- ing destinations continue to be in Europe, with the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, and France leading the list (Institute of International Education, 2010). More than half (56.3 percent) of study-abroad students remain in their host country for a short-term stay (summer, January term, or eight weeks or less during the academic year). About 40 percent of all study- abroad students remain for one or two quarters or one semes- ter. Some analysts believe that longer periods of study abroad provide students with greater opportunities to learn the lan- guage and way of life of people in other nations (Institute of International Education, 2010).

Sociologists are interested in studying the profi le of U.S. study-abroad students because the data provide interest- ing insights on diff erences in students’ participation by clas- sifi cation, gender, race, and class. Based on the latest fi gures available (2007/2008), most students participating in study- abroad programs are classifi ed as juniors (35.9 percent) or

Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Socialization

sociology in global perspective

seniors (21.3 percent). Women make up 65.1 percent of all study-abroad students while men make up 34.9 percent. White students make up the vast majority of study-abroad students (81.8 percent). Other groups include Asian or Pacifi c Islander (6.6 percent), Hispanic or Latino(a) (5.9 percent), and black or African American (4.0 percent).

Community college students have the fewest opportuni- ties to study abroad because of a shortage of programs and lack of support for programs that do exist. Studies have found that many community college students would like to partici- pate in study-abroad programs but that institutional barri- ers and prevailing beliefs by school offi cials about students’ personal barriers (such as inability to aff ord study abroad, confl icting work and family obligations, and lack of under- standing about the importance of possible cultural capital that might be gained from such an experience) would keep students from participating if such programs were off ered (Raby, 2010).

Socialization for life in the global community is necessary to all students because of the increasing signifi cance of inter- national understanding and the need to learn how to live and work in a diversifi ed nation and world. Even more important may be the opportunity for each student to gain direction and meaning in his or her own life, as John R. R. Howie (2010), the study-abroad student, explains:

In a sense, the opportunity to live away from my life as I knew it made my future aspirations more apparent to me. As I came back to my life at Boston College, that clarity gave direction and more meaning to what I was doing now. The months abroad defi nitely weren’t always easy—I remember how hard it was adjusting to the food, being away from my girlfriend, friends, and family, and seemingly being out of place in every way—but it was undoubtedly one of the most rewarding and meaningful experiences I have ever had.

refl ect & analyze What are the positive aspects of study-abroad programs in the college socialization process? What are the limita- tions of such programs? If you are unable to participate in a study-abroad program, what other methods and resources might you use to gain “global socialization,” which could be benefi cial in helping you meet your goals for the future?

http://www.globalstudymagazine.com

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show that two widely held views are false—that America is riddled with ageism and that younger people have no respect for older people. While there is surely some prejudice against older people, which sometimes leads to age discrimination, the two oldest generations—the Silent and the Greatest Generations—are much more admired than any other generation” (Washington Times, 8/26/2008).

• For Discussion: Brainstorm for examples from television and fi lm of social devaluation of people as they age. In what ways does these important agents of socialization convey messages about the value of women as they age, senior adults, and aging parents?

• IRM: Extra Example: Social Placement and Status • Research: Americans don’t devalue old people. Americans love

old people. This according to Harris Interactive: “These fi ndings

when people experience decreased physical abil- ity, lower prestige, and the prospect of death. Older adults in industrialized societies may experience social devaluation—wherein a person or group is considered to have less social value than other persons or groups. Social devaluation is espe- cially acute when people are leaving roles that have defi ned their sense of social identity and provided them with meaningful activity.

Negative images regarding older persons re- inforce ageism—prejudice and discrimination against people on the basis of age, particularly against older persons. Ageism is reinforced by stereotypes, whereby people have narrow, fi xed images of certain groups. Older persons are oft en stereotyped as thinking and moving slowly; as be- ing bound to themselves and their past, unable to change and grow; as being unable to move forward and oft en moving backward.

Negative images also contribute to the view that women are “old” ten or fi ft een years sooner than men (Bell, 1989). Th e multibillion-dollar cosmet- ics industry helps perpetuate the myth that age re- duces the “sexual value” of women but increases it for men. Men’s sexual value is defi ned more in terms of personality, intelligence, and earning power than by physical appearance. For women, however, sex- ual attractiveness is based on youthful appearance. By idealizing this “youthful” image of women and playing up the fear of growing older, sponsors sell thousands of products and services that claim to prevent or fi x the “ravages” of aging.

Although not all people act on appearances alone, Patricia Moore, an industrial designer, found that many do. At age twenty-seven, Moore disguised herself as an eighty-fi ve-year-old woman by donning age-appropriate clothing and placing baby oil in her eyes to create the appearance of cataracts. With the help of a makeup artist, Moore supplemented the “aging process” with latex wrinkles, stained teeth, and a gray wig. For three years, “Old Pat Moore” went to various locations, including a grocery store, to see how people responded to her:

When I did my grocery shopping while in character, I learned quickly that the Old Pat Moore behaved— and was treated—diff erently from the Young Pat Moore. When I was 85, people were more likely to jockey ahead of me in the checkout line. And even more interesting, I found that when it happened,

In middle adulthood—between the ages of forty and sixty-fi ve—people begin to compare their ac- complishments with their earlier expectations. Th is is the point at which people either decide that they have reached their goals or recognize that they have attained as much as they are likely to achieve.

Late adulthood may be divided into three catego ries: (1) the “young-old” (ages sixty-fi ve to seventy-four), (2) the “old-old” (ages seventy-fi ve to eighty-fi ve), and (3) the “oldest-old” (over age eighty-fi ve). Although these are somewhat arbi- trary divisions, the “young-old” are less likely to suff er from disabling illnesses, whereas some of the “old-old” are more likely to suff er such illnesses. Increasingly, studies in gerontology and the sociol- ogy of medicine have come to question these arbi- trary categories and show that some persons defy the expectations of their age grouping based on individual genetic makeup, lifestyle choices, and a zest for living. Perhaps “old age” is what we make it!

Late Adulthood and Ageism In older adulthood, some people are quite happy and content; others are not (see ▼ Figure 3.3). Erik Erikson noted that diffi cult changes in adult atti- tudes and behavior occur in the last years of life,

▲ FIGURE 3.3 KEYS TO AGING WELL Graphic from the Global Aging Initiative–Aging Research Project at Indiana University. Reprinted by permission of Barbara Hawkins, Indiana University.

Life Activity

Physical Health and Functional

Status

Cognitive Efficacy

Social Resources

Material Security

Aging Well

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have information about programs that are aimed specifi cally at resocializing prisoners. Although the recidivism rate in the United States is very high, many programs for juvenile off enders have had success at helping young people relearn positive social skills.

• Extra Examples: Go back and read again the work of Erving Goff man on total institutions. Specifi cally try and work these important concepts into your class: the breakdown of barriers

• Popular Culture: Remind your students of the famous Tyra Banks fat-suit experiment. Good Morning America did a story about the supermodel wearing a suit that made her look as if she weighed 350 pounds when she went on a blind date. Use this example to start the discussion about social devaluation.

• Extra Examples: If possible, pull up in class some of the websites for state and local correctional facilities in your area. Many

Resocialization Resocialization is the process of learning a new and diff erent set of attitudes, values, and behav- iors from those in one’s background and previous experience. Resocialization may be voluntary or involuntary. In either case, people undergo changes that are much more rapid and pervasive than the gradual adaptations that socialization usually involves.

Voluntary Resocialization Resocialization is voluntary when we assume a new status (such as becoming a student, an employee, or a retiree) of our own free will. Sometimes, volun- tary resocialization involves medical or psychologi- cal treatment or religious conversion, in which case the person’s existing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors must undergo strenuous modifi cation to a new re- gime and a new way of life. For example, resocializa- tion for adult survivors of emotional/physical child abuse includes extensive therapy in order to form new patterns of thinking and action, somewhat like Alcoholics Anonymous and its twelve-step program, which has become the basis for many other programs dealing with addictive behavior (Parrish, 1990).

Involuntary Resocialization Involuntary resocialization occurs against a per- son’s wishes and generally takes place within a total institution—a place where people are isolated from the rest of society for a set period of time and come under the control of the offi cials who run the institution (Goff man, 1961a). Military

I didn’t say anything to the off ender, as I certainly would at age 27. It seemed somehow, even to me, that it was okay for them to do this to the Old Pat Moore, since they were undoubtedly busier than I was anyway. And further, they apparently thought it was okay, too! Aft er all, little old ladies have plenty of time, don’t they? And then when I did get to the checkout counter, the clerk might start yell- ing, assuming I was deaf, or becoming immediately testy, assuming I would take a long time to get my money out, or would ask to have the price repeated, or somehow become confused about the transac- tion. What it all added up to was that people feared I would be trouble, so they tried to have as little to do with me as possible. And the amazing thing is that I began almost to believe it myself. . . . I think perhaps the worst thing about aging may be the overwhelming sense that everything around you is letting you know that you are not terribly important any more. (Moore with Conn, 1985: 75–76)

If we apply our sociological imagination to Moore’s study, we fi nd that “Old Pat Moore’s” experiences refl ect what many older persons already know—it is other people’s reactions to their age, not their age itself, that place them at a disadvantage.

Many older people buff er themselves against ageism by continuing to view themselves as being in middle adulthood long aft er their actual chrono- logical age would suggest otherwise. Other people begin a process of resocialization to redefi ne their own identity as mature adults.

▲ Throughout life, our self-concept is infl uenced by our interactions with others.

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social devaluation a situation in which a person or group is considered to have less social value than other individuals or groups.

ageism prejudice and discrimination against people on the basis of age, particularly against older people.

resocialization the process of learning a new and diff erent set of attitudes, values, and behaviors from those in one’s background and experience.

total institution Erving Goff man’s term for a place where people are isolated from the rest of society for a set period of time and come under the control of the offi cials who run the institution.

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decades, two recent trends have increased their interest in child consumers. First, both the discretionary income of children and their power to infl uence parent purchases have increased over time. Second, . . . the enormous increase in the number of available television channels has led to smaller audiences for each channel . . . thereby creating a growing media space just for children and children’s products.”

between spheres of life, the mortifi cation process, and the authority structure.

• Media Coverage: Have students go online and investigate the future of the Internet at the PBS NOW program website (www.pbs.org/now/shows/222/internet-future.html).

• Research: Have the class explore the research of psychologist Sandra L. Calvert: “Although marketers have targeted children for

the norms of the prison or of other inmates but have little respect for the norms and the laws of the larger society.

Socialization in the Future What will socialization be like in the future? Th e family is likely to remain the institution that most fundamentally shapes and nurtures people’s personal values and self-identity. However, other institutions, including education, religion, and the media, will continue to exert a profound infl uence on individu- als of all ages. A central value-oriented issue facing parents and teachers as they attempt to socialize children is the growing dominance of television, the Internet, and social media such as Facebook, Twit- ter, and Gmail, which make it possible for children and young people to experience many things outside their own homes and schools and to communicate routinely with people around the world.

Th e socialization process in colleges and univer- sities will become more diverse as students have an even wider array of options in higher education, including attending traditional classes in brick- and-mortar buildings, taking independent-study courses, enrolling in online courses and degree pro- grams, participating in study-abroad programs, and facing additional options that are unknown at this time. However, it remains to be seen whether newer approaches to socialization in higher education will be more stressful or less stressful than current methods. (See the You Can Make a Diff erence box to learn how some students are working to reduce stress in their current college environment.)

It is very likely that socialization in the future will be vastly diff erent in the world of global instant communication than it has been in the past. We are already bombarded with massive quantities of in- formation that vary widely in usefulness and quality. If analysts are correct in their assumption that we are moving toward a paperless society in the future, the fl ow of information will increasingly shift to the Web and intensify the amount of data with which we are bombarded. At the same time, we will fi nd it diffi cult to discern what information is useful and what is entertainment or trivia. One thing remains clear: Th e socialization process will continue to be a dynamic and important part of our life as we assume various roles throughout our life span.

boot camps, jails and prisons, concentration camps, and some mental hospitals are total institutions. Resocialization is a two-step process. First, peo- ple are totally stripped of their former selves—or depersonalized—through a degradation ceremony (Goff man, 1961a). For example, inmates entering prison are required to strip, shower, and wear as- signed institutional clothing. In the process, they are searched, weighed, fi ngerprinted, photographed, and given no privacy even in showers and rest- rooms. Th eir offi cial identifi cation becomes not a name but a number. In this abrupt break from their former existence, they must leave behind their per- sonal possessions and their family and friends. Th e depersonalization process continues as they are re- quired to obey rigid rules and to conform to their new environment.

Th e second step in the resocialization process oc- curs when the staff at an institution attempt to build a more compliant person. A system of rewards and punishments (such as providing or withholding television or exercise privileges) encourages confor- mity to institutional norms.

Individuals respond to resocialization in diff er- ent ways. Some people are rehabilitated; others be- come angry and hostile toward the system that has taken away their freedom. Although the assumed purpose of involuntary resocialization is to reform persons so that they will conform to societal stan- dards of conduct aft er their release, the ability of total institutions to modify off enders’ behavior in a meaningful manner has been widely questioned. In many prisons, for example, inmates may conform to

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▲ New inmates are taught how to order their meals. Two fi ngers raised means two portions. There is no talking in line. Inmates must eat all their meal. This “ceremony” suggests how much freedom and dignity an inmate loses when beginning the resocialization process.

http://www.pbs.org/now/shows/222/internet-future.html

● MTV/Associated Press Survey on What Stresses Out College Students Finds That While Two-Thirds of Col- lege Students Say They’re Generally Happy, 80% Feel Day-to-Day Stress! (Ypulse.com, 2010).

● A study in the Journal of Adolescent Health reports that stresses from the daily routine of college life keep 68 percent of students awake at night, with 20 percent of them reporting being sleepless for some period of time at least once a week (Messenger, 2009).

The college experience is an important socialization process for young people and adults. The economic and social benefi ts from achieving additional years of education beyond high school are great; however, some students are concerned that the price (not only in terms of dollars and cents) of such an education is also great because of academic and psychological stress. Is there anything that you can do to reduce stress? Do you have tips for coping that you might pass on to other students?

Here are a few thoughts on how to reduce stress in college:

● Don’t stress about being stressed. Sometimes we worry even more when we realize that we are feeling pressure to succeed, to get along well with others, and to fi t into new surroundings, particularly during our early college years. For students taking classes online, a whole new experience occurs as you learn how to interact with pro- fessors and others in the virtual community. Sometimes it is best to quickly admit that we are stressed out and then to set up a plan for handling the problem. Don’t wait to seek help from others if the worries seem overwhelming.

● Get more sleep. This may sound odd when you are already concerned about there not being enough hours in your day; however, this is sound advice. One of the major stressors of college students (and others!) is a chronic lack of sleep. Although professionals sug- gest that college students should get a minimum of eight hours of sleep each night, 70 percent of students surveyed in one study reported that they slept far less than eight hours per night. If we are organized, we can often do more work in a shorter period of time, and this gives us more time for rest and relaxation.

● Stay well. Getting sick is one of the major ways in which college students get behind in their studies, work, and personal life. Cold and fl u are among the key types of illnesses that aff ect students’ studies and class attendance. As simple as it may seem, Mother’s adage about washing your hands regularly is excellent advice for reducing the likelihood of becoming sick.

Don’t Be Stressed Out in College: Helping Yourself and Others

you can make a diff erence

Hand sanitizers have become increasingly popular on college campuses since the outbreak of the H1N1 fl u virus. Make use of receptacles dispensing sanitizer on campus and elsewhere. Dress warmly in cold weather, cultivate good eating habits (despite the 24-hour-a-day availability of pizza and junk food), and squeeze in time for some exercise even when you think you defi nitely don’t have time to exercise.

● Plan some quiet time and some fun time. Many of us get immersed in our work projects and forget that we need some time to ourselves to think, meditate, and engage in activities we fi nd relaxing. We need some personal space, and if you are attending a brick-and- mortar college, you may have to look around to fi nd a place where you can have a few moments for qual- ity quiet time without other people around. If you are taking classes away from a traditional college campus, you may have to carve out a space in which to do your studies and to spend time without interruptions from other family members or coworkers.

● Gain a new perspective on stress by helping other people cope with their own stress. Sometimes the surest way to learn new information or to develop a new pattern is to share ideas with another individual. If you know some- one who appears to be stressing out, pass on positive suggestions about how you have coped with a similar situation. This may be especially helpful if you have been in college for several years and can give insights from your own experience to a fi rst-year student or someone else who is new to your college. Although colleges off er orientation and advising programs, many students like to turn to peers to fi nd out how to cope with problematic situations. Often, the individu- als we meet in college—and with whom we share our stresses and coping mechanisms—are the same peo- ple we later identify as our best friends (based on Lynn, 2010). Sharing helps us to talk aloud about our prob- lems and coping strategies; it also provides us with an opportunity to learn from other people about their life experiences and strategies for remaining calm even in seemingly stressful circumstances.

What other suggestions do you have for dealing with stress in college? At home? At work?

Interested in learning more online? Use keywords such as “college student stress” and “tips for preventing stress” to search for sources of information and assistance.

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chapter review ● What is socialization, and why is it important

for human beings?

Socialization is the lifelong process through which individuals acquire their self-identity and learn the physical, mental, and social skills needed for survival in society. Th e kind of person we become depends greatly on what we learn during our forma- tive years from our surrounding social groups and social environment.

● How much of our unique human characteristics comes from heredity and how much from our social environment?

As individual human beings, we have unique iden- tities, personalities, and relationships with others. Each of us is a product of two forces: (1) heredity, referred to as “nature,” and (2) the social environ- ment, referred to as “nurture.” Whereas biology dic- tates our physical makeup, the social environment largely determines how we develop and behave.

● Why is social contact essential for human beings?

Social contact is essential in developing a self, or self-concept, which represents an individual’s per- ceptions and feelings of being a distinct or separate person. Much of what we think about ourselves is gained from our interactions with others and from what we perceive that others think of us.

● What are the main social psychological theories on human development?

According to Sigmund Freud, the self emerges from three interrelated forces: the id, the ego, and the superego. When a person is well adjusted, the three forces act in balance. Jean Piaget identifi ed four cognitive stages of development; each child must go through each stage in sequence before moving on to the next one, although some children move through them faster than others.

● How do sociologists believe that we develop a self-concept?

According to Charles Horton Cooley’s concept of the looking-glass self, we develop a self-concept as we see ourselves through the perceptions of others. Our initial sense of self is typically based on how families perceive and treat us. George Herbert Mead suggested that we develop a self-concept through role-taking and learning the rules of social interac- tion. According to Mead, the self is divided into the “I” and the “me.” Th e “I” represents the spontane- ous and unique traits of each person. Th e “me” rep- resents the internalized attitudes and demands of other members of society.

● What are the primary agents of socialization?

Th e agents of socialization include the family, schools, peer groups, and the media. Our families, which transmit cultural and social values to us, are the most important agents of socialization in all societies, serving these functions: (1) procreating and social- izing children, (2) providing emotional support, and (3) assigning social position. Schools primarily teach knowledge and skills but also have a profound infl u- ence on the self-image, beliefs, and values of children. Peer groups contribute to our sense of belonging and self-worth, and are a key source of information about acceptable behavior. Th e media function as socializ- ing agents by (1) informing us about world events, (2) introducing us to a wide variety of people, and (3) providing an opportunity to live vicariously through other people’s experiences.

● When does socialization end?

Socialization is ongoing throughout the life course. We learn knowledge and skills for future roles through anticipatory socialization. Parents are socialized by their own children, and adults learn through workplace socialization. Resocialization is the process of learning new attitudes, values, and behaviors, either voluntarily or involuntarily.

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103 key terms ageism 98

agents of socialization 89

anticipatory socialization 95

ego 82

gender socialization 94

generalized other 88

id 82

looking-glass self 86

mass media 92

peer group 92

racial socialization 94

resocialization 99

role-taking 86

self-concept 85

signifi cant others 86

social devaluation 98

socialization 76

sociobiology 77

superego 82

total institution 99

questions for critical thinking 1. Consider the concept of the looking-glass self.

How do you think others perceive you? Do you think most people perceive you correctly?

2. What are your “I” traits? What are your “me” traits? Which ones are stronger?

3. What are some diff erent ways that you might study the eff ect of toys on the socialization of

children? How could you isolate the toy variable from other variables that infl uence children’s so- cialization?

4. Is the attempted rehabilitation of criminal off end- ers—through boot camp programs, for example— a form of socialization or resocialization?

Watch the ABC video Student Stress: Dark Side of College (running time 2:25), available through CengageBrain.com. In this video, students discuss the pressures of college that can lead to excessive stress and depression. As you watch the video, think about your own experience as a college student. After you’ve watched the video, consider

these questions: Which of the stressors discussed in the video do you experience or have you experienced? What resources are available on your campus or through your school to help you manage stress? What, if any, additional resources would be helpful?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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Social Structure and Interaction in Everyday Life

I began Dumpster diving [scavenging in a large garbage bin] about a year before I became homeless. . . . The area I frequent is inhabited by many affl uent college students. I am not here by chance; the Dumpsters in this area are very rich. Students throw out many good things, including food. In particular they tend to throw everything out when they move at the end of a semester, before and after breaks, and around midterm, when many of them despair of college. So I fi nd it advantageous to keep an eye on the academic calendar. I learned to scavenge gradually, on my own. Since then I have initiated several companions into the trade. I have learned that there is a predictable series of stages a person goes through in learning to scavenge.

At fi rst the new scavenger is fi lled with disgust and self-loathing. He is ashamed of being seen and may lurk around, trying to duck behind things, or he may dive at night. (In fact, most people instinctively look away from a scavenger. By skulking around, the novice calls attention to himself and arouses suspicion. Diving at night is ineff ective and needlessly messy.) . . . That stage passes with experience. The scavenger fi nds a pair of running shoes that fi t and look and smell brand-new. . . . He begins to understand: People throw away perfectly good stuff , a lot of perfectly good stuff .

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▲ All activities in life—including scavenging in garbage bins and living “on the streets”—are social in nature.

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Chapter Focus Question

How is homelessness related to the social structure of a society?

At this stage, Dumpster shyness begins to dissipate. The diver, after all, has the last laugh. He is fi nding all manner of good things that are his for the taking. Those who disparage his profession are the fools, not he. —Author Lars Eighner recalls his experiences as a Dumpster diver while living under a shower curtain in a stand of bamboo in a public park. Eighner became homeless when he was evicted from his “shack” after being unemployed for about a year. (Eighner, 1993: 111–119)

E ighner’s “diving” activities refl ect a specifi c pattern of social behavior. All activities in life—including scavenging in garbage bins and living “on the streets”—are social in

nature. Homeless persons and domiciled persons (those with homes) live in social worlds that have predictable patterns of social interaction. Social interaction is the process by which people act toward or respond to other people and is the foundation for all relationships and groups in society. In this chapter, we look at the relationship between social structure and social interaction. In the process, homelessness is used as an example of how social problems occur and how they may be perpetuated within social structures and patterns of interaction.

Social structure is the complex framework of societal institutions (such as the economy, poli- tics, and religion) and the social practices (such as rules and social roles) that make up a society and that organize and establish limits on people’s behavior. Th is structure is essential for the sur- vival of society and for the well-being of individuals because it provides a social web of familial support and social relationships that connects each of us to the larger society. Many homeless people have lost this vital linkage. As a result, they oft en experience a loss of personal dignity and a sense of moral worth because of their “homeless” condition (Snow and Anderson, 1993).

Homeless persons such as Eighner come from all walks of life. Th ey include full-time and part-time

workers, parolees, runaway youths and children, veter- ans, and the elderly. Th ey live in cities, suburbs, and rural areas. Contrary to popular myths, most of the home- less are not on the streets by choice or because they are mentally ill. Before reading on, learn more about home- less persons and the pressing national problem of home- lessness by taking the quiz in the Sociology and Everyday Life box.

Social Structure: The Macrolevel Perspective Social structure provides the framework within which we interact with others. Th is framework is an orderly, fi xed arrangement of parts that together make up the whole group or society (see ▼ Figure 4.1). As defi ned in Chapter 1, a society is a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations. At the macrolevel, the social structure of a society has several essential elements: social institutions, groups, statuses, roles, and norms.

Functional theorists emphasize that social struc- ture is essential because it creates order and predict- ability in a society (Parsons, 1951). Social structure

In this chapter

● Social Structure: The Macrolevel Perspective

● Components of Social Structure

● Societies: Changes in Social Structure

● Social Interaction: The Microlevel Perspective

● Changing Social Structure and Interaction in the Future

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• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, videos, PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint® slides,

videos, PowerPoint® and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• For Discussion: Refresh the class on the concept of society. Ask students to talk about how their personal conceptions of society may have changed through experience and this course. Identify concrete examples of social structure to help students grasp this idea.

system of relationships of domination among cat- egories of people (for example, owner–worker and employer–employee).

Social structure creates boundaries that defi ne which persons or groups will be the “insiders” and which will be the “outsiders.” Social marginality is the state of being part insider and part outsider in the social structure. Sociologist Robert Park (1928) coined this term to refer to persons (such as immi- grants) who simultaneously share the life and tra- ditions of two distinct groups. Social marginality results in stigmatization. A stigma is any physical or social attribute or sign that so devalues a per- son’s social identity that it disqualifi es that person from full social acceptance (Goff man, 1963b). A convicted criminal, wearing a prison uniform, is an example of a person who has been stigmatized; the uniform says that the person has done something wrong and should not be allowed unsupervised out- side the prison walls. Th e stigmatization of home- lessness is discussed later in this chapter.

Components of Social Structure Th e social structure of a society includes its social positions, the relationships among those positions, and the kinds of resources attached to each of the positions. Social structure also includes all the groups

is also important for our human development. As discussed in Chapter 2, we develop a self-concept as we learn the attitudes, values, and behaviors of the people around us. When these attitudes and val- ues are part of a predictable structure, it is easier to develop that self-concept.

Social structure gives us the ability to interpret the social situations we encounter. For example, we expect our families to care for us, our schools to educate us, and our police to protect us. When our circumstances change dramatically, most of us feel an acute sense of anxiety because we do not know what to expect or what is expected of us. For exam- ple, newly homeless individuals may feel disoriented because they do not know how to function in their new setting. Th e person is likely to ask questions: “How will I survive on the streets?” “Where do I go to get help?” “Should I stay at a shelter?” “Where can I get a job?” Social structure helps people make sense out of their environment even when they fi nd themselves on the streets.

However, confl ict theorists maintain that there is more to social structure than is readily vis- ible and that we must explore the deeper, under- lying structures that determine social relations in a society. For example, Karl Marx suggested that the way economic production is organized is the most important structural aspect of any society. In capitalistic societies, where a few people control the labor of many, the social structure refl ects a

Family Religion Education Government Economy

Family members Close friends Peers

Schools Churches Corporations

Traditional Sports Mass media Science/medicine Military

Emergent

Primary groups Secondary groups

Occupation Education Income level

Achieved status Race/ethnicity Age Gender Class

Ascribed status

SOCIETY

Social Institutions

Social Groups

Statuses and Roles

FIGURE 4.1 SOCIAL STRUCTURE FRAMEWORK

▼

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correct answers on a screen for all to see. What were some of the most common misconceptions? Ask about any experiences with community service projects aimed at helping people who are homeless.

• Active Learning: Ask students to create a chart linking their own statuses and roles. Use these to talk about concepts such as role strain and role confl ict that are common to today’s college student.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: As students come in to class, ask them to take

the quiz on the subject of homelessness. If possible, project the

Washington, D.C., and that of a homeless person who is paid about fi ve dollars a week (plus bed and board) to clean up the dining room at a homeless shelter are social statuses (see Snow and Anderson, 1993).

Take a moment to answer the question “Who am I?” To determine who you are, you must think about your social identity, which is derived from the sta- tuses you occupy and is based on your status set. A status set comprises all the statuses that a person occupies at a given time. For example, Maria may be a psychologist, a professor, a wife, a mother, a Catholic, a school volunteer, a Texas resident, and

that make up society and the relationships among those groups (Smelser, 1988). We begin by examining the social positions that are closest to the individual.

Status A status is a socially defi ned position in a group or society characterized by certain expectations, rights, and duties. Statuses exist independently of the specifi c people occupying them (Linton, 1936); the statuses of professional athlete, rock musician, professor, college student, and homeless person all exist exclusive of the specifi c individuals who occupy these social positions. For example, although thou- sands of new students arrive on college campuses each year to occupy the status of fi rst-year student, the status of college student and the expectations attached to that position have remained relatively unchanged for the past century.

Does the term status refer only to high-level posi- tions in society? No, not in a sociological sense. Although many people equate the term status with high levels of prestige, sociologists use it to refer to all socially defi ned positions—high rank and low rank. For example, both the position of director of the Department of Health and Human Services in

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True False

T F 1. A signifi cant increase in family homelessness has occurred in the United States in recent years. T F 2. Alcoholism and domestic violence are the primary factors that bring about family homelessness. T F 3. Many homeless people have full-time employment. T F 4. Many homeless people are mentally ill. T F 5. Homeless people typically panhandle (beg for money) so that they can buy alcohol or drugs. T F 6. Shelters for the homeless consistently have clients who sleep on overfl ow cots, in chairs, in hallways, and other

nonstandard sleeping arrangements. T F 7. There have always been homeless persons throughout the history of the United States. T F 8. In large urban areas such as Los Angeles, many homeless people live in tent cities or other large encampments.

Answers on page 108.

How Much Do You Know About Homeless Persons?

sociology and everyday life 107

social interaction the process by which people act toward or respond to other people; the foundation for all relationships and groups in society.

social structure the stable pattern of social relationships that exists within a particular group or society.

status a socially defi ned position in a group or society characterized by certain expectations, rights, and duties.

status set all the statuses that a person occupies at a given time.

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• Research: Have students research and explore the work of Anthony Appiah on identity in a global community, in works such as Cosmopolitanism (2006). How might Appiah’s idea of multiple allegiances and identity roles complement the idea of a status set?

• Active Learning: Have students create charts mapping their own status sets, using diff erent colors to indicate their ascribed, achieved, and master statuses.

• For Discussion: According to the Princeton Review, these are the fi ve top party schools in the country: 1. Penn State, 2. University of Florida, 3. University of Mississippi, 4. University of Georgia, 5. Ohio University. Have students listen to and discuss the This American Life podcast on partying at Penn State (thisamericanlife.org, episode 396, “#1 Party School”).

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1. True. Recently, a signifi cant increase has occurred in the number of homeless families while there has been a decrease or leveling in the number of homeless single adults, partly due to policies aimed at ending chronic homelessness among single adults with disabilities.

2. False. Primary causes of family homelessness are as follows: job loss, foreclosures on homes brought about by the reces- sion, and a lack of aff ordable housing in many cities.

3. True. Many homeless people do have full-time employment, but they are among the working poor. The minimum-wage jobs they hold do not pay enough for them to support their families and pay the high rents that are typical in many cities.

4. False. Most homeless people are not mentally ill; estimates suggest that about one-fourth of the homeless are emotionally disturbed.

5. False. Many homeless persons panhandle to pay for food, a bed at a shelter, or other survival needs.

6. True. Overcrowded shelters throughout the nation often attempt to accommodate as many homeless people as possible on a given night, particularly when the weather is bad. As a result, any available spaces—including offi ces, closets, and hallways—are used as sleeping areas until the individuals can fi nd another location or weather conditions im- prove.

7. True. Scholars have found that homelessness has always existed in the United States. However, the number of homeless persons has increased or decreased with fl uctuations in the national economy.

8. False. Although media reports frequently show homeless individuals and families living in tent cities or other large home- less encampments in major U.S. cities, offi cial studies by the U.S. Conference of Mayors (2009) have found that only ten large U.S. cities have tent cities and that these cities hold only a very small percentage of people who are homeless.

Source: U.S. Conference of Mayors, 2009.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Homelessness and Homeless Persons

sociology and everyday life 108

a Mexican American. All of these socially defi ned positions constitute her status set.

Ascribed Status and Achieved Status Statuses are distinguished by the manner in which we acquire them. An ascribed status is a social posi- tion conferred at birth or received involuntarily later in life, based on attributes over which the individual has little or no control, such as race/ ethnicity, age, and gender. For example, Maria is a female born to Mexican American parents; she was assigned these statuses at birth. She is an adult and— if she lives long enough—will someday become an “older adult,” which is an ascribed status received involuntarily later in life. An achieved status is a

social position a person assumes voluntarily as a result of personal choice, merit, or direct eff ort. Achieved statuses (such as occupation, education, and income) are thought to be gained as a result of personal ability or successful competition. Most occupational positions in modern societies are achieved statuses. For instance, Maria voluntarily assumed the statuses of psychologist, professor, wife, mother, and school volunteer. However, not all achieved statuses are positions most people would want to attain; for example, being a criminal, a drug addict, or a homeless person is a negative achieved status.

Ascribed statuses have a signifi cant infl uence on the achieved statuses that we occupy. Race/ethnicity,

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provides a temporary residence for individuals intended to be institutionalized; or a public or private place not designed for, or ordinarily used as, a regular sleeping accommodation for human beings” (HUD).

• Sociological Imagination: Have students analyze the federal government’s defi nition of homelessness: “an individual who lacks a fi xed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence; and an individual who has a primary nighttime residence that is a supervised publicly or privately operated shelter designed to provide temporary living accommodations (including welfare hotels, congregate shelters, and transitional housing for the mentally ill); an institution that

all the individual’s other statuses and is the over- riding ingredient in determining a person’s general social position (Hughes, 1945). Being poor or rich is a master status that infl uences many other areas of life, including health, education, and life opportuni- ties. Historically, the most common master statuses for women have related to positions in the family, such as daughter, wife, and mother. For men, occu- pation has usually been the most important status, although occupation is increasingly a master status for many women as well. “What do you do?” is one of the fi rst questions most people ask when meet- ing another. Occupation provides important clues to a person’s educational level, income, and family background. An individual’s race/ethnicity may also constitute a master status in a society in which dom- inant-group members single out members of other groups as “inferior” on the basis of real or alleged physical, cultural, or nationality characteristics (see Feagin and Feagin, 2003).

Master statuses confer high or low levels of per- sonal worth and dignity on people. Th ese are not characteristics that we inherently possess; they are derived from the statuses we occupy. For those who have no residence, being a homeless person read- ily becomes a master status regardless of the per- son’s other attributes. Homelessness is a stigmatized master status that confers disrepute on its occupant because domiciled people oft en believe that a home- less person has a “character fl aw.” Sometimes this assumption is supported by how the media frame stories about homeless people (see the Framing Homelessness in the Media box). Th e circumstances under which someone becomes homeless deter- mine the extent to which that person is stigmatized gender, and age aff ect each person’s opportunity to

acquire certain achieved statuses. Th ose who are privileged by their positive ascribed statuses are more likely to achieve the more prestigious posi- tions in a society. Th ose who are disadvantaged by their ascribed statuses may more easily acquire neg- ative achieved statuses.

Master Status If we occupy many diff erent statuses, how can we determine which is the most important? Sociologist Everett Hughes has stated that societies resolve this ambiguity by determin- ing master statuses. A master status is the most important status a person occupies; it dominates

▲ In the past, a person’s status was primarily linked to his or her family background, education, occupation, and other sociological attributes. Today, some sociologists believe that celebrity status has overtaken the more traditional social indicators of status. The rock star Bono, shown here performing at a concert, is an example of celebrity status.

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ascribed status a social position conferred at birth or received involuntarily later in life based on attributes over which the individual has little or no control, such as race/ethnicity, age, and gender.

achieved status a social position that a person as- sumes voluntarily as a result of personal choice, merit, or direct eff ort.

master status the most important status that a person occupies.

• Extra Examples: Have students listen to podcasts from The Homelessness Marathon, an annual radio show featuring voices and stories of homeless people across the country (homelessnessmarathon.org). What kinds of framing take place in these podcasts? How does this framing compare to that discussed above?

They live—and die—on a traffi c island in the middle of a busy downtown street, surviving by panhandling drivers or turning tricks. Everyone in their colony is hooked on drugs or alcohol. They are the harsh face of the homeless in San Francisco.

The traffi c island where these homeless people live is a 40-by-75 foot triangle chunk of concrete just west of San Francisco’s downtown. . . . The little concrete divider wouldn’t get a second glance, or have a name—if not for the colony that lives there in a jumble of shopping carts loaded with everything they own. It’s called Homeless Island by the shopkeepers who work near it and the street sweepers who clean it; to the homeless, it is just the Island. The inhabitants live hand-to-mouth, sleep on the cement and abuse booze and drugs, mostly heroin. There are at least 3,000 others like them in San Francisco, social workers say. They are known as the “hard core,” the people most visible on the streets, the most diffi cult to help. . . . (Fagan, 2003)

Thematic and Episodic Framing

framing homelessness in the media 110

This news article is an example of typical media framing of stories about homeless people. The full article includes state- ments about how the homeless of San Francisco use drugs, lack ambition, and present a generally disreputable appear- ance on the streets. This type of framing of stories about the homeless is not unique. According to the media scholar Eung- jun Min (1999: ix), media images typically portray the home- less as “drunk, stoned, crazy, sick, and drug abusers.” Such rep- resentations of homeless people limit our understanding of the larger issues surrounding the problem of homelessness in the United States.

Most media framing of newspaper articles and television reports about the problem of homelessness can be classi- fi ed into one of two major categories: thematic framing and episodic framing. Thematic framing refers to news stories that focus primarily on statistics about the homeless population

(see Figure ▼ 4.2). Snow and Anderson (1993: 199) observed the eff ects of homelessness as a master status:

It was late aft ernoon, and the homeless were con- gregated in front of [the Salvation Army shelter] for dinner. A school bus approached that was packed with Anglo junior high school students being bused from an eastside barrio school to their upper- middle and upper-class homes in the city’s north- west neighborhoods. As the bus rolled by, a fusillade of coins came fl ying out the windows, as the students

made obscene gestures and shouted, “Get a job.” Some of the homeless gestured back, some scram- bled for the scattered coins—mostly pennies— others angrily threw the coins at the bus, and a few seemed oblivious to the encounter. For the passing junior high schoolers, the exchange was harmless fun, a way to work off the restless energy built up in school; but for the homeless it was a stark reminder of their stigmatized status and of the extent to which they are the objects of negative attention.

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36% 28% 28% 20% 12% 12%

FIGURE 4.2 CAUSES OF FAMILY HOMELESSNESS IN 25 CITIES U.S. Conference of Mayors, 2008.

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Then ask your students to try and write a letter about what kind of survival strategies are needed to live on the streets as a homeless person. Address the two diff erent kinds of cultural knowledge necessary to live these two diff erent kinds of lives.

• Popular Culture: The offi cial gift basket for celebrities attending the 2006 Emmy Awards was worth approximately $30,000 and included pearls, certifi cates to spa treatments, designer luggage,

• For Discussion: What are the most popular status symbols of today? Ask students to talk about and even demonstrate some of the current symbols that display status. Ask students to identify examples of conspicuous consumption, along with other kinds of status.

• Active Learning: Ask students to write a note to a high school freshman about the strategies necessary for survival in college.

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and recent trends in homelessness. Examples include stories about changes in the U.S. poverty rate and articles about states and cities that have had the largest increases in poverty. Most articles of this type are abstract and impersonal, primar- ily presenting data and some expert’s interpretation of what those data mean. Media representations of this type convey a message to readers that “the poor and homeless are face- less.” According to some analysts, thematic framing of poverty is often dehumanizing because it “ignores the human tragedy of poverty—the suff ering, indignities, and misery endured by millions of children and adults” (Mantsios, 2003: 101).

By contrast, episodic framing presents public issues such as poverty and homelessness as concrete events, showing them to be specifi c instances that occur more or less in isola- tion. For example, a news article may focus on the problems of one homeless family, describing how the parents and kids live in a car and eat meals from a soup kitchen. Often, what is not included is the big picture of homelessness: How many people throughout the city or nation are living in their cars or in shelters? What larger structural factors (such as reductions

in public and private assistance to the poor, or high rates of unemployment in some regions) contribute to or intensify the problem of homelessness in this country?

For many years, the poor have been a topic of interest to journalists and social commentators. How stories about the poor and homeless are framed in the media has been and re- mains an important concern for each of us because these re- ports infl uence how we view the less fortunate in our society. If we come to see the problem of homelessness as nothing more than isolated statistical data or as marginal situations that aff ect only a few people, then we are unable to make a balanced assessment of the larger social problems involved.

refl ect & analyze How are the poor and homeless represented in the news reports and television entertainment shows you watch? Are the larger social issues surrounding homelessness discussed within the context of these shows? Should they be?

Status Symbols When people are proud of a particular social status that they occupy, they oft en choose to use visible means to let others know about their position. Status symbols are material signs that inform others of a person’s specifi c status. For example, just as wearing a wedding ring pro- claims that a person is married, owning a Rolls- Royce announces that one has “made it.” As we saw in Chapter 2, achievement and success are core U.S. values. For this reason, people who have “made it” tend to want to display symbols to inform others of their accomplishments.

Status symbols for the domiciled and for the homeless may have diff erent meanings. Among affl uent persons, a full shopping cart in the gro- cery store and bags of merchandise from expensive department stores indicate a loft y fi nancial position. By contrast, among the homeless, bulging shopping bags and overloaded grocery carts suggest a com- pletely diff erent status. Carts and bags are essential to street life; there is no other place to keep things, as shown by this description of Darian, a homeless woman in New York City:

status symbol a material sign that informs others of a person’s specifi c status.

Th e possessions in her postal cart consist of a whole house full of things, from pots and pans to books, shoes, magazines, toilet articles, personal papers and clothing, most of which she made herself. . . .

Because of its weight and size, Darian cannot get the cart up over the curb. She keeps it in the street near the cars. Th is means that as she pushes it slowly up and down the street all day long, she is living almost her entire life directly in traffi c. She stops off along her route to sit or sleep for awhile and to be both stared at as a spectacle and to stare back. Every aspect of her life including sleeping, eating, and going to the bathroom is constantly in public view. . . . [S]he has no space to call her own and she never has a moment’s privacy. Her privacy, her home, is her cart with all its possessions. (Rousseau, 1981: 141)

For homeless women and men, possessions are not status symbols as much as they are a link with the

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• For Discussion: Be sure that your class understands the diff erence between role confl ict and role strain. Brainstorm several examples of each together.

coupons to holidays to New Zealand, and a swanky mobile phone. Recipients also received a tax form from the IRS (Washington Post). Have students refl ect on the status of celebrities in our culture.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

Our roles are relational (or complementary); that is, they are defi ned in the context of roles per- formed by others. We can play the role of student because someone else fulfi lls the role of professor. Conversely, to perform the role of professor, the teacher must have one or more students.

Role ambiguity occurs when the expectations associated with a role are unclear. For example, it is not always clear when the provider–dependent aspect of the parent–child relationship ends. Should it end at age eighteen or twenty-one? When a person is no longer in school? Diff erent people will answer these questions diff erently depending on their experiences and socialization, as well as on the parents’ fi nancial capability and psychological willingness to continue contributing to the welfare of their adult children.

Role Confl ict and Role Strain Most people occupy a number of statuses, each of which has numerous role expectations attached. For example, Charles is a student who attends morning classes at the university, and he is an employee at a fast-food restaurant, where he works from 3:00 to 10:00 p.m. He is also Stephanie’s boyfriend, and she would like to see him more oft en. On December 7, Charles has a fi nal exam at 7:00 p.m., when he is supposed to be working. Meanwhile, Stephanie is pressuring him to take her to a movie. To top it off , his mother calls, asking him to fl y home because his father is going to have emergency surgery. How can Charles be in all

past, a hope for the future, and a potential source of immediate cash. As Snow and Anderson (1993: 147) note, selling personal possessions is not uncommon among most social classes; members of the work- ing and middle classes hold garage sales, and those in the upper classes have estate sales. However, when homeless persons sell their personal posses- sions, they do so to meet their immediate needs, not because they want to “clean house.”

Role A role is the dynamic aspect of a status. Whereas we occupy a status, we play a role. A role is a set of behavioral expectations associated with a given status. For example, a carpenter (employee) hired to remodel a kitchen is not expected to sit down unin- vited and join the family (employer) for dinner.

Role expectation is a group’s or society’s defi ni- tion of the way a specifi c role ought to be played. By contrast, role performance is how a person actually plays the role. Role performance does not always match role expectation. Some statuses have role expectations that are highly specifi c, such as that of surgeon or college professor. Other statuses, such as friend or signifi cant other, have less-structured expectations. Th e role expectations tied to the sta- tus of student are more specifi c than those of being a friend. Role expectations are typically based on a range of acceptable behavior rather than on strictly defi ned standards.

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▲ Sociologists believe that being rich or poor may be a master status in the United States. How do the lifestyles of these two men diff er based on their master statuses?

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• Active Learning: Have students write a short paragraph on the following: What might cause role ambiguity? Give examples of times when you have had this experience. How might this experience be a part of a process that leads to role confl ict and then role distancing?

women who engage in behavior that is gender-typed as “masculine” tend to have higher rates of role con- fl ict than those who engage in traditional “feminine” behavior (Basow, 1992). According to the sociologist Tracey Watson (1987), role confl ict can sometimes be attributed not to the roles themselves but to the pres- sures that people feel when they do not fi t into cultur- ally prescribed roles. In her study of women athletes in college sports programs, Watson found role con- fl ict in the traditionally incongruent identities of being a woman and being an athlete. Even though the women athletes in her study wore makeup and presented a conventional image when they were not on the basketball court, their peers in school still saw them as “female jocks,” thus leading to role confl ict.

Whereas role confl ict occurs between two or more statuses (such as being homeless and being a temporary employee of a social service agency), role strain takes place within one status. Role strain occurs when incompatible demands are built into a single status that a person occupies (Goode, 1960). For example, many women experience role strain in the labor force because they hold jobs that are “less satisfying and more stressful than men’s jobs since they involve less money, less prestige, fewer job openings, more career roadblocks, and so forth” (Basow, 1992: 192). Similarly, married women may experience more role strain than married men because of work overload, marital inequality with their spouse, exclusive parenting responsibilities, unclear expectations, and lack of emotional support.

Recent social changes may have increased role strain for men. In the family, men’s traditional posi- tion of dominance has eroded as more women have entered the paid labor force and demanded

these places at once? Such experiences of role con- fl ict can be overwhelming.

Role confl ict occurs when incompatible role demands are placed on a person by two or more statuses held at the same time. When role confl ict occurs, we may feel pulled in diff erent directions. To deal with this problem, we may prioritize our roles and fi rst complete the one we consider to be most important. Or we may compartmentalize our lives and “insulate” our various roles (Merton, 1968). Th at is, we may perform the activities linked to one role for part of the day and then engage in the activi- ties associated with another role in some other time period or elsewhere. For example, under routine circumstances, Charles would fulfi ll his student role for part of the day and his employee role for another part of the day. In his current situation, however, he is unable to compartmentalize his roles.

Role confl ict may occur as a result of changing statuses and roles in society. Research has found that

▲ Parents sometimes experience role confl ict when they are faced with societal expectations that they will earn a living for their family and that they will also be good parents to their children. Obviously, this father needs to leave for work; however, his son has other needs.

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role a set of behavioral expectations associated with a given status.

role expectation a group’s or society’s defi nition of the way that a specifi c role ought to be played.

role performance how a person actually plays a role.

role confl ict a situation in which incompatible role demands are placed on a person by two or more statuses held at the same time.

role strain a condition that occurs when incompat- ible demands are built into a single status that a person occupies.

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• U.S. Census: Have students discuss homelessness in light of the following statistics: In 2005, 13.3 percent of the U.S. population, or 38,231,521 million people, lived in poverty. Both the poverty rate and the number of poor people have increased in recent years, up from 12.5 percent or 1.1 million in 2003 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

• For Discussion: If you had students create a chart of their statuses and roles, now ask them to discuss possible sources of role strain, role confl ict, and role exit. Ask students to share some of their own experiences since becoming college students. How many of your students are also married, have children, work full time, or are nontraditional (older) students?

does not discuss whether the bacon cheeseburger is better than the chili burger. When Charles is really involved in role distancing, he tells his friends that he “works there but wouldn’t eat there.”

Role Exit Role exit occurs when people dis- engage from social roles that have been central to their self-identity (Ebaugh, 1988). Sociologist Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh studied this process by interviewing ex-convicts, ex-nuns, retirees, divorced men and women, and others who had exited vol- untarily from signifi cant social roles. According to Ebaugh, role exit occurs in four stages. Th e fi rst stage is doubt, in which people experience frustration or burnout when they refl ect on their existing roles. Th e second stage involves a search for alternatives; here, people may take a leave of absence from their work or temporarily separate from their marriage partner. Th e third stage is the turning point at which people realize that they must take some fi nal action, such as quitting their job or getting a divorce. Th e fourth and fi nal stage involves the creation of a new identity.

more assistance in child-rearing and homemaking responsibilities. Th e concepts of role expectation, role performance, role confl ict, and role strain are illustrated in ▼ Figure 4.3.

Individuals frequently distance themselves from a role they fi nd extremely stressful or otherwise problematic. Role distancing occurs when people consciously foster the impression of a lack of com- mitment or attachment to a particular role and merely go through the motions of role performance (Goff man, 1961b). People use distancing techniques when they do not want others to take them as the “self ” implied in a particular role, especially if they think the role is “beneath them.” While Charles is working in the fast-food restaurant, for example, he does not want people to think of him as a “loser in a dead-end job.” He wants them to view him as a college student who is working there just to “pick up a few bucks” until he graduates. When custom- ers from the university come in, Charles talks to them about what courses they are taking, what they are majoring in, and what professors they have. He

Role Expectation: a group’s or society’s definition of the way a specific role ought to be played.

Role Performance: how a person actually plays a role.

Role Conflict: occurs when incompatible demands are placed on a person by two or more statuses held at the same time.

Role Strain: occurs when incompatible demands are built into a single status that a person holds.

Oh, yes, Professor Bright. I know the answer, which is . . .

Do I need to know that concept in order to pass this course?

I appreciate you letting me have Thursday off from work so I can study for my sociology exam!

Being a student is a lot more stressful than I thought it would be!

FIGURE 4.3 ROLE EXPECTATION, PERFORMANCE, CONFLICT, AND STRAIN When playing the role of “student,” do you sometimes personally encounter these concepts?

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homes, volunteers can build websites. Or translate documents. Or prepare training manuals. Or mentor teens. All from a computer hundreds or thousands of miles away” (Associated Press). Have students discuss comparable experiences with online groups and communities.

• Extra Examples: Provide students with a visual representation of your own social network. Help students to understand some of

• For Discussion: In what specifi c ways do race/ethnicity, gender, and social class play a part in the meanings we give to our interactions with others? These interactions are always performed through roles defi ned by our complex status set.

• Media Coverage: “Online volunteering is growing as Internet access improves worldwide, particularly among African and Latin American organizations needing assistance. Instead of building

interdependence. Th roughout our lives, most of us participate in groups, from our families and child- hood friends, to our college classes, to our work and community organizations, and even to society.

Primary and secondary groups are the two basic types of social groups. A primary group is a small, less specialized group in which members engage in face-to-face, emotion-based interactions over an extended period of time. Primary groups include our family, close friends, and school- or work- related peer groups. By contrast, a secondary group is a larger, more specialized group in which mem- bers engage in more impersonal, goal-oriented relationships for a limited period of time. Schools, churches, and corporations are examples of second- ary groups. In secondary groups, people have few, if any, emotional ties to one another. Instead, they come together for some specifi c, practical purpose, such as getting a degree or a paycheck. Secondary groups are more specialized than primary ones; individuals relate to one another in terms of spe- cifi c roles (such as professor and student) and more limited activities (such as course-related endeav- ors). Primary and secondary groups are further dis- cussed in Chapter 5 (“Groups and Organizations”).

Social solidarity, or cohesion, refers to a group’s ability to maintain itself in the face of obstacles. Social solidarity exists when social bonds, attrac- tions, or other forces hold members of a group in interaction over a period of time (Jary and Jary, 1991). For example, if a local church is destroyed by fi re and congregation members still worship

Exiting the “homeless” role is oft en very diffi cult. Th e longer a person remains on the streets, the more diffi cult it becomes to exit this role. Personal resources diminish over time. Possessions are oft en stolen, lost, sold, or pawned. Work experience and skills become outdated, and physical disabilities that prevent indi- viduals from working are likely to develop.

Groups Groups are another important component of social structure. To sociologists, a social group consists of two or more people who interact frequently and share a common identity and a feeling of

▲ For many years, capitalism has been dominated by powerful “old-boy” social networks. Professional women have increasingly created their own social networks to enhance their business opportunities.

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role exit a situation in which people disengage from social roles that have been central to their self- identity.

social group a group that consists of two or more people who interact frequently and share a common identity and a feeling of interdependence.

primary group Charles Horton Cooley’s term for a small, less specialized group in which members en- gage in face-to-face, emotion-based interactions over an extended period of time.

secondary group a larger, more specialized group in which members engage in more-impersonal, goal- oriented relationships for a limited period of time.

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that they bring with them from past experiences? Where do these shared expectations overlap? What purposes do they serve?

• Research: “Two trends are largely responsible for the rise in homelessness over the past 20–25 years: a growing shortage of aff ordable rental housing and a simultaneous increase in poverty. Homelessness and poverty are inextricably linked. Being poor

the complexities of life after graduation, and use this opportunity to give concrete examples of abstract concepts such as primary group, secondary group, and formal organization.

• For Discussion: Ethnomethodologists suggest that interaction is based on assumptions of shared experiences. When your students attend this class, what are the expectations that they have and

such as colleges, corporations, or the government. In Chapter 5 (“Groups and Organizations”), we analyze the characteristics of bureaucratic organi- zations; however, at this point we should note that these organizations are a very important component of social structure in all industrialized societies. We expect such organizations to educate us, solve our social problems (such as crime and homelessness), and provide us work opportunities.

Today, formal organizations such as the U.S. Conference of Mayors and the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty work with groups around the country to make people aware that homelessness must be viewed within the larger context of poverty and to educate the public on the nature and extent of homelessness among various categories of people in the United States (see ▼ Figure 4.4 for statistics on homelessness).

Social Institutions At the macrolevel of all societies, certain basic activities routinely occur—children are born and socialized, goods and services are produced and distributed, order is preserved, and a sense of pur- pose is maintained (Aberle et al., 1950; Mack and

together in a makeshift setting, then they have a high degree of social solidarity.

Many of us build social networks that involve our personal friends in primary groups and our acquaintances in secondary groups. A social net- work is a series of social relationships that links an individual to others. Social networks work diff er- ently for men and women, for diff erent races/eth- nicities, and for members of diff erent social classes. Traditionally, people of color and white women have been excluded from powerful “old-boy” social networks. At the middle- and upper-class levels, individuals tap social networks to fi nd employment, make business deals, and win political elections. However, social networks typically do not work eff ectively for poor and homeless individuals. Snow and Anderson (1993) found that homeless men have fragile social networks that are plagued with insta- bility. Most of the avenues for exiting the homeless role and acquiring housing are intertwined with the large-scale, secondary groups that sociologists refer to as formal organizations.

A formal organization is a highly structured group formed for the purpose of completing cer- tain tasks or achieving specifi c goals. Many of us spend most of our time in formal organizations

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The Statistics on Homelessness Demographics

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FIGURE 4.4 WHO ARE THE HOMELESS? Source: National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, 2004. Reprinted courtesy of HowStuff Works.com.

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conscience superior to his own, the superiority of which he feels. Because the greater, better part of his existence transcends the body, he escapes the body’s yoke, but is subject to that of society” (Emile Durkheim). Have students translate this statement into their own words.

means being an illness, an accident, or a paycheck away from living on the streets” (National Coalition for the Homeless).

• Quote, Unquote: “Man’s characteristic privilege is that the bond he accepts is not physical but moral; that is, social. He is governed not by a material environment brutally imposed on him, but by a

Conflict theorists agree with functionalists that social institutions are originally organized to meet basic social needs. However, they do not believe that social institutions work for the com- mon good of everyone. For example, some con- flict theorists might point out that families may be a source of problems (rather than solutions) for young people. Some children are abused or neglected; others have arguments with their par- ents or other authority figures in the household that contribute to a decision to run away from home and try their luck living on the streets. Traumatic incidents in families may trigger fear, anxiety, and dread that contribute to homeless- ness among young people. See Photo Essay.

Conflict theorists might also emphasize that homeless persons across age categories are largely powerless in the face of failing social institutions and large-scale bureaucracies in contemporary societies. For example, the homeless lack the power and resources to promote their own inter- ests when they are opposed by dominant social groups.

Bradford, 1979). Social institutions are the means by which these basic needs are met. A social institution is a set of organized beliefs and rules that estab- lishes how a society will attempt to meet its basic social needs. In the past, these needs have centered around fi ve basic social institutions: the family, reli- gion, education, the economy, and the government or politics. Today, mass media, sports, science and medicine, and the military are also considered to be social institutions.

What is the diff erence between a group and a social institution? A group is composed of specifi c, identifi able people; an institution is a standardized way of doing something. Th e concept of “family” helps to distinguish between the two. When we talk about “your family” or “my family,” we are referring to a specifi c family. When we refer to the family as a social institution, we are talking about ideologies and standardized patterns of behavior that orga- nize family life. For example, the family as a social institution contains certain statuses organized into well-defi ned relationships, such as husband–wife, parent–child, and brother–sister. Specifi c fami- lies do not always conform to these ideologies and behavior patterns.

Functional theorists emphasize that social insti- tutions exist because they perform fi ve essential tasks:

1. Replacing members. Societies and groups must have socially approved ways of replacing mem- bers who move away or die.

2. Teaching new members. People who are born into a society or move into it must learn the group’s values and customs.

3. Producing, distributing, and consuming goods and services. All societies must provide and distribute goods and services for their members.

4. Preserving order. Every group or society must preserve order within its boundaries and protect itself from attack by outsiders.

5. Providing and maintaining a sense of purpose. In order to motivate people to cooperate with one another, a sense of purpose is needed.

Although this list of functional prerequisites is shared by all societies, the institutions in each soci- ety perform these tasks in somewhat diff erent ways depending on their specifi c cultural values and norms.

▲ As a formal organization, the Salvation Army completes certain tasks and achieves certain goals that otherwise might not be fulfi lled in contemporary societies, such as providing meals for the homeless.

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formal organization a highly structured group formed for the purpose of completing certain tasks or achieving specifi c goals.

social institution a set of organized beliefs and rules that establishes how a society will attempt to meet its basic social needs.

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Trying to Go It Alone: Runaway Adolescents and Teens

photo essay

Home. Family. Th e ideal is that these words evoke a sense of well-being—feelings such as love, understanding, acceptance, and security. However, the reality is that for many of us, especially adolescents and teens, these words trig- ger negative feelings—fear, anxiety, dread—and an urgent desire to escape. Recent statistics indicate that between 1.6 million and 2.8 million young people run away each year in the United States and that approximately 1.3 million homeless youths live unsupervised on the streets, in abandoned build- ings, with friends, or with strangers. Young people between the ages of twelve and seventeen are more at risk of homelessness than are adults (NSCL, 2010).

One out of every seven children between the ages of ten and eighteen will run away before their eigh- teenth birthday. Included in these numbers are not just runaway but also "throwaway" children, youths who have been forced out of their homes by parents or guardians, or, because they have turned eighteen, forced out of a foster care system.

Many young people run away because the fam- ily—an important social institution in societies— has failed them: Problems in the home include physical and sexual abuse, mental health disorders

of a family member, substance abuse and addiction of a family member, and parental neglect (NSCL, 2010). It is estimated that over 70 percent of run- away and throwaway youths are endangered, either having already been harmed or being potentially at risk of being harmed, most commonly physically or sexually. Youths' substance dependency is the sec- ond most common source of being at risk for harm. Consider the following additional statistics:

● Th irty-two percent of runaway and homeless youth have attempted suicide at some point in their lives.

● Approximately 48.2 percent of female youths living on the street and 33.2 percent of female youths living in a shelter reported having been pregnant at least once.

● Fift y percent of homeless youths age sixteen or older reported having dropped out of school, having been expelled, or having been suspended.

● Seventy-fi ve percent of runaways who are on the street for two or more weeks will become involved in theft , drugs, or pornography, while one out of every three teens on the street will be lured into prostitu- tion within forty-eight hours of leaving home.

WHY THEY LEAVE

Forty-seven percent of runaway and homeless youths indicate that confl ict between them and a parent or guardian is a major problem. Thirty-four percent of runaways (girls and boys) report sexual abuse, and 43 percent report physical abuse before leaving home, abuse that increases youths' risk of being assaulted and/or raped on the street. Other problems that runaways report include alcohol and drug use, sexual orientation issues, and mental and physical health issues.

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LIFE ON THE STREET IS HARD

This homeless girl on a sidewalk in Manhattan refl ects the reality that youths ages twelve to seventeen are at higher risk for homelessness than are adults. Available data show that 12 percent of runaway and homeless youths spend at least one night outside in a park, on a street, under a bridge or overhang, or on a rooftop. Seven percent of youths in runaway and homeless shelters and 14 percent of youths on the street surveyed in 1995 reported having traded sex for money, food, shelter, or drugs in the previous twelve months. Other means of survival include shelters and soup kitchens, panhandling, and stealing.

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▲ SOCIETY'S SAFETY NETS

Males and females run away in equal numbers, although females are more likely to seek help through shelters and hotlines such as the National Runaway Switchboard (NRS), where 77 percent of the callers are female. In 2007, NRS handled more than 176,000 calls. NRS data show that the organization is serving more youths who are contemplating running away, instead of already having run away, than in the past. Children under age twelve are the fastest-growing group of callers, and in 2007, NRS received more crisis calls than it had in the past.

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HOME FREE PROGRAM

In addition to providing its hotline and online services and a professionally developed runaway prevention curriculum titled "Let's Talk," the NRS partners with several organizations, most notably Greyhound Lines, Inc., to off er its Home Free Program, promoted in this poster by the musician Ludacris. More than 10,000 runaways have been reunited with their families, free of charge, since the program was started.

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What happens to the socialization process (described in Chapter 3) when youths must fend for themselves to meet their own physical and emo- tional needs? How is the social structure of a soci- ety (discussed in this chapter) related to problems of runaway adolescents and homeless teenagers? Th e images in this essay give you a chance to look at the lives of runaways, from risk factors and pre- cipitating events to means of survival and resources, and the longer-term eff ects that running away or being thrown away has on individuals and their communities. Th is essay also provides a glimpse

of homeless children in global perspective. As you look at these images, consider the short- and long- term impact on a society of persons ages twelve (and sometimes younger) to eighteen attempting self-suffi ciency.

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CATCHING UP

Fifty percent of homeless youths age sixteen or older reported having dropped out of school, having been expelled, or having been suspended. Even if school had not been a major problem, once adolescents and teens, especially teens, have run away, the disruption to their education may be so signifi cant that they end up dropping out of school. Catching up and moving ahead takes determination—and opportunities, such as ones provided by this Skills, Training, Employment, Preparation Services (STEPS) program, where teens can study for a high school General Equivalency Development (GED) test.

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GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

These homeless children, or "street kids," sleeping in a traffi c island in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in early 2008 are among the 25 million children, adolescents, and teens in developing countries in Asia, Africa, and the Americas who live, work, and sleep on the streets or in shelters such as railway stations. Whether orphaned by war or disease, abandoned, lost, or runaways, the world's street children lack access to adequate health care, nutrition, and hygiene. They are also at serious risk of being recruited or entrapped and then transported for sexual exploitation or forced labor in the underground economy known as human traffi cking, whose victims number an estimated 2.5 million at any given time.

refl ect & analyze 1. Apply functionalist, confl ict, and symbolic

interactionist perspectives to an analysis of the problems of runaways and other street kids. How does being a runaway or a throwaway child aff ect a child's ability to thrive, or simply survive, in society?

2. What might social institutions such as family, religion, education, and the government do to reduce the likelihood that at-risk children will run away?

3. Did you ever run away, or do you know someone who did? If so, do you imagine that the experience of running away will aff ect you (or the other person) in regard to participation in groups or commitment to a social institution such as a family, school, or religious organization in the future?

turning to video Watch the ABC video Girls Behaving Badly: Violent Girls (running time 8:29), available on the Kendall Companion Website and through Cengage Learning eResources accounts. In 1999, Judge Cindy Lederman of Miami–Dade County Juvenile Court founded a program known as the Girls Advocacy Project, or GAP, which for seven years helped girls in Florida's Miami–Dade County Juvenile Detention Center, fi lling gaps in both the juvenile justice system and the girls' lives through educational group discussions and other support. As you watch the video, think about the photographs, commentary, and questions you encountered in this photo essay. After you've watched the video, consider these questions: What risk factors do violent girls have in common with runaway and throwaway youth, and in what ways are running away and acting violently similar—and diff erent?

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For this reason he advanced the revolutionary belief that governments had an obligation to provide education to workers (Yousuf Dhamee, The Victorian Web).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: Have the class explore the Beloit College Mindset List for their own and earlier years to get a better sense of the changes over time in world view and social structure among college students (beloit.edu/mindset).

• Historical Perspective: Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations) pointed out that forcing individuals to perform mundane and repetitious tasks would lead to an ignorant, dissatisfi ed workforce.

face-to-face, intimate, primary-group relationships. Everyone is engaged in similar work, and little spe- cialization is found in the division of labor.

Organic solidarity refers to the social cohesion found in industrial (and perhaps postindustrial)

Societies: Changes in Social Structure Changes in social structure have a dramatic impact on individuals, groups, and societies. Social arrange- ments in contemporary societies have grown more complex with the introduction of new technol- ogy, changes in values and norms, and the rapidly shrinking “global village.” How do societies main- tain some degree of social solidarity in the face of such changes? Sociologists Emile Durkheim and Ferdinand Tönnies developed typologies to explain the processes of stability and change in the social structure of societies. A typology is a classifi cation scheme containing two or more mutually exclusive categories that are used to compare diff erent kinds of behavior or types of societies.

Durkheim: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity Emile Durkheim (1933/1893) was concerned with the question “How do societies manage to hold together?” He asserted that preindustrial societies are held together by strong traditions and by the members’ shared moral beliefs and values. As soci- eties industrialized and developed more special- ized economic activities, social solidarity came to be rooted in the members’ shared dependence on one another. From Durkheim’s perspective, social solidarity derives from a society’s social structure, which, in turn, is based on the society’s division of labor. Division of labor refers to how the various tasks of a society are divided up and performed. People in diverse societies (or in the same soci- ety at diff erent points in time) divide their tasks somewhat diff erently, based on their own history, physical environment, and level of technological development.

To explain social change, Durkheim categorized societies as having either mechanical or organic sol- idarity. Mechanical solidarity refers to the social cohesion of preindustrial societies, in which there is minimal division of labor and people feel united by shared values and common social bonds. Durkheim used the term mechanical solidar- ity because he believed that people in such prein- dustrial societies feel a more or less automatic sense of belonging. Social interaction is characterized by

▼ Compare these photos of Reno, Nevada, to see how this city has changed over time. From its origins as a town tied to the mining industry to a city that focuses on tourism, Reno is an example of how change in social structure aff ects individuals, families, and communities.

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division of labor how the various tasks of a society are divided up and performed.

mechanical solidarity Emile Durkheim’s term for the social cohesion in preindustrial societies, in which there is minimal division of labor and people feel united by shared values and common social bonds.

organic solidarity Emile Durkheim’s term for the social cohesion found in industrial societies, in which people perform very specialized tasks and feel united by their mutual dependence.

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• Global Perspective: “The odds are good that a refurbished cell phone in the pocket of a user in Bolivia, Jamaica, Kenya, Ukraine or Yemen originated with ReCellular Inc. Based in small-town Michigan, ReCellular gets 75,000 used phones a week—most collected in charity fundraisers—and refurbishes them for sale around the world” (Associated Press). Have students discuss this in light of the concept of industrial and postindustrial societies.

• Sociological Imagination: Ask your students to write a brief paragraph in which they diff erentiate between community and society, using this text as a starting point: “In community, people remain essentially united in spite of all separating factors, whereas in society they are essentially separated in spite of all uniting factors” (Ferdinand Tönnies).

Most of what you see would not exist if it were not for industrialization. Cars, computers, electric lights, sound systems, cell phones, and virtually every other possession we own is a product of an industrial society.

In industrial societies, a large proportion of the population lives in or near cities. Large corpora- tions and government bureaucracies grow in size and complexity. Th e nature of social life changes as people come to know one another more as statuses than as individuals. In fact, a person’s occupation becomes a key defi ning characteristic in industrial societies, meaning that those people who are unem- ployed do not share the same status markers as those who have jobs.

Th e shift that has taken place toward a postin- dustrial society in the United States and some other high-income nations has produced new opportu- nities and problems. A postindustrial society is one in which technology supports a service- and information-based economy. Postindustrial soci- eties are characterized by an information explosion and an economy in which large numbers of people either provide or apply information or are employed in service jobs (such as fast-food server or health care worker). For example, banking, law, and the travel industry are characteristic forms of employ- ment in postindustrial societies, whereas producing steel or automobiles is representative of employ- ment in industrial societies.

Postindustrial societies produce knowledge that becomes a commodity. Th is knowledge can be leased or sold to others, or it can be used to generate goods, services, or more knowledge. In the previ- ous types of societies we have examined, machin- ery or raw materials are crucial to how the economy operates. In postindustrial societies, the economy is based on involvement with people and com- munications technologies such as the mass media, computers, and the Web. For example, recent infor- mation from the U.S. Census Bureau indicates that 78 percent of all U.S. households have at least one computer and slightly over 60 percent have Internet access (see “Census Profi les: Computer and Internet Access in U.S. Households”). Some analysts refer to postindustrial societies as “service economies,” based on the assumption that many workers pro- vide services for others. Examples include home health care workers and airline fl ight attendants.

societies, in which people perform very specialized tasks and feel united by their mutual dependence. Durkheim chose the term organic solidarity because he believed that individuals in industrial societies come to rely on one another in much the same way that the organs of the human body function interde- pendently. Social interaction is less personal, more status oriented, and more focused on specifi c goals and objectives. People no longer rely on morality or shared values for social solidarity; instead, they are bound together by practical considerations.

Tönnies: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft Sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies (1855–1936) used the terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft to charac- terize the degree of social solidarity and social con- trol found in societies. He was especially concerned about what happens to social solidarity in a society when a “loss of community” occurs.

Th e Gemeinschaft (guh-MINE-shoft ) is a tradi- tional society in which social relationships are based on personal bonds of friendship and kinship and on intergenerational stability. Th ese relationships are based on ascribed rather than achieved status. In such societies, people have a commitment to the entire group and feel a sense of togetherness. Tönnies (1963/1887) used the German term Gemeinschaft because it means “commune” or “community”; social solidarity and social control are maintained by the community. Members have a strong sense of belong- ing, but they also have very limited privacy.

By contrast, the Gesellschaft (guh-ZELL-shoft ) is a large, urban society in which social bonds are based on impersonal and specialized relationships, with little long-term commitment to the group or con- sensus on values. In such societies, most people are “strangers” who perceive that they have very little in common with most other people. Consequently, self- interest dominates, and little consensus exists regard- ing values. Tönnies (1963/1887) selected the German term Gesellschaft because it means “association”; rela- tionships are based on achieved statuses, and interac- tions among people are both rational and calculated.

Industrial and Postindustrial Societies Industrial societies are based on technology that mechanizes production. Take a look around you:

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else in the room where students normally sit. Do not initiate conversation. Keep any responses short. Many students may actually practice a kind of civil inattention. You might ask a colleague to come to your class in the role of subject of the experiment to get a diff erent reaction from students.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Ask students to work in small groups and brainstorm with the data presented in the Census Profi les on computer and Internet access. Create lists of benefi ts and disadvantages that this amount of technology and access to the Internet might have for our society.

• Active Learning: Conduct a civil inattention demonstration of sorts. Try to arrive in class before most students. Sit somewhere

Gemeinschaft (guh-MINE-shoft) a traditional society in which social relationships are based on personal bonds of friendship and kinship and on intergenera- tional stability.

Gesellschaft (guh-ZELL-shoft) a large, urban society in which social bonds are based on impersonal and specialized relationships, with little long-term com- mitment to the group or consensus on values.

industrial society a society based on technology that mechanizes production.

postindustrial society a society in which technology supports a service- and information-based economy.

However, most of the new service occupations pay relatively low wages and off er limited opportunities for advancement.

Some sociological theories and research focus on the systematic examination of societies at the macrolevel, including the eff ects of the postindus- trial economy on other social institutions; how- ever, other approaches primarily use a microlevel perspective in their analysis of social interaction in contemporary societies.

Social Interaction: The Microlevel Perspective So far in this chapter, we have focused on society and social structure from a macrolevel perspective, seeing how the structure of society aff ects the sta- tuses we occupy, the roles we play, and the groups and organizations to which we belong. Functionalist and confl ict perspectives provide a macrosociologi- cal overview because they concentrate on large-scale events and broad social features. By contrast, the symbolic interactionist perspective takes a microso- ciological approach, asking how social institutions aff ect our daily lives.

Social Interaction and Meaning When you are with other people, do you oft en won- der what they think of you? If so, you are not alone! Because most of us are concerned about the mean- ings that others ascribe to our behavior, we try to interpret their words and actions so that we can plan how we will react toward them (Blumer, 1969). We

The U.S. Census Bureau collects extensive data on U.S. households in addition to the questions it used for Census 2000. For example, Current Population Survey data, collected from about 50,000 U.S. households dur- ing 2007, show an increase in the percentage of homes with computers and access to the Internet, as the fi g- ure illustrates.

Since 1984, the fi rst year in which the Census Bureau collected data on computer ownership and use, there has been a vast increase in the percentage of households with computers.

Computer and Internet Access in U.S. Households

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Note: Data on Internet access were not collected before 1997.

Percentage of households with a computer

Computers and Internet Access in the Home: 1984 to 2007 (civilian noninstitutional population)

Percentage of households with Internet access

Sources: Newburger, 2001; U.S. Census Bureau, 2009.

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are involved in these kinds of programs to share with the class useful information about getting involved.

• Sociological Imagination: Challenge students to think critically about the ways that their own reality has been socially constructed. Provide several topics such as family, religion, success, or justice, and ask students to write a brief essay on how this reality has been constructed over the course of their lives.

• Extra Examples: Provide students with further examples of self-fulfi lling prophecies as exemplifi ed in social class dynamics, racism, sexism, political misinformation, and even teacher/pupil interactions. Have them brainstorm some of their own.

• Active Learning: Ask student groups from social service clubs and organizations to send representatives or materials to your class to address issues related to homelessness. Ask students in class who

the street. Just the other day, I was walking down the street, and this white female with a child, I saw her pass a young white male about 20 yards ahead. When she saw me, she quickly dragged the child and herself across the busy street. . . . [When I pass,] white men tighten their grip on their women. I’ve seen people turn around and seem like they’re going to take blows from me. . . . So, every day you realize [you’re black]. Even though you’re not doing anything wrong; you’re just existing. You’re just a person. But you’re a black person perceived in an unblack world. (qtd. in Feagin, 1991: 111–112)

As this passage indicates, social encounters have diff erent meanings for men and women, whites and people of color, and individuals from diff erent social classes. Members of the dominant classes regard the poor, unemployed, and working class as less worthy of attention, frequently subjecting them to subtle yet systematic “attention deprivation” (Derber, 1983). Th e same can certainly be said about how members of the dominant classes “interact” with the homeless.

The Social Construction of Reality If we interpret other people’s actions so subjectively, can we have a shared social reality? Some symbolic interaction theorists believe that there is very little shared reality beyond that which is socially created. Symbolic interactionists refer to this as the social construction of reality—the process by which our perception of reality is largely shaped by the subjective meaning that we give to an experi- ence (Berger and Luckmann, 1967). Th is mean- ing strongly infl uences what we “see” and how we respond to situations.

As discussed previously, our perceptions and behavior are infl uenced by how we initially defi ne situations: We act on reality as we see it. Sociologists describe this process as the defi nition of the situa- tion, meaning that we analyze a social context in which we fi nd ourselves, determine what is in our best interest, and adjust our attitudes and actions accordingly. Th is process can result in a self- fulfi lling prophecy—a false belief or prediction that produces behavior that makes the originally false belief come true (Merton, 1968). An example would be a person who has been told repeatedly that she or he is not a good student; eventually, this

know that others have expectations of us. We also have certain expectations about them. For example, if we enter an elevator that has only one other per- son in it, we do not expect that individual to con- front us and stare into our eyes. As a matter of fact, we would be quite upset if the person did so.

Social interaction within a given society has cer- tain shared meanings across situations. For instance, our reaction would be the same regardless of which elevator we rode in which building. Sociologist Erving Goff man (1961b) described these shared meanings in his observation about two pedestrians approach- ing each other on a public sidewalk. He noted that each will tend to look at the other just long enough to acknowledge the other’s presence. By the time they are about eight feet away from each other, both indi- viduals will tend to look downward. Goff man referred to this behavior as civil inattention—the ways in which an individual shows an awareness that another is present without making this person the object of particular attention. Th e fact that people engage in civil inattention demonstrates that interaction does have a pattern, or interaction order, which regulates the form and processes (but not the content) of social interaction.

Does everyone interpret social interaction ritu- als in the same way? No. Race/ethnicity, gender, and social class play a part in the meanings we give to our interactions with others, including chance encoun- ters on elevators or the street. Our perceptions about the meaning of a situation vary widely based on the statuses we occupy and our unique personal experiences. For example, sociologist Carol Brooks Gardner (1989) found that women frequently do not perceive street encounters to be “routine” ritu- als. Th ey fear for their personal safety and try to avoid comments and propositions that are sexual in nature. African Americans may also feel uncom- fortable in street encounters. A middle-class African American college student described his experiences walking home at night from a campus job:

So, even if you wanted to, it’s diffi cult just to live a life where you don’t come into confl ict with others. . . . Every day that you live as a black person you’re reminded how you’re perceived in society. You walk the streets at night; white people cross the streets. I’ve seen white couples and individuals dart in front of cars to not be on the same side of

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social construction of reality the process by which our perception of reality is shaped largely by the sub- jective meaning that we give to an experience.

self-fulfi lling prophecy the situation in which a false belief or prediction produces behavior that makes the originally false belief come true.

depressing area fi lled with men who were “down- and-out,” alcoholic, and oft en physically and men- tally ill. On the other hand, the men who lived on skid row did not see it in such a negative light. Th ey

person might come to believe it to be true, stop studying, and receive failing grades.

People may defi ne a given situation in very dif- ferent ways, a tendency demonstrated by the soci- ologist Jacqueline Wiseman (1970) in her study of “Pacifi c City’s” skid row. She wanted to know how people who live or work on skid row (a run-down area found in all cities) felt about it. Wiseman found that homeless persons living on skid row evalu- ated it very diff erently from the social workers who dealt with them there. On the one hand, many of the social workers “saw” skid row as a smelly,

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▲ People can have sharply contrasting perceptions of the same reality.

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this statement to help students think about the social construction of reality.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Try some “breaching exercises” with your class, such as sitting on the fl oor while lecturing, or interrupting students when they speak. Help them see how properties of social life that

• Extra Examples: “The procedure of deciding, before the actual occasion of choice, the conditions under which one among a set of possible alternative courses of action will be elected, is one defi nition of a rational strategy. It is worth noting that this rational property of the decision-making process in managing everyday aff airs is conspicuous by its absence” (Harold Garfi nkel). Unpack

ways in which people create reality and produce their own world. Consequently, ethnomethod- ologists examine existing patterns of conventional behavior in order to uncover people’s background expectancies—that is, their shared interpretation of objects and events, as well as their resulting actions. According to ethnomethodologists, interaction is based on assumptions of shared expectancies. For example, when you are talking with someone, what expectations do you have that you will take turns? Based on your background expectancies, would you be surprised if the other person talked for an hour and never gave you a chance to speak?

To uncover people’s background expectancies, ethnomethodologists frequently break “rules” or act as though they do not understand some basic rule of social life so that they can observe other people’s responses. In a series of breaching experiments, Garfi nkel assigned diff erent activities to his students to see how breaking the unspoken rules of behavior created confusion.

Th e ethnomethodological approach contributes to our knowledge of social interaction by making us aware of subconscious social realities in our daily lives. However, a number of sociologists regard eth- nomethodology as a frivolous approach to studying human behavior because it does not examine the impact of macrolevel social institutions—such as the economy and education—on people’s expectan- cies. Some scholars suggest that ethnomethodolo- gists fail to do what they claim to do: look at how social realities are created. Rather, they take ascribed statuses (such as race, class, gender, and age) as “givens,” not as socially created realities.

Dramaturgical Analysis Erving Goff man suggested that day-to-day interac- tions have much in common with being on stage or in a dramatic production. Dramaturgical analy- sis is the study of social interaction that com- pares everyday life to a theatrical presentation. Members of our “audience” judge our performance and are aware that we may slip and reveal our true character (Goff man, 1959, 1963a). Consequently, most of us attempt to play our role as well as possi- ble and to control the impressions we give to others.

experienced some degree of satisfaction with their “bottle clubs [and a] remarkably indomitable and creative spirit”—at least initially (Wiseman, 1970: 18). As this study shows, we defi ne situations from our own frame of reference, based on the statuses that we occupy and the roles that we play.

Dominant-group members with prestigious sta- tuses may have the ability to establish how other people defi ne “reality” (Berger and Luckmann, 1967: 109). Some sociologists have suggested that dominant groups, particularly higher-income white males in powerful economic and political statuses, perpetuate their own world view through ideolo- gies that are frequently seen as “social reality.” For example, the sociologist Dorothy E. Smith (1999) points out that the term “Standard North American Family” (meaning a heterosexual two-parent fam- ily) is an ideological code promulgated by the domi- nant group to identify how people’s family life should be arranged. According to Smith (1999), this code plays a powerful role in determining how people in organizations such as the government and schools believe that a family should be. Likewise, the soci- ologist Patricia Hill Collins (1998) argues that “real- ity” may be viewed diff erently by African American women and other historically oppressed groups when compared to the perspectives of dominant- group members. However, according to Collins (1998), mainstream, dominant-group members sometimes fail to realize how much they could learn about “reality” from “outsiders.” As these theorists state, social reality and social structure are oft en hotly debated issues in contemporary societies.

Ethnomethodology How do we know how to interact in a given situation? What rules do we follow? Ethnomethodologists are interested in the answers to these questions. Ethnomethodology is the study of the common- sense knowledge that people use to understand the situations in which they fi nd themselves (Heritage, 1984: 4). Sociologist Harold Garfi nkel (1967) initiated this approach and coined the term: ethno for “people” or “folk” and methodology for “a system of methods.” Garfi nkel was critical of main- stream sociology for not recognizing the ongoing

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they should try and link the two sets of behaviors chronologically. Have volunteers share their results.

• Historical Perspective: “I think Dostoevsky was right, that every human must have a point at which he stands against the culture, where he says, this is me and the damned world can go to hell” (Rollo May). Why do you think it gets harder and harder for us to stand against our culture?

seem objective, factual, and transsituational are actually managed accomplishments or intersubjectively constructed.

• Active Learning: As students come into class, have them divide a paper down the middle and write down on the left side their front- stage actions over the past 24 hours. Next ask students to write down their backstage actions on the right side. When possible,

Impression management (presentation of self) refers to people’s eff orts to present themselves to others in ways that are most favorable to their own interests or image.

For example, suppose that a professor has returned graded exams to your class. Will you discuss the exam and your grade with others in the class? If you are like most people, you probably play your student role dif- ferently depending on whom you are talking to and what grade you received on the exam. Your “presen- tation” may vary depending on the grade earned by

ethnomethodology the study of the commonsense knowledge that people use to understand the situa- tions in which they fi nd themselves.

dramaturgical analysis the study of social inter- action that compares everyday life to a theatrical presentation.

impression management (presentation of self) Erving Goff man’s term for people’s eff orts to present themselves to others in ways that are most favorable to their own interests or image.

face-saving behavior Erving Goff man’s term for the strategies we use to rescue our performance when we experience a potential or actual loss of face.

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the other person (your “audience”). In one study, students who all received high grades (“Ace–Ace encounters”) willingly talked with one another about their grades and sometimes engaged in a little bragging about how they had “aced” the test. However, encounters between students who had received high grades and those who had received low or failing grades (“Ace–Bomber encounters”) were uncomfortable. Th e Aces felt as if they had to minimize their own grade. Consequently, they tended to attribute their success to “luck” and were quick to off er the Bombers words of encouragement. On the other hand, the Bombers believed that they had to praise the Aces and hide their own feelings of frustration and disap- pointment. Students who received low or failing grades (“Bomber–Bomber encounters”) were more comfortable when they talked with one another because they could share their negative emotions. Th ey oft en indulged in self-pity and relied on face-saving excuses (such as an illness or an unfair exam) for their poor performances (Albas and Albas, 1988).

In Goff man’s terminology, face-saving behavior refers to the strategies we use to rescue our performance when we experience a potential or actual loss of face. When the Bombers made excuses for their low scores, they were engaged in face-saving; the Aces attempted to help them save face by asserting that the test was unfair or that it was only a

▲ Erving Goff man believed that people spend a great amount of time and eff ort managing the impression that they present. How do politicians use impression management as they seek to accomplish their goal of being elected to public offi ce?

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Hochschild called “emotional labor.” U.S. culture has moved into what some call a “service-oriented” economy. In what ways might our current economy increase the challenges for people providing emotional labor?

• For Discussion: What kinds of face-saving or impression- management tactics do your students think that people who are homeless must learn to use? Try and steer the discussion away from stereotypes and toward more thoughtful, constructive applications.

• Extra Examples: Ask your class to talk about some of the traditional occupations for women that required the type of work

our everyday interactions with other people are infl uenced by occurrences within the larger soci- ety. For example, if some political leaders or social elites in a community deride homeless people by saying they are “lazy” or “unwilling to work,” it may become easier for everyday people walking down a street to treat homeless individuals poorly. Overall, however, Goff man’s dramaturgical analysis has been highly infl uential in the development of the sociol- ogy of emotions, an important area of contempo- rary theory and research.

The Sociology of Emotions Why do we laugh, cry, or become angry? Are these emotional expressions biological or social in nature? To some extent, emotions are a biologi- cally given sense (like hearing, smell, and touch), but they are also social in origin. We are socialized to feel certain emotions, and we learn how and when to express (or not express) those emotions (Hochschild, 1983).

How do we know which emotions are appropri- ate for a given role? Sociologist Arlie Hochschild (1983) suggests that we acquire a set of feeling rules that shapes the appropriate emotions for a given role or specifi c situation. Th ese rules include how, where, when, and with whom an emotion should be expressed. For example, for the role of a mourner at a funeral, feeling rules tell us which emotions are required (sadness and grief, for example), which are acceptable (a sense of relief that the deceased no longer has to suff er), and which are unacceptable (enjoyment of the occasion expressed by laughing out loud) (see Hochschild, 1983: 63–68).

Feeling rules also apply to our occupational roles. For example, the truck driver who handles explosive cargos must be able to suppress fear. Although all jobs place some burden on our feelings, emotional labor occurs only in jobs that require personal con- tact with the public or the production of a state of mind (such as hope, desire, or fear) in others (Hochschild, 1983). With emotional labor, employ- ees must display only certain carefully selected emo- tions. For example, fl ight attendants are required to act friendly toward passengers, to be helpful and open to requests, and to maintain an “omnipresent smile” in order to enhance the customers’ status.

small part of the fi nal grade. Why would the Aces and Bombers both participate in face-saving behav- ior? In most social interactions, all role players have an interest in keeping the “play” going so that they can maintain their overall defi nition of the situation in which they perform their roles.

Goff man noted that people consciously partici- pate in studied nonobservance, a face-saving tech- nique in which one role player ignores the fl aws in another’s performance to avoid embarrassment for everyone involved. Most of us remember times when we have failed in our role and know that it is likely to happen again; thus, we may be more forgiv- ing of the role failures of others.

Social interaction, like a theater, has a front stage and a back stage. Th e front stage is the area where a player performs a specifi c role before an audi- ence. Th e back stage is the area where a player is not required to perform a specifi c role because it is out of view of a given audience. For example, when the Aces and Bombers were talking with one another at school, they were on the “front stage.” When they were in the privacy of their own residences, they were in “back stage” settings—they no longer had to perform the Ace and Bomber roles and could be themselves.

Th e need for impression management is most intense when role players have widely divergent or devalued statuses. As we have seen with the Aces and Bombers, the participants oft en play diff erent roles under diff erent circumstances and keep their various audiences separated from one another. If one audience becomes aware of other roles that a person plays, the impression being given at that time may be ruined. For example, people facing or experiencing homelessness are not only stigmatized but may also fi nd that they lose the opportunity to get a job if their homelessness becomes known (see “Sociology Works!”). However, many homeless indi- viduals do not passively accept the roles into which they are cast. For the most part, they attempt—as we all do—to engage in impression management in their everyday life.

Th e dramaturgical approach helps us think about the roles we play and the audiences who judge our presentation of self; however, this perspective has also been criticized for focusing on appearances and not the underlying substance. Th is approach may not place enough emphasis on the ways in which

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• Active Learning: Ask students to write a proposal for a university- wide study, using the “Refl ect & Analyze” questions from Sociology Works! Bring these back to class, and discuss them in small groups. Have the class vote on the most useful study and take steps toward implementing it.

Social class and race are determinants in managed expression and emotion management. Emotional labor is emphasized in middle- and upper-class families. Because middle- and upper-class parents oft en work with people, they are more likely to teach their children the importance of emotional labor in their own careers than are working-class

By contrast, bill collectors are encouraged to show anger and make threats to customers, thereby sup- posedly defl ating the customers’ status and wearing down their presumed resistance to paying past- due bills. In both jobs, the employees are expected to show feelings that are oft en not their true ones (Hochschild, 1983).

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We need as a state and a community here in South Australia to stop blaming and stigmatizing people who are homeless. Any one of us could be homeless if the circumstances turned for us at any time and we need to recognize that.

—Jo Wickes, a representative of Homelessness South Australia, emphasizing the importance of doing something to reduce homelessness in her country rather than merely stigmatizing those who are homeless (abc.net.au, 2008)

As we have seen in this chapter, homelessness carries a stigma like the ones sociologist Erving Goff man described in his important book, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, which was originally published in 1963. Ac- cording to Goff man, a gap may exist between an individual’s virtual social identity—what a person ought to be—and his or her actual social identity—what a person actually is. Having a permanent residence is considered to be normal, and individ- uals who fall outside the norm are stigmatized by those who are domiciled and view themselves as the mainstream group.

People who are visibly homeless are more likely to be stigmatized than those who make up the invisible homeless. Goff man identifi es two types of stigma: (1) discredited stigmas are obvious to other people because the source of the stigma is visible (such as a person with a missing nose or other physi- cal impairment), and (2) discreditable stigmas are not obvious to others and are not known or perceived by them. Home- lessness is more visible in some cases than in others, and homeless persons must cope with the extent to which their situation is seen and known by others. When homelessness is highly visible, homeless individuals must manage the ten- sion that occurs because others know of their problem. When homeless is not highly visible (for example, homeless persons who live in their cars or with relatives), the central concern of

these individuals is managing information so that others do not fi nd out about their problem (Goff man, 1963b).

Current scholars studying problems associated with homelessness continue to fi nd that Goff man’s work on stigma is useful. According to Guy Johnson, an Australian scholar, “For people facing or experiencing homelessness, stigma is real in that they have to deal with the devalued identity at- tached to homelessness as much as they have to deal with shortages in the supply of aff ordable housing” (2006: 42). As a result of the stigma that is attached to homelessness, it is dif- fi cult for homeless people to reestablish a routine in everyday life. Some individuals who are homeless try to “pass” by acting like they have a place to live and by disassociating themselves with other homeless people. Others respond diff erently to stigma and instead embrace homelessness by becoming part of a subculture comprising homeless individuals who provide mutual support for one another (Johnson, 2006).

As we look at Goff man’s ideas on stigma today, we fi nd rich new opportunities for application of classical sociological in- sights to our understanding of pressing social problems such as homelessness. We can also hope that political and social leaders in various nations will seek to provide new pathways out of homelessness through innovative public policy rather than continuing to reinforce social structures that contrib- ute to long-term homelessness and stigmatization for many people.

refl ect & analyze How might you apply Goff man’s ideas about stigma to problems at your college or university? For example, would his analysis be useful in studying issues such as eating disorders or alcohol abuse among college students?

Goff man’s Stigmatization Theory and Contemporary Homelessness

sociology works! 129

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licking his lips a tremendous amount—it shows genuine emotion. It’s the human side of him and the animal side of him. When you see someone purse their lips, that’s a typical male response to choke back emotion. . . . It was good and genuine” (Greg Hartley, I Can Read You Like a Book).

• Extra Examples: Describe the relationship between gender socialization and how we learn the norms for touching. Connect

• For Discussion: Ask your class to divide up by sex and then talk about nonverbal communication. What are examples of nonverbal communication used by the opposite sex to communicate interest? What are some gender-specifi c patterns of nonverbal communication that they can identify in their group?

• Sociological Imagination: Have students analyze this description in terms of gender and nonverbal communication: “Biden was

cost of emotional labor and the emotional controls that exist outside the individual (Wouters, 1989).

Nonverbal Communication In a typical stage drama, the players not only speak their lines but also use nonverbal communication to convey information. Nonverbal communication is the transfer of information between persons without the use of words. It includes not only visual cues (gestures, appearances) but also vocal features (infl ection, volume, pitch) and environmental fac- tors (use of space, position) that aff ect meanings (Wood, 1999). Facial expressions, head movements, body positions, and other gestures carry as much of the total meaning of our communication with oth- ers as our spoken words do (Wood, 1999).

Functions of Nonverbal Communication We obtain fi rst impressions of others from various kinds of nonverbal communication, such as the

parents, who tend to work with things, not people (Hochschild, 1983). Race is also an important factor in emotional labor. People of color spend much of their life engaged in emotional labor because rac- ist attitudes and discrimination make it continually necessary to manage one’s feelings.

Emotional labor may produce feelings of estrange- ment from one’s “true” self. C. Wright Mills (1956) suggested that when we “sell our personality” in the course of selling goods or services, we engage in a seriously self-alienating process. In other words, the “commercialization” of our feelings may dehuman- ize our work role performance and create alienation and contempt that spill over into other aspects of our life (Hochschild, 1983; Smith and Kleinman, 1989).

Clearly, the sociology of emotions helps us under- stand the social context of our feelings and the rela- tionship between the roles we play and the emotions we experience. However, it may overemphasize the

▲ Are there diff erent gender-based expectations in the United States about the kinds of emotions that men, as compared with women, are supposed to show? What feeling rules shape the emotions of the men in these two roles?

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but he is just as smooth at wordless communication: he mixed a cool and somewhat princely demeanor with warm smiles and touches” (Alessandra Stanley, New York Times).

• Research: Have students examine this original study: “In a series of eye-movement studies, [researchers] showed that social experience has an impact on how people look at faces. Specifi cally [researchers] noticed a striking diff erence in eye movements in

material from this chapter to material previously covered on culture and socialization.

• Media Coverage: Have students respond to this description: “On a recent guest appearance on The View, Mr. Obama used body language to bridge the gender gap. He patted Ms. Behar’s arm and whispered so intimately into Ms. Walters’s ear that Ms. Hasselbeck accused them of ‘canoodling.’ Mr. Obama is an eff ective speaker,

nonverbal communication the transfer of informa- tion between persons without the use of speech.

display less emotion through smiles or other facial expressions and instead seek to show that they are reserved and in control (Wood, 1999).

Women are more likely to sustain eye contact during conversations (but not otherwise) as a means of showing their interest in and involvement with others. By contrast, men are less likely to maintain prolonged eye contact during conversations but are more likely to stare at other people (especially men) in order to challenge them and assert their own sta- tus (Pearson, 1985).

Eye contact can be a sign of domination or def- erence. For example, in a participant observation study of domestic (household) workers and their employers, the sociologist Judith Rollins (1985) found that the domestics were supposed to show deference by averting their eyes when they talked to their employers. Deference also required that they present an “exaggeratedly subservient demeanor” by standing less erect and walking tentatively.

Touching is another form of nonverbal behavior that has many diff erent shades of meaning. Gender and power diff erences are evident in tactile com- munication from birth. Studies have shown that touching has variable meanings to parents: Boys are touched more roughly and playfully, whereas girls are handled more gently and protectively (Condry, Condry, and Pogatshnik, 1983). Th is pattern contin- ues into adulthood, with women touched more fre- quently than men. Sociologist Nancy Henley (1977) attributed this pattern to power diff erentials between men and women and to the nature of women’s roles as mothers, nurses, teachers, and secretaries. Clearly, touching has a diff erent meaning to women than to men. Women may hug and touch others to indi- cate aff ection and emotional support, but men are more likely to touch others to give directions, assert power, and express sexual interest (Wood, 1999). Th e “meaning” we give to touching is related to its “duration, intensity, frequency, and the body parts touching and being touched” (Wood, 1994: 162).

Personal Space Physical space is an impor- tant component of nonverbal communication.

clothing they wear and their body positions. Head and facial movements may provide us with informa- tion about other people’s emotional states, and oth- ers receive similar information from us (Samovar and Porter, 1991). Th rough our body posture and eye contact, we signal that we do or do not wish to speak to someone. For example, we may look down at the sidewalk or off into the distance when we pass homeless persons who look as if they are going to ask for money.

Nonverbal communication establishes the rela- tionship among people in terms of their responsive- ness to and power over one another (Wood, 1999). For example, we show that we are responsive toward or like another person by maintaining eye contact and attentive body posture and perhaps by touching and standing close. We can even express power or control over others through nonverbal communica- tion. Goff man (1956) suggested that demeanor (how we behave or conduct ourselves) is relative to social power. People in positions of dominance are allowed a wider range of permissible actions than are their subordinates, who are expected to show deference. Deference is the symbolic means by which subordi- nates give a required permissive response to those in power; it confi rms the existence of inequality and reaffi rms each person’s relationship to the other (Rollins, 1985).

Facial Expression, Eye Contact, and Touch- ing Deference behavior is important in regard to facial expression, eye contact, and touching. Th is type of nonverbal communication is symbolic of our relationships with others. Who smiles? Who stares? Who makes and sustains eye contact? Who touches whom? All these questions relate to demeanor and deference; the key issue is the status of the person who is doing the smiling, staring, or touching rela- tive to the status of the recipient (Goff man, 1967).

Facial expressions, especially smiles and eye contact, also refl ect gender-based patterns of domi- nance and subordination in society. Typically, white women have been socialized to smile and fre- quently do so even when they are not actually happy (Halberstadt and Saitta, 1987). Jobs held predomi- nantly by women (including fl ight attendant, secre- tary, elementary schoolteacher, and nurse) are more closely associated with being pleasant and smil- ing than are “men’s jobs.” By contrast, men tend to

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• For Discussion: Draw a diagram of a men’s public restroom with wall-mounted urinals. Draw fi ve urinals mounted in a row. Indicate the position of men at various stations at the urinals, and let the males in your class tell where they would go upon entering. Point out that personal space is not something that is formally taught, yet is something that is uniformly experienced and enforced.

• IRM: Student Activities: Nonverbal Communication

Westerners and East Asian observers. Westerners tend to look at specifi c features on an individual’s face such as the eyes and mouth whereas East Asian observers tend to focus on the nose or the centre of the face which allows a more general view of all the features. One possible cause of this could be that direct or excessive eye contact may be considered rude in East Asian cultures” (Wired Science, 8/2008).

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Anthropologist Edward Hall (1966) analyzed the physical distance between people speaking to each other and found the amount of personal space that people prefer varies from one culture to another. Personal space is the immediate area surround- ing a person that the person claims as private. Our personal space is contained within an invisible boundary surrounding our body, much like a snail’s shell. When others invade our space, we may retreat, stand our ground, or even lash out, depending on our cultural background (Samovar and Porter, 1991).

▼ Figure 4.5 illustrates diff erences in social distance rules between two contrasting cultures.

Age, gender, kind of relationship, and social class are important factors in the allocation of personal space. Power diff erentials between people (includ- ing adults and children, men and women, and dominant-group members and people of color)

are refl ected in personal space and privacy issues. With regard to age, adults generally do not hesi- tate to enter the personal space of a child (Th orne, Kramarae, and Henley, 1983). Similarly, young chil- dren who invade the personal space of an adult tend to elicit a more favorable response than do older uninvited visitors (Dean, Willis, and la Rocco, 1976). Th e need for personal space appears to increase with age (Baxter, 1970; Aiello and Jones, 1971), although it may begin to decrease at about age forty (Heshka and Nelson, 1972).

personal space the immediate area surrounding a person that the person claims as private.

Nonverbal communication may be thought of as an international language. What message do you receive from the facial expression, body position, and gestures of each of these people? Is it possible to misinterpret these messages?

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• Table Note: Use the Concept Quick Review. Put students into small groups, and ask them to provide examples for each concept.

In sum, all forms of nonverbal communication are infl uenced by gender, race, social class, and the personal contexts in which they occur. Although it is diffi cult to generalize about people’s nonverbal behavior, we still need to think about our own non- verbal communication patterns. Recognizing that

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▲ FIGURE 4.5 NORTH AMERICAN AND LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL DISTANCE RULES Source: Hiebert, 1983.

▲ Have you ever watched how people react to one another in an elevator? How might we explain the lack of eye contact and the general demeanor of the individuals pictured here?

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Social Interaction: The Microlevel Perspective

[ concept quick review 4.1 ]

Social interaction and meaning In a given society, forms of social interaction have shared meanings, although these may vary to some extent based on race/ethnicity, gender, and social class.

Social construction of reality The process by which our perception of reality is largely shaped by the subjective meaning that we give to an experience.

Ethnomethodology Studying the commonsense knowledge that people use to understand the situations in which they fi nd themselves makes us aware of subconscious social realities in daily life.

Dramaturgical analysis The study of social interaction that compares everyday life to a theatrical presentation. This approach includes impression management (people’s eff orts to present themselves favorably to others).

Sociology of emotions We are socialized to feel certain emotions, and we learn how and when to express (or not express) them.

Nonverbal communication The transfer of information between persons without the use of speech, such as by facial expressions, head movements, and gestures.

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• Historical Perspective: In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, nearly 275,000 Gulf Coast residents were forced into group shelters. To provide more suitable and longer-term housing for those aff ected, FEMA began moving families into motel rooms. At its peak in October 2005, some 85,000 families were being provided transitional housing with hotel or motel rooms in more than 40

• U.S. Census: Homeless Americans were counted in the 2000 Census. It is just unclear from the results how many there were. Offi cials are demanding that the Census Bureau say exactly how many homeless people it fi nds, instead of grouping them into a less-specifi c category called “other noninstitutionalized group quarters.”

Changing Social Structure and Interaction in the Future Th e social structure in the United States has been changing rapidly in recent decades. Currently, there are more possible statuses for persons to occupy and roles to play than at any other time in history. Although achieved statuses are considered very important, ascribed statuses still have a signifi cant eff ect on people’s options and opportunities.

diff erences in social interaction exist is important. We should be wary of making value judgments— the diff erences are simply diff erences. Learning to understand and respect alternative styles of social interaction enhances our personal eff ectiveness by increasing the range of options we have for com- municating with diff erent people in diverse contexts and for varied reasons (Wood, 1999). (Th e Concept Quick Review summarizes the microlevel approach to social interaction.)

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Off ering a Helping Hand to Homeless People

you can make a diff erence

When you pull up at an intersection and see a person holding a torn piece of cardboard with a handwritten sign on it, how do you react? Many of us shy away from chance encounters such as this because we know, without actually looking, that the sign says something like “Homeless, please help.” In an at- tempt to avoid eye contact with the person on the street cor- ner, we suddenly look with newfound interest at something lying on our car seat, or we check our appearance in the rear- view mirror, or we adjust the radio. In fact, we do just about whatever it takes to divert our attention, making eye contact with this person impossible until the traffi c light changes and we can be on our way.

Does this scenario sound familiar? Many of us see homeless individuals on street corners and elsewhere as we go about our daily routine. We are uncomfortable in their presence be- cause we don’t know what we can do to help them, or even if we should. Frequently, we hear media reports stating that some allegedly homeless people abuse the practice of asking for money on the streets and that many are faking injury or poverty so that they can take advantage of generous individu- als. Stereotypes such as this are commonplace when some lay- persons, members of the media, and politicians describe the homeless in America. But it is far from the entire picture: Many homeless people are in need of assistance, and many of the homeless are children, persons with disabilities, and people with other problems that make it diffi cult, if not impossible, for them to earn enough money to pay for housing in many cities.

Do all of these “big-picture” problems in our society mean that we have no individual responsibility to help homeless

people? We do not necessarily have to hand money over to the person on the street to help individuals who are home- less. There are other, and perhaps even better, ways in which we can provide help to the homeless through our small acts of generosity and kindness.

In some communities, college students lead the way in helping homeless individuals and families. Some programs help homeless children by providing them with clothing, other basic necessities, and even school supplies so that the children will feel comfortable in a classroom setting. Still other college students work in, or run, homeless shel- ters in their communities. For example, Harvard University students, along with some city offi cials and church leaders in Cambridge, Massachusetts, created the Harvard Square Homeless Shelter in 1983 to address the housing needs of the area’s poorest residents. Although it was hoped that the shel- ter would be a temporary project that would be rendered un- necessary when society recognized and dealt with its home- less problem, the shelter was still in existence in the 2000s. According to Alina Das, a former volunteer director at the shelter, “I have learned more about humanity and life within these walls than I have learned anywhere else. For students, the shelter is more than a place to stay . . . most important, we try to foster a sense of dignity” (qtd. in Powell, 2001).

As organizers of some college groups that seek to help the homeless have suggested, individuals without homes need food, clothing, and shelter, but they also need compassion and caring that extend beyond what most bureaucratic or- ganizations can off er. Here are a few ways in which you and

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events in their lifetimes. What kinds of social changes have these events brought about?

• PowerLecture: Among its many multimedia teaching resources, this disk also includes the text’s full Instructor’s Resource Manual and Test Bank, both in Microsoft® Word.

states (FEMA.gov). Have students refl ect on how events might produce homelessness in their own lives.

• For Discussion: Ask students to brainstorm and come up with a short list of what they consider to be the most socially signifi cant

solve some of the problems that plague us here on Earth?

Individuals and groups oft en show initiative in trying to solve some of our pressing problems, at least on a local level (see an example in the You Can Make a Diff erence box). However, the future of this country rests on our collective ability to deal with major social problems at both the macrolevel and the microlevel of society.

Ironically, at a time when we have more tech- nological capability, more leisure activities and types of entertainment, and more quantities of material goods available for consumption than ever before, many people experience high levels of stress, fear for their lives because of crime, and face problems such as homelessness. In a society that can send astronauts into space to perform complex scientifi c experiments, is it impossible to

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▲ A unique way that some college students recycle items they no longer want is to conduct a garage sale that benefi ts a local charity or community organization.

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others at your school might help homeless individuals and families in your community:

● Understand who the homeless are so that you can help dispel the stereotypes often associated with homeless people. Learn what causes homelessness, and remem- ber that each person’s story is unique.

● Buy a street newspaper sold by homeless persons if you live in an urban area where these newspapers are sold. Newspapers produced and sold by homeless individu- als have grown in number and circulation: Homeless

persons receive a small amount for every paper they sell. Examples include Street Roots in Portland, Oregon; Real Change in Seattle, Washington; and Street Sense in Washington, D.C.

● Give money, clothing, and/or recyclables to organizations that aid the homeless. In addition to money or clean, usable clothing, recyclable cans and bottles are helpful because they can be turned into small sums of money for living expenses.

● Volunteer at a shelter, soup kitchen, or battered women’s shelter where you can help staff and other volunteers meet the daily needs of people who are without shel- ter and food, as well as women and children who need assistance in getting away from abusive relationships with family members.

● Look for campus organizations that work with the home- less, or create your own and enlist friends and exist- ing organizations (such as your service organization, sorority, or fraternity) to engage in community service projects that will benefi t both the temporarily and per- manently homeless.

For additional ways you can help the homeless, check with shelters in your area. You may also want to visit the websites of organizations such as the following:

● Just Give www.justgive.org

● The Doe Fund www.doe.org

● U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development www.hud.gov/homeless

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• CourseMate: The Sociology CourseMate for this text gives your students access to an interactive ebook, fl ashcards, video, and other study and learning tools, including quizzes that provide immediate feedback. It’s easiest for students to log in at www .cengagebrain.com.

chapter review ● How does social structure shape our social

interactions?

Th e stable patterns of social relationships within a particular society make up its social structure. Social structure is a macrolevel infl uence because it shapes and determines the overall patterns in which social interaction occurs. Social structure provides an ordered framework for society and for our inter- actions with others.

● What are the main components of social structure?

Social structure comprises statuses, roles, groups, and social institutions. A status is a specifi c posi- tion in a group or society and is characterized by certain expectations, rights, and duties. Ascribed statuses, such as gender, class, and race/ethnicity, are acquired at birth or involuntarily later in life. Achieved statuses, such as education and occupa- tion, are assumed voluntarily as a result of personal choice, merit, or direct eff ort. We occupy a status, but a role is the set of behavioral expectations asso- ciated with a given status. A social group consists of two or more people who interact frequently and share a common identity and sense of interdepen- dence. A formal organization is a highly structured group formed to complete certain tasks or achieve specifi c goals. A social institution is a set of orga- nized beliefs and rules that establishes how a society attempts to meet its basic needs.

● What are the functionalist and confl ict perspectives on social institutions?

According to functionalist theorists, social institu- tions perform several prerequisites of all societies: replace members; teach new members; produce, distribute, and consume goods and services; pre- serve order; and provide and maintain a sense of purpose. Confl ict theorists suggest that social

institutions do not work for the common good of all individuals: Institutions may enhance and uphold the power of some groups but exclude others, such as the homeless.

● How do societies maintain stability in times of social change?

According to Emile Durkheim, although changes in social structure may dramatically aff ect individu- als and groups, societies manage to maintain some degree of stability. People in preindustrial societ- ies are united by mechanical solidarity because they have shared values and common social bonds. Industrial societies are characterized by organic solidarity, which refers to the cohesion that results when people perform specialized tasks and are united by mutual dependence.

● How do Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft societies diff er in social solidarity?

According to Ferdinand Tönnies, the Gemeinschaft is a traditional society in which relationships are based on personal bonds of friendship and kinship and on intergenerational stability. Th e Gesellschaft is an urban society in which social bonds are based on impersonal and specialized relationships, with little group commitment or consensus on values.

● What is the dramaturgical perspective?

According to Erving Goff man’s dramaturgical anal- ysis, our daily interactions are similar to dramatic productions. Presentation of self refers to eff orts to present our own self to others in ways that are most favorable to our interests or self-image.

● Why are feeling rules important?

Feeling rules shape the appropriate emotions for a given role or specifi c situation. Our emotions are not always private, and specifi c emotions may be demanded of us on certain occasions.

key terms achieved status 108

ascribed status 108

division of labor 121

dramaturgical analysis 126

ethnomethodology 126

face-saving behavior 127

formal organization 116

Gemeinschaft 122

Gesellschaft 122

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questions for critical thinking 1. Th ink of a person you know well who oft en irri-

tates you or whose behavior grates on your nerves (it could be a parent, friend, relative, teacher). First, list that person’s statuses and roles. Th en analyze the person’s possible role expectations, role performance, role confl icts, and role strains. Does anything you fi nd in your analysis help to explain the irritating behavior? How helpful are the concepts of social structure in analyzing in- dividual behavior?

2. You are conducting fi eld research on gender dif- ferences in nonverbal communication styles. How are you going to account for variations among age, race, and social class?

3. When communicating with other genders, races, and ages, is it better to express and acknowledge diff erent styles or to develop a common, uniform style?

impression management (presentation of self) 127

industrial society 122

master status 109

mechanical solidarity 121

nonverbal communication 130

organic solidarity 121

personal space 132

postindustrial society 122

primary group 115

role 112

role confl ict 113

role exit 114

role expectation 112

role performance 112

role strain 113

secondary group 115

self-fulfi lling prophecy 124

social construction of reality 124

social group 115

social institution 117

social interaction 105

social structure 105

status 107

status set 107

status symbol 111

Watch the ABC video On the Run: Humanity on the Run from California Wildfi res (running time 2:53), available through CengageBrain.com. This video is about the 2007 Southern California wildfi res that led to people being evacuated from their homes, and focuses on people forced to live together at a football stadium and organize

their own community. As you watch the video, think about what has been or could be your own experience in a natural disaster—or a less extreme situation that required you to adapt to a new routine or to live with strangers. After you’ve watched the video, consider these questions: How long did it take or do you think it would take for you to feel “at home” in the temporary situation? What happened or would need to happen for you to feel at home?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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▲ Have Facebook and other networking websites infl uenced our social interactions and group participation? Why are face-to- face encounters in groups and organizations still important in everyday life?

Okay, I think I’ll share why Facebook works for me and keeps me coming back. . . . Since college is fairly dynamic (new classes every quarter), a directory of friends and students remains very dynamic and gives me a reason to come back (to see how friends are doing and what classes they are taking). Also it is cool to look up people you have in class and see what they are interested in. . . . —a Washington state college student discussing why he uses Facebook, which has more than 400 million users on the Internet (Linden, 2005)

The bigger question is really one about the term “friend”as it’s used nowadays and how does that translate. . . . Why? There are many people who have added me as a friend via various social networks (but most notably Facebook) that don’t know

me that well at all. The window into my world that it provides probably makes more sense to those that have known me for some time compared to those who’ve only heard my name or who’ve made the passing connection in person. They know only what they see of me via status updates and tweets. . . . These virtual glimpses allow for there to be less awkwardness when you meet in person or talk on the telephone, but is it really a friendship? . . . It had me doing a lot of thinking, particularly about whom I consider a friend, especially since most people know me only through that sliver that is posted online for all to see. Our virtual windows continue to open

Groups and Organizations

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Chapter Focus Question

Why is it important for groups and organizations to enhance

communication among participants and improve the fl ow of information

while protecting the privacy of individuals?

wider to the rest of the world every day. Do we need to think about whom we allow in so that we are being true to ourselves? —Andre, a freelance writer who posts “Dre’s Ramblings” online, explaining his mixed feelings about using the term friends, rather than connections or acquaintances, for people with whom he communicates on Facebook and other social networking sites (dresramblings.com, 2010)

A ccording to sociologists, we need groups and organizations—just as we need cul-ture and socialization—to live and par-ticipate in a society. Historically, the basic premise of groups and organizations was that individuals engage in face-to-face interactions in order to be part of such a group; however, millions of people today communicate with others through the Internet, cell phones, and other forms of infor- mation technology that make it possible for them to “talk” with individuals they have never met and who may live thousands of miles away. A variety of networking websites, including Facebook, MySpace, LinkedIn, and Twitter, now compete with, or in some cases replace, live, person-to-person commu- nications. For many college students, Facebook has become a fun way to get to know other people, to join online groups with similar interests or activi- ties, and to plan “real-life” encounters. Despite the wealth of information and opportunities for new social connections that such websites off er, many of our daily activities require that we participate in social groups and formal organizations where face-time—time spent interacting with others on a face-to-face basis, rather than via Internet or cell phone—is necessary.

What do social groups and formal organizations mean to us in an age of rapid telecommunications?

What is the relationship between information and social organizations in societies such as ours? How can we balance the information that we provide to other people about us with our own right to pri- vacy and need for security? Th ese questions are of interest to sociologists who seek to apply the sociological imagination to their studies of social groups, bureaucratic organizations, so- cial networking, and virtual communities. Before we take a closer look at groups and organizations, take the quiz in the Sociology and Everyday Life box on issues pertaining to personal privacy in groups and organizations.

Social Groups Th ree strangers are standing at a street corner wait- ing for a traffi c light to change. Do they constitute a group? Five hundred women and men are fi rst-year graduate students at a university. Do they constitute a group? In everyday usage, we use the word group to mean any collection of people. According to soci- ologists, however, the answer to these questions is no; individuals who happen to share a common

In this chapter ● Social Groups

● Group Characteristics and Dynamics

● Formal Organizations in Global Perspective

● Alternative Forms of Organization

● Organizations in the Future

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• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, videos, PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Ask students to create a list of all the groups to

which they are members. How many students are members of

virtual communities online? Ask students to share these kinds of experiences and the motivations for joining these kinds of groups.

• For Discussion: What makes primary groups most eff ective as sources of identity development? “Institutions—government, churches, industries, and the like—have properly no other function than to contribute to human freedom; and in so far as they fail,

others are large and impersonal. We more closely identify with the members of some groups than we do with others.

Cooley’s Primary and Secondary Groups Sociologist Charles H. Cooley (1963/1909) used the term primary group to describe a small, less special- ized group in which members engage in face-to- face, emotion-based interactions over an extended period of time. We have primary relationships with other individuals in our primary groups—that is, with our signifi cant others, who frequently serve as role models.

In contrast, you will recall, a secondary group is a larger, more specialized group in which the members engage in more impersonal, goal-ori- ented relationships for a limited period of time. Th e size of a secondary group may vary. Twelve students in a graduate seminar may start out as a secondary group but eventually become a pri- mary group as they get to know one another and communicate on a more personal basis. Formal organizations are secondary groups, but they also contain many primary groups within them. For example, how many primary groups do you think there are within the secondary-group setting of your college?

Sumner’s Ingroups and Outgroups All groups set boundaries by distinguishing between insiders who are members and outsiders who are not. Sociologist William Graham Sumner (1959/1906) coined the terms ingroup and outgroup to describe people’s feelings toward members of their own and other groups. An ingroup is a group to which a person belongs and with which the person feels a sense of identity. An outgroup is a group to which a person does not belong and toward which the person may feel a sense of competitiveness or hos- tility. Distinguishing between our ingroups and our outgroups helps us establish our individual identity and self-worth. Likewise, groups are solidifi ed by ingroup and outgroup distinctions; the presence of an enemy or a hostile group binds members more closely together (Coser, 1956).

Group boundaries may be formal, with clearly defi ned criteria for membership. For example, a country club that requires an applicant for member- ship to be recommended by four current members

feature or to be in the same place at the same time do not constitute social groups.

Groups, Aggregates, and Categories As we saw in Chapter 4, a social group is a collection of two or more people who interact frequently with one another, share a sense of belonging, and have a feeling of interdependence. Several people waiting for a traffi c light to change constitute an aggregate— a collection of people who happen to be in the same place at the same time but share little else in common. Shoppers in a department store and passengers on an airplane fl ight are also examples of aggregates. People in aggregates share a common purpose (such as purchasing items or arriving at their destination) but generally do not interact with one another, except perhaps briefl y. Th e fi rst- year graduate students, at least initially, constitute a category—a number of people who may never have met one another but share a similar characteris- tic (such as education level, age, race, or gender). Men and women make up categories, as do Native Americans and Latinos/as, and victims of sexual or racial harassment. Categories are not social groups because the people in them do not usually create a social structure or have anything in common other than a particular trait.

Occasionally, people in aggregates and catego- ries form social groups. For instance, people within the category known as “graduate students” may become an aggregate when they get together for an orientation to graduate school. Some of them may form social groups as they interact with one another in classes and seminars, fi nd that they have mutual interests and concerns, and develop a sense of belonging to the group. Information tech- nology raises new and interesting questions about what constitutes a group. For example, some people question whether we can form a social group on the Internet (see the Framing “Community” in the Media box).

Types of Groups As you will recall from Chapter 4, groups have vary- ing degrees of social solidarity and structure. Th is structure is fl exible in some groups and more rigid in others. Some groups are small and personal;

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• Media Coverage: The Los Angeles Times/Bloomberg Poll reports that 34 percent of Americans say that they would vote for a Muslim candidate for president, while 53 percent say they would not. Sixty-fi ve percent say they would vote for an evangelical Christian candidate, while 22 percent would not. Have students discuss these results in terms of ingroups and outgroups.

on the whole, to perform this function, they are wrong and need reconstruction” (Charles Horton Cooley).

• For Discussion: Ask students this question: Why do all groups set boundaries between insiders and outsiders? Do you feel more valued in a group that selectively chooses its members?

Reference Groups Ingroups provide us not only with a source of identity but also with a point of reference. A reference group is a group that strongly infl uences a person’s behavior and social attitudes, regardless of whether that individual

and to pay a $50,000 initiation fee has clearly set requirements for its members (see “Sociology Works!” on p.144). However, group boundaries are not always that formal. For example, friendship groups usually do not have clear guidelines for membership; rather, the boundaries tend to be very informal and vaguely defi ned.

Ingroup and outgroup distinctions may encour- age social cohesion among members, but they may also promote classism, racism, sexism, and ageism. Ingroup members typically view themselves posi- tively and members of outgroups negatively. Th ese feelings of group superiority, or ethnocentrism, are somewhat inevitable. However, members of some groups feel more free than others to act on their beliefs. If groups are embedded in larger groups and organizations, the large organization may discour- age such beliefs and their consequences (Merton, 1968). Conversely, organizations may covertly fos- ter these ingroup/outgroup distinctions by deny- ing their existence or by failing to take action when misconduct occurs.

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True False

T F 1. A college student’s privacy is protected when using a school-owned computer as long as he or she deletes from the computer all e-mails or other documents he or she has worked on and thus prevents anyone else from examining those documents.

T F 2. Parents of students at all U.S. colleges and universities are entitled to obtain a transcript of their children’s col- lege grades, regardless of the student’s age.

T F 3. If you work for a business that monitors phone calls with a pen register, your employer has the right to main- tain and examine a list of phone numbers dialed by your extension and how long each call lasted.

T F 4. Members of a high school football team can be required to submit to periodic, unannounced drug testing. T F 5. A company has the right to keep its employees under video surveillance anywhere at the company’s place of

business—even in the restrooms. T F 6. A professor can legally post students’ grades in public, using the student’s Social Security number as an identi-

fi er, as long as the student’s name does not appear with the number. T F 7. Students at a church youth-group meeting who hear one member of the group confess to an illegal act can be

required to divulge what that member said. T F 8. If you apply for a job at a company that has more than 25 employees, your employer can require that you

provide a history of your medical background or take a physical examination prior to off ering you a job.

Answers on page 142.

How Much Do You Know About Privacy in Groups and Organizations?

sociology and everyday life 141

aggregate a collection of people who happen to be in the same place at the same time but share little else in common.

category a number of people who may never have met one another but share a similar characteristic, such as education level, age, race, or gender.

ingroup a group to which a person belongs and with which the person feels a sense of identity.

outgroup a group to which a person does not be- long and toward which the person may feel a sense of competitiveness or hostility.

reference group a group that strongly infl uences a person’s behavior and social attitudes, regardless of whether that individual is an actual member.

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• For Discussion: Have students consider how ingroup and outgroup distinctions might promote members’ biases based on class, race, ethnicity, gender, or age.

• For Discussion: Have students discuss what kinds of reference groups college students typically have. What do they consider to be their most important reference group? Why?

case, reference groups are a source of anticipatory socialization. For most of us, our reference-group attachments change many times during our life course, especially when we acquire a new status in a formal organization.

Group Characteristics and Dynamics What purpose do groups serve? Why are individu- als willing to relinquish some of their freedom to participate in groups? According to functional- ists, people form groups to meet instrumental and expressive needs. Instrumental, or task-oriented, needs cannot always be met by one person, so the

is an actual member. When we attempt to evalu- ate our appearance, ideas, or goals, we automatically refer to the standards of some group. Sometimes, we will refer to our membership groups, such as family or friends. Other times, we will rely on groups to which we do not currently belong but that we might wish to join in the future, such as a social club or a profession.

Reference groups help explain why our behav- ior and attitudes sometimes diff er from those of our membership groups. We may accept the values and norms of a group with which we identify rather than one to which we belong. We may also act more like members of a group we want to join than mem- bers of groups to which we already belong. In this

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1. False. Deleting an e-mail or other document from a computer does not actually remove it from the computer’s memory. Until other fi les are entered that write over the space where the document was located, experts can retrieve the document that was deleted.

2. False. The Family Educational Right to Privacy Act, which allows parents of a student under age 18 to obtain their child’s grades, requires the student’s consent once he or she has attained age 18; however, that law applies only to institu- tions that receive federal educational funds.

3. True. Telephone numbers called from a company’s phone extensions can be recorded on a pen register, and this informa- tion can be used by the employer in evaluating the amount of time you have spent talking with clients—or with other people.

4. True. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that schools may require students to submit to random drug testing as a condition of participating in extracurricular activities such as sports teams, the school band, the future homemakers’ club, the cheerleading squad, and the choir.

5. False. An employer may not engage in video surveillance of its employees in situations where they have a reasonable right of privacy. At least in the absence of a sign warning of such surveillance, employees have such a right in company restrooms.

6. False. The Federal Educational Rights and Privacy Act states that Social Security numbers are considered to be “personally identifi able information” that may not be released without written consent from the student. Posting grades by Social Security number violates this provision unless the student has consented to the number being disclosed to others.

7. True. Although confi dential communications made privately to a minister, priest, rabbi, or other religious leader (or to an individual the person reasonably believes to hold such a position) generally cannot be divulged without the consent of the person making the communication, this does not apply when other people are present who are likely to hear the statement.

8. False. The Americans with Disabilities Act prohibits employers in companies with more than 25 employees from asking job applicants about medical information or requiring a physical examination prior to employment.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Privacy

sociology and everyday life 142

• Active Learning: “The American city should be a collection of communities where every member has a right to belong. It should be a place where every man feels safe on his streets and in the house of his friends. It should be a place where each individual’s dignity and self-respect is strengthened by the respect and aff ection

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• Writing Assignment: Ask students to read the Framing “Community” in the Media box and respond to the assertion presented by Driskell and Lyon: that online communities are not real social communities. Do they think that chat groups are accurately framed in descriptions by Internet service providers, or are they overrated to potential participants?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

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Meeting new friends, Imagining smiles . . . Across the networks Spanning the miles. . . .

From all walks of life We come to the net. A community of friends Who have never met.

—from “Thoughts of Internet Friendships” by Jamie Wilkerson (1996)

As this excerpt from a poem posted on the Internet sug- gests, many people believe that they can make new friends and establish a community online. We are encouraged to es- tablish such friendships by joining chat groups maintained by various Internet service providers. Chat groups are framed as a public service off ered as part of the fee a subscriber pays for an Internet connection. To participate, people fi ll out a profi le listing their hobbies and interests so that they can be matched with other participants. Many people hope to be- come part of the larger Internet community, which has been described as “a body of people looking for similar information, dealing with similar conditions, and abiding by the same gen- eral rules” (thewritemarket.com, 2003).

”Virtual Communities” on the Internet

framing “community” in the media

Although chat groups are framed as a new way to make friends, get dates, and establish a cyber community, as you study sociology you might ask whether this form of “com- munity” is actually a true community. Because sociologists defi ne a social group as a collection of two or more people who interact frequently with one another, share a sense of belong- ing, and have a feeling of interdependence, this defi nition sug- gests that people must have a sense of place (be in the same place at the same time at least part of the time) in order to establish a true social group or community. However, this defi ni- tion was developed before the Internet provided people with the rapid communications that link them with others around the world today. Are we able to form groups and establish com- munities with people whom we have never actually met?

Some social scientists believe that virtual communities established on the Internet constitute true communities (see Wellman, 2001). However, the sociologists Robyn Bate- man Driskell and Larry Lyon examined existing theories and research on this topic and concluded that true communities cannot be established in the digital environment of cyber- space. According to Driskell and Lyon, although the Internet provides us with the opportunity to share interests with oth- ers whom we have not met and to communicate with people we already know, the original concept of community, which “emphasized local place, common ties, and social interaction that is intimate, holistic, and all-encompassing,” is lacking (Driskell and Lyon, 2002: 6). Virtual communities on the Inter- net do not have geographic and social boundaries, are limited in their scope to specifi c areas of interest, are psychologically detached from close interpersonal ties, and have only limited concern for their “members” (Driskell and Lyon, 2002). In fact, if we spend many hours in social isolation doing impersonal searches for information, the Internet may reduce community rather than enhance it. Even so, it is possible that the Internet will create a “weak community replacement” for people based on a virtual community of specialized ties developed by e-mail correspondence and chat-room discussions (Driskell and Lyon, 2002).

refl ect & analyze Have you had opportunities to gain new friends and build “community” on the Internet? What are the strengths and limitations of virtual communications?

▲ Chatrooms and other forms of communication on the Internet are extremely popular with millions of people; however, some sociologists question whether we can actually form social groups and true communities on the Internet. Is cyber chat that diff erent from our face-to-face interactions with others?

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of his neighbors. It should be a place where each of us can fi nd the satisfaction and warmth which comes from being a member of the community of man” (President Lyndon Baines Johnson). Have students discuss what it would take to create such a city.

• IRM: See Wadsworth’s Sociology Readings Collection, Patricia Adler and Peter Adler: “Clique Dynamics.”

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• For Discussion: Divide students into teams, and have them create lists of instrumental and expressive needs that each student has experienced. Put these lists on the board, and then have the class match specifi c groups (formal and informal) to both sets of needs.

• IRM: Lecture Ideas: Reference Groups • Table Note: Sociology Works! Have students research “members

only” clubs on campus and in their communities. Through

group works cooperatively to fulfi ll a specifi c goal. Groups help members do jobs that are impossible to do alone or that would be very diffi cult and time- consuming at best. For example, think of how hard it would be to function as a one-person football team or to single-handedly build a skyscraper. In addition to instrumental needs, groups also help people meet their expressive, or emotional, needs, especially those involving self-expression and sup- port from family, friends, and peers.

Although not disputing that groups ideally per- form such functions, confl ict theorists suggest that groups also involve a series of power relationships whereby the needs of individual members may not be equally served. Symbolic interactionists focus on how the size of a group infl uences the kind of inter- action that takes place among members. To many postmodernists, groups and organizations—like other aspects of postmodern societies—are gener- ally characterized by superfi ciality and depthlessness

in social relationships (Jameson, 1984). One post- modern thinker who focuses on this issue is the literary theorist Fredric Jameson, who believes that people experience a waning of emotion in organi- zations where fragmentation and superfi ciality are a way of life (Ritzer, 1997). For example, fast-food restaurant employees and customers interact in extremely superfi cial ways that are largely scripted: Th e employees follow scripts in taking and fi lling customers’ orders (“Would you like fries and a drink with that?”), and the customers respond with their own “recipied” action. According to the sociologist George Ritzer (1997: 226), “[C]ustomers are mind- lessly following what they consider tried-and-true social recipes, either learned or created by them pre- viously, on how to deal with restaurant employees and, more generally, how to work their way through the system associated with the fast-food restaurant.”

We will now look at certain characteristics of groups, such as how size aff ects group dynamics.

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In this country we have a God-given right to associate with whomever we please. And frankly, this includes my right to not associate with people I don’t want to. If I don’t want to be around somebody, why should I have to let them in my club? Let them go start their own club.

—Phil, a white, male attorney who is a member of several prestigious private clubs, explaining why he believes he has the right to establish his own ingroup through private club memberships (qtd. in Kendall, 2008)

A key characteristic of the city clubs and country clubs where Phil is a member is that each organization has formal group boundaries, with people becoming members “by in- vitation only.” In other words, prospective members must be nominated by current members and be voted into the club: They cannot simply decide to join the organization. For this reason, people who are invited to join typically feel special (like “insiders”) because they know that club membership is not available to everyone. Club members such as Phil often develop consciousness of kind—a term used by sociologists to describe the awareness that individuals may have when they

believe that they share important commonalities with certain other people. Consciousness of kind is strengthened by mem- bership in clubs ranging from country clubs to college sorori- ties, fraternities, and other by-invitation-only university social clubs. Members of ingroups typically share strong feelings of consciousness of kind and believe that they have little in com- mon with people in the outgroup.

Recent studies on private clubs and exclusive college social organizations show that the sociological concepts of “ingroup” and “outgroup” remain highly relevant today when we conduct research on the processes of inclusion and exclu- sion to learn more about how such activities aff ect individu- als and groups (see Kendall, 2008). Most of us are aware that our ingroups are very important to us: They provide us with a unique sense of identity, but they also give us the ability to exclude those individuals whom we do not want in our in- ner circle of friends and acquaintances. The early sociologist Max Weber captured this idea in his description of the closed relationship—a setting in which the “participation of certain persons is excluded, limited, or subjected to conditions” (Gerth and Mills, 1946: 139). Exclusive clubs typically have signs

Ingroups, Outgroups, and “Members Only” Clubs

sociology works! 144

interviews and research, they should try to determine what motivates members to join.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Applied Sociology: Challenge your class to start having unscripted, human social interactions with service-industry workers they come into contact with during the day. Have them

• Extra Examples: Present the ideas of Georg Simmel as they relate to social groups. Simmel’s social geometry addresses the signifi cance of numbers for social life. A website with a summary of Simmel’s essay, “Quantitative Aspects of the Group,” can be found at www.socio.ch/sim/work.htm.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

report back and compare their interactions to the ones that Jameson describes.

• IRM: Student Activities: Ask students to observe group size in their interactions for a week. How often do they fi nd themselves in dyads? In triads? In larger groups? Do communication patterns change as more people join the group? Is there truth to the adage that “two’s company; three’s a crowd”?

Group Size Th e size of a group is one of its most important fea- tures. Interactions are more personal and intense in a small group, a collectivity small enough for all members to be acquainted with one another and to interact simultaneously.

Sociologist Georg Simmel (1950/1902–1917) suggested that small groups have distinctive interaction patterns that do not exist in larger groups. According to Simmel, in a dyad—a group composed of two members—the active participation of both members is crucial to the group’s survival. If one member withdraws from interaction or “quits,” the group ceases to exist. Examples of dyads include two people who are best friends, married couples, and domestic partnerships. Dyads provide members with an intense bond and a sense of unity not found in most larger groups.

When a third person is added to a dyad, a triad, a group composed of three members, is formed. Th e nature of the relationship and interaction pat- terns changes with the addition of the third person. In a triad, even if one member ignores another or declines to participate, the group can still func- tion. In addition, two members may unite to cre- ate a coalition that can subject the third member to group pressure to conform. A coalition is an alliance created in an attempt to reach a shared objective or goal. If two members form a coalition, the other member may be seen as an outsider or intruder.

small group a collectivity small enough for all members to be acquainted with one another and to interact simultaneously.

dyad a group composed of two members.

triad a group composed of three members.

posted on gates, fences, or buildings that state “Members Only.” These organizations do not welcome outsiders within their walls, and members are often pledged to loyalty and secrecy about their club’s activities. Similarly, many college fraternities and sororities thrive on rituals, secrecy, and the importance of what it means to pledge—to have accepted a bid to join but not having yet been initiated into—the group of one’s choice (Robbins, 2004: 342).

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refl ect & analyze What areas of sociological research or personal interest can you think of that might benefi t from applying the ingroup/outgroup concept to your analysis? How might these concepts be applied to other areas of college life beside invitational social organizations?

▲ Sometimes, the distinction between what constitutes an ingroup and an outgroup is subtle. Other times, it is not subtle at all. Would you feel comfortable entering either of these establishments if you were not a member?

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• Active Learning: “A dyad depends on each of its two elements alone—in its death though not in its life: for its life it needs both, but for its death, only one” (Georg Simmel). Have the class rewrite this statement in their own words.

According to the sociologist Georg Simmel, interaction patterns change when a third person joins a dyad—a group composed of two members. How might the conversation between these two women change when another person arrives to talk with them?

▲

D A

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Group size: 2 Only one interaction possible

Group size: 3 Three interactions possible

Group size: 4 Six interactions possible

Group size: 5 Ten interactions possible

Group size: 6 Fifteen interactions possible

Group size: 7 Twenty-one interactions possible

As the size of a group increases beyond three peo- ple, members tend to specialize in diff erent tasks, and everyday communication patterns change. For instance, in groups of more than six or seven people, it becomes increasingly diffi cult for everyone to take part in the same conversation; therefore, several

conversations will probably take place simulta- neously. Members are also likely to take sides on issues and form a number of coalitions. In groups of more than ten or twelve people, it becomes virtually impossible for all members to participate in a single conversation unless one person serves as moderator and guides the discussion. As shown in ▼ Figure 5.1, when the size of the group increases, the number of possible social interactions also increases.

Although large groups typically have less social solidarity than small ones, they may have more power. However, the relationship between size and power is more complicated than it might initially seem. Th e power relationship depends on both a group’s absolute size and its relative size (Simmel, 1950/1902–1917; Merton, 1968). Th e absolute size is the number of members the group actually has; the relative size is the number of potential members. For example, suppose that 300 people band together to “march on Washington” and demand enactment of a law on some issue that they feel is important. Although 300 people is a large number in some con- texts, opponents of this group would argue that the low turnout (compared with the number of people in this country) demonstrates that most people don’t

FIGURE 5.1 GROWTH OF POSSIBLE SOCIAL INTERACTION BASED ON GROUP SIZE

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groups. What norms are practiced within these groups? Students should share their analyses with one another.

• Active Learning: Ask students to examine the groups to which they are members. Have them identify the leaders of these groups and the leadership styles that are being practiced within these

Leadership Styles Th ree major styles of lead- ership exist in groups: authoritarian, democratic, and laissez-faire. Authoritarian leaders make all major group decisions and assign tasks to mem- bers. Th ese leaders focus on the instrumental tasks of the group and demand compliance from others. In times of crisis, such as a war or natural disaster, authoritarian leaders may be commended for their decisive actions. In other situations, however, they may be criticized for being dictatorial and for fos- tering intergroup hostility. By contrast, democratic leaders encourage group discussion and decision making through consensus building. Th ese lead- ers may be praised for their expressive, supportive behavior toward group members, but they may also be blamed for being indecisive in times of crisis.

Laissez-faire literally means “to leave alone.” Laissez-faire leaders are only minimally involved in decision making and encourage group mem- bers to make their own decisions. On the one hand, laissez-faire leaders may be viewed positively by group members because they do not fl aunt their power or position. On the other hand, a group that needs active leadership is not likely to fi nd it with this style of leadership, which does not work vigor- ously to promote group goals.

Studies of kinds of leadership and decision- making styles have certain inherent limitations. Th ey tend to focus on leadership that is imposed exter- nally on a group (such as bosses or political leaders) rather than leadership that arises within a group. Dif- ferent decision-making styles may be more eff ective in one setting than another. For example, imagine attending a college class in which the professor asked

believe the issue is important. At the same time, the power of a small group to demand change may be based on a “strength in numbers” factor if the group is seen as speaking on behalf of a large number of other people (who are also voters).

Larger groups typically have more formalized leadership structures. Th eir leaders are expected to perform a variety of roles, some related to the internal workings of the group and others related to external relationships with other groups.

Group Leadership What role do leaders play in groups? Leaders are responsible for directing plans and activities so that the group completes its task or fulfi lls its goals. Pri- mary groups generally have informal leadership. For example, most of us do not elect or appoint leaders in our own families. Various family members may assume a leadership role at various times or act as leaders for specifi c tasks. In traditional families, the father or eldest male is usually the leader. However, in today’s more diverse families, leadership and power are frequently in question, and power rela- tionships may be quite diff erent, as discussed later in this text. By comparison, larger groups typically have more formalized leadership structures. For example, leadership in secondary groups (such as colleges, governmental agencies, and corporations) involves a clearly defi ned chain of command, with written responsibilities assigned to each position in the organizational structure.

Leadership Functions Both primary and sec- ondary groups have some type of leadership or posi- tions that enable certain people to be leaders, or at least to wield power over others. From a function- alist perspective, if groups exist to meet the instru- mental and expressive needs of their members, then leaders are responsible for helping the group meet those needs. Instrumental leadership is goal or task oriented; this type of leadership is most appropriate when the group’s purpose is to complete a task or reach a particular goal. Expressive leadership pro- vides emotional support for members; this type of leadership is most appropriate when the group is dealing with emotional issues, and harmony, soli- darity, and high morale are needed. Both kinds of leadership are needed for groups to work eff ectively.

instrumental leadership goal- or task-oriented leadership.

expressive leadership an approach to leadership that provides emotional support for members.

authoritarian leaders people who make all major group decisions and assign tasks to members.

democratic leaders leaders who encourage group discussion and decision making through consensus building.

laissez-faire leaders leaders who are only minimally involved in decision making and who encourage group members to make their own decisions.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: Yohtaro Takano and Shunya Sogon have recently demonstrated that even in their ingroups, Japanese college students do not conform at any higher levels than do Americans (Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 39 [2008]: 237–250). Have the class read these results and compare them to their assumptions about Japan.

• Extra Examples: Introduce the “control” dimension of George Ritzer’s theory of McDonaldization at this point. Talk about the power of the social scripts that guide our everyday lives. Have students brainstorm about the “college student” script.

• For Discussion: Ask students this: To what extent do you consider yourself to be a conformist? Why is it necessary for a group to require some degree of conformity from its members?

In the fi rst test with each group, all seven men selected the correct matching line. In the second trial, all seven still answered correctly. In the third trial, however, the actual subject became very uncomfort- able when all the others selected the incorrect line. Th e subject could not understand what was happen- ing and became even more confused as the others continued to give incorrect responses on eleven out of the next fi ft een trials.

Asch (1955) found that about one-third of all subjects chose to conform by giving the same (incor- rect) responses as Asch’s assistants. In discussing the experiment aft erward, most of the subjects who gave incorrect responses indicated that they had known the answers were wrong but decided to go along with the group in order to avoid ridicule or ostracism.

Asch concluded that the size of the group and the degree of social cohesion felt by participants were important infl uences on the extent to which individuals respond to group pressure. If you had been in the posi- tion of the subject, how would you have responded? Would you have continued to give the correct answer, or would you have been swayed by the others?

Milgram’s Research How willing are we to do something because someone in a position of author- ity has told us to do it? How far are we willing to go to follow the demands of that individual? Stanley Milgram (1963, 1974) conducted a series of contro- versial experiments to fi nd answers to these questions about people’s obedience to authority. Obedience is a

the students to determine what should be covered in the course, what the course requirements should be, and how students should be graded. It would be a diffi cult and cumbersome way to start the semester; students might spend the entire term negotiating these matters and never actually learn anything.

Group Conformity To what extent do groups exert a powerful infl u- ence in our lives? Groups have a signifi cant amount of infl uence on our values, attitudes, and behavior. In order to gain and then retain our membership in groups, most of us are willing to exhibit a high level of conformity to the wishes of other group mem- bers. Conformity is the process of maintaining or changing behavior to comply with the norms established by a society, subculture, or other group. We oft en experience powerful pressure from other group members to conform. In some situa- tions, this pressure may be almost overwhelming.

In several studies (which would be impossible to conduct today for ethical reasons), researchers found that the pressure to conform may cause group mem- bers to say they see something that is contradictory to what they are actually seeing or to do something that they would otherwise be unwilling to do. As we look at two of these studies, ask yourself what you might have done if you had been involved in this research.

Asch’s Research Pressure to conform is espe- cially strong in small groups in which members want to fi t in with the group. In a series of experi- ments conducted by Solomon Asch (1955, 1956), the pressure toward group conformity was so great that participants were willing to contradict their own best judgment if the rest of the group disagreed with them.

One of Asch’s experiments involved groups of undergraduate men (seven in each group) who were allegedly recruited for a study of visual perception. All the men were seated in chairs. However, the per- son in the sixth chair did not know that he was the only actual subject; all the others were assisting the researcher. Th e participants were fi rst shown a large card with a vertical line on it and then a second card with three vertical lines (see ▼ Figure 5.2). Each of the seven participants was asked to indicate which of the three lines on the second card was identical in length to the “standard line” on the fi rst card.

1 2 3

FIGURE 5.2 ASCH’S CARDS Although Line 2 is clearly the same length as the line in the lower card, Solomon Asch’s research assistants tried to infl uence “actual” participants by deliberately picking Line 1 or Line 3 as the correct match. Many of the participants went along rather than risking the opposition of the “group.” Source: Asch, 1955.

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• Popular Culture: Have students view the HBO fi lm The Ghosts of Abu Ghraib, which incorporates fi lm footage from the Milgram experiment into the documentary.

• Research: Have students examine works by Stanford psychologist Philip Zimbardo. The Lucifer Eff ect describes the point in time when an ordinary person fi rst crosses the boundaries of decency to engage in evil action. It represents a transformation of human

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • For Discussion: Ask students to write anonymous individual

responses to these questions: What do you think your response might have been if you had been a subject in Asch’s study? In Milgram’s? Read responses aloud, and have the class discuss why group infl uence is such a powerful a force in our lives.

Moderate shock

Strong shock

Very strong shock

Level of shock (as labeled on Milgram’s shock machine)

Intense shock

Extreme intensity shock

DANGER: SEVERE SHOCK

XXX Volts

15 45 75 105 135 165 195 225 255 285 315 345 375 405 435 450

No subjects refused to obey until well past “intense shock.”

65% of subjects

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▲ FIGURE 5.3 RESULTS OF MILGRAM’S OBEDIENCE EXPERIMENT Even Milgram was surprised by subjects’ willingness to administer what they thought were severely painful and even dangerous shocks to a helpless “learner.” Source: Milgram, 1963.

to press the lever on the shock generator so that the learner would be punished for forgetting the word. Each time the learner gave an incorrect response, the teacher was supposed to increase the shock level by 15 volts. Th e alleged purpose of the shock was to deter- mine if punishment improves a person’s memory.

What was the maximum level of shock that a “teacher” was willing to infl ict on a “learner”? Th e learner had been instructed (in advance) to beat on the wall between him and the teacher as the experiment continued, pretending that he was in intense pain. Th e teacher was told that the shocks might be “extremely painful” but that they would cause no permanent dam- age. At about 300 volts, when the learner quit respond- ing at all to questions, the teacher oft en turned to the experimenter to see what he should do next. When the experimenter indicated that the teacher should give increasingly painful shocks, 65 percent of the teachers administered shocks all the way up to the “XXX” (450- volt) level (see ▼ Figure 5.3). By this point in the pro- cess, the teachers were frequently sweating, stuttering,

form of compliance in which people follow direct orders from someone in a position of authority.

Milgram’s subjects were men who had responded to an advertisement for participants in an experiment. When the fi rst (actual) subject arrived, he was told that the study concerned the eff ects of punishment on learning. Aft er the second subject (an assistant of Milgram’s) arrived, the two men were instructed to draw slips of paper from a hat to get their assign- ments as either the “teacher” or the “learner.” Because the drawing was rigged, the actual subject always became the teacher, and the assistant the learner. Next, the learner was strapped into a chair with pro- truding electrodes that looked something like an electric chair. Th e teacher was placed in an adjoin- ing room and given a realistic-looking but nonopera- tive shock generator. Th e “generator’s” control panel showed levels that went from “Slight Shock” (15 volts) on the left , to “Intense Shock” (255 volts) in the middle, to “DANGER: SEVERE SHOCK” (375 volts), and fi nally “XXX” (450 volts) on the right.

Th e teacher was instructed to read aloud a pair of words and then repeat the fi rst of the two words. At that time, the learner was supposed to respond with the second of the two words. If the learner could not provide the second word, the teacher was instructed

conformity the process of maintaining or changing behavior to comply with the norms established by a society, subculture, or other group.

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• For Discussion: Janis wrote that one of the ways to prevent groupthink was as follows: “Leaders should assign each member the role of critical evaluator. This allows each member to freely air objections and doubts.” Ask students why this can be such a diffi cult task for leaders to accomplish. What obstacles stand in their way?

• Active Learning: Have your class work in groups to rephrase this description of groupthink in their own words: “We are not talking

character and is more likely to occur in novel settings, “total situations,” where social situational forces are suffi ciently powerful to overwhelm, or set aside temporally, personal attributes of morality, compassion, or justice.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

Th e tragic 2003 explosion of the space shuttle Columbia while preparing to land has been cited as an example of this process. During takeoff , a chunk of insulated foam fell off the bipod ramp of the exter- nal fuel tank, striking and damaging the shuttle’s left wing. Although some NASA engineers had previ- ously raised concerns that hardened foam popping off the fuel tank could cause damage to the ceramic tiles protecting the shuttle, and although their con- cerns were again raised following Columbia’s lift off , these concerns were overruled by NASA offi cials prior to and during the fl ight (Glanz and Wong, 2003; Schwartz, 2003). One analyst subsequently described the way that NASA dealt with these con- cerns as an example of “the ways that smart people working collectively can be dumber than the sum of their brains” (Schwartz and Wald, 2003: WK3).

Formal Organizations in Global Perspective Over the past century, the number of formal orga- nizations has increased dramatically in the United States and other industrialized nations. Previously, everyday life was centered in small, informal, pri- mary groups, such as the family and the village. With the advent of industrialization and urbanization (as discussed in Chapter 1), people’s lives became increasingly dominated by large, formal, secondary organizations. A formal organization, you will recall, is a highly structured secondary group formed for the purpose of achieving specifi c goals in the most effi cient manner. Formal organizations (such as corporations, schools, and government agencies) usually keep their basic structure for many years in order to meet their specifi c goals.

Types of Formal Organizations We join some organizations voluntarily and others out of necessity. Sociologist Amitai Etzioni (1975) classifi ed formal organizations into three catego- ries—normative, coercive, and utilitarian—based on the nature of membership in each.

Normative Organizations We voluntarily join normative organizations when we want to pur- sue some common interest or gain personal satis- faction or prestige from being a member. Political

or biting on their lip. According to Milgram, the teach- ers (who were free to leave whenever they wanted to) continued in the experiment because they were being given directions by a person in a position of authority (a university scientist wearing a white coat).

What can we learn from Milgram’s study? Th e study provides evidence that obedience to author- ity may be more common than most of us would like to believe. None of the “teachers” challenged the process before they had applied 300 volts. Almost two-thirds went all the way to what could have been a deadly jolt of electricity if the shock generator had been real. For many years, Milgram’s fi ndings were found to be consistent in a number of diff erent settings and with variations in the research design (Miller, 1986).

Th is research once again raises some questions concerning research ethics. As was true of Asch’s research, Milgram’s subjects were deceived about the nature of the study in which they were asked to participate. Many of them found the experi- ment extremely stressful. Such conditions cannot be ignored by social scientists because subjects may receive lasting emotional scars from this kind of research. Today, it would be virtually impossible to obtain permission to replicate this experiment in a university setting.

Groupthink As we have seen, individuals oft en respond diff er- ently in a group context than they might if they were alone. Social psychologist Irving Janis (1972, 1989) examined group decision making among political experts and found that major blunders in U.S. his- tory can be attributed to pressure toward group con- formity. To describe this phenomenon, he coined the term groupthink—the process by which members of a cohesive group arrive at a decision that many individual members privately believe is unwise. Why not speak up at the time? Members usually want to be “team players.” Th ey may not want to be the ones who undermine the group’s consensus or who challenge the group’s leaders. Consequently, members oft en limit or withhold their opinions and focus on consensus rather than on exploring all of the options and determining the best course of action. ▼ Figure 5.4 summarizes the dynamics and results of groupthink.

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about mere instinctive conformity—it is, after all, a perennial failing of mankind. What we are talking about is a rationalized conformity—an open, articulate philosophy which holds that group values are not only expedient but right and good as well” (William Whyte, 1952).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Find out to what occupations your students aspire. Describe the specifi c formal organizations that will be a part of most of these occupational choices. Talk about the formal organizations that you have experienced (insurance, hospitals, ASA, graduate school, etc.).

Process of Groupthink Example: Columbia Explosion

Incomplete search for information

Incomplete examination of alternatives

Failure to examine risks and contingencies

Poor decisions

High stress

Isolated, cohesive, homogeneous decision-making group

Lack of impartial leadership

Closed-mindedness

Rationalization

Squelching of dissent

“Mindguards”

Feelings of righteousness and invulnerability

DEFECTIVE DECISION MAKING

CONSEQUENCES The shuttle Columbia was destroyed during reentry into the Earth’s atmosphere,

killing all seven crew members and strewing debris across large portions

of the United States.

NASA had previously orchestrated many successful shuttle missions

and was under pressure to complete additional space missions that would

fulfill agency goals and keep its budget intact.

Although Columbia's left wing had been damaged on takeoff when a chunk

of insulated foam from the external fuel tank struck it, NASA did not regard

this as a serious problem because it had occurred on previous launches.

Some NASA engineers stated that they did not feel free to raise questions

about problems.

The debate among engineers regarding whether the shuttle had been damaged

to the extent that the wing might burn off on reentry was not passed on to the

shuttle crew or to NASA’s top officials in a timely manner because either the engineers harbored doubts about their concerns or were unwilling to believe that the mission was truly imperiled.

PRIOR CONDITIONS

SYMPTOMS OF GROUPTHINK

▲ FIGURE 5.4 JANIS’S DESCRIPTION OF GROUPTHINK In Janis’s model, prior conditions such as a highly homogeneous group with committed leadership can lead to potentially disastrous “groupthink,” which short-circuits careful and impartial deliberation. Events leading up to the tragic 2003 explosion of the space shuttle Columbia have been cited as an example of this process. Sources: Broder, 2003; Glanz and Wong, 2003; Schwartz (with Wald), 2003; Schwartz and Broder, 2003; Schwartz and Wald, 2003.

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parties, ecological activist groups, religious orga- nizations, parent–teacher associations, and college sororities and fraternities are examples of norma- tive, or voluntary, associations.

groupthink the process by which members of a cohesive group arrive at a decision that many individual members privately believe is unwise.

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students analyze bureaucracies and their characteristic features. Alternatively, use an organizational chart for your college/ university to help students see how they already participate in a bureaucracy. Point out the organizational structures of groups such as families, churches, and teams.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Extra Examples: Introduce various theories of problem solving. Talk about the kinds of organizational problems that can more easily be resolved through informal networks than through offi cial structures. Have students discuss this idea: When is one way better than the other?

• Applied Sociology: Locate examples of employee manuals, and check them for organizational charts. Use these to help

guards) that make it impossible for people to leave freely. When people leave without being offi cially dismissed, their exit is referred to as an “escape.”

Utilitarian Organizations We voluntarily join utilitarian organizations when they can provide us with a material reward that we seek. To make a liv- ing or earn a college degree, we must participate in organizations that can provide us these opportuni- ties. Although we have some choice regarding where we work or attend school, utilitarian organizations are not always completely voluntary. For example, most people must continue to work even if the conditions of their employment are less than ideal. (Th is chapter’s Concept Quick Review summarizes the types of groups, sizes of groups, and types of formal organizations.)

Bureaucracies Th e bureaucratic model of organization remains the most universal organizational form in govern- ment, business, education, and religion. A bureau- cracy is an organizational model characterized by a hierarchy of authority, a clear division of labor, explicit rules and procedures, and impersonality in personnel matters.

Sociologist Max Weber (1968/1922) was inter- ested in the historical trend toward bureaucra- tization that accelerated during the Industrial Revolution. To Weber, bureaucracy was the most “rational” and effi cient means of attaining organi- zational goals because it contributed to coordina- tion and control. According to Weber, rationality is the process by which traditional methods of social organization, characterized by informal- ity and spontaneity, are gradually replaced by effi ciently administered formal rules and proce- dures. Bureaucracy can be seen in all aspects of our lives, from small colleges with perhaps a thousand students to multinational corporations employing many thousands of workers worldwide.

In his study of bureaucracies, Weber relied on an ideal-type analysis, which he adapted from the fi eld of economics. An ideal type is an abstract model that describes the recurring characteristics of some phenomenon (such as bureaucracy). To develop this ideal type, Weber abstracted the most

Class, gender, and race are important deter- minants of a person’s participation in a normative association. Class (socioeconomic status based on a person’s education, occupation, and income) is the most signifi cant predictor of whether a person will participate in mainstream normative organizations; membership costs may exclude some from joining. Th ose with higher socioeconomic status are more likely to be not only members but also active par- ticipants in these groups. Gender is also an impor- tant determinant. Half of the voluntary associations in the United States have all-female memberships; one-fi ft h are all male. However, all-male organiza- tions usually have higher levels of prestige than do all-female ones (Odendahl, 1990).

Th roughout history, people of all racial–ethnic categories have participated in voluntary organi- zations, but the involvement of women in these groups has largely gone unrecognized. For example, African American women were actively involved in antislavery societies in the nineteenth century and in the civil rights movement in the twentieth century (see Scott, 1990). Other normative orga- nizations focusing on civil rights, self-help, and philanthropic activities in which African American women and men have been involved include the National Association for the Advancement of Col- ored People (NAACP) and the Urban League. Simi- larly, Native American women have participated in the American Indian Movement, a group organized to fi ght problems ranging from police brutality to housing and employment discrimination (Feagin and Feagin, 2003). Mexican American women (as well as men) have held a wide range of leadership positions in La Raza Unida Party and the League of United Latin American Citizens, organizations oriented toward civic activities and protests against injustices (Amott and Matthaei, 1996).

Coercive Organizations People do not volun- tarily become members of coercive organizations— associations that people are forced to join. Total institutions, such as boot camps, prisons, and some mental hospitals, are examples of coercive organiza- tions. As discussed in Chapter 3, the assumed goal of total institutions is to resocialize people through incarceration. Th ese environments are characterized by restrictive barriers (such as locks, bars, and security

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• Active Learning: Have students interview family and friends about the ways in which organizational hierarchies (in their jobs, schools, clubs, religious organizations) aff ect their relations with others. Have them identify both positive and negative eff ects of hierarchies.

• Extra Examples: Come up with several examples of ideal types so that your students can start to brainstorm other examples of this theoretical concept (marriage, family, job, neighborhood, medical plan, etc.).

• Table Note: Ask your students to bring a list of all their groups to class. Using this table, ask them to identify each by type, size, and, if appropriate, formal organization.

characteristic bureaucratic aspects of religious, educational, political, and business organizations. Weber acknowledged that no existing organization would exactly fi t his ideal type of bureaucracy (Blau and Meyer, 1987).

Ideal Characteristics of Bureaucracy Weber set forth several ideal-type characteristics of bureau- cratic organizations. His model (see ▼ Figure 5.5) highlights the organizational effi ciency and produc- tivity that bureaucracies strive for in these fi ve central elements of the ideal organization:

● Division of labor. Bureaucratic organizations are characterized by specialization, and each mem- ber has highly specialized tasks to fulfi ll.

● Hierarchy of authority. In a bureaucracy, each lower offi ce is under the control and supervision

Characteristics of Groups and Organizations

[ concept quick review 5.1 ]

Types of Social Groups Primary group Small, less specialized group in which members engage in face- to-face, emotion-based interaction over an extended period of time

Secondary group Larger, more specialized group in which members engage in more impersonal, goal-oriented relationships for a limited period of time

Ingroup A group to which a person belongs and with which the person feels a sense of identity

Outgroup A group to which a person does not belong and toward which the person may feel a sense of competitiveness or hostility

Reference group A group that strongly infl uences a person’s behavior and social attitudes, regardless of whether the person is actually a member

Group Size Dyad A group composed of two members

Triad A group composed of three members

Formal organization A highly structured secondary group formed for the purpose of achieving specifi c goals

Types of Formal Normative Organizations that we join voluntarily to pursue some common Organizations interest or gain personal satisfaction or prestige by joining

Coercive Associations that people are forced to join (total institutions such as boot camps and prisons are examples)

Utilitarian Organizations that we join voluntarily when they can provide us with a material reward that we seek

bureaucracy an organizational model characterized by a hierarchy of authority, a clear division of labor, explicit rules and procedures, and impersonality in personnel matters.

rationality the process by which traditional methods of social organization, characterized by informality and spontaneity, are gradually replaced by effi ciently administered formal rules and procedures.

ideal type an abstract model that describes the recurring characteristics of some phenomenon (such as bureaucracy).

of a higher one. Th ose few individuals at the top of the hierarchy have more power and exercise more control than do the many at the lower lev- els. Th ose who are lower in the hierarchy report

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• Popular Culture: “McJob. Noun: slang. A job, usually in the retail or service sector that is low paying, often temporary, and off ers minimal or no benefi ts or opportunity for promotion” (American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• For Discussion: Ask students to examine the following as an argument for the value of effi ciency: “What kind of society isn’t structured on greed? The problem of social organization is how to set up an arrangement under which greed will do the least harm; capitalism is that kind of system” (economist Milton Friedman).

nonhuman technologies—that are found in today’s fast-food restaurants:

Effi ciency means the search for the best means to the end; in the fast-food restaurant, the drive- through window is a good example of heightening the effi ciency of obtaining a meal. Predictability means a world of no surprises; the Big Mac in Los Angeles is indistinguishable from the one in New York; similarly, the one we consume tomor- row or next year will be just like the one we eat today. Rational systems tend to emphasize quan- tity, usually large quantities, rather than quality. Th e Big Mac is a good example of this emphasis on quantity rather than quality. Instead of the hu- man qualities of a chef, fast-food restaurants rely on nonhuman technologies like unskilled cooks following detailed directions and assembly-line methods applied to the cooking and serving of food. Finally, such a formally rational system brings with it various irrationalities, most nota- bly the demystifi cation and dehumanization of the dining experience.

While still useful today, Weber’s ideal type largely failed to take into account the informal side of bureaucracy.

The Informal Side of Bureaucracy When we look at an organizational chart, the offi cial, for- mal structure of a bureaucracy is readily apparent. In practice, however, a bureaucracy has patterns of activities and interactions that cannot be accounted for by its organizational chart. Th ese have been referred to as bureaucracy’s other face (Page, 1946).

Th e informal side of a bureaucracy is composed of those aspects of participants’ day-to-day activi- ties and interactions that ignore, bypass, or do not correspond with the offi cial rules and procedures

to (and oft en take orders from) those above them in the organizational pyramid. Persons at the up- per levels are responsible not only for their own actions but also for those of the individuals they supervise.

● Rules and regulations. Rules and regulations estab- lish authority within an organization. Th ese rules are typically standardized and provided to mem- bers in a written format. In theory, written rules and regulations off er clear-cut standards for deter- mining satisfactory performance so that each new member does not have to reinvent the rules.

● Qualifi cation-based employment. Bureaucracies re- quire competence and hire staff members and professional employees based on specifi c qualifi ca- tions. Individual performance is evaluated against specifi c standards, and promotions are based on merit as spelled out in personnel policies.

● Impersonality. Bureaucracies require that every- one must play by the same rules and be treated the same. Personal feelings should not interfere with organizational decisions.

Contemporary Applications of Weber’s Theory How well do Weber’s theory of rational- ity and his ideal-type characteristics of bureaucracy withstand the test of time? More than 100 years later, many organizational theorists still apply Weber’s perspective. For example, the sociologist George Ritzer used Weber’s theories to examine fast-food restaurants such as McDonald’s. According to Ritzer, the process of “McDonaldization” has become a global phenomenon that can be seen in fast-food restaurants and other “speedy” or “jiff y” businesses (such as Sir Speedy Printing and Jiff y Lube). Ritzer (2000a: 433) identifi es four dimensions of formal rationality—effi ciency, predictability, emphasis on quantity rather than quality, and control through

• Division of labor • Hierarchy of authority • Rules and regulations • Qualification-based employment • Impersonality

Characteristics

• Inefficiency and rigidity • Resistance to change • Perpetuation of race, class, and gender inequalities

Effects

▲ FIGURE 5.5 CHARACTERISTICS AND EFFECTS OF BUREAUCRACY The very characteristics that defi ne Weber’s idealized bureaucracy can create or exacerbate the problems that many people associate with this type of organization. Can you apply this model to an organization with which you are familiar?

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worker productivity. By contrast, the other school of thought asserts that informal groups should be nur- tured because such networks may serve as a means of communication and cohesion among individuals. Large organizations would be unable to function without strong informal norms and relations among participants (Blau and Meyer, 1987).

Informal networks thrive in contemporary orga- nizations because e-mail and websites have made it possible for people to communicate throughout the day without ever having to engage in face-to-face interaction. Th e need to meet at the water fountain or the copy machine in order to exchange informa- tion is long gone: Workers now have an opportunity to tell one another—and higher-ups, as well—what they think.

of the bureaucracy. An example is an informal “grapevine” that spreads information (with varying degrees of accuracy) much faster than do offi cial channels of communication, which tend to be slow and unresponsive. Th e informal structure has also been referred to as work culture because it includes the ideology and practices of workers on the job. Workers create this work culture in order to con- front, resist, or adapt to the constraints of their jobs, as well as to guide and interpret social relations on the job (Zavella, 1987).

Is the informal side of bureaucracy good or bad? Should it be controlled or encouraged? Two schools of thought have emerged with regard to these questions. One approach emphasizes con- trol of informal groups in order to ensure greater

▼ Colleges and universities rely a great deal on the use of standardized tests to assess student applications. How do such tests relate to Weber’s model of bureaucracy?

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informal side of a bureaucracy those aspects of participants’ day-to-day activities and interactions that ignore, bypass, or do not correspond with the offi cial rules and procedures of the bureaucracy.

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• Extra Examples: Have students identify the point of the following statement and the bureaucratic problem it describes: “If we did not have such a thing as an airplane today, we would probably create something the size of NASA to make one” (H. Ross Perot).

• Popular Culture: Ask the class to come up with examples of the following popular terms: Parkinson’s Law: Work expands so as to fi ll

• Applied Sociology: Have students apply the discussion of bureaucratic problems to the following: “More than 10,000 wide- bodied mobile homes purchased by FEMA to house Hurricane Katrina victims are sitting empty in an Arkansas airfi eld. Offi cials say they have been unable to deliver the trailers to New Orleans because federal rules prohibit installing them in fl ood zones” (Los Angeles Times, 2/2006).

unable to come up with creative solutions to prob- lems. Workers who have reached this point also tend to experience bureaucratic alienation—they really do not care what is happening around them.

Resistance to Change Once bureaucratic orga- nizations are created, they tend to resist change. Th is resistance not only makes bureaucracies virtually impossible to eliminate but also contributes to bureau- cratic enlargement. Because of the assumed relation- ship between size and importance, offi cials tend to press for larger budgets and more staff and offi ce space. To justify growth, administrators and managers must come up with more tasks for workers to perform.

Problems of Bureaucracies Th e characteristics that make up Weber’s “rational” model of bureaucracy have a dark side that has fre- quently given this type of organization a bad name. Th ree of the major problems of bureaucracies are (1) ineffi ciency and rigidity, (2) resistance to change, and (3) perpetuation of race, class, and gender inequalities.

Ineffi ciency and Rigidity Bureaucracies exper- ience ineffi ciency and rigidity at both the upper and lower levels of the organization. Th e self-protective behavior of offi cials at the top may render the orga- nization ineffi cient. One type of self-protective behavior is the monopolization of information in order to maintain control over subordinates and outsiders. Information is a valuable commodity in organizations, and those persons in positions of authority guard information because it is a source of power for them—others cannot “second-guess” their decisions without access to relevant (and oft en “confi dential”) information (Blau and Meyer, 1987).

When those at the top tend to use their power and authority to monopolize information, they also fail to communicate with workers at the lower levels. As a result, they are oft en unaware of potential problems facing the organization and of high levels of worker frustration. Bureaucratic regulations are written in far greater detail than is necessary in order to ensure that almost all conceivable situations are covered. Goal displacement occurs when the rules become an end in themselves rather than a means to an end, and organizational survival becomes more important than achievement of goals (Merton, 1968).

Ineffi ciency and rigidity occur at the lower levels of the organization as well. Workers oft en engage in ritualism; that is, they become most concerned with “going through the motions” and “following the rules.” According to Robert Merton (1968), the term bureaucratic personality describes those workers who are more concerned with following correct procedures than they are with getting the job done correctly. Such workers are usually able to handle routine situations eff ectively but are frequently inca- pable of handling a unique problem or an emer- gency. Th orstein Veblen (1967/1899) used the term trained incapacity to characterize situations in which workers have become so highly specialized, or have been given such fragmented jobs to do, that they are

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Corporate employees in diff erent work settings vary widely in their manner and appearance. How does the environment in which we work aff ect how we dress and act?

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situation might lead to the experience of bureaucratic alienation, as described by Veblen.

• Active Learning: Have students come up with examples of specialization in work and in thinking. Then have them read the following statement and consider ways in which such specialization could lead to trained incapacity: “A habitual line of action constitutes a habitual line of thought, and gives the point of

the time available for its completion. Peter Principle: In a hierarchy every employee tends to rise to his or her level of incompetence.

• Extra Examples: “The workweek has decreased by 38 percent over the past century, but workers have no additional leisure time. Longer commutes and more household chores have gobbled up the time created by work-related technological advances” (Forbes magazine). Have students discuss how this

1987). Th e theory of a “dual labor market” has been developed to explain how social class distinctions are perpetuated through diff erent types of employment. Middle- and upper-middle-class employees are more likely to have careers characterized by higher wages, more job security, and opportunities for advancement. By contrast, poor and working-class employees work in occupations characterized by low wages, lack of job security, and few opportunities for promotion. Th e “dual economy” not only refl ects but may also perpetuate people’s current class position.

Gender inequalities are also perpetuated in bureaucracies. Women in traditionally male organi- zations may feel more visible and experience greater performance pressure. Th ey may also fi nd it harder to gain credibility in management positions.

Inequality in organizations has many conse- quences. People who lack opportunities for integra- tion and advancement tend to be pessimistic and to have lower self-esteem. Believing that they have few opportunities, they resign themselves to staying put and surviving at that level. By contrast, those who enjoy full access to organizational opportunities tend to have high aspirations and high self-esteem. Th ey feel loyalty to the organization and typically see their job as a means for mobility and growth.

Bureaucracy and Oligarchy Why do a small number of leaders at the top make all the important organizational decisions? Accord- ing to the German political sociologist Robert Michels (1949/1911), all organizations encounter the iron law of oligarchy—the tendency to become a bureaucracy ruled by the few. His central idea

▲ According to confl ict theorists, members of the capitalist class benefi t from the work of laborers such as the people shown here, who are harvesting onions on a farm in the Texas Rio Grande Valley. How do low wages and lack of job security contribute to class-based inequalities in the United States?

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goal displacement a process that occurs in organiza- tions when the rules become an end in themselves rather than a means to an end, and organizational survival becomes more important than achievement of goals.

bureaucratic personality a psychological construct that describes those workers who are more concerned with following correct procedures than they are with getting the job done correctly.

iron law of oligarchy according to Robert Michels, the tendency of bureaucracies to be ruled by a few people.

Resistance to change may also lead to incompe- tence. Based on organizational policy, bureaucracies tend to promote people from within the organization. As a consequence, a person who performs satisfacto- rily in one position is promoted to a higher level in the organization. Eventually, people reach a level that is beyond their knowledge, experience, and capabilities.

Perpetuation of Race, Class, and Gender Inequalities Some bureaucracies perpetuate inequalities of race, class, and gender because this form of organizational structure creates a specifi c type of work or learning environment. Th is struc- ture was typically created for middle-class and upper-middle-class white men, who for many years were the predominant organizational participants.

For people of color, entry into dominant white bureaucratic organizations does not equal actual integration (Feagin, 1991). Instead, many have expe- rienced an internal confl ict between the bureaucratic ideals of equal opportunity and fairness and the pre- vailing norms of discrimination and hostility that exist in many organizations. Research has found that people of color are more adversely aff ected than dom- inant-group members by hierarchical bureaucratic structures and exclusion from informal networks.

Like racial inequality, social class divisions may be perpetuated in bureaucracies (Blau and Meyer,

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• U.S. Census: In the 2008 election, 10 million more ballots were cast by women than by men. Since the 1980s, women have been more likely than men to vote. Women’s rates surpassed those of men in the 18-and-older population for the fi rst time in the presidential election of 1984. Have students discuss these statistics in light of the text’s discussion of bureaucratic inequalities.

view from which facts and events are apprehended and reduced to a body of knowledge” (Thorstein Veblen).

• For Discussion: Have students examine the relationship of women, people of color, and other “newcomers” to informal networks in organizations where white males have traditionally held majority infl uence. Have them research examples of some of these typical informal networks in careers, education, and communities.

perceived strengths of systems of organizing work in other nations, such as Japan.

Organizational Structure in Japan For several decades, the Japanese model of organi- zation was widely praised for its innovative struc- ture because it focused on long-term employment and company loyalty. Until recently, many Japa- nese employees remained with the same company for their entire career, whereas their U.S. counter- parts oft en changed employers every few years. Although the practice of lifetime employment has been replaced by the concept of long-term employ- ment, workers in Japan oft en have higher levels of job security than do workers in the United States. According to advocates of the Japanese system, this model encourages worker loyalty and a high level of productivity. Managers move through vari- ous parts of the organization and acquire technical knowledge about the workings of many aspects of the corporation, unlike their U.S. counterparts, who tend to become highly specialized (Sengoku, 1985). Unlike top managers in the United States who have given themselves pay raises and bonuses even when their companies were fi nancially strapped, many Japanese managers have taken pay cuts under simi- lar circumstances. Japanese management is charac- terized as being people oriented, taking a long-term view, and having a culture that focuses on how work gets done rather than on the result alone.

Quality Circles How work is organized, such as by the use of quality circles, may also aff ect job satis- faction and worker productivity. Small work groups made up of about fi ve to fi ft een workers who meet regularly with one or two managers to discuss the group’s performance and working conditions are known as quality circles. Th e purpose of this team approach to management is both to improve product quality and to lower product costs. Workers are moti- vated to save the corporation money because they, in turn, receive bonuses or higher wages for their eff orts. Quality circles have been praised for creating worker satisfaction, helping employees develop their poten- tial, and improving productivity (Ishikawa, 1984). Because quality circles focus on both productivity and worker satisfaction, these circles (at least ideally) meet the needs of both the corporation and the workers.

was that those who control bureaucracies not only wield power but also have an interest in retaining their power. Michels found that the hierarchical structures of bureaucracies and oligarchies go hand in hand. On the one hand, power may be concen- trated in the hands of a few people because rank- and-fi le members must inevitably delegate a certain amount of decision-making authority to their lead- ers. Leaders have access to information that other members do not have, and they have “clout,” which they may use to protect their own interests. On the other hand, oligarchy may result when individuals have certain outstanding qualities that make it pos- sible for them to manage, if not control, others. Th e members choose to look to their leaders for direc- tion; the leaders are strongly motivated to maintain the power and privileges that go with their leader- ship positions.

Are there limits to the iron law of oligarchy? Th e leaders in most organizations do not have unlim- ited power. Divergent groups within a large-scale organization oft en compete for power, and informal networks can be used to “go behind the backs” of leaders. In addition, members routinely challenge, and sometimes they (or the organization’s govern- ing board) remove leaders when they are not pleased with their actions.

Alternative Forms of Organization Many organizations have sought new and innovative ways to organize work more effi ciently than the tra- ditional hierarchical model. In the early 1980s, there was a movement in the United States to humanize bureaucracy—to establish an organizational envi- ronment that develops rather than impedes human resources. More-humane bureaucracies are charac- terized by (1) less-rigid hierarchical structures and greater sharing of power and responsibility by all participants, (2) encouragement of participants to share their ideas and try new approaches to prob- lem solving, and (3) eff orts to reduce the number of people in dead-end jobs, train people in needed skills and competencies, and help people meet out- side family responsibilities while still receiving equal treatment inside the organization (Kanter, 1983, 1985, 1993/1977). However, this movement has been overshadowed by globalization and the

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• Media Coverage: “It’s a sense of team spirit and together-ness— called soshikiryoku—that many Japanese corporations are trying to rekindle. ‘We realized that workplace communication was becoming nonexistent,’ explains human-resources manager Shinji Matsuyama, whose company, Alps Electric, spent several million dollars last year to bring together about 3,000 workers for its

• Active Learning: To illustrate the iron law of oligarchy, tell your class that you will give them one minute to collectively decide on the date of the next exam. Step to the side and start timing. What usually occurs is either the class sits dumbfounded and unable to get itself organized or, as the time passes, one or two “leaders” emerge and organize the group into some sort of vote. Connect these experiences to Michels’s theory.

of an organization (MIT 21st Century Manifesto Working Group, 1999). For example, at a college or university, stakeholders would include (but not be limited to) students, faculty and staff , admin- istrators, alumni, major contributors, boards of regents, suppliers, the community where the school is located, and the society as a whole. Goals of the organization should be based on taking into account the interests of these various stakeholders and work- ing toward organizational goals and outcomes that will not only ensure organizational success but also provide the greatest good for the greatest number of stakeholders. Although academic success, win- ning sports teams, and college fi nancial stability are important in higher education, other criteria should also be used in assessing the eff ectiveness and over- all output of the college community. In other types of organizations, similar stakeholders can be identi- fi ed and goals established to meet the needs of vari- ous constituencies.

Organizations in the Future What is the best organizational structure for the future? Of course, this question is diffi cult to answer because it requires the ability to predict economic, political, and social conditions. Nevertheless, we can make several observations.

First, organizations have been aff ected by grow- ing social inequality in the United States and other nations due to heightening diff erences between high- and low-income segments of populations. Having socially sustainable organizations is of increasing importance because television, the Inter- net, and international travel have made people more aware of the wide disparities in the resources and power of “haves” and “have-nots” both within a sin- gle country and across nations. As a result, organiza- tions must be developed that are both economically effi cient and as equitable as possible. Some orga- nizational and management analysts suggest that more attention must be paid to the “stakeholders”

▲ The Japanese model of organization—including planned group-exercise sessions for employees—has become a part of the workplace in many nations. Would it be a positive change if more workplace settings, such as the one shown here, were viewed as an extension of the family? Why or why not?

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fi rst company-wide undokai, or mini-Olympics, in 14 years” (Toko Sekiguch). Ask students to draw comparisons with U.S. fi rms.

• PowerLecture: Among its many multimedia teaching resources, this disk also includes the text’s full Instructor’s Resource Manual and Test Bank, both in Microsoft® Word.

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Sept. 7

Hello! Hello! Is anybody getting this message?? I’m lost in Cy- berspace and I don’t know if I am getting through to anyone! Please write back if you have received this message!!

Sept. 8

We got your message. Who are you? Where are you? We are 5th graders at Perry Central School. We live in Perry County, Indiana. Where are you from? Can we help? Signed, Darrin, Jenna, Becky (qtd. in Kranning and Ehman, 1999)

As a result of this initial e-mail exchange, fi fth-grade students at a rural Indiana elementary school began an extended proj- ect (“Mysteries from History”) with college students taking a computer education class at Indiana University. Although this collaboration was initially established by a fi fth-grade teacher (Antoinette Kranning) and a college professor (Lee Ehman), proj- ects such as this could be established by computer-savvy stu- dents in other college classes or by a campus service organization.

Let’s look at how “Mysteries from History” works. Students in the computer education class pose historical mysteries for the fi fth graders to solve through research and group problem-solving skills. For example, students are told that one mystery person worked in a hospital as a nurse during the Civil War and later became a famous writer, and the stu- dents are to guess the identity of this individual. Although the fi fth graders’ initial choice was Clara Barton, they realized that Louisa May Alcott was the correct choice after their research because only Alcott had gone on to become a famous writer. Other mystery questions were posed about other famous people in history, and the fi fth graders became very excited as the project progressed. As one student stated, “I’m really enjoying e-mail. I felt very excited when I got my fi rst mes- sage. It felt great. I felt like I was a detective searching for clues to a mystery” (qtd. in Kranning and Ehman, 1999).

Developing Invisible (but Meaningful) Networks on the Web

you can make a diff erence

Through this collaborative project, both the fi fth grad- ers and the college students benefi ted. The college students learned how to interact as a group with a class of young stu- dents via the Internet, and they also picked up valuable teach- ing tips from the fi fth-grade teacher, particularly regarding how elementary school students learn about history (Kran- ning and Ehman, 1999). Likewise, the fi fth graders learned how to fi nd information and how to work collaboratively on a project.

Although the nature of groups and organizations has changed with new technologies, and although some peo- ple believe that computer networks are not equal to face- to-face interactions, all of us are increasingly involved in computer networks because they allow us to create a range of new social spaces in which we can meet and interact with one another. These social spaces might otherwise not exist: Collaborations between a group of fifth graders and a group of college students would be less likely to occur without technologies such as the Internet. From this per- spective, if we are able to create social spaces where we can help others to do things—such as learn history, be- come savvy Internet users, or feel that they are part of a special group—we can make a difference in their lives by connecting people to people.

What kinds of meaningful social spaces might be created through a class you are taking or a service organization to which you belong? Social spaces on the Internet can be used for a variety of purposes, including discussing topics of mu- tual interest, learning from one another, working on collabor- ative projects, entertaining one another, and playing games. Are there ways in which your class or organization (with guid- ance from a faculty member) could create cross-age or cross- cultural collaborations that would link people together in a shared activity or a discussion that otherwise might not take place?

Second, globalization is the key word for man- agement and change in many organizations, and the use of technology is intricately linked with perform- ing fl exible, mobile work anywhere in the world. Based on the assumption that organizations must respond to a rapidly changing environment or they

will not thrive, several twenty-fi rst-century organi- zational models are based on the need to relegate traditional organizational structure to dinosaur sta- tus and to move ahead with structures that fully use technology and focus on the need to communicate more eff ectively. As the pace of communication has

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that people fi nd engaging and that inspires them to give their best to that organization. Exactly how these organizations might look is not fully clear, although some analysts suggest that corpora- tions such as Google, Microsoft , and other high- tech companies have actively sought to redefi ne organizational culture and environment by being responsive to employees, customers, and other shareholders. Although management continues to exist, the distinction between managers and the managed becomes less prevalent, and the idea that management knowledge will be everyone’s respon- sibility becomes more predominant. Emphasis is also placed on the importance of improving com- munication and on acquiring the latest technologies to make this process even more fast, secure, and effi cient. Overall, there is a focus on change and the assumption that people in an organization should be change agents, not individuals who merely respond to change aft er it occurs.

Ultimately, everyone has a stake in seeing that organizations operate in an eff ective, humane man- ner and that opportunities are widely available to all people regardless of race, gender, class, or age. Workers and students alike can benefi t from orga- nizational environments that make it possible for people to explore their joint interests without fear of losing their privacy or being pitted against one another in a competitive struggle for advantage. (For an example of students working together on a meaningful activity that benefi ts others, see the You Can Make a Diff erence box.)

increased dramatically and information overload has become prevalent, the leaders of organizations are seeking new ways in which to more effi ciently manage their organizations and to be ahead of change, rather than merely adapting to change aft er it occurs. One recent approach is referred to as “smart working,” which is based on the assump- tion that innovation is crucial and that organiza- tional leaders must be able to use the talents and energies of the people who work with them. At one level, “smart working” refers to “anytime, any- where” ways of work that have become prevalent because of communications technologies such as smart phones and computers. However, another level focuses on the ways in which smart work- ing makes it possible for people to have fl exibil- ity and autonomy in where, when, and how they work (chiefexecutive.com, 2010). According to one management specialist,

It turns out that the sort of collaborative, chal- lenging work with potential for learning and personal development that people fi nd satisfy- ing is exactly the sort of work needed to adapt to current turbulent global operating conditions. Smart working is an outcome of designing orga- nizational systems that are good for business and good for people. (chiefexecutive.com, 2010)

From this perspective, organizations must adapt to change; empower all organizational participants to become involved in collaboration, problem solv- ing, and innovation; and create a work environment

chapter review ● How do sociologists distinguish among social

groups, aggregates, and categories?

Sociologists defi ne a social group as a collection of two or more people who interact frequently, share a sense of belonging, and depend on one another. People who happen to be in the same place at the same time are considered an aggregate. Th ose who share a similar characteristic are considered a cat- egory. Neither aggregates nor categories are consid- ered social groups.

● How do sociologists classify groups?

Sociologists distinguish between primary groups and secondary groups. Primary groups are small and personal, and members engage in emotion- based interactions over an extended period. Sec- ondary groups are larger and more specialized, and members have less personal and more formal, goal-oriented relationships. Sociologists also divide groups into ingroups, outgroups, and reference groups. Ingroups are groups to which we belong

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162 ● What are the strengths and weaknesses of

bureaucracies?

A bureaucracy is a formal organization character- ized by hierarchical authority, division of labor, explicit procedures, and impersonality. Accord- ing to Max Weber, bureaucracy supplies a rational means of attaining organizational goals because it contributes to coordination and control. A bureau- cracy also has an informal structure, which includes the daily activities and interactions that bypass the offi cial rules and procedures. Th e informal struc- ture may enhance productivity or may be counter- productive to the organization. A bureaucracy may be ineffi cient, resistant to change, and a vehicle for perpetuating class, race, and gender inequalities.

● What types of organizational structures have been used in recent decades to modify or change typical bureaucracies?

Some organizations adopted Japanese management techniques based on long-term employment and company loyalty or the use of quality circles as alter- native forms of bureaucratic structures. More recently the focus has been on “smart working,” which is based on the needs of the global organizational environment and relies heavily on communication technologies.

and with which we identify. Outgroups are groups we do not belong to or perhaps feel hostile toward. Reference groups are groups that strongly infl uence people’s behavior whether or not they are actually members.

● What is the signifi cance of group size?

In small groups, all members know one another and interact simultaneously. In groups with more than three members, communication dynamics change, and members tend to assume specialized tasks.

● What are the major styles of leadership?

Leadership may be authoritarian, democratic, or laissez-faire. Authoritarian leaders make major decisions and assign tasks to individual members. Democratic leaders encourage discussion and col- laborative decision making. Laissez-faire leaders are minimally involved and encourage members to make their own decisions.

● What do experiments on conformity show us about the importance of groups?

Groups may have signifi cant infl uence on members’ values, attitudes, and behaviors. In order to main- tain ties with a group, many members are willing to conform to norms established and reinforced by group members.

key terms aggregate 140

authoritarian leaders 147

bureaucracy 152

bureaucratic personality 156

category 140

conformity 148

democratic leaders 147

dyad 145

expressive leadership 147

goal displacement 156

groupthink 150

ideal type 152

informal side of a bureaucracy 154

ingroup 140

instrumental leadership 147

iron law of oligarchy 157

laissez-faire leaders 147

outgroup 140

rationality 152

reference group 141

small group 145

triad 145

questions for critical thinking 1. Who might be more likely to conform in a bu-

reaucracy, those with power or those wanting more power?

2. Do the insights gained from Milgram’s re- search on obedience outweigh the elements

of deception and stress that were forced on its subjects?

3. How would you organize a large-scale organiza- tion or company for the twenty-fi rst century?

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Watch the ABC video Online Generation: Wired Seniors Surf Net (running time 3:54), available through CengageBrain.com. This video presents a group of senior citizens in assisted-living centers who have organized to help younger generations with life issues via the Internet. As you watch the video, think about

the opportunities older and younger generations have to interact in your daily life—how frequently do you experience cross-generation communication? After you watch the video, consider these questions: Is the Internet a good means of cross-generation communication? What advantages and disadvantages come with it?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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“ What worries me, ” said Marlene [a Southside Chicago block-club president], “ is that there’s about seventy children on my block who use that park—and that’s not counting the ones who live on the other side. Can’t have them around your boys [gang members]. ”

“ You all are something else, ” Big Cat [a gang leader for the “ Black Kings” ] said shaking his head. “ I been cooperating with you all for years now, never complaining that I’m losing money. . . . I don’t get no respect for that? ”

“ If you’re in our park, we can’t be. It’s as simple as that, ” Marlene replied. “ I’ll give you the nighttime. Maybe I can convince folks that you all need to work at night, but that’s going to be tough. But, bottom line, baby, is we can’t have you all there during the day. ” . . .

“ Okay, ” interjected [local pastor] Wilkins. “ Now you have to stop for the summer, Big Cat. We’re not asking for a two-year thing, or nothing like that. Just when the kids are outside. ”

“ I guess I could work it on 59th, but that [business owner] keeps telling us he doesn’t want us around, keeps calling the cops. . . . ”

“ If I get him to leave you alone during the day, and you can hang out in the parking lot on the other side of the store, you’ll leave the park for the summer. ”

“ Yeah, ” Big Cat replied, dejected at the compromise. “ Okay, we’ll be gone. ” —sociologist Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh (2006: 294–295) describing a conversation among three people he interviewed during his research into the underground economy in Chicago and the gangs that constitute part of that economy

Deviance and Crime

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▲ Members of the California group known as the Culver City Boyz typify how gang members use items of clothing and gang signs made with their hands to assert their membership in the group and solidarity with one another. Some people might view this conduct as deviant behavior, whereas many gang members view it as an act of conformity.

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Chapter Focus Question

What do studies of adolescent peer cliques and youth gangs

tell us about deviance?

S ociologists and criminologists typically defi ne a gang as an ongoing group of peo- ple, oft en young, who band together for purposes generally considered to be devi-

ant or criminal by the larger society. Th roughout the past century, gang behavior has been of special interest to sociologists (see Puff er, 1912), who gen- erally agree that youth gangs can be found in many settings and among all racial and ethnic categories. Th e National Gang Center (2010), funded by the U.S. Department of Justice, estimates that in 2007 there were 27,300 gangs with about 788,000 mem- bers of all ages in the United States. Between 2002 and 2007, the estimated number of gangs increased by 15 percent in larger cities, 17 percent in suburban counties, 41 percent in smaller cities, and 64 percent in rural counties (National Gang Center, 2010).

Today, some gang members are committing sophisticated crimes that are diff erent from the drive- by shootings and narcotics distribution of other gangs. Some twenty-fi rst-century gang members use the Internet to carry out crimes such as identity theft , bank fraud, check kiting, criminal imperson- ation, and other technology-related crimes that were largely unheard of in the past (Ferrell, 2008).

As unusual as it may sound, important similari- ties exist between youth gangs and adolescent peer cliques, which are typically viewed as conform- ing to most social norms. At the most basic level, cliques are friendship circles, whose members iden- tify one another as mutually connected (Adler and Adler, 1998). Members of contemporary cliques not only meet in person but oft en communicate with each other by cell phone, Facebook, Twitter, and other social networks. Unlike informal friendship

networks, cliques have a distinctive organizational structure. According to the sociologists Patricia A. Adler and Peter Adler (1998: 56), cliques “have a hier- archical structure, being dominated by leaders, and are exclusive in nature, so that not all individuals who desire membership are accepted.” Moreover, sociolo- gists have found that cliques function as “bodies of power” in schools by “incorporating the most popu- lar individuals, off ering the most exciting social lives, and commanding the most interest and attention from classmates” (Adler and Adler, 1998: 56).

Although cliques may have some similarities with gangs, there are also signifi cant dif- ferences: Gangs play a large role in the economy of many low-income urban neigh- borhoods, where residents oft en believe that they must do whatever is necessary to survive. Some activities in the underground economy include the performance of unregulated, unreported, and untaxed work, whereas others involve more widely recognized criminal activities such as the sale of drugs by gang members. Accord- ing to Venkatesh (2006), one remarkable thing about studying deviance and crime in settings such as “Maquis Park” (a pseudonym for a real Southside Chicago neighborhood) was learning that residents and gang members sometimes forge temporary alli- ances and engage in self-initiated policing so that

In this chapter

● What Is Deviance?

● Functionalist Perspectives on Deviance

● Confl ict Perspectives on Deviance

● Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Deviance

● Postmodernist Perspectives on Deviance

● Crime Classifi cations and Statistics

● The Criminal Justice System

● U.S. Deviance and Crime in the Future

● The Global Criminal Economy

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous

teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint slides, videos, PowerPoint and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• CourseMate: The Sociology CourseMate for this text allows you to integrate interactive teaching and learning tools into your course

as well as assess students’ performance using its Engagement Tracker. Access this resource through your instructor account at www.cengage.com/login.

• Research: “About 30 percent of high school term papers are plagiarized, in whole or in part, from the Internet. Some school districts are paying thousands of dollars for computer software programs that scan the papers for telltale sentences from the

or group in which it occurs. We are most familiar with behavioral deviance, based on a person’s inten- tional or inadvertent actions. For example, a person may engage in intentional deviance by drinking too much or robbing a bank, or in inadvertent deviance by losing money in a Las Vegas casino or laughing at a funeral.

Although we usually think of deviance as a type of behavior, people may be regarded as deviant if they express a radical or unusual belief system. Members of cults (such as Moonies and satanists) or of far-right-wing or far-left -wing political groups may be considered deviant when their religious or political beliefs become known to people with more conventional cultural beliefs. However, indi- viduals who are considered to be “deviant” by one category of people may be seen as conformists by another group. For example, adolescents in some peer cliques and youth gangs may shun mainstream cultural beliefs and values but routinely conform to subcultural codes of dress, attitude (such as defi ant individualism), and behavior (Jankowski, 1991). Th ose who think of themselves as “Goths” may wear black trench coats, paint their fi ngernails black, and listen to countercultural musicians.

In addition to their behavior and beliefs, individ- uals may also be regarded as deviant because they possess a specifi c condition or characteristic. A wide range of conditions have been identifi ed as “devi- ant,” including being obese (Degher and Hughes, 1991; Goode, 1996) and having AIDS (Weitz, 2004). For example, research by the sociologist Rose Weitz (2004) has shown that persons with AIDS live with

a stigma that aff ects their relationships with other people, including family members, friends, lovers, colleagues, and health care workers. Chapter 4 defi nes a stigma as any physical or social attribute or sign that so devalues

neighborhood children may play safely at the park or enjoy other everyday activities without fear of harm. Venkatesh’s study reveals people’s eff orts to survive with the resources they amass in the under- ground economy, as well as residents’ willingness to negotiate with gang members if it will help restore a sense of order to their neighborhood. Th is unique form of community policing oft en takes place with- out the assistance of law enforcement offi cials.

In this chapter, we look at the relationship among conformity, deviance, and crime; even in times of economic hardships and other national crises, “everyday” deviance and crime occur as usual. Peo- ple do not stop activities that might be viewed by others—or by law enforcement offi cials—as violating social norms. An example is gang behavior, which is used in this chapter as an example of deviant behav- ior. For individuals who fi nd a source of identity, self-worth, and a feeling of protection by virtue of gang membership, no radical change occurs in daily life even as events around them may change. Youth gangs have been present in the United States for many years because they meet the perceived needs of members. Some gangs may be thought of as being very similar to youth cliques, whereas other gangs engage in activities that constitute crime. Before reading on, take the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz on peer cliques, youth gangs, and deviance.

What Is Deviance? Deviance is any behavior, belief, or condition that violates signifi cant social norms in the society

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Although most people think of a high school clique as being far diff erent from a gang, patterns of inclusion and exclusion operate similarly in both groups. In this still from the movie Mean Girls, note the three young women on the right-hand side. In what ways are they excluding the young woman (played by Lindsey Lohan) on the left?

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behaving themselves” (Thomas Szasz). In smaller groups, relate this observation to the social construction of deviance.

• Applied Sociology: Have students rephrase the following in their own words: “The hermetic communities pictured in Brokeback Mountain illustrate sociologist Kai T. Erikson’s fi ndings in Wayward Puritans (1966)—that American communities have always defi ned themselves in terms of who doesn’t belong in them. The deviant,

papers sold or shared on the Web” (Los Angeles Times). Have students research the justifi cations that plagiarists typically use and discuss plagiarism in the broader context of social deviance.

• Quote, Unquote: “Men are rewarded or punished not for what they do but for how their acts are defi ned. That is why men are more interested in better justifying themselves than in better

True False

T F 1. According to some sociologists, deviance may serve a useful purpose in society. T F 2. Peer cliques on high school campuses have few similarities to youth gangs. T F 3. Most people join gangs to escape from broken homes caused by divorce or the death of a parent. T F 4. Juvenile gangs are an urban problem; few rural areas have problems with gangs. T F 5. Street crime has a much higher economic cost to society than crimes committed in executive suites or by

government offi cials. T F 6. Rising crime rates are accurately refl ected by the extensive crime coverage in the media and the growing

number of crime dramas (such as CSI and Law & Order and its spin-off s) on television. T F 7. Studies have shown that peer cliques have become increasingly important to adolescents over the past two

decades. T F 8. Gangs are an international problem.

Answers on page 168.

How Much Do You Know About Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance?

sociology and everyday life 167

a person’s social identity that it disqualifi es the per- son from full social acceptance (Goff man, 1963b). Based on this defi nition, the stigmatized person has a “spoiled identity” as a result of being negatively evaluated by others (Goff man, 1963b). To avoid or reduce stigma, many people seek to conceal the characteristic or condition that might lead to stigmatization.

Who Defi nes Deviance? Are some behaviors, beliefs, and conditions inher- ently deviant? In commonsense thinking, deviance is oft en viewed as inherent in certain kinds of behavior or people. For sociologists, however, deviance is a for- mal property of social situations and social structure. As the sociologist Kai T. Erikson (1964: 11) explains,

Deviance is not a property inherent in certain forms of behavior; it is a property conferred upon these forms by the audiences which directly or indirectly witness them. Th e critical variable in the study of deviance, then, is the social audience rather than the individual actor, since it is the audi- ence which eventually determines whether or not any episode of behavior or any class of episodes is labeled deviant.

Based on this statement, we can conclude that devi- ance is relative—that is, an act becomes deviant when it is socially defi ned as such. Defi nitions of deviance vary widely from place to place, from time to time, and from group to group (see “Sociology Works!”). Today, for example, some women wear blue jeans and very short hair to college classes; some men wear an earring and long hair. In the past, such looks violated established dress codes in many schools, and administrators probably would have asked these students to change their appearance or leave school.

Deviant behavior also varies in its degree of seri- ousness, ranging from mild transgressions of folk- ways, to more serious infringements of mores, to quite serious violations of the law. Have you kept a library book past its due date or cut classes? If so, you have violated folkways. Others probably view your infraction as relatively minor; at most, you might have to pay a fi ne or receive a lower grade.

deviance any behavior, belief, or condition that vio- lates signifi cant social norms in the society or group in which it occurs.

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Ask students what they make of this interpretation of youth violence. What does it get right? What does it miss?

• Active Learning: After they take the Sociology in Everyday Life quiz, ask students to share their answers in pairs. Check for the correct answers aloud, and use this as a starting point for a discussion of gangs and cliques.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

whether religious, political, or sexual, has always needed to be identifi ed from among the existing population, then exterminated or expelled” (Gary Indiana, Village Voice).

• For Discussion: “Violence among young people is an aspect of their desire to create. They don’t know how to use their energy creatively so they do the opposite and destroy” (Anthony Burgess).

What Is Social Control? Societies not only have norms and laws that govern acceptable behavior; they also have various mech- anisms to control people’s behavior. Social con- trol refers to the systematic practices that social groups develop in order to encourage conformity to norms, rules, and laws and to discourage devi- ance. Social control mechanisms may be either internal or external. Internal social control takes place through the socialization process: Individu- als internalize societal norms and values that pre- scribe how people should behave and then follow those norms and values in their everyday lives. By contrast, external social control involves the use of negative sanctions that proscribe certain behaviors and set forth the punishments for rule breakers and nonconformists. In contemporary societies, the

Violations of mores—such as falsifying a college application or cheating on an examination—are viewed as more serious infractions and are punish- able by stronger sanctions, such as academic proba- tion or expulsion. Some forms of deviant behavior violate the criminal law, which defi nes the behav- iors that society labels as criminal. A crime is a behavior that violates criminal law and is pun- ishable with fi nes, jail terms, and/or other nega- tive sanctions. Crimes range from minor off enses (such as traffi c violations) to major off enses (such as murder). A subcategory, juvenile delinquency, refers to a violation of law or the commission of a status off ense by young people. Note that the legal concept of juvenile delinquency includes not only crimes but also status off enses, which are illegal only when committed by younger people (such as cutting school or running away from home).

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1. True. From Durkheim to contemporary functionalists, theorists have regarded some degree of deviance as functional for societies.

2. False. Many social scientists believe that there are striking similarities between adolescent cliques and youth gangs, includ- ing the demands that are placed on members in each category to conform to group norms pertaining to behavior, appearance, and the people with whom one is allowed to associate.

3. False. Recent studies have found that people join gangs for a variety of reasons, including the desire to gain access to money, recreation, and protection.

4. False. Gangs are frequently thought of as an urban problem because central-city gangs organized around drug deal- ing have become prominent in recent years; however, gangs are found in suburban counties, smaller cities, Native American reservations, and rural counties throughout the country as well.

5. False. Although street crime—such as assault and robbery—often has a greater psychological cost, crimes committed by persons in top positions in business (such as accounting and tax fraud) or government (including the Pentagon) have a far greater economic cost, especially for U.S. taxpayers.

6. False. Despite extensive news media coverage and popular culture representations of a rapidly growing crime rate in the United states, crime rates overall are declining.

7. True. As more youths grow up in single-parent households or in households where both parents are employed, many adolescents have turned to members of their peer cliques to satisfy their emotional needs and to gain information.

8. True. Gangs are found in nations around the world. In countries such as Japan, youth gangs are often points of entry into adult crime organizations.

Sources: Based on Adler and Adler, 2003; and FBI, 2008.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance

sociology and everyday life 168

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presented an e-mail from Curt Nelson, a University of Minnesota scientist who analyzed DNA samples provided by the two men. Nelson said one of the samples came from a human, the other from an opossum. The presenters sidestepped the issue by saying that is what their Bigfoot must have recently eaten (Discovery Channel, 8/2008).

• Extra Examples: Assign students to listen to the This American Life podcast on “The Allure of Crime” (episode 135). Have them analyze the crime stories described in terms of social deviance and social control (thisamericanlife.org).

• Popular Culture: Bigfoot’s body has been found, according to two Georgia men who held a press conference to display three blurry photos said to depict the huge furry creature. They also

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My mind’s open to anything. After all, they just found another planet. So, who knows? Anything’s possible.

—Jim Maier, a resident of Seneca, Illinois, explaining why he thinks it might be possible that a group of observers actually saw Bigfoot (a so-called “wild man” who is allegedly covered in hair, stands about eight feet tall, has a strong odor, and walks on much larger feet than those of a typical human being) near his community, about seventy miles southwest of Chicago (qtd. in Wischnowsky, 2005)

Bigfoot is one of those things that people like to believe in. . . . Regardless of whether there are such things as Bigfoot, people like that thrill of uncertainty, that sense of danger. It’s exciting to try and discover the unknown. And it’s a lot more fun to have that little bit of doubt when you’re sitting out in the woods.

—sociologist Christopher Bader describing why tales of the improbable, such as sightings of Bigfoot (also known as Sasquatch), are exciting and believable to some individuals, whereas others think that people who spend countless hours waiting in a densely wooded area to catch sight of Bigfoot are engaged in deviant behavior (qtd. in Wischnowsky, 2005)

Sociology contributes to our thinking about conformity and deviance by making us aware that the people we are around help us defi ne what we think of as “normal” beliefs and actions. If we are surrounded by individuals who believe that a Bigfoot or UFO (unidentifi ed fl ying object) sighting is just around the corner, we may think of such beliefs as normal and gain a personal sense of belonging when we go out and

wait with these individuals for Bigfoot or a fl ying saucer to show up. For this reason, some people join groups such as the Bigfoot Field Researchers Organization (www.bfro.net) so that they can share their outings, compare fi eld notes on recent sightings, and feel that they are part of an important group or a clique. Among other Bigfoot believers, followers are treated with respect when they record sightings rather than receiving blank stares or comments like “You’ve got to be kidding?” all the while they are being labeled as “weird” or “deviant” by outsiders who are nonbelievers (Wischnowsky, 2005).

Looking at the seemingly deviant behavior of going out on Bigfoot or UFO sightings from a sociological perspec- tive, researchers such as Christopher Bader place these actions within a larger social context. One context Bader uses for studying people’s fascination with Bigfoot sightings and other paranormal occurrences is the sociology of religion. Ac- cording to Bader, many people who believe in Bigfoot or UFOs “believe without the kinds of evidence that would convince outsiders—it’s a matter of faith” (qtd. in Weiss, 2004). This faith may be intensifi ed by use of the Internet, where true believers may easily report their sightings without fear of ridicule or be- ing identifi ed as deviant by outsiders.

refl ect & analyze At your college or university, what beliefs and actions of individuals and groups might be classifi ed as conformity by some people but identifi ed as deviance by others? For exam- ple, do some students and/or professors believe that certain buildings are haunted and stay away from those areas?

Social Defi nitions of Deviance: Have You Seen Bigfoot or a UFO Lately?

sociology works! 169

criminal justice system, which includes the police, the courts, and the prisons, is the primary mecha- nism of external social control.

If most actions deemed deviant do little or no direct harm to society or its members, why is social control so important to groups and societies? Why is the same belief or action punished in one group or society and not in another? Th ese questions pose interesting theoretical concerns and research top- ics for sociologists and criminologists who examine

crime behavior that violates criminal law and is punishable with fi nes, jail terms, and other sanctions.

juvenile delinquency a violation of law or the com- mission of a status off ense by young people.

social control systematic practices developed by social groups to encourage conformity to norms, rules, and laws and to discourage deviance.

http://www.bfro.net

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be non-existent, that the fundamental conditions of social organization, as they are understood, logically imply it” (Emile Durkheim).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Extra Examples: Present students with examples from the full spectrum of social deviance. Often students may limit their own defi nitions of deviance to what is criminal. Elaborate on the topic of

• Box Note: Use the “Refl ect & Analyze” questions to start your class off on their own ethnographic research projects.

• For Discussion: Have students respond to the quoted statement below. Does crime serve a useful function in society? “There is no society known where a more or less developed criminality is not found under diff erent forms. No people exist whose morality is not daily infringed upon. We must therefore call crime necessary and declare that it cannot

What Causes Deviance, and Why Is It Functional for Society? Sociologist Emile Durkheim believed that devi- ance is rooted in societal factors such as rapid social change and lack of social integration among people. As you will recall, Durkheim attributed the social upheaval he saw at the end of the nineteenth century to the shift from mechanical to organic solidarity, which was brought about by rapid industrialization and urbanization. Although many people contin- ued to follow the dominant morals (norms, values, and laws) as best they could, rapid social change contributed to anomie—a social condition in which people experience a sense of futility because social norms are weak, absent, or confl icting. According to Durkheim, as social integration (bonding and com- munity involvement) decreased, deviance and crime increased. However, from his perspective, this was not altogether bad because he believed that deviance has positive social functions in terms of its consequences. For Durkheim (1964a/1895), deviance is a natural and inevitable part of all societies. Likewise, contem- porary functionalist theorists suggest that deviance is universal because it serves three important functions:

1. Deviance clarifi es rules. By punishing deviant behavior, society reaffi rms its commitment to the rules and clarifi es their meaning.

issues pertaining to law, social control, and the criminal justice system. Criminology is the system- atic study of crime and the criminal justice sys- tem, including the police, courts, and prisons.

Th e primary interest of sociologists and crimi- nologists is not questions of how crime and crimi- nals can best be controlled but rather social control as a social product. Sociologists do not judge cer- tain kinds of behavior or people as being “good” or “bad.” Instead, they attempt to determine what types of behavior are defi ned as deviant, who does the defi ning, how and why people become devi- ants, and how society deals with deviants. Although sociologists have developed a number of theories to explain deviance and crime, no one perspective is a comprehensive explanation of all deviance. Each theory provides a diff erent lens through which we can examine aspects of deviant behavior.

Functionalist Perspectives on Deviance As we have seen in previous chapters, functional- ists focus on societal stability and the ways in which various parts of society contribute to the whole. According to functionalists, a certain amount of deviance contributes to the smooth functioning of society.

▲ Shown here are eight of the nine members arrested in 2010 from a Michigan group called Hutaree, which federal authorities described as consisting of domestic terrorists who planned to wage war against the government. How is such a group an example of deviance?

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researchers at Texas State University. And in the event you land a white-collar job, even your colleagues won’t want to have much to do with you, said management professor Brian K. Miller, explaining the survey of 150 people, some with and some without body art” (Cox News Service, 8/2008). Have students look up the original survey and evaluate the conclusions in the quoted statement above.

positive deviance. Explain the full range of social control from giggles, shunning, and punishment to violent punishment and death.

• Media Coverage: “Body art is a growing fashion trend, even among highly educated folk, but business executives in positions to hire won’t see the Cupid-like hearts and purple razor-blade stains as mini-Picassos or as signs of intellectual prowess. More likely, they’ll see the ‘art’ as a sign of recklessness, at best, say

retreatism, and rebellion (see ■ Table 6.1). According to Merton, conformity occurs when people accept culturally approved goals and pursue them through approved means. Persons who want to achieve success through conformity work hard, save their money, and so on. Even people who fi nd that they are blocked from achieving a high level of educa- tion or a lucrative career may take a lower-paying job and attend school part time, join the military, or seek alternative (but legal) avenues, such as playing the lottery, to “strike it rich.”

Conformity is also crucial for members of mid- dle- and upper-class teen cliques, who oft en gather in small groups to share activities and confi dences.

2. Deviance unites a group. When deviant behavior is seen as a threat to group solidarity and people unite in opposition to that behavior, their loyal- ties to society are reinforced.

3. Deviance promotes social change. Deviants may violate norms in order to get them changed. For example, acts of civil disobedience—including lunch counter sit-ins and bus boycotts—were used to protest and eventually correct injustices such as segregated buses and lunch counters in the South.

Functionalists acknowledge that deviance may also be dysfunctional for society. If too many people violate the norms, everyday existence may become unpredictable, chaotic, and even violent. If even a few people commit acts that are so violent that they threaten the survival of a society, then deviant acts move into the realm of the criminal and even the unthinkable. Of course, the example that stands out in everyone’s mind is terrorist attacks around the world and the fear that remains constantly present as a result.

Although there is a wide array of contemporary functionalist theories regarding deviance and crime, many of these theories focus on social structure. For this reason, the fi rst theory we will discuss is referred to as a structural functionalist approach. It describes the relationship between the society’s economic structure and why people might engage in various forms of deviant behavior.

Strain Theory: Goals and Means to Achieve Them Modifying Durkheim’s (1964a/1895) concept of anomie, the sociologist Robert Merton (1938, 1968) developed strain theory. According to strain theory, people feel strain when they are exposed to cul- tural goals that they are unable to obtain because they do not have access to culturally approved means of achieving those goals. Th e goals may be material possessions and money; the approved means may include an education and jobs. When denied legitimate access to these goals, some people seek access through deviant means.

Merton identifi ed fi ve ways in which people adapt to cultural goals and approved ways of achieving them: conformity, innovation, ritualism,

▲ The sociologist Robert Merton identifi ed fi ve ways in which people adapt to cultural goals and approved ways of achieving them. Consider the young woman shown here. Which of Merton’s modes of adaptation might best explain her views on social life?

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criminology the systematic study of crime and the criminal justice system, including the police, courts, and prisons.

strain theory the proposition that people feel strain when they are exposed to cultural goals that they are unable to obtain because they do not have access to culturally approved means of achieving those goals.

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opportunities. Have students research and evaluate Anderson’s work and discuss possible solutions to this problem.

• Table Note: Trace the development of Merton’s theory from its roots in Durkheim’s anomie theory. Use Table 6.1 to help students understand the strain involved in each mode of adaptation.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• For Discussion: Provide examples of illegitimate opportunity structures. Have students discuss what social conditions make these circumstances possible.

• Research: Sociologist Elijah Anderson argues that the drug economy is an employment agency for young men who lack other

● Rebellion occurs when people challenge both the approved goals and the approved means for achieving them and advocate an alternative set of goals or means. To achieve their alternative goals, rebels may use violence (such as vandalism or rioting) or may register their displeasure with soci- ety through acts of vandalism or graffi ti (as further discussed in the You Can Make a Diff erence box).

Opportunity Theory: Access to Illegitimate Opportunities Expanding on Merton’s strain theory, sociologists Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960) suggested that for deviance to occur, people must have access to illegitimate opportunity structures—circum- stances that provide an opportunity for people to acquire through illegitimate activities what they cannot achieve through legitimate channels. For example, gang members may have insuffi cient legitimate means to achieve conventional goals of status and wealth but have illegitimate oppor- tunity structures—such as theft , drug dealing, or robbery—through which they can achieve these goals. In his study of the “Diamonds,” a Chicago street gang whose members are second-generation Puerto Rican youths, sociologist Felix M. Padilla (1993) found that gang membership was linked to the members’ belief that they might reach their aspirations by transforming the gang into a business enterprise. Coco, one of the Diamonds, explains

Some youths are members of a variety of cliques, and peer approval is of crucial signifi cance to them— being one of the “in” crowd, not a “loner,” is a sig- nifi cant goal for many teenagers. In the aft ermath of the recent school shootings, for example, journalists trekked to school campuses to report that athletes (“jocks”), cheerleaders, and other “popular” stu- dents enforce the social code at high schools (Adler, 1999; Cohen, 1999).

Merton classifi ed the remaining four types of adaptation as deviance:

● Innovation occurs when people accept society’s goals but adopt disapproved means for achieving them. Innovations for acquiring material posses- sions or money cover a wide variety of illegal ac- tivities, including theft and drug dealing.

● Ritualism occurs when people give up on soci- etal goals but still adhere to the socially approved means for achieving them. Ritualism is the op- posite of innovation; persons who cannot obtain expensive material possessions or wealth may nevertheless seek to maintain the respect of oth- ers by being a “hard worker” or “good citizen.”

● Retreatism occurs when people abandon both the approved goals and the approved means of achiev- ing them. Merton included persons such as skid- row alcoholics and drug addicts in this category; however, not all retreatists are destitute. Some may be middle- or upper-income individuals who see themselves as rejecting the conventional trappings of success or the means necessary to acquire them.

table 6.1

Mode of Adaptation Method of Adaptation

Seeks Culture’s Goals

Follows Culture’s Approved Ways

Conformity Accepts culturally approved goals; pursues them through culturally approved means

Yes Yes

Innovation Accepts culturally approved goals; adopts disapproved means of achieving them

Yes No

Ritualism Abandons society’s goals but continues to conform to approved means

No Yes

Retreatism Abandons both approved goals and the approved means to achieve them

No No

Rebellion Challenges both the approved goals and the approved means to achieve them

No—seeks to replace

Merton’s Strain Theory of Deviance

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public area with the tools of the trade and the intent to vandalize. The law also makes the city responsible for cleaning up graffi ti on private property if the owner requests it—an attempt to relieve the burden felt by residents whose property is frequently tagged” (Provo, Utah, 9/2008). Ask students whether they consider this a constructive response to graffi ti vandalism.

• Active Learning: Send your students out to discover the graffi ti regulations in your city. What are some of the ways your city has tried to address this problem?

• Media Coverage: “The Provo Municipal Council voted earlier this week to crack down on taggers by billing them for the cleanup of their own vandalism. The new law also makes it a class B misdemeanor not only to create graffi ti, but to be caught in a

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”Pirus Rule the Streets of Bompton Fools”

What does this graffi ti—written on a Compton, California, wall—mean? To fi gure out the message, it helps to know that Pirus is a collective made up of several Blood gangs (street gangs identifi ed, among other things, by the red color worn by members) in Los Angeles County. Gang graffi ti such as “Pirus Rule” is one way the gang claims its supremacy not only over rival gangs but also over the city as a whole, as indicated by the way the letter “C” in Compton was replaced with a “B” to emphasize the gang’s Blood/Pirus identity (Alonso, 1998: 17).

Although not all graffi ti is done by street gangs, some gang member use graffi ti as an illegal form of communication. Although “taggers” primarily use graffi ti as (at least in their opin- ion) an art form, street gangs use graffi ti to increase their visibil- ity, mark their territory, threaten rival gangs, and intimidate local residents (Salt Lake City Sheriff ’s Department, 2007). According to law enforcement offi cials, taggers are usually less violent than are members of traditional street gangs, and their “art” is usu- ally more “artistic” and less threatening than street-gang graffi ti. However, the work of both taggers and street-gang members defaces walls, buses, subways, and other public areas.

Is there anything we can do when we see graffi ti to get it removed and to improve the appearance of our community? How might we lessen the opportunities for gang members to use graffi ti to communicate with one another and to threaten outsiders? Here are some suggestions from law enforcement offi cials:

● Do not confront or challenge a person who is tagging a wall or writing graffi ti on a public space. Whether they are gang members or not, some taggers are armed, and even if unarmed, they may assault a challenger with spray paint or a physical attack.

● Make sure that owners of private property or pub- lic offi cials are notifi ed about the graffi ti because it is important that the graffi ti be painted over immediately.

Seeing the Writing on the Wall—and Doing Something About It!

you can make a diff erence

Studies show that if graffi ti is left up, it becomes a sta- tus symbol, and the area is likely to be hit again and again.

● Look for adopt-a-wall programs or other groups in which volunteers assist in cleaning off or painting over graffi ti.

● Find out if your city has a graffi ti hotline where you can report graffi ti. Many cities have instituted these hot- lines so that graffi ti can be quickly removed from both public and private property.

● Be aware of graffi ti done by children and young people that might indicate that they are thinking about, or have become involved with, gangs. Look for graffi ti on or around a residence, such as drawings or “doodles” of gang-related fi gures, themes of violence, or gang sym- bols. Also look for the use of substitute letters, such as replacing the “C” in Compton with a “B” (as discussed above) or intentionally misspelling a word (such as when “cigarette” becomes “bigarette”) because the removed letter is in a rival gang’s name. (Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, 2002; NAGIA, 2007)

Although graffi ti may appear to be a small issue when it is examined within the larger context of gang-related activity and urban crimes, this kind of behavior is one telling sign that law enforcement offi cials use when identifying possible crimi- nal trends. A dramatic increase in the amount of graffi ti in a community is often a sign that gang membership is growing and that gang activities are becoming more confrontational toward rival gangs and toward society as a whole.

For additional information on graffi ti and gang indicators, conduct searches on these websites:

● Center for Problem-Oriented Policing www.popcenter.org

● National Alliance of Gang Investigators Associations www.nagia.org

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the importance of sticking together in the gang’s income-generating business organization:

We are a group, a community, a family—we have to learn to live together. If we separate, we will never have a chance. We need each other even to make

illegitimate opportunity structures circumstances that provide an opportunity for people to acquire through illegitimate activities what they cannot achieve through legitimate channels.

http://www.popcenter.org

http://www.nagia.org

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• For Discussion: Have students discuss why the activities of poor and lower-income individuals might be more often defi ned as criminal than those of middle- and upper-income persons.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Extra Examples: Assign students to research recent examples of white-collar crime and to apply functionalist and confl ict perspectives to these situations. Examples could include the Enron executives, Bernard Madoff , and the ongoing Goldman Sachs investigation.

from gangs of diff erent racial and ethnic back- grounds (Yablonsky, 1997: 3).

How useful are social structural approaches such as opportunity theory and strain theory in explain- ing deviant behavior? Although there are weak- nesses in these approaches, they focus our attention on one crucial issue: the close association between certain forms of deviance and social class position. According to criminologist Anne Campbell (1984: 267), gangs are a “microcosm of American society, a mirror image in which power, possession, rank, and role . . . are found within a subcultural life of poverty and crime.”

Confl ict Perspectives on Deviance Who determines what kinds of behavior are deviant or criminal? Diff erent branches of confl ict theory off er somewhat divergent answers to this question. One branch emphasizes power as the central factor

sure that we have a spot for selling our supply [of drugs]. You know, there is people around here, like some opposition, that want to take over your negocio [business]. And they think that they can do this very easy. So we stick together, and that makes other people think twice about trying to take over what is yours. In our case, the opposition has never tried messing with our hood, and that’s because they know it’s protected real good by us fellas. (qtd. in Padilla, 1993: 104)

Based on their research, Cloward and Ohlin (1960) identifi ed three basic gang types—criminal, confl ict, and retreatist—which emerge on the basis of what type of illegitimate opportunity structure is available in a specifi c area. Th e criminal gang is devoted to theft , extortion, and other illegal means of securing an income. For young men who grow up in a criminal gang, running drug houses and selling drugs on street corners make it possible for them to support themselves and their families as well as purchase material possessions to impress others. By contrast, confl ict gangs emerge in communities that do not provide either legitimate or illegitimate opportunities. Members of confl ict gangs seek to acquire a “rep” (reputation) by fi ghting over “turf ” (territory) and adopting a value system of tough- ness, courage, and similar qualities. On some Native American reservations, for example, homegrown gangs routinely fi ght their rivals, oft en over a minor incident or slight, and engage in theft s, assaults, and property crimes in some of the nation’s poor- est, most neglected places, including the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation (Eckholm, 2009). Unlike crimi- nal and confl ict gangs, members of retreatist gangs are unable to gain success through legitimate means and are unwilling to do so through illegal ones. As a result, the consumption of drugs is stressed, and addiction is prevalent.

Sociologist Lewis Yablonsky (1997) has updated Cloward and Ohlin’s fi ndings on delinquent gangs. According to Yablonsky, today’s gangs are more likely to use and sell drugs, and to carry more lethal weapons than gang members did in the past. Today’s gangs have become more varied in their activities and are more likely to engage in intrara- cial confl icts, with “black on black and Chicano on Chicano violence,” whereas minority gangs in the past tended to band together to defend their turf

▲ Confl ict theorists suggest that criminal law is unequally enforced along class lines. Consider this setting, in which low- income defendants are arraigned by a judge who sees them only on a television monitor. Do you think, as a rule, that these defendants will be as well represented by attorneys as a wealthier defendant might be?

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could put him away for life” (Associated Press, 9/2008). Have students discuss Simpson’s original acquittal, as well as his more recent conviction, in terms of his wealth, fame, and race.

• Media Coverage: “Nearly a year after O. J. Simpson walked into a casino hotel room intent on reclaiming some sports memorabilia, he and his lawyers walked into a courthouse Monday to pick jurors for his robbery–kidnapping trial. Simpson has said he put his faith in the jury system and was confi dent of an acquittal—a conviction

radical perspectives on criminology. Th e critical approach is based on the assumption that the laws and the criminal justice system protect the power and privilege of the capitalist class. As you may recall from Chapter 1, Marx based his critique of capitalism on the inherent confl ict that he believed existed between the capitalists (bourgeoisie) and the working class (proletariat). In a capitalist society, social institutions (such as law, politics, and edu- cation, which make up the superstructure) legiti- mize existing class inequalities and maintain the capitalists’ superior position in the class structure. According to Marx, capitalism produces haves and have-nots, who engage in diff erent forms of devi- ance and crime.

According to the sociologist Richard Quinney (2001/1974), people with economic and politi- cal power defi ne as criminal any behavior that threatens their own interests. Th e powerful use law to control those who are without power. For exam- ple, drug laws enacted early in the twentieth cen- tury were actively enforced in an eff ort to control immigrant workers, especially the Chinese, who were being exploited by the railroads and other industries (Tracy, 1980). By contrast, antitrust leg- islation passed at about the same time was seldom enforced against large corporations owned by prom- inent families such as the Rockefellers, Carnegies, and Mellons. Having antitrust laws on the books

in defi ning deviance and crime: People in posi- tions of power maintain their advantage by using the law to protect their interests. Another branch emphasizes the relationship between deviance and capitalism, whereas a third focuses on feminist per- spectives and the confl uence of race, class, and gen- der issues in regard to deviance and crime.

Deviance and Power Relations Confl ict theorists who focus on power relations in society suggest that the lifestyles considered deviant by political and economic elites are oft en defi ned as illegal. According to this approach, norms and laws are established for the benefi t of those in power and do not refl ect any absolute standard of right and wrong (Turk, 1969, 1977). As a result, the activities of poor and lower-income individuals are more likely to be defi ned as criminal than those of persons from middle- and upper-income backgrounds. Moreover, the criminal justice system is more focused on, and is less forgiving of, deviant and criminal behavior engaged in by people in specifi c categories. For example, research shows that young, single, urban males are more likely to be perceived as members of the dangerous classes and receive stricter sen- tences in criminal courts (Miethe and Moore, 1987). Power diff erentials are also evident in how victims of crime are treated. When the victims are wealthy, white, and male, law enforcement offi cials are more likely to put forth more extensive eff orts to apprehend the perpetrator as contrasted with cases in which the victims are poor, black, and female (Smith, Visher, and Davidson, 1984). Recent research generally supports this assertion (Wonders, 1996).

Deviance and Capitalism A second branch of confl ict theory— Marxist/critical theory—views devi- ance and crime as a function of the capitalist economic system. Although the early economist and social thinker Karl Marx wrote very little about deviance and crime, many of his ideas are found in a critical approach that has emerged from earlier Marxist and

▲ According to Karl Marx, capitalism produces haves and have-nots, and each group engages in diff erent types of crime. Statistically, the man being arrested here is much more likely to be suspected of a fi nancial crime than a violent crime.

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with moles and masculine features as good candidates for becoming criminals. He thought criminal women were stronger than men, that they could handle pain better, and that prison would hardly aff ect them at all.

• Popular Culture: Feminist author Marilyn French notoriously wrote that “All men are rapists and that’s all they are.” What do you think French could have meant by this claim, if she didn’t mean it on a literal level? What might she have been trying to say about power and sexuality in our culture?

• Historical Perspective: In 1903 Cesare Lombroso published The Female Off ender, which characterized short, dark-haired women

Although there is no single feminist perspective on deviance and crime, three schools of thought have emerged.

Why do women engage in deviant behavior and commit crimes? According to the liberal femi- nist approach, women’s deviance and crime are a rational response to the gender discrimination that women experience in families and the work- place. From this view, lower-income and minority women typically have fewer opportunities not only for education and good jobs but also for “high-end” criminal endeavors. As some feminist theorists have noted, a woman is no more likely to be a big-time drug dealer or an organized crime boss than she is to be a corporate director (Daly and Chesney-Lind, 1988; Simpson, 1989).

By contrast, the radical feminist approach views the cause of women’s crime as originating in patriar- chy (male domination over females). Th is approach focuses on social forces that shape women’s lives and experiences and shows how exploitation may trig- ger deviant behavior and criminal activities. From this view, arrests and prosecution for crimes such as prostitution refl ect our society’s sexual double stan- dard whereby it is acceptable for a man to pay for sex but unacceptable for a woman to accept money for such services. Although state laws usually view both the female prostitute and the male customer as violating the law, in most states the woman is far

merely shored up the government’s legitimacy by making it appear respon- sive to public concerns about big busi- ness (Barnett, 1979).

In sum, the Marxist/critical approach argues that criminal law protects the interests of the affl uent and power- ful. Th e way that laws are written and enforced benefi ts the capitalist class by ensuring that individuals at the bot- tom of the social class structure do not infringe on the property or threaten the safety of those at the top (Reiman, 1998). However, others assert that critical theorists have not shown that powerful economic and political elites actually manipulate lawmaking and law enforcement for their own benefi t. Rather, people of all classes share a con- sensus about the criminality of certain acts. For example, laws that prohibit murder, rape, and armed robbery protect not only middle- and upper-income people but also low-income peo- ple, who are frequently the victims of such violent crimes.

Feminist Approaches Can theories developed to explain male behavior be used to understand female deviance and crime? According to feminist scholars, the answer is no. A new interest in women and deviance developed in 1975 when two books—Freda Adler’s Sisters in Crime and Rita James Simons’s Women and Crime— declared that women’s crime rates were going to increase signifi cantly as a result of the women’s lib- eration movement. Although this so-called eman- cipation theory of female crime has been refuted by subsequent analysts, Adler’s and Simons’s works encouraged feminist scholars (both women and men) to examine more closely the relationship among gender, deviance, and crime. More recently, feminist scholars such as Kathleen Daly and Meda Chesney-Lind (1988) have developed theories and conducted research to fi ll the void in our knowledge about gender and crime. For example, in a study of the female off ender, Chesney-Lind (1997) examined the cultural factors in women’s lives that may con- tribute to their involvement in criminal behavior.

▲ After this young prostitute advertised her services on Craigslist, the Sacramento vice squad and the FBI arranged a meeting that led to her arrest. Which of the feminist theories of women’s crime best explains this young woman’s off ense?

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• Research: As many as 40 percent of all forced prostitutes are juveniles, according to the FBI. Have students conduct research on sexual slavery and human traffi cking, including its impact on victims and their experiences in later life.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

Arnold, the criminal behavior of the women in her study was linked to class, gender, and racial oppres- sion, which they experienced daily in their families and at school and work.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Deviance As we discussed in Chapter 3, symbolic inter- actionists focus on social processes, such as how people develop a self-concept and learn conform- ing behavior through socialization. According to this approach, deviance is learned in the same way as conformity—through interaction with others. Although there are a number of symbolic interac- tionist perspectives on deviance, we will examine three major approaches—diff erential association and diff erential reinforcement theories, control the- ory, and labeling theory.

Diff erential Association Theory and Diff erential Reinforcement Theory How do people learn deviant behavior through their interactions with others? According to the sociologist Edwin Sutherland (1939), people learn the necessary techniques and the motives, drives, rationalizations, and attitudes of deviant behavior from people with whom they associate. Diff erential association theory states that people have a greater tendency to deviate from societal norms when they frequently associate with individuals who are more favorable toward deviance than conformity. From this approach, criminal behavior is learned within intimate personal groups such as one’s family and peer groups.

Diff erential association theory contributes to our knowledge of how deviant behavior refl ects the individual’s learned techniques, values, attitudes, motives, and rationalizations. It calls attention to the fact that criminal activity is more likely to occur

more likely than the man to be arrested, brought to trial, convicted, and sentenced.

Th e third school of feminist thought, the Marxist (socialist) feminist approach, is based on the assumption that women are exploited by both capitalism and patriarchy. Because most females have relatively low-wage jobs (if any) and few economic resources, crimes such as prostitution and shoplift ing become a means to earn money or acquire consumer goods. However, instead of freeing women from their problems, prostitution institutionalizes women’s dependence on men and results in a form of female sexual slavery (Vito and Holmes, 1994). Lower-income women are further victimized by the fact that they are oft en the targets of violent acts by lower-class males, who perceive themselves as being powerless in the capitalist eco- nomic system.

Some feminist scholars have noted that these approaches to explaining deviance and crime neglect the centrality of race and ethnicity and focus on the problems and perspectives of women who are white, middle and upper income, and heterosexual with- out taking into account the views of women of color, lesbians, and women with disabilities (Martin and Jurik, 1996).

Approaches Focusing on the Interaction of Race, Class, and Gender Some studies have focused on the simultaneous eff ects of race, class, and gender on deviant behav- ior. In one study, the sociologist Regina Arnold (1990) examined the relationship between women’s earlier victimization in their family and their sub- sequent involvement in the criminal justice system. Arnold interviewed African American women serv- ing criminal sentences and found that adolescent females are oft en “labeled and processed as devi- ants—and subsequently as criminals—for refusing to accept or participate in their own victimization.” Arnold attributes many of the women’s off enses to living in families in which sexual abuse, incest, and other violence left them few choices except to engage in deviance. Economic marginality and rac- ism also contributed to their victimization: “To be young, Black, poor, and female is to be in a high- risk category for victimization and stigmatization on many levels” (Arnold, 1990: 156). According to

diff erential association theory the proposition that individuals have a greater tendency to deviate from societal norms when they frequently associate with persons who are more favorable toward deviance than conformity.

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• Extra Examples: Using the ideas behind control theory, have students explore the relationships among social integration, gang membership, and delinquency.

• For Discussion: According to control theory, the important question to ask is this: Why doesn’t everyone engage in deviant behavior? Ask students to provide examples of social bonds in their own lives that may have kept them from engaging in socially or criminally deviant behavior.

with a well-dressed girl from “the wall.” Barry walked around all day in the girl’s expensive jeans and Doc Martens, carrying a shopping bag from Abercrombie & Fitch. “People kept saying, ‘Oh, you look so pretty,’” she recalls. “I felt really uncomfort- able.” It was interesting, but the next day, and ever since, she’s been back in her regular clothes. (qtd. in Adler, 1999: 58)

Another such approach to studying deviance is control theory, which sug- gests that conformity is oft en associated with a person’s bonds to other people.

when a person has frequent, intense, and long- lasting interactions with others who violate the law. However, it does not explain why many individu- als who have been heavily exposed to people who violate the law still engage in conventional behavior most of the time.

Criminologist Ronald Akers (1998) has com- bined diff erential association theory with elements of psychological learning theory to create diff eren- tial reinforcement theory, which suggests that both deviant behavior and conventional behavior are learned through the same social processes. Akers starts with the fact that people learn to evaluate their own behavior through interactions with signifi cant others. If the persons and groups that a particular individual considers most signifi cant in his or her life defi ne deviant behavior as being “right,” the individual is more likely to engage in deviant behav- ior; likewise, if the person’s most signifi cant friends and groups defi ne deviant behavior as “wrong,” the person is less likely to engage in that behavior. Th is approach helps explain not only juvenile gang behavior but also how peer cliques on high school campuses have such a powerful infl uence on peo- ple’s behavior. For example, when clique members at Glenbrook, a suburban Chicago high school, jealously “guarded” their favorite locations at the school, one student described her response to the powerful pressures to conform as follows:

As an experiment . . . Lauren Barry, a pink-haired trophy-case kid at Glenbrook, switched identities

▲ Is this example of graffi ti likely to be the work of an isolated artist or of a gang member? In what ways do gangs reinforce such behavior?

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Control Theory: Social Bonding According to the sociologist Walter Reckless (1967), society produces pushes and pulls that move people toward criminal behavior; however, some people “insulate” themselves from such pressures by hav- ing positive self-esteem and good group cohesion. Reckless suggests that many people do not resort to deviance because of inner containments—such as self-control, a sense of responsibility, and resistance to diversions—and outer containments—such as sup- portive family and friends, reasonable social expec- tations, and supervision by others. Th ose with the strongest containment mechanisms are able to with- stand external pressures that might cause them to participate in deviant behavior.

Extending Reckless’s containment theory, soci- ologist Travis Hirschi’s (1969) social control theory is based on the assumption that deviant behavior is minimized when people have strong bonds that bind them to families, schools, peers, churches, and other social institutions. Social bond theory holds that the probability of deviant behavior increases when a person’s ties to society are weakened or broken. According to Hirschi, social bonding con- sists of (1) attachment to other people, (2) commitment to conformity, (3) involvement in conventional activi- ties, and (4) belief in the legitimacy of conventional values and norms. Although Hirschi did not include females in his study, others who have replicated that study with both females and males have found that the theory appears to apply to each (see Naffi ne, 1987).

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• For Discussion: Have the class discuss how power relates to the labeling process. In the United States, what kinds of people have the greatest power to label others? Have them rephrase and apply the following statement: “Reputation is an idle and most false imposition; oft got without merit, and lost without deserving” (Shakespeare).

• Extra Examples: Have students analyze the following: “When a rule is enforced the person who is supposed to have broken

• IRM: Student Activities: Active Learning. Assign students to watch crime shows on television or the Internet and to look for examples of control and labeling theory. Consider having them watch episodes of the HBO series The Wire, which provides particularly powerful (and disturbing) examples of this process.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

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▲ According to control theory, strong bonds—including close family ties—are a factor in explaining why many people do not engage in deviant behavior. Why do some sociologists believe that quality family time is more important in discouraging delinquent behavior than is time spent with other young people?

peers promote antisocial values and violent behav- ior. However, some critics assert that Hirschi was mistaken in his assumption that a weakened social bond leads to deviant behavior. Th e chain of events may be just the opposite: People who routinely engage in deviant behavior may fi nd that their bonds to people who would be positive infl uences are weakened over time (Agnew, 1985; Siegel, 2007). Or, as labeling theory suggests, people may engage in deviant and criminal behavior because of destructive social interactions and encounters (Siegel, 2007).

Labeling Theory Labeling theory states that deviance is a socially constructed process in which social control agen- cies designate certain people as deviants, and they, in turn, come to accept the label placed upon them and begin to act accordingly. Based on the symbolic interaction theory of Charles H. Cooley and George H. Mead (see Chapter 3), labeling the- ory focuses on the variety of symbolic labels that people are given in their interactions with others.

How does the process of labeling occur? Th e act of fi xing a person with a negative identity, such as “criminal” or “mentally ill,” is directly related to the power and status of those persons who do the label- ing and those who are being labeled. Behavior, then, is not deviant in and of itself; it is defi ned as such by a social audience (Erikson, 1962). According to the sociologist Howard Becker (1963), moral entrepre- neurs are oft en the ones who create the rules about what constitutes deviant or conventional behavior. Becker believes that moral entrepreneurs use their own perspectives on “right” and “wrong” to estab- lish the rules by which they expect other people to live. Th ey also label others as deviant. Oft en these rules are enforced on persons with less power than

social bond theory the proposition that the prob- ability of deviant behavior increases when a person’s ties to society are weakened or broken.

labeling theory the proposition that deviants are those people who have been successfully labeled as such by others.

What does control theory have to say about delinquency and crime? Control theories sug- gest that the probability of delinquency increases when a person’s social bonds are weak and when

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• Media Coverage: Between 1994 and 2001, the rate of unwanted pregnancies among affl uent women fell by 20 percent, according to the Guttmacher Institute. During that same period, unwanted pregnancies for women below the poverty line increased by nearly 30 percent (Washington Post). Ask students to discuss these statistics in terms of labeling theory and economic power.

it . . . is regarded as an outsider. But the person who is labeled an . . . outsider may have a diff erent view of the matter. He may not accept the rule by which he is being judged and may not regard those who judge him as either competent or legitimately entitled to do so. Hence, a second meaning of the term emerges: the rule breaker may feel his judges are outsiders” (Howard Becker, Outsiders).

“most likely to succeed,” and none of the Saints were ever arrested. According to Chambliss (1973), the Roughnecks were more likely to be labeled as deviants because they came from lower-income families, did poorly in school, and were generally viewed negatively, whereas the Saints came from “good families,” did well in school, and were gen- erally viewed positively. Although both groups engaged in similar behavior, only the Roughnecks were stigmatized by a deviant label.

How successful is labeling theory in explaining deviance and social control? One contribution of labeling theory is that it calls attention to the way in which social control and personal identity are inter- twined: Labeling may contribute to the acceptance of deviant roles and self-images. Critics argue that this does not explain what caused the original acts that constituted primary deviance, nor does it pro- vide insight into why some people accept deviant labels and others do not (Cavender, 1995).

Postmodernist Perspectives on Deviance Departing from other theoretical perspectives on deviance, some postmodern theorists emphasize that the study of deviance reveals how the powerful exert control over the powerless by taking away their free will to think and act as they might choose. From this approach, institutions such as schools, prisons, and mental hospitals use knowledge, norms, and values to categorize people into “deviant” subgroups such as slow learners, convicted felons, or crimi- nally insane individuals, and then to control them through specifi c patterns of discipline.

An example of this idea is found in social theorist Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish (1979), in which Foucault examines the intertwining nature of power, knowledge, and social control. In this study of prisons from the mid-1800s to the early 1900s, Fou- cault found that many penal institutions ceased tor- turing prisoners who disobeyed the rules and began using new surveillance techniques to maintain social control. Although the prisons appeared to be more

the moral entrepreneurs. Becker (1963: 9) concludes that the deviant is “one to whom the label has suc- cessfully been applied; deviant behavior is behavior that people so label.”

As the defi nition of labeling theory suggests, several stages may occur in the labeling process (see ▼ Figure 6.1). Primary deviance refers to the initial act of rule breaking (Lemert, 1951). How- ever, if individuals accept the negative label that has been applied to them as a result of the primary deviance, they are more likely to continue to par- ticipate in the type of behavior that the label was initially meant to control. Secondary deviance occurs when a person who has been labeled a deviant accepts that new identity and continues the deviant behavior. For example, a person may shoplift an item of clothing from a department store but not be apprehended or labeled as a devi- ant. Th e person may subsequently decide to forgo such behavior in the future. However, if the person shoplift s the item, is apprehended, is labeled as a “thief,” and subsequently accepts that label, then the person may shoplift items from stores on numerous occasions. A few people engage in tertiary devi- ance, which occurs when a person who has been labeled a deviant seeks to normalize the behavior by relabeling it as nondeviant (Kitsuse, 1980). An example would be drug users who believe that using marijuana or other illegal drugs is no more deviant than drinking alcoholic beverages and therefore should not be stigmatized.

Can labeling theory be applied to high school peer groups and gangs? In a classic study, the soci- ologist William Chambliss (1973) documented how the labeling process works in some high schools when he studied two groups of adolescent boys: the “Saints” and the “Roughnecks.” Members of both groups were constantly involved in acts of truancy, drinking, wild parties, petty theft , and vandalism. Although the Saints committed more off enses than the Roughnecks, the Roughnecks were the ones who were labeled as “troublemak- ers” and arrested by law enforcement offi cials. By contrast, the Saints were described as being the

Primary deviance

Initial rule breaking

Secondary deviance

New identity accepted, deviance continues

Tertiary deviance

Individual relabels behavior nondeviant

▼ FIGURE 6.1 A CLOSER LOOK AT LABELING THEORY

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• Popular Culture: “We look at the Abu Ghraib scandal and don’t recognize ourselves. Politicians from George Bush to Hillary Clinton insist that those photos of abuse don’t depict their America. . . . But the reality, familiar from many instances where western democracies have sent troops to pacify foreign countries, is that there is almost always an ugly side. The Indian writer Salman Rushdie once said the British don’t understand their history

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• For Discussion: Help students connect Foucault’s perspective on power to the management of deviance and crime: “Power is not an institution, and not a structure; neither is it a certain strength we are endowed with; it is the name that one attributes to a complex strategical situation in a particular society” (Michel Foucault).

virtually unlimited capabilities for surveillance over subordinates. Today, cell phones and the Internet provide new opportunities for surveillance by gov- ernment offi cials and others who are not visible to the individuals who are being watched.

We have examined functionalist, confl ict, inter- actionist, and postmodernist perspectives on social control, deviance, and crime (see the Concept Quick Review). All of these explanations contribute to our understanding of the causes and consequences of deviant behavior; however, we now turn to the sub- ject of crime itself.

Crime Classifi cations and Statistics Crime in the United States can be divided into dif- ferent categories. We will look fi rst at the legal clas- sifi cations of crime and then at categories typically used by sociologists and criminologists.

How the Law Classifi es Crime Crimes are divided into felonies and misdemeanors. Th e distinction between the two is based on the seri- ousness of the crime. A felony is a serious crime such as rape, homicide, or aggravated assault, for which punishment typically ranges from more than a year’s imprisonment to death. A misdemeanor is a minor crime that is typically punished by less than one year in jail. In either event, a fi ne may be part of the sanction as well. Actions that constitute felonies and misdemeanors are determined by the legislatures in the various states; thus, their defi nitions vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction.

Other Crime Categories Th e Uniform Crime Report (UCR) is the major source of information on crimes reported in the

humane in the post-torture era, Foucault contends that the new means of surveillance impinged more on prisoners and brought greater power to prison offi cials. To explain, he described the Panoptican—a structure that gives prison offi cials the possibility of complete observation of criminals at all times. Typi- cally, the Panoptican was a tower located in the cen- ter of a circular prison from which guards could see all the cells. Although the prisoners knew they could be observed at any time, they did not actually know when their behavior was being scrutinized. As a result, prison offi cials were able to use their knowledge as a form of power over the inmates. Eventually, the guards did not even have to be present all the time because prisoners believed that they were under constant scru- tiny by offi cials in the observation post. If we think of this in contemporary times, we can see how cameras, computers, and other devices have made continual surveillance quite easy in virtually all institutions. In such cases, social control and discipline are based on the use of knowledge, power, and technology.

Foucault’s view on deviance and social control has infl uenced other social analysts, including Shoshana Zuboff (1988), who views the computer as a mod- ern Panoptican that gives workplace supervisors

▲ Michel Foucault contended that new means of surveil- lance would make it possible for prison offi cials to use their knowledge of prisoners’ activities as a form of power over the inmates. These guards are able to monitor the activities of many prisoners without ever leaving their station.

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primary deviance the initial act of rule-breaking.

secondary deviance the process that occurs when a person who has been labeled a deviant accepts that new identity and continues the deviant behavior.

tertiary deviance deviance that occurs when a per- son who has been labeled a deviant seeks to normal- ize the behavior by relabeling it as nondeviant.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• For Discussion: Have students evaluate the following statement from Watergate burglar G. Gordon Liddy: “Obviously crime pays, or there’d be no crime.” From a sociological perspective, is crime always self-interested? Are there other motives and processes involved?

because it happened overseas, and the same may be coming true for the U.S. also” (Tony Karon, Time magazine).

• Table Note: Use the Concept Quick Review table to review students on the essential concepts of each of the theories of deviance and crime presented in this chapter. Instead of addressing each theoretical perspective in succession, consider examining these theories through comparisons and contrasts.

Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance

[ concept quick review 6.1 ]

Theory Key Elements

Functionalist Perspectives Robert Merton Strain theory Deviance occurs when access to the approved means of

reaching culturally approved goals is blocked. Innovation, ritualism, retreatism, or rebellion may result.

Richard Cloward/Lloyd Ohlin Opportunity theory Lower-class delinquents subscribe to middle-class values but cannot attain them. As a result, they form gangs to gain social status and may achieve their goals through illegitimate means.

Confl ict Perspectives Karl Marx Critical approach The powerful use law and the criminal justice system to Richard Quinney protect their own class interests.

Kathleen Daly Feminist approach Historically, women have been ignored in research on Meda Chesney-Lind crime. Liberal feminism views women’s deviance as arising

from gender discrimination, radical feminism focuses on patriarchy, and socialist feminism emphasizes the eff ects of capitalism and patriarchy on women’s deviance.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Edwin Sutherland Diff erential association Deviant behavior is learned in interaction with others.

A person becomes delinquent when exposure to law- breaking attitudes is more extensive than exposure to law-abiding attitudes.

Travis Hirschi Social control/social bonding Social bonds keep people from becoming criminals. When ties to family, friends, and others become weak, an individual is most likely to engage in criminal behavior.

Howard Becker Labeling theory Acts are deviant or criminal because they have been labeled as such. Powerful groups often label less-powerful individuals.

Edwin Lemert Primary/secondary deviance Primary deviance is the initial act. Secondary deviance occurs when a person accepts the label of “deviant” and continues to engage in the behavior that initially produced the label

Postmodernist Perspective Michel Foucault Knowledge as power Power, knowledge, and social control are intertwined. In

prisons, for example, new means of surveillance that make prisoners think they are being watched all the time give offi cials knowledge that inmates do not have. Thus, the offi cials have a form of power over the inmates.

United States. Th e UCR has been compiled since 1930 by the Federal Bureau of Investigation based on information fi led by law enforcement agencies throughout the country. When we read that the rate of certain types of crimes has increased or decreased

when compared with prior years, for example, this information is usually based on UCR data. Th e UCR focuses on violent crime and property crime (which, prior to 2004, were jointly referred to in that report as “index crimes”), but also contains data on other

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Research: The U.S. property crime rate fell 0.8 percent in 2008, part

of a 5-year trend that showed a 5.3 percent drop in such crimes. This constitutes one of the lowest rates on record (FBI). Have students research these data further and some of the possible causes.

the general public but by gang members themselves, as Charles Campbell commented:

Th e generation I’m in is going to be lost. Of the cir- cle of friends I grew up in, three are dead, four are in jail, and another is out of school and just does noth- ing. When he runs out of money he’ll sell a couple bags of weed. . . .

I would carry a gun because I am worried about that brother on the fringe. Th ere are some people, there is nothing out there for them. Th ey will blow you away because they have nothing to lose. Th ere are no jobs out there. It’s hard to get money to go to school. (qtd. in Lee, 1993: 21)

Property Crime Property crimes include bur- glary (breaking into private property to commit a serious crime), motor vehicle theft , larceny-theft (theft of property worth $50 or more), and arson.

types of crime (see ▼ Figure 6.2). In 2008 about 14 million arrests were made in the United States for all criminal infractions (excluding traffi c violations). Although the UCR gives some indication of crime in the United States, the fi gures do not refl ect the actual number and kinds of crimes, as will be dis- cussed later.

Violent Crime Violent crime consists of actions—murder, rape, robbery, and aggra- vated assault—involving force or the threat of force against others. Although only 4.25 percent of all arrests in the United States in 2008 were for violent crimes, this category is probably the most anxiety- provoking of all criminal behavior: Most of us know someone who has been a victim of violent crime, or we have been so ourselves. Victims are oft en physi- cally injured or even lose their lives; the psychologi- cal trauma may last for years aft er the event (Parker and Anderson-Facile, 2000). Violent crime receives the most sustained attention from law enforcement offi cials and the media (see Warr, 2000).

Nationwide, there is growing concern over juve- nile violence. Beginning in 1988, juvenile violent- crime arrest rates started to rise, a trend that has been linked by some scholars to gang membership (see Inciardi, Horowitz, and Pottieger, 1993; Th orn- berry et al., 1993). Fear of violence is felt not only by

Aggravated assault 3.1%

Driving under the influence 10.6% Larceny-theft 9.0%

Burglary 2.2% Motor vehicle theft .70% Robbery .92%

Forcible rape .16% Murder .09% Arson .10%

Other assault 9.3%

Drug abuse 12.2%

Other crimes 52%

▲ FIGURE 6.2 DISTRIBUTION OF ARRESTS BY TYPE OF OFFENSE, 2008 Note: Percentages may not equal 100% due to rounding. Source: FBI, 2009.

violent crime actions—murder, forcible rape, rob- bery, and aggravated assault—involving force or the threat of force against others.

property crimes burglary (breaking into private property to commit a serious crime), motor vehicle theft, larceny-theft (theft of property worth $50 or more), and arson.

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• Recent Events: Despite the high-profi le white-collar crimes involved in the Enron, Madoff , and other scandals, prosecutions of fraud against fi nancial institutions actually dropped 48 percent from 2000 to 2007, insurance fraud cases declined 75 percent, and securities fraud cases declined 17 percent. Much of this decline appears to be linked to a greater focus by the FBI on national security after 9/11.

• Media Coverage: “Members of Congress convicted of crimes committed while in offi ce remain eligible for government pensions. Among the convicted felons getting checks from taxpayers are former Representatives James Trafi cant ($40,000 annual pension) . . . and . . . Randy Duke Cunningham ($36,000)” (USA Today). Congress passed legislation in 2007 to deny convicted lawmakers of their pensions, but the law was not retroactive.

In addition to acting for their own fi nancial ben- efi t, some white-collar off enders become involved in criminal conspiracies designed to improve the mar- ket share or profi tability of their companies. Th is is known as corporate crime—illegal acts committed by corporate employees on behalf of the corpora- tion and with its support. Examples include anti- trust violations; tax evasion; misrepresentations in advertising; infringements on patents, copyrights, and trademarks; price fi xing; and fi nancial fraud. Th ese crimes are a result of deliberate decisions made by corporate personnel to enhance resources or profi ts at the expense of competitors, consumers, and the general public.

Although people who commit occupational and corporate crimes can be arrested, fi ned, and sent to prison, many people oft en have not regarded such behavior as “criminal.” People who tend to condemn street crime are less sure of how their own (or their friends’) fi nancial and corporate behavior should be judged. At most, punishment for such off enses has usually been a fi ne or a relatively brief prison sentence.

Until recently, public concern and media atten- tion focused primarily on the street crimes dispro- portionately committed by persons who were poor, powerless, and nonwhite. Today, however, part of our focus has shift ed to crimes committed in cor- porate suites, such as fraud, tax evasion, and insider

Some off enses, such as robbery, are both violent crimes and property crimes. In the United States, a property crime occurs, on average, once every 3.2 seconds; a violent crime occurs, on average, once every 22.8 seconds (see ▼ Figure 6.3). In most prop- erty crimes, the primary motive is to obtain money or some other desired valuable.

Public Order Crime Public order crimes involve an illegal action voluntarily engaged in by the par- ticipants, such as prostitution, illegal gambling, the private use of illegal drugs, and illegal pornography. Many people assert that such conduct should not be labeled as a crime; these off enses are oft en referred to as victimless crimes because they involve a will- ing exchange of illegal goods or services among adults. However, morals crimes can include chil- dren and adolescents as well as adults. Young chil- dren and adolescents may unwillingly become child pornography “stars” or prostitutes.

Occupational and Corporate Crime Although the sociologist Edwin Sutherland (1949) developed the theory of white-collar crime more than sixty years ago, it was not until the 1980s that the public became fully aware of its nature. Occupational (white-collar) crime comprises illegal activities committed by people in the course of their employment or fi nan- cial aff airs.

In less than 6 minutes:

Every 32 minutes:

One property crime every 3.2 seconds One larceny-theft every 4.8 seconds One burglary every 14.2 seconds One violent crime every 22.8 seconds One motor vehicle theft every 33.0 seconds One aggravated assault every 37.8 seconds

One robbery

One forcible rape

One murder ▲

FIGURE 6.3 THE FBI CRIME CLOCK Source: FBI, 2009.

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criminals, including those with procurement contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Have students debate the merits of this proposal.

• For Discussion: “It is no secret that organized crime in America takes in over forty billion dollars a year. This is quite a profi table sum, especially when one considers that the Mafi a spends very little for offi ce supplies” (Woody Allen). Have students discuss why

• Extra Examples: Ralph Nader, a consumer advocate and frequent candidate for president, proposes that we ban corporate criminals from government contracts and deny federal business to serious and/or repeat corporate lawbreakers. The federal government spends $265 billion annually on goods and services. According to Nader, these contracts should not support corporate

transnational in nature. Globalization of the econo- my and the introduction of better communications technology have made it possible for groups around the world to operate in the United States and other nations. Th e Federal Bureau of Investigation has identifi ed three major categories of organized crime groups: (1) Italian organized crime and racketeer- ing, (2) Eurasian/Middle Eastern organized crime, and (3) Asian and African criminal enterprises, as shown in ▼ Figure 6.4.

Organized crime thrives because there is great demand for illegal goods and services. Crimi- nal organizations initially gain control of illegal activities by combining threats and promises. For

trading by executives at large and well-known cor- porations. Bernard Madoff , the former chairperson of NASDAQ, admitted to defrauding his clients of up to $50 billion in a massive scheme that took place over a number of years. Madoff used his social con- nections to raise large sums of money for a fund that he used for his own gain. Clients invested in the fund in hopes that Madoff would manage their money wisely and that they would earn large returns on their investments. Instead, he lived lavishly and used new money that came in from investors to pay off existing clients who wanted to cash out of his fund rather than using the new money for the purpose intended. However, Madoff is not an iso- lated example of such criminal endeavors. Over the past decade, numerous occupational and corporate criminals, including Dennis Kozlowski, the former chief executive of Tyco International, who was con- victed of looting more than $600 million from his company, and former Enron executives Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling, who were convicted of corporate con- spiracy and fraud in connection with the collapse of one-time energy giant Enron, have all engaged in activities that have cost other people billions of dol- lars and, in some cases, their life savings.

Corporate crimes are oft en more costly in terms of money and lives lost than street crimes. Th ousands of jobs and billions of dollars have been lost annually as a result of corporate crime. Deaths resulting from corporate crimes such as polluting the air and water, manufacturing defective products, and selling unsafe foods and drugs far exceed the number of deaths due to homicides each year. Other costs include the eff ect on the moral climate of society (Clinard and Yeager, 1980; Simon, 2008). Th roughout the United States, the confi dence of everyday people in the nation’s economy has been shaken badly by the greedy and illegal behavior of corporate insiders.

Organized Crime Organized crime is a busi- ness operation that supplies illegal goods and services for profi t. Premeditated, continuous illegal activities of organized crime include drug traffi ck- ing, prostitution, loan-sharking, money launder- ing, and large-scale theft such as truck hijackings (Simon, 2008). No single organization controls all organized crime; rather, many groups operate at all levels of society. In recent decades, organized crime in the United States has become increasingly

▲ FIGURE 6.4 ORGANIZED CRIME THREATS IN THE UNITED STATES Source: www.fbi.gov/hq/cid/orgcrime/ocshome.htm.

Criminal Organization Threats

Russian

Asian

Italian

Balkan

Middle Eastern

African

victimless crimes crimes involving a willing ex- change of illegal goods or services among adults.

occupational (white-collar) crime illegal activities committed by people in the course of their employ- ment or fi nancial aff airs.

corporate crime illegal acts committed by corporate employees on behalf of the corporation and with its support.

organized crime a business operation that supplies illegal goods and services for profi t.

http://www.fbi.gov/hq/cid/orgcrime/ocshome.htm

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on this group, including the 2002 documentary The Weather Underground (upstatefi lms.org/weather).

• IRM: Internet Activity. Go to the Bureau of Justice Statistics website for recent data on terrorism and politically motivated crime.

legitimate businesses and government offi cials might be tempted to cooperate with organized criminals.

• Historical Perspective: The Weather Underground was a politically left organization in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s. The group engaged in a number of violent terrorist activities in an eff ort to bring about political change during the escalating war in Vietnam. Have students examine historical work

scams and cigarette traffi cking bring about greater losses in tax revenue for state and federal govern- ments. Organized crime groups that are involved in areas such as commodities, credit, insurance, stocks, securities, and investments will also have the abil- ity to further weaken already-troubled fi nancial and housing markets (see Finklea, 2009).

Political Crime Th e term political crime refers to illegal or unethical acts involving the usurpa- tion of power by government offi cials, or illegal/ unethical acts perpetrated against the govern- ment by outsiders seeking to make a political statement, undermine the government, or over- throw it. Government offi cials may use their au- thority unethically or illegally for the purpose of material gain or political power (Simon, 2008). Th ey may engage in graft (taking advantage of po- litical position to gain money or property) through bribery, kickbacks, or “insider” deals that fi nancially benefi t them. For example, in the late 1980s, several top Pentagon offi cials were found guilty of receiving bribes for passing classifi ed information on to major defense contractors that had garnered many lucra- tive contracts from the government (Simon, 2008).

Other types of corruption have been costly for taxpayers, including dubious use of public funds and public property, corruption in the regulation of commercial activities (such as food inspection), graft in zoning and land-use decisions, and cam- paign contributions and other favors to legislators that corrupt the legislative process. Whereas some political crimes are for personal material gain, oth- ers (such as illegal wiretapping and political “dirty tricks”) are aimed at gaining or maintaining politi- cal offi ce or infl uence.

Some acts committed by agents of the govern- ment against persons and groups believed to be threats to national security are also classifi ed as political crimes. Four types of political deviance have been attributed to some offi cials: (1) secrecy and deception designed to manipulate public opin- ion, (2) abuse of power, (3) prosecution of individu- als due to their political activities, and (4) offi cial violence, such as police brutality against people of color or the use of citizens as unwilling guinea pigs in scientifi c research (Simon, 2008).

Political crimes also include illegal or unethi- cal acts perpetrated against the government by

example, small-time operators running drug or prostitution rings may be threatened with violence if they compete with organized crime or fail to make required payoff s (Cressey, 1969).

Apart from their illegal enterprises, organized crime groups have infi ltrated the world of legitimate business. Known linkages between legitimate busi- nesses and organized crime exist in banking, hotels and motels, real estate, garbage collection, vending machines, construction, delivery and long-distance hauling, garment manufacture, insurance, stocks and bonds, vacation resorts, and funeral homes (National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 1969). In addition, some law enforcement and government offi cials are corrupted through bribery, campaign contributions, and favors intended to buy them off .

Based on current economic problems in the United States, some criminologists believe that organized crime will have an even greater eff ect on our nation in the future. According to these analysts, organized crime may further weaken the U.S. econ- omy because illegal activities such as tax evasion

▲ Over the years, there have been many notorious leaders of organized crime syndicates. Shown here is John A. Gotti, who assumed control of the Gambino family after his father, John Gotti, was sentenced to life in prison for murder and racketeering. The younger Gotti also pled guilty to racketeering, in 1999, and spent six years in prison.

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• Extra Examples: Because the NCVS was designed to complement the UCR program, the two programs share many similarities. Both programs cover rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, theft, and motor vehicle theft. Rape, robbery, theft, and motor vehicle theft are defi ned virtually identically by both the UCR and NCVS (U.S. Department of Justice). Have students do research to further compare these two statistical measures.

Th e National Crime Victimization Survey was developed by the Bureau of Justice Statistics as an alternative means of collecting crime statistics. In this annual survey, the members of 100,000 ran- domly selected households are interviewed to deter- mine whether they have been the victims of crime, even if the crime was not reported to the police. Th e most recent victimization survey suggests that 50 percent of all violent crimes and 61 percent of all property crimes are not reported to the police and are thus not refl ected in the UCR (U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2008). If these percentages are accurate, then reported crime is indeed the tip of the iceberg of all violent and property crimes commit- ted in this country.

Studies based on anonymous self-reports of crim- inal behavior also reveal much higher rates of crime than those found in offi cial statistics. For example, self-reports tend to indicate that adolescents of all classes violate criminal laws. However, offi cial sta- tistics show that those who are arrested and placed in juvenile facilities typically have limited fi nan- cial resources, have repeatedly committed serious off enses, or both (Steff ensmeier and Allan, 2000). Data collected for the Juvenile Court Statistics pro- gram also refl ect class and racial bias in criminal justice enforcement. Not all children who commit juvenile off enses are apprehended and referred to court. Children from white, affl uent families are more likely to have their cases handled outside the juvenile justice system (for example, a youth may be sent to a private school or hospital rather than to a juvenile correctional facility).

Many crimes committed by persons of higher socioeconomic status in the course of business are handled by an administrative or quasi-judicial body, such as the Securities and Exchange Commission or the Federal Trade Commission, or by civil courts. As a result, many elite crimes are never classifi ed as “crimes,” nor are the businesspeople who commit them labeled as “criminals.”

outsiders seeking to make a political statement or to undermine or overthrow the government. Examples include treason, acts of political sabotage, and ter- rorist attacks on public buildings.

Crime Statistics How useful are crime statistics as a source of infor- mation about crime? As mentioned previously, offi cial crime statistics provide important informa- tion on crime; however, the data refl ect only those crimes that have been reported to the police.

Why are some crimes not reported? People are more likely to report crime when they believe that something can be done about it (apprehension of the perpetrator or retrieval of their property, for example). About half of all assault and robbery victims do not report the crime because they may be embarrassed or fear reprisal by the perpetrator. Th us, the number of crimes reported to police rep- resents only the proverbial “tip of the iceberg” when compared with all off enses actually committed. Offi cial statistics are problematic in social science research because of these limitations.

▲ After an unsuccessful vice-presidential bid, Sarah Palin resigned as governor of Alaska in 2009 while facing at least eighteen ethics charges. Palin claimed that the personal expense and distraction caused by dealing with the charges made doing her job impossible.

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political crime illegal or unethical acts involving the usurpation of power by government offi cials, or illegal/unethical acts perpetrated against the govern- ment by outsiders seeking to make a political state- ment, undermine the government, or overthrow it.

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and South Asia. These two regions were also the locations for 75 percent of all the 235 high-casualty attacks that killed 10 or more people.

• Extra Examples: Have students answer the following through research: How are arrest rates similar for women and men? How are they diff erent? What factors might contribute to these diff erences?

• Research: The National Counterterrorism Center reports that approximately 11,800 terrorist attacks occurred in various countries during 2008, resulting in over 54,000 deaths, injuries, and kidnappings. Compared to 2007, attacks decreased by 2,700, an 18 percent drop, while deaths decreased by 6,700, a 30 percent drop. As was the case in recent years, by far the largest number of reported terrorist incidents and deaths occurred in the Middle East

Gender and Crime It goes without saying that there is a gender gap in crime statistics: Males are arrested for signifi cantly more crimes than females. In 2008, almost 76 percent of all persons arrested nationwide were male. Males made up about 82 per- cent of persons arrested for violent crimes and 65 percent of all persons arrested for property crimes (FBI, 2009). Girls and women keep up with boys and men in only two areas of crime—forgery and fraud. Females have higher arrests rates than males for prostitution, embezzlement, and runaways, but in all other categories males have higher rates.

Before further consideration of diff erences in crime rates by males and females, three similari- ties should be noted. First, the three most com- mon arrest categories for both men and women

Terrorism and Crime In the twenty-fi rst century, the United States and other nations are confronted with a diffi cult pros- pect: how to deal with terrorism. Terrorism is the calculated, unlawful use of physical force or threats of violence against persons or property in order to intimidate or coerce a government, orga- nization, or individual for the purpose of gain- ing some political, religious, economic, or social objective. A frequently asked question today is this: What is the diff erence between terrorism and orga- nized crime? According to authorities, the principal distinction between organized crime groups and terrorist groups is motivation: “Money motivates organized crime, and ideology motivates terrorism” (Finklea, 2009: 23). However, money is still the link- ing element between organized crime and terror- ism because terrorist organizations typically obtain money for their activities from criminal acts such as money laundering and drug traffi cking.

How are sociologists and criminologists to explain world terrorism, which may have its origins in more than one nation and include diverse “cells” of terror- ists who operate in a somewhat ganglike manner but are believed to be following directives from leaders elsewhere? In order to deal with the aft ermath of terrorist attacks, government offi cials typically focus on “known enemies” such as Osama bin Laden. Th e nebulous nature of the “enemy” and the problems faced by any one government trying to identify and apprehend the perpetrators of acts of terrorism have resulted in a global “war on terror.” Social scientists who use a rational choice approach suggest that ter- rorists are rational actors who constantly calculate the gains and losses of participation in violent—and sometimes suicidal—acts against others. Chapter 13 (“Politics and the Economy in Global Perspective”) further discusses the issue of terrorism.

Street Crimes and Criminals Given the limitations of offi cial statistics, is it possible to determine who commits crimes? We have much more information available about conventional (street) crime than elite crime; therefore, statistics concerning street crime do not show who commits all types of crime. Gender, age, class, and race are important fac- tors in offi cial statistics pertaining to street crime.

▲ Most of the crimes that women commit are nonviolent ones. Nevertheless, many women are incarcerated. What eff ects might a mother’s imprisonment have on the lives of her children?

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• Sociological Imagination: Have students conduct research and write a short essay that addresses the ways in which juvenile court statistics might or might not refl ect class and racial biases in criminal justice enforcement.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

• Active Learning: Describe some of the complexities of the relationship between age and crime. Ask students to brainstorm the kinds of crimes that people are more likely to commit as they grow older. Have them check out their intuitions through Internet research.

have found that some women play an active role in planning and carrying out robberies and other major crimes.

Age and Crime Of all factors associated with crime, the age of the off ender is one of the most sig- nifi cant. Arrest rates for violent crime and property crime are highest for people between the ages of 13 and 25, with the peak being between ages 16 and 17. In 2008, persons under age 25 accounted for 46 per- cent of all arrests for violent crime and almost 56 percent of all arrests for property crime (FBI, 2009). Individuals under age 18 accounted for 27 percent of all arrests for robbery and 26 percent of all arrests for larceny-theft .

Scholars do not agree on the reasons for this age distribution. In one study, the sociologist Mark Warr (1993) found that peer infl uences (defi ned as exposure to delinquent peers, time spent with peers,

are driving under the infl uence of alcohol or drugs (DUI), larceny, and minor or criminal mischief types of off enses. Th ese three categories account for about 47 percent of all male arrests and about 49 percent of all female arrests. Second, liquor law vio- lations (such as underage drinking), simple assault, and disorderly conduct are middle-range off enses for both men and women. Th ird, the rate of arrests for murder, arson, and embezzlement is relatively low for both men and women.

Th e most important gender diff erences in arrest rates are refl ected in the proportionately greater involvement of men in major property crimes (such as robbery and larceny-theft ) and violent crime, as shown in ▼ Figure 6.5. In 2008, men accounted for more than 88 percent of robberies and murders and about 59 percent of all larceny-theft arrests in the United States. Of these types of off enses, males under age 18 accounted for approximately 25 per- cent of the 2008 arrests. Property crimes for which women are most frequently arrested are nonviolent in nature, including shoplift ing, theft of services, passing bad checks, credit card fraud, and employee pilferage. Oft en when women are arrested for seri- ous violent and property crimes, they are seen as accomplices of the men who planned the crime and instigated its commission; however, this assumption frequently does not prove true today. Some studies

All offenses (excluding traffic charges) 75.5% 24.5%

Murder and non-negligent manslaughter

10.8%89.2%

Robbery 11.6%88.4%

Larceny-theft 58.7% 41.3%

Fraud 43.5%56.5%

Males Females

▲ FIGURE 6.5 ARREST RATES BY GENDER, 2008 SELECTED OFFENSES Source: FBI, 2009.

terrorism the calculated unlawful use of physical force or threats of violence against persons or property in order to intimidate or coerce a government, organization, or individual for the purpose of gaining some political, religious, economic, or social objective.

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• Research: Have your students conduct research and then tackle this question in a ten-minute writing period: Why does Coramae Richey Mann believe that arrest statistics are not an accurate refl ection of the crimes actually committed in the United States?

• Research: Melissa Deller, a sociology and criminal justice professor at the University of Wisconsin–Whitewater, has found a weak connection between poverty and crime in her studies. If poverty automatically led to crime, then crime rates would rise when poverty rates rise, and the world’s poorest nations would also be the world’s most crime-ridden. Neither is the case. Have students evaluate her conclusions.

Similarly, membership in today’s youth gangs cannot be identifi ed with just one class. Across class lines, the percentage of students reporting the pres- ence of gangs at their school increased from 21 to 23 percent between 2003 and 2008. Students between the ages of 12 and 18 were asked to indicate if gangs were present at their school, regardless of whether or not gang members were involved in any violent or illegal activity. Twenty-fi ve percent of students at public schools reported gang activity at their school, but only four percent of private school students reported that they had knowledge of gang mem- bers at their school. Th is is not surprising, given the fact that the U.S. Department of Education esti- mates that 50 percent of gang members are part of the nation’s underclass—the class comprising fami- lies whose members are poor, seldom employed, and caught in patterns of long-term deprivation. According to studies from the Department of Edu- cation, however, about 35 percent of gang members are working class, whereas 15 percent are middle or upper-middle class. Today, females from working class and lower-income families are more visible in female gangs and in formerly all-male gangs.

In any case, offi cial statistics are not an accu- rate refl ection of the relationship between class and crime. Self-report data from off enders themselves may be used to gain information on family income, years of education, and occupational status; how- ever, such reports rely on respondents to report information accurately and truthfully.

Race and Crime Who is most likely to be arrest- ed for committing a crime? In 2008, whites (includ- ing Hispanics or Latinos/as) accounted for about 69 percent of all arrests, as shown in ▼ Figure 6.6. Compared with African Americans, arrest rates for whites were higher for nonviolent property crimes such as fraud and larceny-theft but were lower for violent crimes such as robbery. In 2008, whites ac- counted for slightly more than 67 percent of all ar- rests for property crimes and about 58 percent of arrests for violent crimes. African Americans, who account for about 13 percent of the U.S. population, made up 39 percent of arrests for violent crimes and 30 percent of arrests for property crimes (FBI, 2008).

Although offi cial arrest records reveal cer- tain trends, these data tell us very little about the actual dynamics of crime by racial–ethnic category.

and loyalty to peers) tend to be more signifi cant in explaining delinquent behavior than age itself. More recent studies have tended to confi rm this fi nding. However, others argue that people simply “age out” of committing crimes, particularly those off enses that require physical strength or speed to get away from victims or law enforcement personnel.

Th e median age of those arrested for aggravated assault and homicide is somewhat older, generally in the late twenties. Typically, white-collar criminals are even older because it takes time to acquire both a high-ranking position and the skills needed to com- mit this particular type of crime.

Rates of arrest remain higher for males than females at every age and for nearly all off enses. Th is female-to-male ratio remains fairly constant across all age categories. Th e most signifi cant gender diff er- ence in the age curve is for prostitution (a nonviolent crime). In 2008, 60 percent of all women arrested for prostitution were under age 35. For individuals over age 45, many more men than women are arrested for sex-related off enses (including procuring the services of a prostitute). Th is diff erence has been attributed to a more stringent enforcement of pros- titution statutes when young females are involved (Chesney-Lind, 1997). It has also been suggested that opportunities for prostitution are greater for younger women. Th is age diff erence may not have the same impact on males, who continue to pur- chase sexual services from young females or males (Steff ensmeier and Allan, 2000).

Class and Crime Individuals from all classes commit crimes; they simply commit diff erent kinds of crimes. Persons from lower socioeconomic back- grounds are more likely to be arrested for violent and property crimes. By contrast, persons from the upper part of the class structure generally commit white-collar or elite crimes, although only a very small proportion of these individuals will ever be ar- rested or convicted of a crime.

What about social class and violence by youths? Between 1992 and 2008, there were 683 violent deaths in U.S. schools (U.S. Department of Educa- tion, 2009). Most of these deaths were not attributed to lower-income, inner-city youths, as popular ste- reotypes might suggest. Instead, these acts of violence largely were perpetrated by more affl uent young people who had no apparent fi nancial hardship.

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violations (FBI, 2009). In that same year, 1.1 per- cent of all arrests were of Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, or Pacifi c Islanders. Among the higher percentages of arrests for members of this category were prostitution, commercialized vice, and run- aways under 18 years of age (FBI, 2009).

Are arrest statistics a true refl ection of crimes committed? Th e Federal Bureau of Investigation indicates that they are not, as did the late crimi- nologist Coramae Richey Mann (1993), who argued that arrest statistics are skewed because reporting practices diff er in accordance with race and class. According to Mann, arrest statistics refl ect the UCR’s focus on violent and property crimes, especially property crimes, which are committed primarily by low-income people. Th is emphasis draws attention away from the white-collar and elite crimes com- mitted by middle- and upper-income people. Police may also demonstrate bias and racism in their deci- sions regarding whom to question, detain, or arrest under certain circumstances (Mann, 1993). Some law enforcement offi cials believe that problems such as these primarily occurred in the past; however, issues still arise in the twenty-fi rst century about police brutality against persons of color and about unequal treatment of individuals who reside in racially segregated, low-income areas of urban cen- ters and rural communities.

According to offi cial statistics, African Americans are overrepresented in arrest data. In 2008, African Americans made up about 13 percent of the U.S. population but accounted for about 28 percent of all arrests. More specifi cally, African Americans made up 75 percent of arrests for gambling, almost 57 percent of arrests for robbery, 51 percent of arrests for suspicion, and 50 percent of arrests for murder. Likewise, African Americans are more likely than people in other racial or ethnic classifi cations to become the victims of crime (FBI, 2009).

It is now impossible to separate out arrest rates for white (non-Hispanic) off enders and Hispanic (Latino/a) off enders because the Uniform Crime Report no longer reports these data separately. In 2007, the last year for which data were reported separately, Lationos/as made up about 13 percent of the U.S. population and accounted for about 13 per- cent of all arrests. Latinos have higher arrest rates for nonviolent drug off enses and immigration viola- tions. In 2008, Latinos/as made up almost one-third (33 percent) of all inmates incarcerated in the fed- eral prison system.

In 2008, Native Americans (designated in the UCR as “American Indian” or “Alaskan Native”) accounted for 1.3 percent of all arrests; however, the majority of these arrests were for larceny-theft , assaults, vandalism, and alcohol- and drug-related

0.8%

All offenses (excluding traffic charges)

1.1%

1.3%

Murder and non-negligent manslaughter

1.1%

1.0%

Robbery

0.9%

0.7%

Larceny-theft

1.4%

1.3%

Fraud

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69.2% 28.3%

47.9% 50.1%

56.7%42.0%

68.1% 29.3%

67.5% 30.8%

White (including Latinos/as) African American

American Indian or Alaskan Native Asian or Pacific Islander

▲ FIGURE 6.6 ARREST BY RACE, 2008 SELECTED OFFENSES Note: Classifi cations as used in the Uniform Crime Report. Source: FBI, 2009.

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such victims. Students should compare their lists in small groups. What are some of the general indicators that seem to emerge from this list?

• For Discussion: Have students address these questions: What are victimless crimes? Do you believe that this is an accurate categorization? Why or why not?

• Active Learning: Ask students to examine the crime victims section of the chapter and to create a list of important facts about

Crime Victims How can we learn more about crime victims? Th e National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), compiled by the U.S. Census Bureau for the Bureau of Justice Statistics, provides annual data about crimes (reported and not reported to the police)

Another reason that statistics may show a dispro- portionate number of people of color being arrested is because of the focus of law enforcement on cer- tain types of crime and certain neighborhoods in which crime is considered more prevalent. As dis- cussed previously, many poor, young, central-city males turn to forms of criminal activity due to their belief that no opportunities exist for them to earn a living wage through legitimate employ- ment. Because of the trend of law enforcement eff orts to focus on drug-related off enses, arrest rates for young people of color have risen rapidly. Th ese young people are also more likely to live in central-city areas, where there are more police patrols to make arrests.

Immigration crackdowns in various cities, such as Los Angeles, San Diego, and San Antonio, have produced higher rates of arrests for Latinos/as who are in the United States legally, as well as those who are undocumented workers seeking to provide a liv- ing for family members “back home” in Mexico, South America, or other areas of the world. Indi- viduals who are in possession of drugs or have outstanding war- rants for other violations may be arrested by federal authorities conducting immigration stings even when the primary focus of such raids is to identify individu- als who are illegally residing in the United States.

Finally, arrests should not be equated with guilt: Being arrested does not mean that a person is guilty of the crime with which he or she has been charged. In the United States, individuals accused of crimes are, at least theoretically, “innocent until proven guilty” (Mann, 1993).

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▲ The problems that some police departments have with racial issues can generate tragic consequences. Omar Edwards, an off -duty African American New York City police offi cer, was running after a man who had tried to break into Edwards’s car. Three Caucasian plainclothes offi cers noticed the altercation and ordered the men to stop. When Edwards turned toward them with his gun in his hand, one of the offi cers shot him fatally.

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193 Th e burden of robbery victimization falls more

heavily on some categories of people than others. NCVS data indicate that males are robbed at almost twice the rate of females. African Americans are more than twice as likely to be robbed as whites. Young people have a much greater likelihood of being robbed than middle-aged and older persons. Persons from lower-income families are more likely to be robbed than people from higher-income fami- lies (Harrell, 2007).

Victimization studies show that Asian Ameri- cans, Native Hawaiians, and other Pacifi c Islanders have the lowest rates of both violent and property crime victimizations. Th ese population groups comprise about 4 percent of the U.S. population but are victims in only 2 percent of nonfatal violent crimes and 3 percent of property crimes per year (Harrell, 2009). Asian Americans are less likely to be murdered by someone of their same race than white victims (78 percent) or black victims (92 per- cent), and most nonfatal crimes against Asians were committed by strangers (Harrell, 2009). Shift ing to property crimes, Asian households had lower rates of property crime than non-Asian households at nearly every income level and in every U.S. region.

Across racial/ethnic categories, households in the lowest income group (less than $7,500 per year) experienced property crime rates that were about 1.5 times higher than the rates for households earn- ing $75,000 or more per year. Property crime rates for burglary were more than three times higher in the lowest income group as compared with high- est income category. Motor vehicle theft is the pri- mary exception: No signifi cant diff erence exists in the rates of motor vehicle theft across household income levels.

What can we learn from victimization studies? Because all crimes are not reported, we can fi nd out more about the nature and extent to which people in specifi c regions of the country, income categories, racial or ethnic groupings, ages, and other demographic characteristics are victimized by violent and property crimes in the United States. Th ese data can be compared with offi cial crime sta- tistics to see if arrest rates and convictions are an accurate refl ection of crime in the United States. Th e NCVS particularly helps us to learn about the types and number of off enses that go unreported

from which we can fi nd out more about who is actually victimized by crime. Based on data from the 2008 NCVS, violent and property crime rates are at or near their lowest levels since the 1980s. Th e violent crime rate in 2008 was 19.3 victimizations per 1,000 people age 12 or over; the property crime rate was 135 victimizations per 1,000 households (Rand, 2009).

Victimization surveys indicate that men are the most frequent victims of most crimes of violence and theft . Among males who are now 12 years old, an estimated 89 percent will be the victims of a violent crime at least once during their lifetime, as compared with 73 percent of females. Th e elderly also tend to be more fearful of crime but are the least likely to be victimized. Young men of color between the ages of 12 and 24 have the highest crim- inal victimization rates. In 2008, African American males were more likely to be victimized than Afri- can American females, younger African Americans were more likely to be the victims of violent crime than older African Americans, African Americans with lower annual incomes were at greater risk of violence than those in households with higher annual incomes, and African Americans living in urban areas were more likely than those in suburban or rural areas to be victims of crime (Harrell, 2007).

A study by the Justice Department found that Native Americans are more likely to be victims of violent crimes than are members of any other racial category and that the rate of violent crimes against Native American women was about 50 percent higher than that for African American men (Perry, 2004). During the period covered in the study (from 1992 to 2002), Native Americans were the victims of violent crimes at a rate more than twice the national average. Th ey were also more likely to be the vic- tims of violent crimes committed by members of a race other than their own (Perry, 2004). Accord- ing to the survey, the average annual rate at which Native Americans were victims of violent crime— 101 crimes per 1,000 people, ages 12 or older—is about two-and-a-half times the national average of 41 crimes per 1,000 people who are above the age of 12. By comparison, the average annual rate for whites was 41 crimes per 1,000 people; for African Americans, 50 per 1,000; and for Asian Americans, 22 per 1,000 (Perry, 2004).

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of-court agreement. The $160,000 settlement comes after a federal court ruled that there was enough evidence of racial discrimination and illegal searches by the Eastpointe Police Department to take the case to a jury trial. The children represented were pulled over, questioned, and searched. Bikes were sometimes confi scated and later auctioned off by the police department (ACLU).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Active Learning: Bring in several copies of the local newspaper (or

one from the nearest large city), and search through it as a class for examples of the work of the criminal justice system.

• Media Coverage: The American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan announced that its “bicycling while black” lawsuit, fi led eight years ago on behalf of 22 teenagers, has fi nally been settled in an out-

to police or other law enforcement offi cials who are part of the criminal justice system.

The Criminal Justice System Of all of the agencies of social control (including families, schools, and churches) in contemporary societies, only the criminal justice system has the power to control crime and punish those who are convicted of criminal conduct. Th e criminal justice system refers to the more than 55,000 local, state, and federal agencies that enforce laws, adju- dicate crimes, and treat and rehabilitate crimi- nals. Th e system includes the police, the courts, and corrections facilities, and it employs more than 2 million people in 17,000 police agencies, nearly 17,000 courts, more than 8,000 prosecutorial agen- cies, about 6,000 correctional institutions, and more than 3,500 probation and parole departments. More than $150 billion is spent annually for civil and criminal justice, which amounts to more than $500 for every person living in the United States (Siegel, 2006).

Th e term criminal justice system is somewhat misleading because it implies that law enforcement agencies, courts, and correctional facilities con- stitute one large, integrated system, when, in real- ity, the criminal justice system is made up of many bureaucracies that have considerable discretion in how decisions are made. Discretion refers to the use of personal judgment by police offi cers, prosecutors, judges, and other criminal justice system offi cials regarding whether and how to proceed in a given

situation (see ▼ Figure 6.7). Th e police are a prime example of discretionary processes because they have the power to selectively enforce the law and have on many occasions been accused of being too harsh or too lenient on alleged off enders.

The Police Th e role of the police in the criminal justice sys- tem continues to expand. Th e police are respon- sible for crime control and maintenance of order, but local police departments now serve numerous other human-service functions, including improv- ing community relations, resolving family disputes, and helping people during emergencies. It should be remembered that not all “police offi cers” are employed by local police departments; they are employed in more than 25,000 governmental agen- cies ranging from local jurisdictions to federal levels. However, we will focus primarily on metropolitan police departments because they constitute the vast majority of the law enforcement community.

Metropolitan police departments are made up of a chain of command (similar to the military), with ranks such as offi cer, sergeant, lieutenant, and cap- tain, and each rank must follow specifi c rules and procedures. However, individual offi cers maintain a degree of discretion in the decisions they make as they respond to calls and try to apprehend fl eeing or violent off enders. Th e problem of police discretion is most acute when decisions are made to use force (such as grabbing, pushing, or hitting a suspect)

• Enforce specific laws • Investigate specific crimes • Search people, vicinities, buildings • Arrest or detain people

Police

• File charges or petitions for judicial decision • Seek indictments • Drop cases • Reduce charges • Recommend sentences

Prosecutors

• Set bail or conditions for release • Accept pleas • Determine delinquency • Dismiss charges • Impose sentences • Revoke probation

Judges or Magistrates

▲ FIGURE 6.7 DISCRETIONARY POWERS IN LAW ENFORCEMENT

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• Popular Culture: “The police are not going to run this court. The defendants are not going to run this court. The defense attorneys are not going to run this court. The district attorney is not going to run this court. I’m going to run this court” (Judge Paul King, District Court, Dorchester, Massachusetts). Have students compare this statement to TV depictions of courtrooms, such as Law and Order.

• Active Learning: Ask students to bring to class examples of the most recent celebrity trials. They should include details about the charges, trial, and conviction and punishment (if applicable). Ask students to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of celebrity in court. Suggest Jeff ery Toobin’s article on Roman Polanski in the New Yorker (newyorker.com).

where women offi cers constitute a small percentage of the force.

Police departments now place greater emphasis on community-oriented policing—an approach to law enforcement in which offi cers maintain a presence in the community, walking up and down the streets or riding bicycles, getting to know people, and hold- ing public service meetings at schools, churches, and other neighborhood settings. Community-oriented policing is oft en limited by budget constraints and the lack of available personnel to conduct this type of “hands-on” community involvement. In many jurisdictions, police offi cers believe that they have only enough time to keep up with reports of serious crime and life-threatening occurrences and that the level of available personnel and resources does not allow offi cers to take on a greatly expanded role in the community.

The Courts Criminal courts determine the guilt or innocence of those persons accused of committing a crime. In theory, justice is determined in an adversarial pro- cess in which the prosecutor (an attorney who rep- resents the state) argues that the accused is guilty, and the defense attorney asserts that the accused is innocent. In reality, judges wield a great deal of discretion. Working with prosecutors, they decide whom to release and whom to hold for further hear- ings, and what sentences to impose on those per- sons who are convicted.

Prosecuting attorneys also have considerable lee- way in deciding which cases to prosecute and when to negotiate a plea bargain with a defense attorney. As cases are sorted through the legal machinery, a steady attrition occurs. At each stage, various offi - cials determine what alternatives will be available for those cases still remaining in the system.

About 90 percent of criminal cases are never tried in court; instead, they are resolved by plea

or deadly force (shooting and killing a suspect). Generally, deadly force is allowed only in situations in which a suspect is engaged in a felony, is fl eeing the scene of a felony, or is resisting arrest and has endangered someone’s life.

Although many police departments have worked to improve their public image in recent years, the practice of racial profi ling—the use of ethnic or racial background as a means of identifying crimi- nal suspects—remains a highly charged issue. Offi - cers in some police departments have singled out for discriminatory treatment African Americans, Latinos/as, and other people of color, treating them more harshly than white (Euro-American) individ- uals. However, police department offi cials typically contend that race is only one factor in determining why individuals are questioned or detained as they go about everyday activities such as driving a car or walking down the street. By contrast, equal-justice advocacy groups argue that diff erential treatment of minority-group members amounts to a race-based double standard, which they believe exists not only in police work but throughout the criminal justice system (see Cole, 2000).

Th e belief that diff erential treatment takes place on the basis of race contributes to a negative image of police among many people of color who believe that they have been hassled by police offi cers, and this assumption is intensifi ed by the fact that police departments have typically been made up of white male personnel at all levels. In recent years, this situ- ation has slowly begun to change. Currently, about 22 percent of all sworn offi cers—those who have taken an oath and been given the powers to make arrests and use necessary force in accordance with their duties—are women and minorities (Cole and Smith, 2004). Th e largest percentage of minority and women police offi cers are located in cities with a population of 250,000 or more. African Americans make up a larger percentage of the police department in cities with a larger proportion of African American residents (such as Detroit), but Latinos/as constitute a larger percentage in cities such as San Antonio and El Paso, Texas, where Latinos/as make up a larger proportion of the population. Women offi cers of all races are more likely to be employed in depart- ments in cities of more than 250,000 as compared with smaller communities (cities of less than 50,000),

criminal justice system the more than 55,000 local, state, and federal agencies that enforce laws, adjudi- cate crimes, and treat and rehabilitate criminals.

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196 judges in juvenile courts are given relatively wide latitude, or discretion, in the decisions they mete out regarding young off enders.

Unlike adult off enders, juveniles are not always represented by legal counsel. A juvenile hearing is not a trial but rather an informal private hearing before a judge or probation offi cer, with only the young person and a parent or guardian present. No jury is convened, and the juvenile off ender does not cross-examine her or his accusers. In addition, the off ender is not “sentenced”; rather, the case is “adjudicated” or “disposed of.” Finally, the off ender is not “punished” but instead may be “remanded to the custody” of a youth authority in order to receive training, treatment, or care.

Because of judicial discretion, courts may treat juveniles diff erently based on gender. Considerable disparity exists in the disposition of juvenile cases, with much of the variation thought to result from judges’ beliefs rather than objective facts in the case. Female off enders are more likely than males to be institutionalized for committing status off enses such as truancy, running away from home, and other off enses that serve as “buff er charges” for suspected sexual misconduct.

Disparity also exists on the basis of race and class. Judges tend to see youths from white, mid- dle- or upper-class families as being very much like their own children and to believe that the families will take care of the problem on their own. Th ey may view juveniles from lower-income families or other racial–ethnic groups as delinquents in need of attention from authorities. Furthermore, some judges view gang members from impoverished cen- tral cities as “guilty by association” because of their companions.

Th e political climate may have an eff ect on how judges dispose of juvenile cases. In the pro- cess of dealing with the public perception that the juvenile justice system is too lenient, some judges may have inadvertently contributed to other prob- lems. Many more youths have been remanded to overcrowded juvenile detention facilities that are unable to provide necessary educational, health, and social services. Based on a judge’s discretion, many juvenile off enders are incarcerated under indeterminate sentences and placed in a detention facility that may serve merely as a school for adult criminality.

bargaining, a process in which the prosecution negotiates a reduced sentence for the accused in exchange for a guilty plea (Senna and Siegel, 2002). Defendants (especially those who are poor and cannot aff ord to pay an attorney) may be urged to plead guilty to a lesser crime in return for not being tried for the more serious crime for which they were arrested. Prison sentences given in plea bargains vary widely from one region to another and even from judge to judge within one state.

Th ose who advocate the practice of plea bargain- ing believe that it allows for individualized justice for alleged off enders because judges, prosecutors, and defense attorneys can agree to a plea and to a punishment that best fi ts the off ense and the off ender. Th ey also believe that this process helps reduce the backlog of criminal cases in the court system as well as the lengthy process oft en involved in a criminal trial. However, those who seek to abol- ish plea bargaining believe that this practice leads to innocent people pleading guilty to crimes they have not committed or pleading guilty to a crime other than the one they actually committed because they are off ered a lesser sentence. More-serious crimes, such as murder, felonious assault, and rape, are more likely to proceed to trial than other forms of criminal conduct; however, many of these cases do not reach the trial stage.

One of the most important activities of the court system is establishing the sentence of the accused aft er he or she has been found guilty or has pleaded guilty. Typically, sentencing involves the following kinds of sentences or dispositions: fi nes, probation, alternative or intermediate sanctions (such as house arrest or electronic monitoring), incarceration, and capital punishment (Siegel, 2006). However, adult courts operate diff erently from those established for juvenile off enders.

Juvenile Courts Juvenile courts were estab- lished under a diff erent premise than courts for adults. Under the doctrine of parens patriae (the state as parent), the offi cial purpose of juvenile courts has been to care for, rather than punish, youthful off enders. In theory, less weight is given to off enses and more weight to the youth’s physical, mental, or social condition. Th e juvenile court seeks to change or resocialize off enders through treat- ment or therapy, not to punish them. Consequently,

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translate it into their own words. What do these activities have in common, according to Foucault?

• Research: Have students locate and explore the studies discussed in the following statement: “For the fi rst time in a generation, the question of whether the death penalty deters murders has captured the attention of scholars in law and economics, setting off an intense new debate about one of the central justifi cations for

• For Discussion: Ask the class to discuss the death penalty. Which crimes, if any, deserve the death penalty? What about the possibility of wrongful executions? What about the disparity in executions of minorities?

• Quote, Unquote: “In its function, the power to punish is not essentially diff erent from that of curing or educating” (Michel Foucault). Put this quotation on the board, and ask students to

and are designed to hold individuals convicted of felonies. Some prisons are operated by private con- tractors that build and control the facilities while receiving public monies for their operation. Both jails and prisons are based on the assumption that punishment and/or corrections are necessary to protect the public good and to eff ectively deal with those who violate laws.

Punishment is any action designed to deprive a person of things of value (including liberty) because of some off ense the person is thought to have committed (Barlow and Kauzlarich, 2002). Historically, punishment has had four major goals:

1. Retribution is punishment that a person receives for infringing on the rights of others (Cole and Smith, 2004). Retribution imposes a pen- alty on the off ender and is based on the prem- ise that the punishment should fi t the crime: Th e greater the degree of social harm, the more the off ender should be punished. For example, an individual who murders should be punished more severely than one who shoplift s.

2. General deterrence seeks to reduce criminal activity by instilling a fear of punishment in the general public. However, we most oft en focus on specifi c deterrence, which infl icts punishment on specifi c criminals to discourage them from com- mitting future crimes. Recently, criminologists have debated whether imprisonment has a deter- rent eff ect, given the fact that high rates (between 30 and 50 percent) of those who are released from prison become recidivists (previous off end- ers who commit new crimes).

3. Incapacitation is based on the assumption that off enders who are detained in prison or are exe- cuted will be unable to commit additional crimes. Th is approach is oft en expressed as “lock ’em up and throw away the key!” In recent years, more emphasis has been placed on selective incapacita- tion, which means that off enders who repeat cer- tain kinds of crimes are sentenced to long prison terms (Cole and Smith, 2004).

Punishment and Corrections Although the United States makes up less than 5 percent of the world’s population, our nation accounts for almost 25 percent of the world’s prison population. Some analysts suggest that our laws prescribe greater punishment for some off enses than those in other nations, resulting in Ameri- cans being locked up for crimes that rarely would result in prison sentences in other countries (Lip- tak, 2008). About 2.3 million people in the United States are being “punished” at any given time through jail terms and prison sentences. It should be noted that jails diff er from prisons. Most jails are run by local governments or a sheriff ’s department. Th ey are designed to hold people before they make bail, when they are awaiting trial, or when they are serving short sentences for committing a misde- meanor. By contrast, prisons are operated by state governments and the Federal Bureau of Prisons,

punishment any action designed to deprive a person of things of value (including liberty) because of some off ense the person is thought to have committed.

▲ Phoebe Nora Mary Prince, a 15-year-old Irish immigrant attending high school in South Hadley, Massachusetts, faced vicious bullying from several students who went after Prince in person, by phone, and online. On January 14, 2010, Prince hanged herself. Nine of her abusers—seven females and two males—now face a wide variety of criminal charges, and the two young men are charged with statutory rape. As of this writing, the prosecutors are planning to try some of the accused as juveniles and the others as adults.

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capital punishment. According to roughly a dozen recent studies, executions save lives. For each inmate put to death, the studies say, 3 to 18 murders are prevented” (New York Times, 11/07).

• Media Coverage: Ask students to respond to the following statement: “You believe an eye for an eye until you’re put in that

situation. If they kill those guys, it really doesn’t mean much to me. My father is gone” (Michael Jordan on the murderers of his father, James). How does this statement relate to questions of retribution and closure for victims?

with treatment. Opponents of this approach sug- gest that increased punishment of off enders leads to lower crime rates and that the restorative justice approach amounts to “coddling criminals.” How- ever, numerous restorative justice programs are now in operation, and many are associated with commu- nity policing programs as they seek to help off end- ers realize the damage that they have done to their victims and the community and to be reintegrated into society (Senna and Siegel, 2002).

Instead of the term punishment, the term correc- tions is oft en used. Criminologists George F. Cole and Christopher E. Smith (2004: 409) explain cor- rections as follows:

Corrections refers to the great number of programs, services, facilities, and organizations responsible for the management of people accused or convicted of criminal off enses. In addition to prisons and jails, corrections includes probation, halfway houses, education and work release programs, parole supervision, counseling, and community service. Correctional programs operate in Salvation Army hostels, forest camps, medical clinics, and urban storefronts.

As Cole and Smith (2004) explain, corrections is a major activity in the United States today. Consider

the fact that about 6.5 million adults (more than one out of every twenty men and one out of every hundred women) are under some form of cor- rectional control. Th e rate of African American males under some form of

4. Rehabilitation seeks to return off enders to the community as law-abiding citizens by providing therapy or vocational or educational training. Based on this approach, off enders are treated, not punished, so that they will not continue their criminal activity. However, many correctional facilities are seriously understaff ed and under- funded in the rehabilitation programs that exist. Th e job skills (such as agricultural work) that many off enders learn in prison do not transfer to the outside world, nor are off enders given any assistance in fi nding work that fi ts their skills once they are released.

Recently, newer approaches have been advocated for dealing with criminal behavior. Key among these is the idea of restoration, which is designed to repair the damage done to the victim and the commu- nity by an off ender’s criminal act (Cole and Smith, 2004). Th is approach is based on the restorative jus- tice perspective, which states that the criminal justice system should promote a peaceful and just society; therefore, the system should focus on peacemak- ing rather than on punishing off enders. Advocates of this approach believe that punishment of off end- ers actually encourages crime rather than deterring it and are in favor of approaches such as probation

▲ After Phillip Alpert, 18, of Orlando, Florida, had an argument with his 16-year-old girlfriend, he used the Internet to send a nude photo of her to her friends and family, a practice called “sexting.” Much to Alpert’s dismay, he was arrested on a felony charge of distributing child pornography, was convicted and given fi ve years’ probation, and was placed on Florida’s registered sex off enders list. His attorney—and others—see the last part of the punishment as an example of cultural lag, wherein the law has not yet appropriately addressed the cyber- technology, and the attorney is trying to get Alpert’s name off the list.©

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199 In other words, capital punishment is legal if it is fairly imposed. Although there have been a number of cases involving death penalty issues before the Supreme Court since that time, the court typically has upheld the constitutionality of this practice. Yet the fact remains that racial disparities are highly evident in the death row census. African Americans make up about 42 percent of the death row popula- tion but less than 13 percent of the U.S. population. In 96 percent of the states where there have been reviews of race and the death penalty, a distinct pattern emerged in regard to either race-of-victim or race-of- defendant discrimination: 243 black defendants were executed when the victim was white, while only 15 persons were executed in white defendant/black vic- tim cases (Death Penalty Information Center, 2010).

People who have lost relatives and friends as a result of criminal activity oft en see the death pen- alty as justifi ed. However, capital punishment raises many doubts for those who fear that innocent indi- viduals may be executed for crimes they did not commit. For still others, the problem of racial dis- crimination in the sentencing process poses trou- bling questions. Other questions that remain today involve the execution of those who are believed to be insane and of those defendants who did not have eff ective legal counsel during their trial. In 2002, for example, the Supreme Court ruled (in Atkins v. Virginia) that executing the mentally retarded is unconstitutional. In another landmark case (Ring v. Arizona), the Court ruled that juries, not judges, must decide whether a convicted murderer should receive the death penalty (Cole and Smith, 2004).

Executions resumed in 2008 aft er a de facto mor- atorium was lift ed by the Supreme Court when the justices decided to uphold lethal injection. However, only southern states returned to regular executions, and executions in the South accounted for over 80 percent of all executions in 2009. With 24 execu- tions, Texas accounted for about 50 percent of all executions for that year (Death Penalty Informa- tion Center, 2010). Although only 106 new death sentences were handed down in 2009 (down from a high of 328 in 1994), the issue of the death pen- alty is far from resolved; the debate, which has taken place for more than two hundred years, no doubt will continue into the second and third decades of the twenty-fi rst century.

correctional supervision is even greater (one out of every six African American adult men and one out of every three African American men in their twen- ties). Some analysts believe that these fi gures are a refl ection of centuries of underlying racial, ethnic, and class-based inequalities in the United States as well as sentencing disparities that refl ect race-based diff erences in the criminal justice system. However, others argue that newer practices such as determi- nate or mandatory sentences may help to reduce such disparities over time. A determinate sentence sets the term of imprisonment at a fi xed period of time (such as three years) for a specifi c off ense. Mandatory sentencing guidelines are established by law and require that a person convicted of a specifi c off ense or series of off enses be given a penalty within a fi xed range. Although these practices limit judicial discretion in sentencing, many critics are concerned about the eff ects of these sentencing approaches. Another area of great discord within and outside the criminal justice system is the issue of the death penalty.

The Death Penalty Historically, removal from the group has been con- sidered one of the ultimate forms of punishment. For many years, capital punishment, or the death penalty, has been used in the United States as an appropriate and justifi able response to very seri- ous crimes. In 2009, 52 inmates were executed (as contrasted with an all-time high of 98 in 1999), and about 3,300 people awaited execution, having received the death penalty under federal law or the laws of one of the states that have the death penalty (Death Penalty Information Center, 2010). By far, the largest number of people on death row are in states such as California, Florida, Texas, Pennsylva- nia, and Alabama (see ▼ Map 6.1).

Because of the fi nality of the death penalty, it has been a subject of much controversy and numerous Supreme Court debates about the decision-making process involved in capital cases. In 1972 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled (in Furman v. Georgia) that arbitrary application of the death penalty violates the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution but that the death penalty itself is not unconstitutional.

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• Map Note: While students are comparing the numbers of death row inmates in each state, have them compare these data to population fi gures for those states. Death row inmates represent what percentage of the overall population of each state?

• For Discussion: If the existing criminal justice system cannot solve the crime problem, what changes might lessen this problem in the twenty-fi rst century?

• Active Learning: Have students go online and examine the crimes punishable by death in each state of the United States (www.deathpenaltyinfo.org).

Over 300

No death penalty

U.S. government: 58 U.S. military: 8

11–100

101–300

1–10

Washington 9

Oregon 33

California 690

Nevada 78

Utah 10

Idaho 18

Montana 2

Colorado 3

New Mexico 2

Arizona 129

North Dakota

South Dakota 3

Nebraska 11

Wyoming 1

Kansas

Oklahoma 86

Texas 342

Minnesota

Iowa

Wisconsin

Illinois 15

Indiana 17

36 Kentucky

92 Tennessee

N. Carolina 169

S. Carolina 63

84 Louisiana

Arkansas 43

Missouri 52

Virginia 16

Florida 403

Alabama 200

Georgia 108

Mississippi 60

Ohio 176

Michigan

W. Virginia

Pennsylvania 225

Maryland 5

Delaware 19

New Jersey

New York

Connecticut 10

Rhode Island

Massachusetts

Vermont

New Hampshire

Maine

Alaska

Hawaii Gender of inmates

Male 98.4%

Female 1.6%

Race of inmates

Other 2%

African American

42%

12%

White (non-

Hispanic) 44%

Hispanic

▲ MAP 6.1 DEATH ROW CENSUS, JULY 1, 2009 Death row inmates are heavily concentrated in certain states. African Americans, who make up less than 13 percent of the U.S. population, account for approximately 42 percent of inmates on death row. In addition to those persons held by state governments, 53 inmates were held on death row by the federal government or the U.S. military. Source: Death Penalty Information Center, 2010.

U.S. Deviance and Crime in the Future Two pressing questions pertaining to deviance and crime in the United States will face us in the future: Is the solution to our “crime problem” more law and order? Is equal justice under the law possible?

Although many people in the United States agree that crime is one of the most important problems

in this country, they are divided over what to do about it. Some of the frustration about crime might be based on unfounded fears; studies show that the overall crime rate has been decreasing slightly in recent years.

One thing is clear: Th e existing criminal justice system cannot solve the “crime problem.” If roughly 20 percent of all crimes result in arrest, only half of those lead to a conviction in serious cases, and

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• Extra Examples: Bring to class current examples of global crimes that have made the news. Use these to help students understand the ways that some crimes have become organized as a global phenomenon.

• PowerLecture: Among its many multimedia teaching resources, this disk also includes the text’s full Instructor’s Resource Manual and Test Bank, both in Microsoft® Word.

• Global Perspective: More than 2,390 people were executed in 25 countries in 2008, Amnesty International reports. China accounted for 75 percent of the executions—more than the rest of the world combined—while most of the rest were in Iran, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and the United States (amnesty.org).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #9 Multicultural, Cross- Cultural, and Cross-National Content

pinpoint specifi cally what kinds of preventive pro- grams work and to establish priorities that make prevention possible. Among these priorities are preventing child abuse and neglect, enhancing chil- dren’s intellectual and social development, providing support and guidance to vulnerable adolescents, and working intensively with juvenile off enders (Currie, 1998).

Is equal justice under the law possible? As long as racism, sexism, classism, and ageism exist in our society, people will see deviant and criminal behav- ior through a selective lens. To solve the problems addressed in this chapter, we must ask ourselves what we can do to ensure the rights of everyone, including the poor, people of color, and women and men alike. Many of us can counter classism, racism, sexism, and ageism where they occur. Perhaps the only way that the United States can have equal justice under the law (and, perhaps, less crime as a result) in the future is to promote social justice for individuals regardless of their race, class, gender, or age.

The Global Criminal Economy Consider this scenario:

Con men operating out of Amsterdam sell bogus U.S. securities by telephone to Germans; the opera- tion is controlled by an Englishman residing in Monaco, with his profi ts in Panama. Which police force should investigate? In which jurisdiction should a prosecution be mounted? Th ere may even be a question about whether a crime has been com- mitted, although if all the actions had taken place in a single country there would be little doubt. (United Nations Development Programme, 1999: 104)

As this example shows, international criminal activ- ity poses new and interesting questions not only for those who are the victims of such actions but also for governmental agencies mandated to control crime.

Global crime—the networking of powerful crim- inal organizations and their associates in shared activities around the world—is a relatively new phenomenon (Castells, 1998). However, it is an extremely lucrative endeavor as criminal organiza- tions have increasingly set up their operations on a transnational basis, using the latest communication and transportation technologies (see the Sociology in Global Perspective box).

less than 5 percent of those result in a jail term, the “lock ’em up and throw the key away” approach has little chance of succeeding. Nor does the high rate of recidivism among those who have been incar- cerated speak well for the rehabilitative eff orts of our existing correctional facilities. Reducing street crime may hinge on fi nding ways to short-circuit criminal behavior.

One of the greatest challenges is juvenile off end- ers, who may become the adult criminals of tomor- row. However, instead of military-style boot camps or other stopgap measures, structural solutions— such as more and better education and jobs, aff ord- able housing, more equality and less discrimination, and socially productive activities—are needed to reduce street crime. In the past, structural solutions such as these have made it possible for immigrants who initially committed street crimes to leave the streets, get jobs, and lead productive lives. Ulti- mately, the best approach for reducing delinquency and crime would be prevention: to work with young people before they become juvenile off enders to help them establish family relationships, build self- esteem, choose a career, and get an education that will help them pursue that career. Sociologist Elliott Currie (1998) has proposed that an initial goal in working to prevent delinquency and crime is to

▲ In recent years, military-style boot camps such as this one have been used as an alternative to prison and long jail terms for nonviolent off enders under age 30. Critics argue that structural solutions—not stopgap measures such as these camps—are needed to reduce crime.

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• Box Note: Send your students to the Internet to discover more about Russian organized crime. Students can bring additional information to class to update that presented in the text.

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On a spring day when warm sunshine fl ooded the narrow, potholed streets, I took a taxi to Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC), an imposing collection of tomblike cinder block towers in lower Manhattan, to interview Monya Elson—one of the most dangerous Russian mobsters the feds ever netted. I passed through several layers of security before I was shepherded by an armed guard up an elevator and deposited in a small, antiseptic cubicle with booming acoustics where lawyers meet their clients. . . . At least half a dozen armed guards stood outside the door, which was closed but had an observation window. Elson, an edgy man with a dark mien, was brought into the room, his hands and feet chained. He is considered a maximum-security risk, and for good reason: a natural-born extortionist and killing machine, Elson is perhaps the most prolifi c hit man in Russian mob history. (Friedman, 2000: 1)

Does this passage sound like the beginning of a best-sell- ing novel? Although it has all the mystery and intrigue of a good novel, this paragraph is the beginning of a nonfi ction book, Red Mafi ya: How the Russian Mob Has Invaded America by the journalist Robert I. Friedman (2000). Friedman and oth- er analysts have documented how more than thirty Russian crime syndicates operate in the United States, particularly in cities such as New York, Miami, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Denver. And, as one New York state tax agent stated, “The Russian [mob] didn’t come here to enjoy the American dream. They came here to steal it” (Friedman, 2000: Intro).

When and how did the Russian mob fi rst become an in- ternational problem? Although Russian organized crime fi rst gained a stronghold in the United States in the 1970s—a pe- riod of détente between this country and the Soviet Union— when Moscow allowed many Soviet Jews to emigrate to the United States and is believed to have sent many hard-core Russian criminals with them (CBS News, 2000), many experts

The Global Reach of Russian Organized Crime

sociology in global perspective 202

believe that the breakup of the former Soviet Union in the late 1980s created a weakened and impoverished Russia that produced an active and vigorous Russian mob that rapidly ex- tended its grip to more than fi fty countries worldwide.

Today, in cities ranging from New York and San Francisco to Toronto and Hong Kong, the powerful Russian mafi a traffi cs in prostitution and drugs such as heroin; commits acts of ex- tortion, arson, murder, burglary, and money laundering; and engages in the illegal sale of guns and missiles (Lindberg and Markovic, 2001). It maintains its position by a combination of three attributes that are characteristic of other major interna- tional crime groups, as well: (1) nonideology—an absence of political motivations or goals, (2) hierarchy—a well-organized structure of specialized criminal cells controlled by a boss, and (3) limited membership—membership restrictions based on ethnicity, kinship, race, criminal record, and other factors deemed relevant by the group (Lindberg and Markovic, 2001).

What is the future of Russian organized crime on a global basis? Many analysts believe that organized crime not only remains out of control in Russia but that it is also growing in power and strength in the United States and other nations where it has infi ltrated major fi nancial institutions such as banks and brokerage fi rms. Is it something that we should be concerned about? Probably so. As Monya Elson, the mobster described at the beginning of this box, admits, “I am a crimi- nal. And for you this is bad. . . . I am proud of what I am” (qtd. in Friedman, 2000: 1). Elson purportedly killed more than one hundred people before he was caught and sent to prison.

refl ect & analyze In recent years, most of U.S. attention to international crime has focused on terrorism. Should we turn some of our attention to the threat posed by international orga- nized crime? Which type of crime concerns you more?

How much money and other resources change hands in the global criminal economy? Although the exact amount of profi ts and fi nancial fl ows origi- nating in the global criminal economy is impossible to determine, the United Nations Conference on Global Organized Crime estimated that more than $600 billion (in U.S. currency) per year is accrued in the global trade in drugs alone. Today, profi ts from

all kinds of global criminal activities are estimated to range from $750 billion to more than $2 trillion per year (United Nations Development Programme, 2009). Some analysts believe that even these fi gures underestimate the true nature and extent of the glo- bal criminal economy (Castells, 1998). Th e highest- income-producing activities of global criminal organizations include traffi cking in drugs, weapons,

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203 to cooperate within their own nation. Similarly, law enforcement agencies in high-income nations such as the United States and Canada are oft en suspicious of law enforcement agencies in low-income coun- tries, believing that these law enforcement offi cers are corrupt. Regulation by the international com- munity (for example, through the United Nations) would also be necessary to control global criminal activities such as international money laundering and traffi cking in people and controlled substances such as drugs and weapons. However, development and enforcement of international agreements on activities such as the smuggling of migrants or the traffi cking of women and children for the sex indus- try have been extremely limited thus far. Many ana- lysts acknowledge that economic globalization has provided great opportunities for wealth through global organized crime (Castells, 1998; United Nations Development Programme, 2009).

and nuclear material; smuggling of things and peo- ple (including many migrants); traffi cking in women and children for the sex industry; and traffi cking in body parts such as corneas and major organs for the medical industry. Undergirding the entire criminal system is money laundering and various complex fi nancial schemes and international trade networks that make it possible for people to use the resources they obtain through illegal activity for the purposes of consumption and investment in the (“legitimate”) formal economy.

Can anything be done about global crime? Recent studies have concluded that reducing global crime will require a global response, including the cooper- ation of law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and intelligence services across geopolitical boundar- ies. However, this approach is problematic because countries such as the United States oft en have dif- fi culty getting the various law enforcement agencies

chapter review ● How do sociologists view deviance?

Sociologists are interested in what types of behavior are defi ned by societies as “deviant,” who does that defi ning, how individuals become deviant, and how those individuals are dealt with by society.

● What are the main functionalist theories for explaining deviance?

Functionalist perspectives on deviance include strain theory and opportunity theory. Strain theory focuses on the idea that when people are denied legitimate access to cultural goals, such as a good job or a nice home, they may engage in illegal behavior to obtain them. Opportunity theory suggests that for deviance to occur, people must have access to illegitimate means to acquire what they want but cannot obtain through legitimate means.

● How do confl ict and feminist perspectives explain deviance?

Confl ict perspectives on deviance focus on inequali- ties in society. Marxist confl ict theorists link devi- ance and crime to the capitalist society, which

divides people into haves and have-nots, leaving crime as the only source of support for those at the bottom of the economic ladder. Feminist approaches to deviance focus on the relationship between gen- der and deviance.

● How do symbolic interactionists view deviance?

According to symbolic interactionists, deviance is learned through interaction with others. Dif- ferential association theory states that individuals have a greater tendency to deviate from societal norms when they frequently associate with persons who tend toward deviance instead of conformity. According to social control theories, everyone is capable of committing crimes, but social bonding (attachments to family and to other social institu- tions) keeps many from doing so. According to labeling theory, deviant behavior is that which is labeled deviant by those in powerful positions.

● What is the postmodernist view on deviance?

Postmodernist views on deviance focus on how the powerful control others through discipline

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Age is the key factor in crime statistics. Persons under age 25 account for almost one-half of all arrests for violent crime and almost 55 percent of all arrests for property crime. Persons from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to be arrested for violent and property crimes; white- collar crime is more likely to occur among the upper socioeconomic classes.

● Who are the most frequent victims of crime?

Young males of color between ages 12 and 24 have the highest criminal victimization rates. Th e elderly tend to be fearful of crime but are the least likely to be victimized.

● How is discretion used in the criminal justice system?

Th e criminal justice system, including the police, the courts, and prisons, oft en has considerable dis- cretion in dealing with off enders. Th e police use discretion in deciding whether to act on a situation. Prosecutors and judges use discretion in deciding which cases to pursue and how to handle them.

and surveillance. Th is control may be maintained through largely invisible forces such as the Panop- tican, as described by Michel Foucault, or by newer technologies that place everyone—not just “devi- ants”—under constant surveillance by authorities, who use their knowledge as power over others.

● How do sociologists classify crime?

Sociologists identify six main categories of crime: violent crime (murder, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault), property crime (burglary, motor vehicle theft , larceny-theft , and arson), public order crimes (sometimes referred to as “morals” crimes), occupational (white-collar) crime, organized crime, and political crime.

● What are the main sources of crime statistics?

Offi cial crime statistics are taken from the Uniform Crime Report, which lists crimes reported to the police, and the National Crime Victimization Sur- vey, which interviews households to determine the incidence of crimes, including those not reported to police. Studies show that many more crimes are committed than are offi cially reported.

key terms corporate crime 184

crime 168

criminal justice system 194

criminology 170

deviance 166

diff erential association theory 177

illegitimate opportunity structures 172

juvenile delinquency 168

labeling theory 179

occupational (white-collar) crime 184

organized crime 185

political crime 186

primary deviance 180

property crimes 183

punishment 197

secondary deviance 180

social bond theory 178

social control 168

strain theory 171

terrorism 188

tertiary deviance 180

victimless crimes 184

violent crime 183

questions for critical thinking 1. Does public toleration of deviance lead to in-

creased crime rates? If people were forced to conform to stricter standards of behavior, would there be less crime in the United States?

2. Should so-called victimless crimes, such as pros- titution and recreational drug use, be decrimi- nalized? Do these crimes harm society?

3. As a sociologist armed with a sociological imagi- nation, how would you propose to deal with the problem of crime in the United States and around the world?

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Watch the ABC video MS-13: Suburban Gang (running time 3:06), available through CengageBrain.com. This video introduces you to MS-13, a gang commonly considered to be one of the most dangerous in the United States. As you watch the video, think about your assumptions about—or experience with—gangs: Do you

think of gangs as being primarily active in urban areas? Why or why not? After you watch the video, try answering these questions: How are the factors that contribute to individuals joining gangs the same in both urban and suburban areas? How are they diff erent? What is signifi cant about the similarities and diff erences?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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▲ On August 8, 2009, Sonia Sotomayor, shown here with President Barack Obama, was sworn in as the fi rst Latina/o member of the U.S. Supreme Court. To many observers, Sotomayor’s career is emblematic of the American Dream.

President Barack Obama: Of the many responsibilities granted to a President by our Constitution, few are more serious or more consequential than selecting a Supreme Court Justice. The members of our highest court are granted life tenure, often serving long after the Presidents who appointed them. . . . So I don’t take this decision lightly. . . .

After completing this exhaustive process, I have decided to nominate an inspiring woman who I believe will make a great Justice: Judge Sonia Sotomayor of the great state of New York. Over a distinguished career that spans three decades, Judge Sotomayor has worked at almost every level of our judicial system, providing her with a depth of experience and a breadth

of perspective that will be invaluable as a Supreme Court Justice. . . .

But as impressive and meaningful as Judge Sotomayor’s sterling credentials in the law is her own extraordinary journey. Born in the South Bronx, she was raised in a housing project not far from Yankee Stadium, making her a lifelong Yankees fan. I hope this will not disqualify her—in the eyes of the New Englanders in the Senate.

Sonia’s parents came to New York from Puerto Rico during the Second World War, her mother as part of the Women’s Army Corps. . . . Sonia’s father was a factory worker with a third-grade education who didn’t speak

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English. But like Sonia’s mother, he had a willingness to work hard, a strong sense of family, and a belief in the American Dream. . . .

Judge Sonia Sotomayor: Thank you, Mr. President, for the most humbling honor of my life. You have nominated me to serve on the country’s highest court, and I am deeply moved. . . . Although I grew up in very modest and challenging circumstances, I consider my life to be immeasurably rich. I was raised in a Bronx public housing project, but studied at two of the nation’s fi nest universities. I did work as an assistant district attorney, prosecuting violent crimes that devastate our communities. But then I joined a private law fi rm and worked with international corporations doing business in the United States. I have had the privilege of serving as a Federal District trial judge, and am now serving as a Federal Appellate Circuit Court judge. . . .

It is a daunting feeling to be here. Eleven years ago, during my confi rmation process for appointment to the Second Circuit, I was given a private tour of the White House. It was an overwhelming experience for a kid from the South Bronx. Yet never in my wildest childhood imaginings did I ever envision that moment, let alone did I ever dream that I would live this moment. —remarks by President Barack Obama and Judge Sonia Sotomayor upon her nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court (White House.gov, 2009b)

In this chapter ● What Is Social Stratifi cation?

● Systems of Stratifi cation

● Classical Perspectives on Social Class

● Contemporary Sociological Models of the U.S. Class Structure

● Inequality in the United States

● Poverty in the United States

● Sociological Explanations of Social Inequality in the United States

● U.S. Stratifi cation in the Future

Chapter Focus Question

How is the American Dream infl uenced by social stratifi cation?

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching

resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint® slides, videos, PowerPoint® and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• Sociological Imagination: Before getting too far into the chapter, ask students to write a brief essay on what they believe about their own life chances. Have them approach the exercise as an act of sociological imagination, considering various social, economic, and other factors that will infl uence these chances.

work hard for many years—or even for their entire lifetime—will achieve the sort of success that Judge Sotomayor and others who have risen to the tops of their respective professions have accomplished. Th e way a society is stratifi ed has a major infl uence on a person’s position in the class structure. In this chapter, we examine systems of social stratifi cation and how the U.S. class system may make it easier for some indi- viduals to attain (or maintain) top positions in soci- ety while others have great diffi culty moving up from poverty or low-income origins. Before we explore class and stratifi cation, test your knowledge of wealth, poverty, and the American Dream by taking the Soci- ology and Everyday Life quiz.

What Is Social Stratifi cation? Social stratifi cation is the hierarchical arrange- ment of large social groups based on their control over basic resources (Feagin and Feagin, 2008). Stratifi cation involves patterns of structural inequal- ity that are associated with membership in each of these groups, as well as the ideologies that support inequality. Sociologists examine the social groups that make up the hierarchy in a society and seek to determine how inequalities are structured and per- sist over time.

Max Weber’s term life chances refers to the extent to which individuals have access to impor- tant societal resources such as food, clothing, shelter, education, and health care. According to sociologists, more-affl uent people typically have better life chances than the less affl uent because they have greater access to quality education, safe neigh- borhoods, high-quality nutrition and health care, police and private security protection, and an exten- sive array of other goods and services. In contrast, persons with low- and poverty-level incomes tend to have limited access to these resources. Resources are anything valued in a society, ranging from money and property to medical care and education; they are considered to be scarce because of their unequal distribution among social categories. If we think about the valued resources available in the United States, for example, the diff erences in life chances are readily apparent. As one analyst suggested, “Pov- erty narrows and closes life chances. Th e victims of poverty experience a kind of arteriosclerosis of opportunity. Being poor not only means economic

T he remarkable success of Judge Sonia Soto-mayor has been described by media analysts and by the judge herself as a contemporary version of the American Dream, which cul- minated in her nomination by the Obama adminis- tration to serve as a Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Like Judge Sotomayor, many other highly successful people in this nation started in humble origins, living in housing projects or inner-city slums, and eventu- ally rising to top positions in their respective fi elds. For example, among the many people who grew up in one of the 400,000 public housing residences owned by the New York City Housing Authority are past and current members of Congress, top executives who head up corporations such as Starbucks and Xerox, and highly paid entertainers and athletes, including Jay-Z, Wesley Snipes, Marc Anthony, and Mike Tyson (Alvarez and Wilson, 2009).

Judge Sotomayor and many other upwardly mobile individuals describe their life experiences as “living the American Dream.” Th is brings us to an impor- tant question in studying class and stratifi cation in the United States: What is the American Dream? Simply stated, the American Dream is the belief that if people work hard and play by the rules, they will have a chance to get ahead. Moreover, each genera- tion will be able to have a higher standard of living than that of its parents (Danziger and Gottschalk, 1995). Th e American Dream is based on the assump- tion that people in the United States have equality of opportunity regardless of their race, creed, color, national origin, gender, or religion.

For middle- and upper-income people, the American Dream typically means that each sub- sequent generation will be able to acquire more material possessions and wealth than people in the preceding generation. To some people, achieving the American Dream means having a secure job, owning a home, and getting a good education for their children. To others, it is the promise that any- one may rise from poverty to wealth (from “rags to riches”) if he or she works hard enough. In the case of Judge Sotomayor and other high-level judges or members of Congress, achieving the American Dream means that they have acquired a unique opportunity to infl uence the course of legal and/or governmental history in the United States.

When we talk about the American Dream, it is important to realize that not all people, even those who

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$7,000 for every person on Earth. About one-third of the money will go to baby-boomers, while the rest will fl ow mainly to their children” (Fortune magazine). Have students discuss these facts in the context of social stratifi cation.

• Active Learning: Ask students to work on the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz on their own and then compare their answers in small groups. Go over the correct answers, and talk about those that were most frequently missed. Use these to guide your lectures and presentations during the rest of the chapter.

• Extra Examples: “A record $45 trillion will move from one generation to another over the next 55 years. That adds up to

be infl uenced (positively or negatively) by people’s achieved statuses. Open systems are assumed to have some degree of social mobility. Social mobility is the movement of individuals or groups from one level in a stratifi cation system to another (Rothman, 2005). Th is movement can be either upward or downward. Intergenerational mobility is the social movement experienced by family members from one generation to the next. For example, Sarah’s father is a carpenter who makes good wages in good economic times but is oft en unemployed when the construction industry slows to a standstill. Sarah becomes a neurologist, earning

insecurity, it also wreaks havoc on one’s mental and physical health” (Ropers, 1991: 25). Our life chances are intertwined with our class, race, gender, and age.

All societies distinguish among people by age. Young children typically have less authority and responsibility than older persons. Older persons, especially those without wealth or power, may fi nd themselves at the bottom of the social hierarchy. Similarly, all societies diff erentiate between females and males: Women are oft en treated as subordinate to men. From society to society, people are treated diff erently as a result of their religion, race/ethnicity, appearance, physical strength, disabilities, or other distinguishing characteristics. All of these diff erentia- tions result in inequality. However, systems of strati- fi cation are also linked to the specifi c economic and social structure of a society and to a nation’s posi- tion in the system of global stratifi cation, which is so signifi cant for understanding social inequality that we will devote the next chapter to this topic (Chapter 8).

Systems of Stratifi cation Around the globe, one of the most important char- acteristics of systems of stratifi cation is their degree of fl exibility. Sociologists distinguish among such systems based on the extent to which they are open or closed. In an open system, the boundaries between levels in the hierarchies are more fl exible and may

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True False

T F 1. People no longer believe in the American Dream. T F 2. Individuals over age 65 have the highest rate of poverty. T F 3. Men account for two out of three impoverished adults in the United States. T F 4. About 5 percent of U.S. residents live in households whose members sometimes do not get enough to eat. T F 5. Income is more unevenly distributed than wealth. T F 6. People who are poor usually have personal attributes that contribute to their impoverishment. T F 7. A number of people living below the offi cial poverty line have full-time jobs. T F 8. One in three U.S. children will be poor at some point in their childhood.

Answers on page 210.

How Much Do You Know About Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream?

sociology and everyday life 209

social stratifi cation the hierarchical arrangement of large social groups based on their control over basic resources.

life chances Max Weber’s term for the extent to which individuals have access to important societal resources such as food, clothing, shelter, education, and health care.

social mobility the movement of individuals or groups from one level in a stratifi cation system to another.

intergenerational mobility the social movement (upward or downward) experienced by family mem- bers from one generation to the next.

$350,000 a year, and moves from the working class to the upper-middle class. Between her father’s gen- eration and her own, Sarah has experienced upward social mobility.

By contrast, intragenerational mobility is the social movement of individuals within their own lifetime. Consider, for example, RaShandra, who began her career as a high-tech factory worker and through increased experience and taking special- ized courses in her fi eld became an entrepreneur, starting her own highly successful Internet-based business. RaShandra’s advancement is an example of upward intragenerational social mobility. However, both intragenerational mobility and intergenera- tional mobility may be downward as well as upward.

In a closed system, the boundaries between levels in the hierarchies of social stratifi cation are rigid, and people’s positions are set by ascribed status. Open and closed systems are ideal-type constructs; no actual

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1. False. The American Dream appears to be alive and well. U.S. culture places a strong emphasis on the goal of monetary success, and many people use legal or illegal means to attempt to achieve that goal.

2. False. As a group, children have a higher rate of poverty than the elderly. Government programs such as Social Security have been indexed for infl ation, whereas many of the programs for the young have been scaled back or eliminated. However, many elderly individuals still live in poverty.

3. False. Women, not men, account for two out of three impoverished adults in the United States. Reasons include the lack of job opportunities for women, lower pay than men for comparable jobs, lack of aff ordable day care for children, sexism in the workplace, and a number of other factors.

4. True. It is estimated that about 5 percent of the U.S. population (1 in 20 people) resides in household units where members do not get enough to eat.

5. False. Wealth is more unevenly distributed among the U.S. population than is income. However, both wealth and income are concentrated in very few hands compared with the size of the overall population.

6. False. According to one widely held stereotype, the poor are lazy and do not want to work. Rather than looking at the struc- tural characteristics of society, people cite the alleged personal attributes of the poor as the reason for their plight.

7. True. Many of those who fall below the offi cial poverty line are referred to as the “working poor” because they work full time but earn such low wages that they are still considered to be impoverished.

8. True. According to recent data from the Children’s Defense Fund, one in three U.S. children will live in a family that is below the offi cial poverty line at some point in their childhood. For some of these children, poverty will be a persistent problem throughout their childhood and youth.

Sources: Based on Children’s Defense Fund, 2001; Gilbert, 2010; and U.S. Census Bureau, 2009.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream

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▲ Social mobility is the movement from one level in a stratifi cation system to another. The background of the photo shows a traditional Indian marketplace; however, the man in the foreground shows signs of upward mobility.

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• Extra Examples: Address global child labor practices as a modern form of slavery currently taking place. Access information online from the United Nations and the World Bank for your presentation.

• Extra Examples: “While chocolate is sweet for us, it can be heartbreaking for the hundreds of thousands of child laborers that pick the cocoa that goes into some of our favorite treats. In 2001, the U.S. State Department, the International Labor Organization, and others reported child slavery on many cocoa farms in the Ivory Coast, source of 43 percent of the world’s cocoa” (Globalexchange.org).

Slavery is not simply an unfortunate histori- cal legacy. Although legal slavery no longer exists, economist Stanley L. Engerman (1995: 175) believes that the world will not be completely free of slav- ery as long as there are “debt bondage, child labor, contract labor, and other varieties of coerced work for limited periods of time, with limited opportu- nities for mobility, and with limited political and economic power.” See the Sociology in Global Per- spective box for a discussion of global slavery in the twenty-fi rst century.

The Caste System Like slavery, caste is a closed system of social stratifi cation. A caste system is a system of social inequality in which people’s status is perma- nently determined at birth based on their parents’ ascribed characteristics. Vestiges of caste systems exist in contemporary India and South Africa.

In India, caste is based in part on occupation; thus, families typically perform the same type of work from generation to generation. By contrast, the caste sys- tem of South Africa was based on racial classifi cations and the belief of white South Africans (Afrikaners) that they were morally superior to the black major- ity. Until the 1990s, the Afrikaners controlled the government, the police, and the military by enforcing apartheid—the separation of the races. Blacks were denied full citizenship and restricted to segregated hospitals, schools, residential neighborhoods, and other facilities. Whites held almost all of the desirable jobs; blacks worked as manual laborers and servants.

In a caste system, marriage is endogamous, mean- ing that people are allowed to marry only within their own group. In India, parents traditionally have selected marriage partners for their children. In South Africa, interracial marriage was illegal until 1985.

stratifi cation system is completely open or closed. Th e systems of stratifi cation that we will examine—slavery, caste, and class—are characterized by diff erent hierar- chical structures and varying degrees of mobility. Let’s examine these three systems of stratifi cation to deter- mine how people acquire their positions in each and what potential for social movement they have.

Slavery Slavery is an extreme form of stratifi cation in which some people are owned by others. It is a closed system in which people designated as “slaves” are treated as property and have little or no control over their lives. According to some social analysts, throughout recorded history only fi ve societies have been slave societies—those in which the social and economic impact of slavery was extensive: ancient Greece, the Roman Empire, the United States, the Caribbean, and Brazil (Finley, 1980). Others sug- gest that slavery also existed in the Americas prior to European settlement, and throughout Africa and Asia (Engerman, 1995).

Th ose of us living in the United States are most aware of the legacy of slavery in our own country. Beginning in the 1600s, slaves were forcibly import - ed to the United States as a source of cheap labor. Slavery was defi ned in law and custom by the 1750s, making it possible for one person to own another person (Healey, 2002). In fact, early U.S. presidents including George Washington, James Madison, and Th omas Jeff erson owned slaves. As practiced in the United States, slavery had four primary characteris- tics: (1) it was for life and was inherited (children of slaves were considered to be slaves); (2) slaves were considered property, not human beings; (3) slaves were denied rights; and (4) coercion was used to keep slaves “in their place” (Noel, 1972). Although most slaves were powerless to bring about change, some were able to challenge slavery—or at least their posi- tion in the system—by engaging in activities such as sabotage, intentional carelessness, work slowdowns, or running away from owners and working for the abolition of slavery (Healey, 2002). Despite the fact that slavery in this country offi cially ended many years ago, sociologists such as Patricia Hill Collins (1990) believe that its legacy is deeply embedded in current patterns of prejudice and discrimination against African Americans.

intragenerational mobility the social movement (upward or downward) of individuals within their own lifetime.

slavery an extreme form of stratifi cation in which some people are owned by others.

caste system a system of social inequality in which people’s status is permanently determined at birth based on their parents’ ascribed characteristics.

• Research: Have students do research on the complicated economic relationships between wealthy Westerners and the plight of indentured servants and other impoverished individuals in the developing world. What choices do we have about participating in these dynamics?

• Global Perspective: Have students read New York Times reporter Nicholas Kristof’s account of buying the freedom of sexual slaves in Cambodia and his reporting on the global epidemic of sexual slavery (nytimes.com). For a more comprehensive project, have them read Half the Sky: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide.

When it is mentioned we tend to think of people, almost always black people; degraded, abused and bound in chains, and we tend to think of such images, and the word slavery itself, as belonging to another era. We do not see slavery as belonging to our world, not as something which is still happening today.

—Rageh Omaar (2007), a BBC journalist, introducing his TV documentary on the world of modern child slavery

It is very uncomfortable for many of us to think about ways in which people traffi c in human beings—particularly children in slavery. According to the United States Traffi cking Victims Protection Act of 2000, traffi cking is “the recruitment, harbor- ing, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for la- bor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion” (qtd. in Woods, 2010). Based on this defi nition, a person does not have to be physically transported from one location to an- other to be considered a traffi cking victim. Estimates suggest that about 12.3 million people are traffi cked or enslaved as forced laborers or sex workers. Some experts place the num- ber much higher, as many as 27 million worldwide, depend- ing on what defi nition of forced labor is used.

Although the legacy of slavery and forced labor remains a shameful part of the history of the United States, many people in this country prefer to think of slavery as something that oc- curred in the past but no longer exists. Unfortunately, social scientists, journalists, human rights activists, and other social analysts have systematically documented the presence of twenty-fi rst-century slavery in the form of forced labor, child labor, commercial sexual exploitation, and other types of eco- nomic exploitation. In some cases, forced labor is imposed by the state, such as situations in which individuals are made to work by a government, a penal system, the military, or a rebel group. About 25 percent of forced labor is state imposed, while 75 percent is imposed by private operators who engage in prostitution, other commercial sexual activity, bonded la- bor, or forced domestic or agricultural labor (BBC News, 2005).

Globalization has further intensifi ed the problem of slav- ery and trading in human beings. Tens of thousands of people from Asia, Latin America, Central Europe, and Eastern Europe have been traffi cked into the United States or Canada, where they have been forced into prostitution, domestic work, agri- cultural labor, or factory work. In Latin America and the Carib- bean, forced labor is found not only in urban areas but also in rural or indigenous populations in remote areas. Sexual ex- ploitation and labor are two primary reasons why people are

Slavery in the Twenty-First Century: A Global Problem

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traffi cked in Latin America, and children have been particu- larly vulnerable to domestic slavery (Skinner, 2008).

As with many other nations, child slavery has been a press- ing problem in Africa and India. Chattel slavery has been found in some countries of Africa, where hundreds of thousands are born into slavery. Others are sold by their parents or ab- ducted and required to work in various forms of labor. In India, E. Benjamin Skinner (2008), an international journalist, found that at least half a million children were in bondage, working in places ranging from private residences and tea stalls to carpet and sari factories around Delhi. Anti-Slavery International has documented the bondage of the children Skinner describes:

Most slaves do not make products for export. Thousands of children work for no pay under threat of violence in begging stables around Mumbai or Diwali fi reworks factories in Tamil Nadu. Across the country, perhaps 8 million toil in the oldest form of bondage, agricultural slavery. Some farmers enslave girls in cotton fi elds because, lore had it, the crops would not replenish if men reaped the harvest. In 2001, investigators found farm slaves literally in chains. . . . In southern India, tens of thousands of girls are devadasi—ritual sex slaves. (Skinner, 2008: 208–209)

Overall, Skinner’s work documents traffi cking networks and slave sales on fi ve continents in the twenty-fi rst century, so it comes as little surprise that he also found such practices in urban and suburban America. In describing the working conditions of “sex slaves” in spas and massage parlors in Houston, who were brought to the United States from Thailand, the journalist Mimi Swartz (2010: 107) stated that “The customers rarely seemed to grasp that the women were captives. They didn’t see the other rooms. . . . These so-called spas were as tightly run as maximum- security prisons: Without permission, no one got in—or out.”

From the works of journalists such as Skinner and Swartz, we learn that slavery has not disappeared; instead, it has be- come more global. However, it also happens in places very close to our own homes and our daily lives, whether or not we are observant of these harsh conditions of life.

refl ect & analyze Why is it important for us to be aware of problems such as human slavery even if we might believe they have no relevance to our life? Is there any relationship between the American Dream and the exploitation of people on a global basis?

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▼ Systems of stratifi cation include slavery, caste, and class. As shown in these photos, the life chances of people living in each of these systems diff er widely.

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Cultural beliefs and values sustain caste systems. Hinduism, the primary religion of India, reinforced the caste system by teaching that people should accept their fate in life and work hard as a moral duty. Caste systems grow weaker as societies indus- trialize; the values reinforcing the system break down, and people start to focus on the types of skills needed for industrialization.

As we have seen, in closed systems of stratifi - cation, group membership is hereditary, and it is almost impossible to move up within the structure. Custom and law frequently perpetuate privilege and ensure that higher-level positions are reserved for the children of the advantaged (Rothman, 2005).

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and the ranks of such individuals continue to increase. Still, family background continues to matter. While the playing fi eld may be becoming more level, family factors still signifi cantly shape the economic outcomes of children” (Daniel P. McMurrer, Mark Condon, and Isabel V. Sawhill, the Urban Institute [www.urban.org]).

• Extra Examples: The status attainment theory, as formulated by Duncan, Featherman, and Duncan (1972), assumes that the social

• For Discussion: Provide your class with some examples of horizontal and vertical mobility. Ask the class to think about which kind of mobility is more prevalent in the United States and why.

• Research: “Overall, the evidence suggests that the playing fi eld is becoming more level in the United States. Socioeconomic origins today are less important than they used to be. Further, such origins have little or even no impact for individuals with a college degree,

The Class System Th e class system is a type of stratifi cation based on the ownership and control of resources and on the type of work people do (Rothman, 2005). At least theoretically, a class system is more open than a caste system because the boundaries between classes are less distinct than the boundaries between castes. In a class system, status comes at least partly through achievement rather than entirely by ascription.

In class systems, people may become members of a class other than that of their parents through both intergenerational and intragenerational mobil- ity, either upward or downward. Horizontal mobil- ity occurs when people experience a gain or loss in position and/or income that does not produce a change in their place in the class structure. For example, a person may get a pay increase and a more prestigious title but still not move from one class to another. By contrast, movement up or down the class structure is vertical mobility. Martin, a com- mercial artist who owns his own fi rm, is an example of vertical, intergenerational mobility:

My family came out of a lot of poverty and were eager to escape it. . . . My [mother’s parents] worked in a sweatshop. My grandfather to the day he died never earned more than $14 a week. My grand- mother worked in knitting mills while she had fi ve children. . . . My father quit school when he was in eighth grade and supported his mother and his two sisters when he was twelve years old. My grandfa- ther died when my father was four and he basically raised his sisters. He got a man’s job when he was twelve and took care of the three of them. (qtd. in Newman, 1993: 65)

Martin’s situation refl ects upward mobility; how- ever, people may also experience downward mobil- ity, caused by any number of reasons, including a lack of jobs, low wages and employment instability, marriage to someone with fewer resources and less power than oneself, and changing social conditions (Newman, 1988, 1993).

Classical Perspectives on Social Class Early sociologists grappled with the defi nition of class and the criteria for determining people’s

location in the class structure. Both Karl Marx and Max Weber viewed class as an important determi- nant of social inequality and social change, and their works have had a profound infl uence on how we view the U.S. class system today.

Karl Marx: Relationship to the Means of Production According to Karl Marx, class position and the extent of our income and wealth are determined by our work situation, or our relationship to the means of production. As we have previously seen, Marx stated that capitalistic societies consist of two classes—the capitalists and the workers. Th e capi- talist class (bourgeoisie) consists of those who own the means of production—the land and capital necessary for factories and mines, for example. Th e working class (proletariat) consists of those who must sell their labor to the owners in order to earn enough money to survive (see ▼ Figure 7.1).

According to Marx, class relationships involve inequality and exploitation. Th e workers are exploited as capitalists maximize their profi ts by paying work- ers less than the resale value of what they produce but do not own. Th is exploitation results in work- ers’ alienation—a feeling of powerlessness and estrangement from other people and from one- self. In Marx’s view, alienation develops as workers

• Own and control means of production

• Achieve wealth through capital

• Work for wages

• Vulnerable to displacement by machines or cheap labor

Workers

Capitalists

▲ FIGURE 7.1 MARX’S VIEW OF STRATIFICATION

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • Quote, Unquote: “Society does not consist of individuals but

expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations within which these individuals stand” (Karl Marx). Have students compare Marx’s idea of alienation to Weber’s idea of disenchantment.

status of parents aff ects the educational level achieved by children, which in turn aff ects occupational level and status. Have students report on their own families’ experiences compared to this theory.

• U.S. Census: Even though women have made progress in entering occupations predominantly held by men (especially executive and professional specialty occupations), the majority of women are still in traditional “female” occupations (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

manufacture goods that embody their creative tal- ents but the goods do not belong to them. Workers are also alienated from the work itself because they are forced to perform it in order to live. Because the workers’ activities are not their own, they feel self- estrangement. Moreover, workers are separated from others in the factory because they individually sell their labor power to the capitalists as a commodity.

In Marx’s view, the capitalist class maintains its position at the top of the class structure by control of the society’s superstructure, which is composed of the government, schools, churches, and other social institutions that produce and disseminate ideas per- petuating the existing system of exploitation. Marx predicted that the exploitation of workers by the cap- italist class would ultimately lead to class confl ict— the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class. According to Marx, when the work- ers realized that capitalists were the source of their oppression, they would overthrow the capitalists and their agents of social control, leading to the end of capitalism. Th e workers would then take over the government and create a more egalitarian society.

Why has no workers’ revolution occurred? According to the sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf (1959), capitalism may have persisted because it has changed

signifi cantly since Marx’s time. Individual capitalists no longer own and control factories and other means of production; today, ownership and control have largely been separated. For example, contemporary transnational corporations are owned by a multitude of stockholders but run by paid offi cers and manag- ers. Similarly, many (but by no means all) workers have experienced a rising standard of living, which may have contributed to a feeling of complacency. During the twentieth century, workers pressed for salary increases and improvements in the workplace through their activism and labor union membership. Th ey also gained more legal protection in the form of workers’ rights and benefi ts such as workers’ com- pensation insurance for job-related injuries and dis- abilities (Dahrendorf, 1959). For these reasons, and because of a myriad of other complex factors, the workers’ revolution predicted by Marx never came to pass. However, the failure of his prediction does not mean that his analysis of capitalism and his theoreti- cal contributions to sociology are without validity.

Marx had a number of important insights into capitalist societies. First, he recognized the eco- nomic basis of class systems (Gilbert, 2010). Sec- ond, he noted the relationship between people’s social location in the class structure and their values, beliefs, and behavior. Finally, he acknowl- edged that classes may have opposing (rather than complementary) interests. For example, capitalists’ best interests are served by a decrease in labor costs and other expenses and a corresponding increase in profi ts; workers’ best interests are served by well- paid jobs, safe working conditions, and job security.

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▲ Although unions have lost some of their importance over the last fi fty years, this 2009 United Auto Workers rally in support of the Employee Free Choice Act—legislation that would make it easier for employees to join a union—shows that many workers still believe in a collective response to workplace issues.

class system a type of stratifi cation based on the ownership and control of resources and on the type of work that people do.

capitalist class (or bourgeoisie) Karl Marx’s term for the class that consists of those who own and control the means of production.

working class (or proletariat) those who must sell their labor to the owners in order to earn enough money to survive.

alienation a feeling of powerlessness and estrange- ment from other people and from oneself.

class confl ict Karl Marx’s term for the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class.

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• Sociological Imagination: Ask students to write a brief essay on what the American Dream means to them. How has their social- class status contributed to their ability to achieve those dreams?

• For Discussion: Have the class compare and contrast Weber’s and Marx’s approach to defi ning social class. What are the strengths and weaknesses of each method?

• For Discussion: Have students brainstorm answers to the following questions: What are the causes of alienation in society? What are the remedies? What aspects of work today lead to feelings of alienation?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

Max Weber: Wealth, Prestige, and Power Max Weber’s analysis of class builds upon earlier theories of capitalism (particularly those by Marx) and of money (particularly those by Georg Simmel, as discussed in Chapter 2). Living in the late nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries, Weber was in a unique position to see the transformation that occurred as individual, competitive, entrepreneur- ial capitalism went through the process of shift ing to bureaucratic, industrial, corporate capitalism. As a result, Weber had more opportunity than Marx to see how capitalism changed over time.

Weber agreed with Marx’s assertion that eco- nomic factors are important in understanding individual and group behavior. However, Weber emphasized that no single factor (such as eco- nomic divisions between capitalists and workers) was suffi cient for defi ning the location of catego- ries of people within the class structure. According to Weber, the access that people have to important societal resources (such as economic, social, and political power) is crucial in determining people’s life chances. To highlight the importance of life chances for categories of people, Weber developed a multidimensional approach to social stratifi cation that refl ects the interplay among wealth, prestige, and power. In his analysis of these dimen- sions of class structure, Weber viewed the concept of “class” as an ideal type (that can be used to compare and con- trast various societies) rather than as a specifi c social category of “real” people (Bourdieu, 1984).

Wealth is the value of all of a per- son’s or family’s economic assets, includ- ing income, personal property, and income-producing property. Weber placed categories of people who have a similar level of wealth and income in the same class. For example, he identi- fi ed a privileged commercial class of entrepreneurs—wealthy bankers, ship owners, professionals, and merchants who possess similar fi nancial resources. He also described a class of rentiers— wealthy individuals who live off their

investments and do not have to work. According to Weber, entrepreneurs and rentiers have much in common. Both are able to purchase expensive con- sumer goods, control other people’s opportunities to acquire wealth and property, and monopolize costly status privileges (such as education) that provide contacts and skills for their children.

Weber divided those who work for wages into two classes: the middle class and the working class. Th e middle class consists of white-collar workers, public offi cials, managers, and professionals. Th e working class consists of skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled workers.

Th e second dimension of Weber’s system of strati- fi cation is prestige—the respect or regard with which a person or status position is regarded by others. Fame, respect, honor, and esteem are the most common forms of prestige. A person who has a high level of prestige is assumed to receive deferential and respectful treatment from others. Weber suggested that individuals who share a common level of social prestige belong to the same status group regardless of their level of wealth. Th ey tend to socialize with one another, marry within their own group of social

▲ In this still from a 2007 episode of The Real Housewives of Orange County, the housewives go shopping for dresses. In your opinion, what accounts for the level of social prestige that these women so obviously enjoy?

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• Sociological Imagination: Ask students to rephrase the following statement and to evaluate its claims: “Many people object to business managers who take away in pay, bonuses, and stock options hundreds of millions of dollars from their companies. Indeed, there is a legitimate question whether the behavior of today’s capitalists promotes the general acceptance of capitalism. But individual wealth becomes a problem only if and when it

• Active Learning: Have the class create an occupational prestige scale for contemporary U.S. life. Use this to help students understand the construction of socioeconomic status. First record how students rate various occupations themselves; then compare their perceptions with the SES rating. Use this activity to help students understand the relationship among occupational prestige, income, and education.

equals, spend their leisure time together, and safe- guard their status by restricting outsiders’ opportuni- ties to join their ranks (Beeghley, 2008).

Th e other dimension of Weber’s system is power—the ability of people or groups to achieve their goals despite opposition from others. Th e powerful can shape society in accordance with their own interests and direct the actions of others (Tumin, 1953). According to Weber, social power in modern societies is held by bureaucracies; indi- vidual power depends on a person’s position within the bureaucracy. Weber suggested that the power of modern bureaucracies was so strong that even a workers’ revolution (as predicted by Marx) would not lessen social inequality (Hurst, 2007).

Weber stated that wealth, prestige, and power are separate continuums on which people can be ranked from high to low, as shown in ▼ Figure 7.2. Individuals may be high on one dimension while being low on another. For example, people may be very wealthy but have little political power (for example, a recluse who has inherited a large sum of money). Th ey may also have prestige but not wealth (for instance, a college professor who receives teach- ing excellence awards but lives on a relatively low

income). In Weber’s multidimensional approach, people are ranked on all three dimensions. Sociolo- gists oft en use the term socioeconomic status (SES) to refer to a combined measure that attempts to classify individuals, families, or households in terms of factors such as income, occupation, and education to determine class location.

Weber’s analysis of social stratifi cation contrib- utes to our understanding by emphasizing that people behave according to both their economic interests

High level

Low level

Mid-range

Positions of high power within a bureaucracy: able to carry out own goals despite opposition

High social status: entitled to deferential and respectful treatment

Rentiers

Wealth Power Prestige

Positions lacking authority: must carry out the goals of others

Low social status: receives very little respectful treatmentUnskilled labor

Semiskilled labor

Skilled labor

Middle class

Entrepreneurs

▲ FIGURE 7.2 WEBER’S MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH TO SOCIAL STRATIFICATION According to Max Weber, wealth, power, and prestige are separate continuums. Individuals may rank high in one dimension and low in another, or they may rank high or low in more than one dimension. Also, individuals may use their high rank in one dimension to achieve a comparable rank in another. How does Weber’s model compare with Marx’s approach as shown in Figure 7.1?

wealth the value of all of a person’s or family’s economic assets, including income, personal property, and income-producing property.

prestige the respect or regard with which a person or status position is regarded by others.

power according to Max Weber, the ability of people or groups to achieve their goals despite opposition from others.

socioeconomic status (SES) a combined measure that, in order to determine class location, attempts to classify individuals, families, or households in terms of factors such as income, occupation, and education.

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the poorest fi fth of senior households had a net worth of $3,500 ($44,346 including home equity), and the wealthiest had $328,432 ($449,800 including home equity) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

• For Discussion: “Between richer and poorer classes in a free country a mutually respecting antagonism is much healthier than pity on the one hand and dependence on the other, as is, perhaps, the next best thing to fraternal feeling” (Charles Horton Cooley).

can be used to restrict others’ chances of participation” (Ralf Dahrendorf ).

• U.S. Census: The fi nancial circumstances of older people have improved dramatically, although there are wide variations in income and wealth. The proportion of people aged 65 and older in poverty decreased from 35 percent in 1959 to 10 percent in 2003, mostly attributed to the support of Social Security. In 2000

and their values. He also added to Marx’s insights by developing a multidimensional explanation of the class structure and by identifying additional classes. Both Marx and Weber emphasized that capitalists and workers are the primary players in a class soci- ety, and both noted the importance of class to peo- ple’s life chances. However, they saw diff erent futures for capitalism and the social system. Marx saw these structures being overthrown; Weber saw the increas- ing bureaucratization of life even without capitalism.

Contemporary Sociological Models of the U.S. Class Structure How many social classes exist in the United States? What criteria are used for determining class mem- bership? No broad consensus exists about how to characterize the class structure in this country. In fact, many people deny that class distinctions exist (see Eisler, 1983; Parenti, 1994). Most people like to think of themselves as middle class; it puts them in a comfortable middle position—neither rich nor poor. Sociologists have developed two models of the class structure: One is based on a Weberian approach, the other on a Marxian approach. We will examine both models briefl y.

The Weberian Model of the U.S. Class Structure Expanding on Weber’s analysis of class structure, sociologist Dennis Gilbert (2010) uses a model of social classes based on three elements: (1) educa- tion, (2) occupation of family head, and (3) family income (see ▼ Figure 7.3).

The Upper (Capitalist) Class Th e upper class is the wealthiest and most powerful class in the United States. About 1 percent of the population is included in this class, whose members own substan- tial income-producing assets and operate on both the national and international levels. According to Gil- bert (2010), people in this class have an infl uence on the economy and society far beyond their numbers.

Some models further divide the upper class into upper-upper (“old money”) and lower-upper (“new money”) categories (Warner and Lunt, 1941;

Coleman and Rainwater, 1978; Kendall, 2002). Mem- bers of the upper-upper class come from prominent families, which possess great wealth that they have held for several generations. Family names—such as Rockefeller, Mellon, Du Pont, and Kennedy—are well-known and oft en held in high esteem. Persons in the upper-upper class tend to have strong feel- ings of ingroup solidarity. Th ey belong to the same exclusive clubs and support high culture (such as the opera, symphony orchestras, ballet, and art muse- ums). Children are educated in prestigious private schools and Ivy League universities; many acquire strong feelings of privilege from birth, as upper-class author Lewis H. Lapham (1988: 14) states:

Together with my classmates and peers, I was given to understand that it was suffi cient accomplishment merely to have been born. Not that anybody ever said precisely that in so many words, but the assumption was plain enough, and I could confi rm it by observ- ing the mechanics of the local society. A man might become a drunkard, a concert pianist or an owner of companies, but none of these occupations would have an important bearing on his social rank.

Children of the upper class are socialized to view themselves as diff erent from others; they also learn that they are expected to marry within their own

Upper-upper class 0.5%

Lower-upper class 0.5%

Upper-middle class 14%

Middle class 30%

Working class 30%

Working poor 20%

Underclass 5%

Investments/inheritance

Executives; media/sports personalities

Professional, managerial positions

White-collar, highly skilled blue-collar jobs

Factory, clerical, retail jobs

Laborers, service industry jobs

Temporary, seasonal, part-time jobs; public or private assistance

▲ FIGURE 7.3 STRATIFICATION BASED ON EDUCATION, OCCUPATION, AND INCOME

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• For Discussion: “Throughout recorded time . . . there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they have borne countless diff erent names, and their relative numbers, as well as their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: but the essential structure of society has never altered. Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the

Have students discuss the merits of this argument. Is dependence the only possible relationship other than “mutually respecting antagonism” between richer and poorer classes?

• For Discussion: What are pink-collar occupations? Why are women in these kinds of occupations? In what ways are women socialized into various occupational choices?

class (Warner and Lunt, 1941; Mills, 1959a; Dom- hoff , 1983; Kendall, 2002).

Members of the lower-upper class may be extremely wealthy but not have attained as much prestige as members of the upper-upper class. Th e “new rich” have earned most of their money in their own lifetime as entrepreneurs, presidents of major corporations, sports or entertainment celebrities, or top-level professionals. For some members of the lower-upper class, the American Dream has become a reality. Others still desire the respect of members of the upper-upper class.

The Upper-Middle Class Persons in the upper-middle class are oft en highly educated profes- sionals who have built careers as physicians, attor- neys, stockbrokers, or corporate managers. Others derive their income from family-owned businesses. According to Gilbert (2010), about 14 percent of the U.S. population is in this category. A combination of three factors qualifi es people for the upper-middle class: university degrees, authority and indepen- dence on the job, and high income. Of all the class categories, the upper-middle class is the one that is most shaped by formal education. Over the past fi ft y years, Asian Americans, Latinos/as, and African Americans have placed great importance on educa- tion as a means of attaining the American Dream. Many people of color have moved into the upper- middle class by acquiring higher levels of education.

The Middle Class In past decades, a high school diploma was necessary to qualify for most middle-class jobs. Today, two-year or four-year col- lege degrees have replaced the high school diploma as an entry-level requirement for employment in many middle-class occupations, including medical technicians, nurses, legal and medical assistants, lower-level managers, semiprofessionals, and non- retail salesworkers. An estimated 30 percent of the U.S. population is in the middle class even though most people in this country think of themselves as middle class. Nowhere is this myth of the vast mid- dle class more prevalent than in television situation comedies, which for decades have focused on an idealized notion of the middle class or the debunk- ing of that myth.

Traditionally, most middle-class occupations have been relatively secure and have provided more

opportunities for advancement (especially with increasing levels of education and experience) than working-class positions. Recently, however, four fac- tors have eroded the American Dream for this class: (1) escalating housing prices, (2) occupational inse- curity, (3) blocked mobility on the job, and (4) the cost-of-living squeeze that has penalized younger workers, even when they have more education and better jobs than their parents (Newman, 1993).

The Working Class An estimated 30 percent of the U.S. population is in the working class. Th e core of this class is made up of semiskilled machine operators who work in factories and elsewhere. Members of the working class also include some workers in the service sector, as well as clerks and salespeople whose job responsibilities involve rou- tine, mechanized tasks requiring little skill beyond basic literacy and a brief period of on-the-job train- ing (Gilbert, 2010). Some people in the working class are employed in pink-collar occupations— relatively low-paying, nonmanual, semiskilled positions primarily held by women, such as day- care workers, checkout clerks, cashiers, and restau- rant servers.

How does life in the working-class family compare with that of individuals in middle-class families? According to sociologists, working-class families not only earn less than middle-class fami- lies, but they also have less fi nancial security, par- ticularly because of high rates of layoff s and plant closings in some regions of the country. Few people in the working class have more than a high school diploma, and many have less, which makes job opportunities scarce for them in a “high-tech” soci- ety (Gilbert, 2010). Others fi nd themselves in low- paying jobs in the service sector of the economy, particularly fast-food restaurants, a condition that oft en places them among the working poor.

The Working Poor Th e working poor account for about 20 percent of the U.S. population. Mem- bers of the working-poor class live from just above

pink-collar occupations relatively low-paying, nonmanual, semiskilled positions primarily held by women, such as day-care workers, checkout clerks, cashiers, and restaurant servers.

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view, than the suggestion that women would eventually become just like men” (Barbara Ehrenreich). Have students discuss what Ehrenreich means by this statement.

• Media Coverage: “The percentage of immigrants (including those unlawfully present) in the United States has been creeping upward for years. At 12.6 percent, it is now higher than at any point since

same pattern has always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return to equilibrium, however far it is pushed one way or the other. The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcilable” (George Orwell). Have students rephrase this statement in their own words and discuss it.

• Extra Examples: “Of all the nasty outcomes predicted for women’s liberation . . . none was more alarming, from a feminist point of

to just below the poverty line; they typically hold unskilled jobs, seasonal migrant jobs in agricul- ture, lower-paid factory jobs, and service jobs (such as counter help at restaurants). Employed single mothers oft en belong to this class; consequently, children are overrepresented in this category. Afri- can Americans and other people of color are also overrepresented among the working poor. To cite only one example, in the United States today, there are two white hospital orderlies to every one white physician, whereas there are twenty-fi ve African American orderlies to every one African American physician (Gilbert, 2010). For the working poor, liv- ing from paycheck to paycheck makes it impossible to save money for emergencies such as periodic or seasonal unemployment, which is a constant threat to any economic stability they may have.

Social critic and journalist Barbara Ehrenreich (2001) left her upper-middle-class lifestyle for a period of time to see if it was possible for the work- ing poor to live on the wages that they were being paid as restaurant servers, salesclerks at discount department stores, aides at nursing homes, house- cleaners for franchise maid services, or similar jobs. She conducted her research by actually hold- ing those jobs for periods of time and seeing if she could live on the wages that she received. Th rough her research, Ehrenreich persuasively demonstrated

that people who work full time, year-round, for poverty-level wages must develop survival strate- gies that include such things as help from relatives or constantly moving from one residence to another in order to have a place to live. Like many other researchers, Ehrenreich found that minimum-wage jobs cannot cover the full cost of living, such as rent, food, and the rest of an adult’s monthly needs, even without taking into consideration the needs of chil- dren or other family members.

At some point in our lives, most of us have held a job paying the minimum wage, and we know the limitations of trying to survive on such low earn- ings. Th e federal minimum wage is the hourly rate that (with certain exceptions) is the lowest amount an employer can legally pay its employees (each state may adopt a higher minimum wage, but not a lower one). In 2009 the federal minimum wage was raised to $7.25 per hour, where it remains today. A person earning minimum wage and working forty hours every week, fi ft y-two weeks per year (in other words, no time off , no vacation), would still earn an amount slightly above the offi cial poverty line (and slightly below that line for a person with two children). A few states have a minimum wage above the federal requirement: Washington state’s minimum wage is $8.55 per hour. Increasing social and economic inequality in the United States has been partly attrib- uted to the vast divide between the low wages paid to workers, based on a low federal minimum wage, and the astronomically high salaries and compensation packages given to some major corporate CEOs.

The Underclass According to Gilbert (2010), people in the underclass are poor, seldom employed, and caught in long-term deprivation that results from low levels of education and income and high rates of unemployment. Some are unable to work because of age or disability; oth- ers experience discrimination based on race/ethnic- ity. Single mothers are overrepresented in this class because of the lack of jobs, lack of aff ordable child care, and many other impediments to the mother’s future and that of her children. People without a “living wage” oft en must rely on public or private assistance programs for their survival. About 3 to 5 percent of the U.S. population is in this category, and the chances of their children moving out of poverty are about fi ft y-fi ft y (Gilbert, 2010).

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▲ In Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting by in America, Barbara Ehrenreich (left) recounts her attempt to replicate the lives of the working poor by working a series of low- paying jobs and trying to survive on her wages.

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• Sociological Imagination: “Radical egalitarianism means a commitment to the end of socially structured forms of economic inequality, economic inequalities rooted in the social positions people occupy within the social division of labor” (Erik Olin Wright). Have students write short paragraphs describing what they think radical egalitarianism would look like today.

the mid-1920s. The number (an estimated 37.9 million) is bigger than at any previous time in history” (Newsweek, 12/2007).

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy • For Discussion: Have students compare Erik Olin Wright’s

perspective on social class with the view of Karl Marx. How do they diff er from functionalist explanations of social class?

Studies by various social scientists have found that meaningful employment opportunities are the criti- cal missing link for people on the lowest rungs of the class ladder. According to these analysts, job creation is essential in order for people to have the opportu- nity to earn a decent wage; have medical coverage; live meaningful, productive lives; and raise their chil- dren in a safe environment (see Fine and Weis, 1998; Nelson and Smith, 1999; Newman, 1999; Wilson, 1996). Th ese issues are closely tied to the American Dream we have been discussing in this chapter.

The Marxian Model of the U.S. Class Structure Th e earliest Marxian model of class structure iden- tifi ed ownership or nonownership of the means of production as the distinguishing feature of classes. From this perspective, classes are social groups orga- nized around property ownership, and social strati- fi cation is created and maintained by one group in order to protect and enhance its own economic inter- ests. Moreover, societies are organized around classes in confl ict over scarce resources. Inequality results from the more powerful exploiting the less powerful.

Contemporary Marxian (or confl ict) models examine class in terms of people’s relationship to others in the production process. For example,

confl ict theorists attempt to determine the degree of control that workers have over the decision-mak- ing process and the extent to which they are able to plan and implement their own work. Th ey also analyze the type of supervisory authority, if any, that a worker has over other workers. According to this approach, most employees are a part of the working class because they do not control either their own labor or that of others.

Erik Olin Wright (1979, 1985, 1997), one of the leading stratifi cation theorists to examine social class from a Marxian perspective, has concluded that Marx’s defi nition of “workers” does not fi t the occupations found in advanced capitalist societies. For example, many top executives, managers, and supervisors who do not own the means of produc- tion (and thus would be “workers” in Marx’s model) act like capitalists in their zeal to control workers and maximize profi ts. Likewise, some experts hold positions in which they have control over money and the use of their own time even though they are not owners. Wright views Marx’s category of “capitalist” as being too broad as well. For instance, small-business owners might be viewed as capital- ists because they own their own tools and have a few people working for them, but they have little in common with large-scale capitalists and do not share the interests of factory workers. ▼ Figure 7.4 compares Marx’s model and Wright’s model.

Wright (1979) also argues that classes in mod- ern capitalism cannot be defi ned simply in terms of diff erent levels of wealth, power, and prestige, as in the Weberian model. Consequently, he outlines four criteria for placement in the class structure: (1) ownership of the means of production, (2) pur- chase of the labor of others (employing others), (3) control of the labor of others (supervising others on the job), and (4) sale of one’s own labor (being employed by someone else). Wright (1978) assumes that these criteria can be used to determine the class placement of all workers, regardless of race/ethnic- ity, in a capitalist society. Let’s take a brief look at Wright’s (1979, 1985) four classes—(1) the capitalist

▲ In which segment of the class structure would sociologists place clerical workers such as those in this offi ce mail room? What are the key elements of that social class?

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underclass those who are poor, seldom employed, and caught in long-term deprivation that results from low levels of education and income and high rates of unemployment.

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• Research: The Affl uent Market Research Program conducted a study to determine which counties in the United States host the most millionaires. According to their fi ndings, Los Angeles County tops the list with roughly 262,800 millionaire households. Next is Cook County, Illinois, followed by Orange County, California.

though many top executives have only limited legal ownership of their corporations, they have substan- tial economic ownership and exert extensive control over investments, distribution of profi ts, and man- agement of resources. Th e major sources of income for the capitalist class are profi ts, interest, and very high salaries. Members of this class make impor- tant decisions about the workplace, including which products and services to make available to consum- ers and how many workers to hire or fi re.

According to Forbes magazine’s 2010 list of the richest people in the world, Bill Gates (cofounder of Microsoft Corporation, the world’s largest microcomputer soft ware company) was the sec- ond wealthiest capitalist, with a net worth of $53 billion, down from his $63-billion fi gure in 2000 (Forbes, 2010). Investor Warren Buff et came in

class, (2) the managerial class, (3) the small-business class, and (4) the working class—so that you can com- pare them to those found in the Weberian model.

The Capitalist Class According to Wright, this class holds most of the wealth and power in society through ownership of capital—for example, banks, corporations, factories, mines, news and enter- tainment industries, and agribusiness fi rms. Th e “ruling elites,” or “ruling class,” within the capital- ist class hold political power and are oft en elected or appointed to infl uential political and regulatory positions (Parenti, 1994).

Th is class is composed of individuals who have inherited fortunes, own major corporations, or are top corporate executives with extensive stock holdings or control of company investments. Even

Marx’s Model

Based on relationship to the means of production:

$ $

Capitalist class

Working class

Wright’s Model

Takes into account both ownership and control of the means of production and the labor of others:

$ $

Working class

Capitalist class

Managerial class

Small-business class

▲ FIGURE 7.4 COMPARISON OF MARX’S AND WRIGHT’S MODELS OF CLASS STRUCTURE

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of ‘get rich quick.’ A variety of seductive but elusive strategies have evolved, and today the three leading ways to instant wealth are large-prize television game shows, big-jackpot state lotteries, and compensation lawsuits” (Matthew Warshauer). How do your students defi ne the American Dream? What do they make of this diagnosis of its decline?

• For Discussion: According to Wright, why do members of the managerial class occupy a contradictory class location? Have students debate the merits of Wright’s perspective.

• For Discussion: “Traditionally, Americans have sought to realize the American dream of success, fame, and wealth through thrift and hard work. However, the industrialization of the 19th and 20th centuries began to erode the dream, replacing it with a philosophy

third, with $47 billion. Th e title for wealthiest bil- lionaire in the world went to Carlos Slim Helu, the Mexican telecom entrepreneur, whose net worth was $53.5 billion. Although men who made the Forbes list of the wealthiest people gained their for- tunes through entrepreneurship or being CEOs of

large corporations, many women who made the list acquired their wealth typically through inheritance, marriage, or both. Women celebrities and television entrepreneurs such as Oprah Winfrey ($2.3 billion net worth) typically have far less wealth, relatively speaking, than the top male billionaires.

The Managerial Class People in the manage- rial class have substantial control over the means of production and over workers. However, these upper- level managers, supervisors, and professionals usu- ally do not participate in key corporate decisions such as how to invest profi ts. Lower-level managers may have some control over employment practices, including the hiring and fi ring of some workers.

Top professionals such as physicians, attorneys, accountants, and engineers may control the struc- ture of their own work; however, they typically do not own the means of production and may not have supervisory authority over more than a few people. Even so, they may infl uence the organization of work and the treatment of other workers. Members of the capitalist class oft en depend on these profes- sionals for their specialized knowledge.

The Small-Business Class Th is class consists of small-business owners and craft speople who may hire a small number of employees but largely do their own work. Some members own businesses such as “mom-and-pop” grocery stores, retail cloth- ing stores, and jewelry stores. Others are doctors and lawyers who receive relatively high incomes from selling their own services. Some of these pro- fessionals now share attributes with members of the capitalist class because they have formed corpora- tions that hire and control the employees who pro- duce profi ts for the professionals.

It is in the small-business class that we fi nd many people’s hopes of achieving the American Dream. Recent economic trends, including corporate down- sizing, telecommuting, and the movement of jobs to other countries, have encouraged more people to think about starting their own business. As a result, more people today are self-employed or own a small business than at any time in the past (U.S. Depart- ment of Labor, 2003). More women of all races and people of color are in the small-business class than was true previously. According to recent statistics, for example, women own 34 percent of all small

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▲ After founding Microsoft and becoming one of the world’s richest people, Bill Gates (top) has devoted recent years to the foundation that he began with his wife, Melinda, to combat poverty and disease in Africa. His career has followed a traditional version of the American Dream: the entrepreneur who becomes very wealthy and then philanthropic. The extended family of George and Barbara Bush (bottom) is a current example of another type of success story, following Erik Olin Wright’s theory of the interplay of money and political power: Three generations of the Bush family have held federal offi ce.

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Crow Creek Sioux Tribe, made up the majority of Buff alo County. Unemployment was 57 percent; many homes lacked indoor plumbing and electricity (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

• U.S. Census: As of 2000, Buff alo County, South Dakota, had a per capita income that made it the poorest county in the United States. The Crow Creek Indian Reservation, inhabited by the

businesses. However, gaps in revenues persist between businesses owned by women and those owned by men, with women-owned businesses earn- ing on average about 40 percent less than businesses owned by men (U.S. Department of Labor, 2003). Small-business ownership may have shift ed during the economic recession of the twenty-fi rst century; however, the U.S. Department of Labor has not issued new data to show what, if any, change has occurred in minority-owned and/or women-owned businesses.

Th roughout U.S. history, immigrants and peo- ple of color have owned small businesses (Butler, 1991), seeing such enterprises as a way to achieve

the American Dream. Over the past decade, the number of businesses owned by subordinate-group mem- bers has increased dramatically, but the share of such businesses owned by people of color is still not propor- tionate to their numbers in the overall population. African Americans make up about 13 percent of the U.S. popu- lation but own less than 5 percent of businesses; Latinos/as make up more than 13 percent of the population yet own slightly more than 5 percent of all businesses. Asian Americans are closest to being proportional in busi- ness ownership: Th ey constitute about 3.6 percent of the population and own about 3.5 percent of all U.S. businesses (U.S. Department of Labor, 2003).

The Working Class Th e working class is made up of a number of sub- groups, one of which is blue-collar workers, some of whom are highly skilled and well paid and others of whom are unskilled and poorly paid. Skilled blue-collar workers include electricians, plumbers, and carpenters; unskilled blue-collar workers include janitors and gardeners.

White-collar workers are another subgroup of the working class. Referred to by some as a “new middle class,” these workers are actually members of the working class because they do not own the means of production, do not

control the work of others, and are relatively power- less in the workplace. Secretaries, other clerical work- ers, and salesworkers are members of the white-collar faction of the working class. Th ey take orders from others and tend to work under constant supervision. Th us, these workers are at the bottom of the class structure in terms of domination and control in the workplace. Th e working class contains about half of all employees in the United States.

Although Marxian and Weberian models of the U.S. class structure show diff erences in people’s occupations and access to valued resources, neither fully refl ects the nature and extent of inequality in

▲ Many immigrants believe that they can achieve the American Dream by starting a small business, such as the stores shown here in San Francisco’s Chinatown. Skilled laborers and tradespeople sometimes take another approach to small business by off ering services such as landscaping, plumbing, carpentry, and, as seen here, mobile dog grooming.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: Retail salespersons, cashiers, general offi ce clerks, combined food preparation and serving workers, and registered nurses were among the occupations with the highest U.S. employment in 2007, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

• Research: As of 2007, the highest-paying occupations in the United States included physician specialists, dentist specialists, and chief executives, while dishwashers, fast-food cooks, and combined food preparation and serving workers were among the lowest- paying occupations (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics). Have students research the growth of the service industry in the United States.

the United States. In the next section, we will take a closer look at the unequal distribution of income and wealth in the United States and the eff ects of inequality on people’s opportunities and life chances.

Inequality in the United States Th roughout human history, people have argued about the distribution of scarce resources in soci- ety. Disagreements oft en center on whether the share we get is a fair reward for our eff ort and hard work. Recently, social analysts have pointed out that (except during temporary economic downturns) the old maxim “the rich get richer” continues to be valid in the United States. To understand how this happens, we must take a closer look at the distribu- tion of income and wealth in this country.

Distribution of Income and Wealth Money is essential for acquiring goods and services. People without money cannot purchase food, shel- ter, clothing, medical care, legal aid, education, and the other things they need or desire. Money—in the form of both income and wealth—is very unevenly distributed in the United States. Median household income varies widely from one state to another, for example (see ▼ Map 7.1). For the entire nation, the

median household income is estimated at about $48,500, down from $50,303 in 2008. Real median household income has fallen in recent years, and the decline has been widespread since the recession that started in December 2007 (DeNavas-Walt, Proc- tor, and Smith, 2009). Some estimates of household income are adjusted for infl ation while others are not, so these fi gures can be tricky to interpret. How- ever, one fact remains across decades of reporting of median household income: Among high-income nations, the United States remains number one in inequality of income distribution.

Income Inequality Income is the economic gain derived from wages, salaries, income trans- fers (governmental aid), and ownership of prop- erty (Beeghley, 2008). Or, to put it another way, “income refers to money, wages, and payments that periodically are received as returns for an occupation or investment” (Kerbo, 2000: 19). Data from the U.S. Census Bureau typically provide income estimates that are based solely on money income before taxes

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▲ MAP 7.1 MEDIAN INCOME BY STATE What factors contribute to the uneven distribution of income in the United States? Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2008.

income the economic gain derived from wages, salaries, income transfers (governmental aid), and ownership of property.

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and do not include the value of noncash benefi ts such as health care coverage or retirement benefi ts.

Sociologist Dennis Gilbert (2010) compares the distribution of income to a national pie that has been sliced into portions, ranging in size from stingy to generous, for distribution among segments of the population. As shown in ▼ Figure 7.5, in 2006 the wealthiest 20 percent of households received about 50 percent of the total income “pie” while the poorest 20 percent of households received less than 4 percent of all income. Th e top 5 percent alone received more than 20 percent of all income—an amount greater than that received by the bottom 40 percent of all households (Bucks, Kennickell, and Moore, 2006).

In the fi rst decade of the twentieth century, the gulf between the rich and the poor widened in the United States. Since the 1970s, the rich have pulled away from everyone else in regard to the amount of annual income they take home: Th e poor have been more likely to stay poor, and the affl uent have been more likely to stay affl uent. Between 1994 and 2006, the income of the top one-fi ft h of U.S. families increased by more than 40 percent; during that same period of time, the income of the bottom one-fi ft h of families increased by only 5.6 percent (Tax Policy Center, 2009) (see ▼ Figure 7.6). However, by 2009 the rich were no longer getting richer at the same rate as in the past. According to one media account, “For every investment banker whose pay has recovered

• Extra Examples: Explain a number of federal, state, and local tax policies to help students to see the relationship among class, employment, and taxes. Debate the merits of the “fl at tax” and “consumption tax” ideas. How would these kinds of tax plans aff ect the middle class, the working class, and the wealthy?

• U.S. Census: Use the “American FactFinder” section of the U.S. Census website to learn the economic characteristics of ZIP codes represented by students in your class (http://factfi nder.census.gov).

• Research: Send your students to www.payscale.com to fi nd out predicted salaries for various career fi elds.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

to its prerecession levels, there are several who have lost their jobs—as well as many wealthy investors who have lost millions. As a result, economists and other analysts say, a 30-year period in which the super-rich became both wealthier and more numer- ous may now be ending” (Leonhardt and Fabrikant, 2009). Of course, this does not mean that they were becoming poor. For the richest, this might mean that their income dropped by several million dollars and that they had to modify their affl uent lifestyle. Th e net worth of people such as Bill Gates and Warren E. Buf- fett, top U.S. billionaires, may have dropped several billion dollars in a year, but they are far from living in poverty. However, the picture is far diff erent for those located in the middle and bottom sectors of the income pie, who are faced with mortgage or rent payments, bills for food and clothing, and increasing costs for fuel, transportation, and other necessities.

Income distribution varies by race/ethnicity as well as class. ▼ Figure 7.7 compares median house- hold income by race/ethnicity, showing not only the disparity among groups but also the consistency of that disparity over sixteen years. More recently, overall median household income has declined from $50,303 in 2008 to $48,500 as of this writing. Although households across all racial/ethnic categories have experienced some decline in real annual median income, the income gap between African American households and white and Asian and Pacifi c

Islanders is striking. In 2008, African American households had the lowest median income, $34,218, as compared with Asian households, which had the highest median, $65,637. Non-Hispanic white households had a median income of $55,530, as com- pared with Hispanic households, $37,913.

Wealth Inequality Income is only one aspect of wealth. Wealth includes property such as buildings, land, farms, houses, fac- tories, and cars, as well as other assets such as bank accounts, corporate stocks, bonds, and insurance policies. Wealth is computed by subtracting all debt obligations and con- verting the remaining assets into cash (U.S. Congress, 1986). For most people in the United States, wealth is invested primarily in property that generates no income, such as a home or car. By contrast, the wealth of a

Poorest 20% of U.S. population

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▲ FIGURE 7.5 DISTRIBUTION OF PRETAX INCOME IN THE UNITED STATES Thinking of personal income in the United States (before taxes) as a large pizza helps us to see which segments of the population receive the largest and smallest portions. What part do taxes play in redistributing parts of the pizza? Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2008.

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years. Another 42 percent of part-time and full-time workers in the United States say they are “somewhat satisfi ed.” Only 9 percent are dissatisfi ed to any degree (Gallup Organization, 8/2008).

• Research: At a time when Americans’ ratings of the country and of the nation’s economy are near record lows, the percentage of U.S. workers feeling “completely satisfi ed” with their jobs—now 48 percent—is at the high end of the range seen in the past 8

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$55,530

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$65,637

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▲ FIGURE 7.7 MEDIAN HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY RACE/ETHNICITY IN THE UNITED STATES Amounts shown in constant dollars. Sources: DeNavas-Walt, Cleveland, and Webster, 2003; DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009.

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FIGURE 7.6 AVERAGE FAMILY INCOME IN THE UNITED STATES This chart shows the distribution of after-tax family income in the United States. Notice the dramatic increase in income for the top 1 percent of U.S. families. During the past decade the diff erence in income between the richest and poorest has become even more pronounced. Source: Tax Policy Center, 2009.

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experience (manual labor, poor living conditions, lack of access to health care). Have them conduct research and interviews in the community to gauge the health impacts of poverty.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Get your class thinking about some of the health risks that people at the bottom of the economic ladder typically

or substantial wealth have more control over their own lives. Th ey have greater access to goods and ser- vices; they can aff ord better housing, more educa- tion, and a wider range of medical services. Persons with less income, especially those living in poverty, must spend their limited resources to acquire the basic necessities of life.

Physical Health, Mental Health, and Nu- trition People who are wealthy and well educated and who have high-paying jobs are much more likely to be healthy than are poor people. As people’s eco- nomic status increases, so does their health status. Th e poor have shorter life expectancies and are at greater risk for chronic illnesses such as diabetes, heart disease, and cancer, as well as infectious dis- eases such as tuberculosis.

Children born into poor families are at much greater risk of dying during their fi rst year of life. Some die from disease, accidents, or violence. Oth- ers are unable to survive because they are born with low birth weight, a condition linked to birth defects and increased probability of infant mortality. Low birth weight in infants is attributed, at least in part, to the inadequate nutrition received by many low- income pregnant women. Most of the poor do not receive preventive medical and dental checkups; many do not receive adequate medical care aft er they experience illness or injury.

Many high-poverty areas lack an adequate supply of doctors and medical facilities. Even in areas where such services are available, the inability to pay oft en prevents people from seeking medical care when it is needed. Some “charity” clinics and hospitals may pro- vide indigent patients (those who cannot pay) with minimal emergency care but make them feel stigma- tized in the process. For many of the working poor, health insurance is out of the question. Th e Census Bureau classifi es health insurance coverage as private coverage or government coverage. Private health insurance is a plan provided through an employer or a union, or is purchased by an individual from a pri- vate company. By contrast, government health insur- ance includes such programs as Medicare, Medicaid, military health care, the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), and individual state health plans.

Approximately 47 million people in the United States were without health insurance coverage in 2008—an increase of more than 2 million from

small number of elites is oft en in the form of income- producing property.

To see how wealth inequality has increased in recent decades, let’s compare two studies. An earlier study by the Joint Economic Committee of Congress divided the population into four categories: (1) the super-rich (0.5 percent of households), who own 35 percent of the nation’s wealth, with net assets averaging almost $9 million; (2) the very rich (the next 0.5 percent of households), who own about 7 percent of the nation’s wealth, with net assets rang- ing from $1.4 million to $2.5 million; (3) the rich (9 percent of households), who own 30 percent of the wealth, with net assets of a little over $400,000; and (4) everybody else (the bottom 90 percent), who own about 28 percent of the nation’s wealth. However, by 1995 another study indicated that the holdings of super-rich households had risen from 35 percent to almost 40 percent of all assets in the nation (stocks, bonds, cash, life insurance policies, paintings, jew- elry, and other tangible assets) (Rothchild, 1995).

In 2007 the wealthiest 1 percent of families owned about one-third (33.8 percent) of total family wealth in the United States. Th e next wealthiest 9 percent owned about 37.7 percent, leaving the rest (90 percent of families) with the remaining 28 percent of wealth.

For the upper class, wealth oft en comes from interest, dividends, and inheritance (Haseler, 2000). One analysis of the Forbes 400 list of the wealthiest U.S. citizens found that nearly half of the people on that list had inherited suffi cient wealth to put them on the list (Gilbert, 2010). Inheritors are oft en three or four generations removed from the individuals who amassed the original wealth (Odendahl, 1990). Aft er inheriting a fortune, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., stated that “I was born into [wealth] and there was nothing I could do about it. It was there, like air or food or any other element. Th e only question with wealth is what to do with it” (qtd. in Glastris, 1990: 26). On the other hand, across generations, wealth sometimes dissipates as it is passed on to increas- ing numbers of family members, who divide into smaller segments what was formerly a large fortune.

Consequences of Inequality Income and wealth are not simply statistics; they are intricately related to the American Dream and our individual life chances. Persons with a high income

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• Research: “Overall, nearly 50,000 poor New Orleanians lived in neighborhoods where the poverty rate exceeded 40 percent. . . . In these places, the average household earned barely more than $20,000 annually, only one in twelve adults held a college degree, four in fi ve children were raised in single-parent families,

and four in ten working-age adults—many of them disabled— were not connected to the labor force” (Alan Berube and Bruce Katz, 10/2006). Have students conduct research to understand how these conditions aggravated the impact of Hurricane Katrina.

Good health is basic to good life chances; in turn, adequate nutrition is essential for good health. Hun- ger is related to class position and income inequality. Surveys estimate that 13 percent of children under age 12 are hungry or at risk of being hungry. Among the working poor, almost 75 percent of the children are thought to be in this category. Aft er spending 60 percent of their income on housing, low-income families are unable to provide adequate food for their children. Between one-third and one-half of all children living in poverty consume signifi cantly less than the federally recommended guidelines for caloric and nutritional intake (Children’s Defense Fund, 2008). Lack of adequate nutrition has been linked to children’s problems in school.

Studying the problem of hunger has become more complex in recent years because the Department of Agriculture stopped using the word “ hunger” in its reports in 2006. “Food insecure” is now used to identify people in various categories, including those who are unable to aff ord the basics, those who are unable to get to the grocery store, and those who are unable to fi nd fresh, nutritious produce and other foods to eat because they are surrounded with fast-food stores that do not provide foods with proper nutrition (Dolnick, 2010).

Between 2007 and 2009, the number of people who received food stamps in the United States increased by nearly a third. By 2010, the program was feeding more than 36 million people, or one in eight Americans and one in four children (DeParle and Gebeloff , 2009). Almost 90 percent of people using food stamps live near or below the federal poverty line (about $22,000 a year for a family of four). Some of them are newly jobless while others are chronically unemployed. Gov- ernment offi cials now refer to food stamps as “nutri- tional aid,” in an eff ort to reduce the stigma attached to using the stamps as being a form of “public assistance” or “welfare” (DeParle and Gebeloff , 2009, 2010).

Housing As discussed in Chapter 4 (“Social Structure and Interaction in Everyday Life”), home- lessness is a major problem in the United States. Th e lack of aff ordable housing is a pressing concern for many low-income individuals and families. With the economic prosperity of the 1990s, low-cost housing units in many cities were replaced with expensive condominiums and luxury single-family residences for affl uent people. Since then, housing costs have

the preceding year (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009). Many people rely on their employ- ers for health coverage; however, some employers are cutting back on health coverage, particularly for employees’ family members. Despite passage of the 1996 Kassenbaum–Kennedy bill by Congress, which makes insurance more readily available for millions of people who change their jobs or lose them, many unemployed workers and their families remain with- out medical coverage. However, the uninsured are a changing group in the United States—not every- one who becomes uninsured for a month or more remains uninsured throughout a given year. Of all age groups, persons between the ages of 18 and 34 are the most likely to be uninsured; Medicare and other benefi t programs provide medical care to most per- sons 65 and over (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009). As shown in ▼ Figure 7.8, a high percentage of poor persons do not have health insurance.

Many lower-paying jobs are oft en the most dan- gerous and have the greatest health hazards. Black lung disease, cancer caused by asbestos, and other environmental hazards found in the workplace are more likely to aff ect manual laborers and low- income workers, as are job-related accidents.

Although the precise relationship between class and health is not known, analysts suggest that peo- ple with higher income and wealth tend to smoke less, exercise more, maintain a healthy body weight, and eat nutritious meals. As a category, more- affl uent persons tend to be less depressed and face less psychological stress, conditions that tend to be directly proportional to income, education, and job status (Mental Medicine, 1994).

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▲ FIGURE 7.8 PERCENTAGE OF U.S. POPULATION WITHOUT HEALTH INSURANCE Source: De Navas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009.

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photo essay

tiers of society. However, other perspectives are based on the assumption that human capital—in the form of education, hard work, and outstanding achievement—can help a person move up the socio- economic ladder.

Regardless of which perspective you or I might subscribe to, millions of people in the United States and around the world see this country as the land in which dreams can come true and in which a person can create a better life for his or her family.

As you view the pictures on these three pages, think about the ways in which various people seek out their own American Dream. Doing so helps us gain a better understanding of some of the issues relating to social stratifi cation.

A lthough the American Dream of rags to riches may be an elusive goal for many peo-ple, most of us still believe that a person in the United States can get ahead by gaining a good education, through hard work, by marketing a cre- ative idea, by winning the lottery, or by some other means. Whether or not they can ultimately rise to the top economic and social tiers of society, many people still strive to attain their personal—although perhaps scaled down—version of the American Dream.

Some sociological perspectives suggest that vast inequalities between the rich and the poor create such a large divide that upward mobility is virtu- ally impossible for those in the lower economic

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▲ Quick and easy ways to attain the American Dream—such as winning a very large lottery drawing—have great appeal to many people in the United States and throughout the world. However, despite the widespread publicity that winners receive, only a very small fraction of those persons who attain the American Dream of wealth do so through lotteries or gambling.

What Keeps the American Dream Alive?

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LONG HOURS AND HARD WORK

This single mother with four children seeks the American Dream by working three diff erent jobs as a practical nurse while attending college. For some people, getting ahead requires 24/7 commitment, but she believes that it will be worth the eff ort to become a registered nurse and earn better pay with fewer hours than she now works.

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SMALL BUSINESSES AND THE AMERICAN DREAM

We often think of “big-ticket” entrepreneurs such as Bill Gates or Michael Dell as having achieved the American Dream. However, sidewalk vendors who own their own business may believe that they, too, have achieved their dream, especially when they come from nations where no similar dream would have even been possible.

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SOCIAL INTERACTION AND RESILIENCE

From homeless person to millionaire stockbroker sounds like the plot line of a movie, which it is: The Pursuit of Happyness (2006), starring Will Smith. But it is also the real-life story of Chris Gardner, chief executive of Gardner Rich LLC, a multimillion-dollar Chicago brokerage fi rm, on whose autobiography The Pursuit of Happyness is based. Although Gardner never attended college, he has been highly successful in his fi nancial endeavors and is now hoping to get investors to help him create a billion-dollar investment fund to promote economic opportunities for South Africans. Here you see him on a visit to the soup kitchen at Glide Memorial Church in San Francisco, California, where he used to eat.

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refl ect & analyze 1. Since the U.S. economic recession started in 2007,

the number of undocumented workers in this country has shrunk dramatically. Do you think that the workers have given up their hope of achieving the American Dream, or have they deferred it?

2. Does the U.S. government have the obligation to keep the American Dream alive for people of lower

incomes? Are there alternatives to government- funded student aid programs, for example?

3. Do you know anyone whose life was changed as a result of playing a state lottery? Was the change positive or detrimental to the person’s life? What conclusions can you draw from this person’s experience?

THE COST OF AN EDUCATION

For individuals who were not born into affl uent families, education is important for attaining the American Dream of upward mobility. Here you see a Latina high school student looking over a federal application for student aid during a conference held at the University of New Hampshire. The university is hosting the conference to encourage minority students to consider attending there. Students often turn to student aid programs as a source of funding in the hope that they can obtain a college education. What will happen to the American Dream for students such as the woman shown here if this funding is reduced or eliminated in the future?

▼

turning to video Watch the ABC video India Inc: Economic Explosion (running time 2:38), available on the Kendall Companion Website and through Cengage Learning eResources accounts. Because of India’s growing economy (it’s the second-fastest growing economy in the world), there are more middle-class Indians with buying power than the entire U.S. population. Many U.S. jobs are being outsourced to India, and India has even begun hiring out-of-work Americans. As you watch this news report, think about the photographs, commentary, and questions that you encountered in this photo essay. After you’ve watched the video, consider two more questions: How does another country’s growth aff ect the American Dream, and to what degree is it possible that India will replace the United States as the land of opportunity?

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• Research: Women constituted 65 percent of the rural poor age 65 and older in 2003. In rural areas, 8 percent of men versus 13 percent of women age 65 and older were poor. Among nonmetro women age 65 and older, poverty rates were three times higher for widows than for married women. Many widowed persons live alone, and women are more likely to be widowed than men (ers.usda.gov).

• Sociological Imagination: Students should tackle the “Refl ect & Analyze” questions at the end of the photo essay. Be sure that as students think through their opinions they develop workable strategies to pay for any additional public expenditures.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

In contrast, most confl ict theorists stress that schools are agencies for reproducing the capitalist class system and perpetuating inequality in society. From this perspective, education perpetuates poverty. Parents with limited income are not able to provide the same educational opportunities for their children as are families with greater fi nancial resources.

Today, great disparities exist in the distribution of educational resources. Because funding for education comes primarily from local property taxes, school dis- tricts in wealthy suburban areas generally pay higher teachers’ salaries, have newer buildings, and provide state-of-the-art equipment. By contrast, schools in poorer areas have a limited funding base. Students in central-city schools and poverty-stricken rural areas oft en attend dilapidated schools that lack essential equipment and teaching materials. Author Jonathan Kozol (1991, qtd. in Feagin and Feagin, 1994: 191) doc- umented the eff ect of a two-tiered system on students:

Kindergartners are so full of hope, cheerfulness, high expectations. By the time they get into fourth grade, many begin to lose heart. Th ey see the score, under- standing they’re not getting what others are getting. . . . Th ey see suburban schools on television. . . . Th ey begin to get the point that they are not valued much in our society. By the time they are in junior high, they understand it. “We have eyes and we can see; we have hearts and we can feel. . . . We know the diff erence.”

Poverty extracts such a toll that many young people will not have the opportunity to fi nish high school, much less enter college.

Poverty in the United States When many people think about poverty, they think of people who are unemployed or on welfare. How- ever, many hardworking people with full-time jobs live in poverty. Th e U.S. Social Security Administra- tion has established an offi cial poverty line, which is based on what is considered to be the mini- mum amount of money required for living at a subsistence level. Th e poverty level is computed by determining the cost of a minimally nutritious diet

remained high compared to many families’ ability to pay for food, shelter, clothing, and other necessities.

Lack of aff ordable housing is one central problem brought about by economic inequality. Another con- cern is substandard housing, which refers to facili- ties that have inadequate heating, air conditioning, plumbing, electricity, or structural durability. Struc- tural problems—due to faulty construction or lack of adequate maintenance—exacerbate the potential for other problems such as damage from fi re, falling objects, or fl oors and stairways collapsing.

Education Educational opportunities and life chances are directly linked. Some functionalist theo- rists view education as the “elevator” to social mobil- ity. Improvements in the educational achievement levels (measured in number of years of schooling completed) of the poor, people of color, and white women have been cited as evidence that students’ abilities are now more important than their class, race, or gender. From this perspective, inequality in education is declining, and students have an oppor- tunity to achieve upward mobility through achieve- ments at school. Functionalists generally see the education system as fl exible, allowing most students the opportunity to attend college if they apply them- selves (Ballantine and Hammack, 2009).

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▲ Confl ict theorists see schools as agents of the capitalist class system that perpetuate social inequality: Upper-class students are educated in well-appointed environments such as the one shown here, whereas children of the poor tend to go to antiquated schools with limited facilities.

offi cial poverty line the federal income stan- dard that is based on what is considered to be the minimum amount of money required for living at a subsistence level.

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• For Discussion: Ask students to rephrase and discuss the following statement: “In times of change, learners inherit the Earth, while the learned fi nd themselves beautifully equipped to deal with a world that no longer exists” (Eric Hoff er).

• For Discussion: Have students discuss the classic American dream of owning a business as a way out of poverty and a good start for immigrants. Is this option still realistic for most people? What obstacles stand in the way?

(a low-cost food budget on which a family could sur- vive nutritionally on a short-term, emergency basis) and multiplying this fi gure by three to allow for non- food costs. In 2008, 39.8 million people lived below the offi cial government poverty level of $22,207 for a family of four with no children present under the age of 18 (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009). Th e offi cial poverty rate in 2008 was 13.2 percent of the U.S. population, up from 12.5 percent in 2007.

When sociologists defi ne poverty, they distinguish between absolute and relative poverty. Absolute pov- erty exists when people do not have the means to secure the most basic necessities of life. Th is defi - nition comes closest to that used by the federal gov- ernment. Absolute poverty oft en has life-threatening consequences, such as when a homeless person freezes to death on a park bench. By comparison, relative poverty exists when people may be able to aff ord basic necessities but are still unable to maintain an average standard of living. A family must have income substantially above the offi cial poverty line in order to aff ord the basic necessities, even when these are purchased at the lowest possible cost. At about 155 percent of the offi cial poverty line, families could live on an economy budget. What is it like to live on the economy budget? John Schwarz and Th omas Volgy (1992: 43) off er the following distressing description:

Members of families existing on the economy budget never go out to eat, for it is not included in the food budget; they never go out to a movie, concert, or ball game or indeed to any public or private establishment

that charges admission, for there is no entertainment budget; they have no cable television, for the same reason; they never purchase alcohol or cigarettes; never take a vacation or holiday that involves any motel or hotel or, again, any meals out; never hire a baby-sitter or have any other paid child care; never give an allowance or other spending money to the children; never purchase any lessons or home-learn- ing tools for the children; never buy books or records for the adults or children, or any toys, except in the small amounts available for birthday or Christmas presents ($50 per person over the year); never pay for a haircut; never buy a magazine; have no money for the feeding or veterinary care of any pets; and, never spend any money for preschool for the children, or educational trips for them away from home, or any summer camp or other activity with a fee.

Who Are the Poor? Poverty in the United States is not randomly distrib- uted, but rather is highly concentrated according to age and race/ethnicity.

Age Today, children are at a much greater risk of living in poverty than are older persons. In the past, persons over age 65 were at the greatest risk of being poor; however, government programs such as Social Security and pension plans have been indexed for infl ation and thus provide for something closer to an adequate standard of living than do other social welfare programs (see ▼ Figure 7.9). Even so, older

18 to 64 years

Under 18 years

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11.7 percent 9.7 percent

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▲ FIGURE 7.9 POVERTY RATES BY AGE: 1959 TO 2008 Note: The data points are placed at the midpoints of the respective years. Data for people aged 18 to 64 and 65 and older are not available from 1960 to 1965. Source: U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey, 1960 to 2009 Annual Social and Economic Supplements.

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pitied . . . but written off as trash. The twentieth-century consumer economy has produced the fi rst culture for which a beggar is a reminder of nothing” (John Berger).

• For Discussion: Have students discuss why children run a much greater risk of living in poverty than do older persons. Ask them to compile a list of reasons.

• Active Learning: Have students interview historians on campus to compare contemporary poverty to that of ancient history. Have them evaluate this statement: “The poverty of our century is unlike that of any other. It is not, as poverty was before, the result of natural scarcity, but of a set of priorities imposed upon the rest of the world by the rich. Consequently, the modern poor are not

women are twice as likely to be poor as older men; older African Americans and Latinos/as are much more likely to live below the poverty line than are non-Latino/a whites.

As shown in Figure 7.9, the age category most vulnerable to poverty today is the very young. In 2008, both the poverty rate and the number in pov- erty increased for children under 18 years old, rising to 19 percent from 18 percent in 2007. Th e number of children in poverty increased to 14.13 million in 2008, as compared with 13.2 million in 2007 and 12.8 million in 2006. One out of every three persons below the poverty line is under 18 years of age, and a large number of children hover just above the offi - cial poverty line. Th e precarious position of African American and Latino/a children is even more strik- ing. In 2008, almost 35 percent of all African Amer- icans under age 18 lived in poverty; 29 percent of Latino/a children were also poor, as compared with almost 15 percent of non-Latino/a white children (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009).

What do such statistics indicate about the future of our society? Children as a group are poorer now than they were at the beginning of the 1980s, whether they live in one- or two-parent families. Th e majority live in two-parent families in which one or both parents are employed. However, chil- dren in single-parent households headed by women have a much greater likelihood of living in poverty: Approximately 30 percent of white (non-Latino/a) children under age 18 in female-headed households live below the poverty line, as sharply contrasted with more than 50 percent of Latina/o and 49 per- cent of African American children in the same cate- gory (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Mills, 2004). Nor does the future look bright: Many governmental programs established to alleviate childhood poverty and malnutrition have been seriously cut back or eliminated altogether.

Gender About two-thirds of all adults living in poverty are women. In 2008, single-parent families headed by women had a 28.7 percent poverty rate as compared with a 13.8 percent rate for male- householder-with-no-wife-present families and a 5.5 percent rate for two-parent families. Sociolo- gist Diana Pearce (1978) coined a term to describe this problem: Th e feminization of poverty refers to the trend in which women are disproportionately

represented among individuals living in poverty. According to Pearce (1978), women have a higher risk of being poor because they bear the major eco- nomic and emotional burdens of raising children when they are single heads of households but earn between 70 and 80 cents for every dollar a male worker earns. More women than men are unable to obtain regular, full-time, year-round employment, and lack of adequate, aff ordable day care exacerbates this problem.

Does the feminization of poverty explain poverty in the United States today? Is poverty primarily a women’s issue? On the one hand, this thesis high- lights a genuine problem—the link between gen- der and poverty. On the other hand, several major problems exist with this argument. First, women’s poverty is not a new phenomenon. Women have always been more vulnerable to poverty (see Katz, 1989). Second, all women are not equally vulnerable to poverty. Many in the upper and upper- middle classes have the fi nancial resources, education, and skills to support themselves regardless of the pres- ence of a man in the household. Th ird, event-driven poverty does not explain the realities of poverty for many women of color, who instead may experience “reshuffl ed poverty”—a condition of deprivation that follows them regardless of their marital status or the type of family in which they live. Research by Mary Jo Bane (1986; Bane and Ellwood, 1994) dem- onstrates that two out of three African American families headed by a woman were poor before the family event that made the woman a single mother. In addition, the poverty risk for a two-parent Afri- can American family is more than twice that for a white two-parent family.

Finally, poverty is everyone’s problem, not just women’s. When women are impoverished, so are their children. Moreover, many of the poor in our

absolute poverty a level of economic deprivation that exists when people do not have the means to secure the most basic necessities of life.

relative poverty a condition that exists when people may be able to aff ord basic necessities but are still un- able to maintain an average standard of living.

feminization of poverty the trend in which women are disproportionately represented among individuals living in poverty.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Ask students to brainstorm in small groups for ideas about how to make economic opportunity and the American Dream more of a reality for more people in this society. Push students to think of practical and realistic solutions—based on what they have learned from the course thus far.

society are men, especially the chronically unem- ployed, older persons, the homeless, persons with disabilities, and men of color who have spent their adult lives without hope of fi nding work.

Race/Ethnicity According to some stereotypes, most of the poor and virtually all welfare recipi- ents are people of color. However, this stereotype is false; white Americans (non-Latinos/as) account for approximately two-thirds of those below the offi cial poverty line. However, such stereotypes are per- petuated because a disproportionate percentage of the impoverished in the United States is made up of African Americans, Latinos/as, and Native Ameri- cans. About 25 percent of African Americans and 23 percent of Latinas/os were among the offi cially poor in 2008, as compared with 8.6 percent of non- Latino/a whites. Th e poverty rate for Asian Ameri- cans was almost 12 percent (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, and Smith, 2009). Native American poverty rates

are estimated to be as high as 33 percent by some analysts, but this information is not compiled by the U.S. Census Bureau.

Economic and Structural Sources of Poverty Social inequality and poverty have both economic and structural sources. Unemployment is a major cause of contemporary poverty. Tough economic times provide fewer opportunities for individuals to get an entry-level position that may help them to gain a toehold in American society. Massive plant closings and layoff s in various employment sectors contribute to a trickle-down eff ect that causes work- ers in many fi elds throughout the nation to lose their jobs or take severe pay cuts.

Low wages paid for many jobs is another major cause: Half of all families living in poverty are headed by someone who is employed, and one-third of those family heads work full time. A person with full-time employment in a minimum-wage job can- not keep a family of four from sinking below the offi cial poverty line.

Structural problems contribute to both unem- ployment and underemployment. Corporations have been disinvesting in the United States, displacing mil- lions of people from their jobs. Economists refer to this displacement as the deindustrialization of Amer- ica (Bluestone and Harrison, 1982). Even as they have closed their U.S. factories and plants, many corpora- tions have opened new facilities in other countries where “cheap labor” exists because people will, of necessity, work for lower wages. Job deskilling—a reduction in the profi ciency needed to perform a specifi c job that leads to a corresponding reduc- tion in the wages for that job—has resulted from the introduction of computers and other technology (Hodson and Parker, 1988). Th e shift from manu- facturing to service occupations has resulted in the loss of higher-paying positions and their replacement with lower-paying and less-secure positions that do not off er the wages, job stability, or advancement potential of the disappearing manufacturing jobs. Many of the new jobs are located in the suburbs, thus making them inaccessible to central-city residents.

Th e problems of unemployment, underemploy- ment, and poverty-level wages are even greater for people of color and young people in declining central

▲ Many women are among the “working poor,” who, although employed full time, have jobs in service occupations that are typically lower paying and less secure than jobs in other sectors of the labor market. Does the nature of women’s work contribute to the feminization of poverty in the United States?

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• U.S. Census: In 2007 the median annual household income rose 1.3 percent to $50,233.00. The median income per household member (including all working and nonworking members above the age of 14) was $26,036 in 2006. The aggregate income distribution is highly concentrated toward the top, with the top 6.37 percent earning roughly one-third of all income, and those with upper-middle incomes controlling a large, though declining,

• Research: The Sargent Shriver National Center on Poverty Law notes that Iraq and Afghanistan U.S. veterans have “substantially higher rates of unemployment than the general population.” Have students research the economic plight of returning veterans and brainstorm possible solutions to their specialized problems.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

cities. Th e unemployment rate for African Ameri- cans is almost double that of whites (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2007). African Americans have also experienced gender diff erences in employment that may produce diff erent types of economic vulnerabil- ity. African American men who fi nd employment typically earn more than African American women; however, the men’s employment is oft en less secure. In the past few decades, African American men have been more likely to lose their jobs because of declin- ing employment in the manufacturing sector (Bane, 1986; Collins, 1990; Bane and Ellwood, 1994).

Solving the Poverty Problem Th e United States has attempted to solve the poverty problem in several ways. One of the most enduring is referred to as social welfare. When most people think of “welfare,” they think of food stamps and programs such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) or the earlier program it replaced, Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). However, the primary benefi ciaries of social wel- fare programs are not poor. Some analysts estimate that approximately 80 percent of all social welfare benefi ts are paid to people who do not qualify as

“poor.” For example, many recipients of Social Secu- rity are older people in middle- and upper-income categories.

When older persons, including members of Con- gress, accept Social Security payments, they are not stigmatized. Similarly, veterans who receive benefi ts from the Veterans Benefi ts Administration are not viewed as “slackers,” and farmers who profi t because of price supports are not considered to be lazy and unwilling to work. Unemployed workers who receive unemployment compensation are viewed with sym- pathy because of the fi nancial plight of their families. By contrast, poor women and children who receive minimal benefi ts from welfare programs tend to be stigmatized and sometimes humiliated, even when our nation describes itself as having compassion for the less fortunate (see “Sociology Works!”).

Sociological Explanations of Social Inequality in the United States Obviously, some people are disadvantaged as a result of social inequality. Th erefore, is inequality always harmful to society?

Functionalist Perspectives According to the sociologists Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore (1945), inequality is not only inevita- ble but also necessary for the smooth functioning of society. Th e Davis–Moore thesis, which has become the defi nitive functionalist explanation for social inequality, can be summarized as follows:

1. All societies have important tasks that must be accomplished and certain positions that must be fi lled.

2. Some positions are more important for the sur- vival of society than others.

3. Th e most important positions must be fi lled by the most qualifi ed people.

4. Th e positions that are the most important for soci- ety and that require scarce talent, extensive train- ing, or both must be the most highly rewarded.

job deskilling a reduction in the profi ciency needed to perform a specifi c job that leads to a corresponding reduction in the wages for that job.

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▲ This California electronic benefi t transfer (EBT) card represents a modern approach to helping people of limited income purchase groceries. Data-encoded cards such as this one were developed to prevent the trading or selling of traditional food stamps. However, one drawback of this technology is that many of California’s popular farmers’ markets are not able to process EBT cards.

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he fi nds he has added reason for seeking them out, and in turn society is given added assurance that its members will enter into interaction and relationships with one another” (Erving Goff man).

• Research: Talk about some of the structural sources of poverty. As examples, have students research specifi c jobs that have been deskilled in our economy.

share of the total earned income. Income inequality in the United States, which had decreased slowly after World War II until 1970, began to increase slowly in the 1970s, but declined in 2007.

• For Discussion: Have students discuss this statement and its possible relation to social class: “The individual may desire, earn, and deserve deference, but by and large he is not allowed to give it to himself, being forced to seek it from others. In seeking it from others,

5. Th e most highly rewarded positions should be those that are functionally unique (no other position can perform the same function) and on which other positions rely for expertise, direc- tion, or fi nancing.

Davis and Moore use the physician as an example of a functionally unique position. Doctors are very important to society and require extensive training,

but individuals would not be motivated to go through years of costly and stressful medical training without incentives to do so. Th e Davis–Moore thesis assumes that social stratifi cation results in meritocracy— a hierarchy in which all positions are rewarded based on people’s ability and credentials.

Critics have suggested that the Davis–Moore the- sis ignores inequalities based on inherited wealth and intergenerational family status (Rossides, 1986).

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Our society recognizes a moral obligation to provide a helping hand to those in need, but those in poverty have been getting only the back of the hand. They receive little or no public assistance. Instead, they are scolded and told that they have caused their own misfortunes. This is our “compassion gap”—a deep divide between our moral commitments and how we actually treat those in poverty.

In this statement the sociologists Fred Block, Anna C. Korteweg, and Kerry Woodward (2008: 166) describe the contradiction between our nation’s alleged moral commitment to alleviating poverty and how we actually treat people who live in poverty. Children, single mothers with children, and people of color (par- ticularly African Americans and Latinos/as) make up a dispro- portionate segment of the nation’s poorest groups, and individ- uals in these categories are the persons most disadvantaged by arguments asserting that the poor have no one but themselves to blame for their poverty.

Numerous sociological studies regarding wealth and pov- erty demonstrate how structural factors contribute to the ability of some individuals to achieve the American Dream whereas others are hampered in achieving that goal by fac- tors that are beyond their control. Yet, according to the Eco- nomic Mobility Project, policy makers do little to alleviate poverty in the United States because of the widely held be- lief that the American Dream should provide everyone with equality of opportunity but not necessarily equality of out- come: “The belief in America as a land of opportunity may also explain why rising inequality in the United States has yielded so little in terms of responsiveness from policy makers: if the American Dream is alive and well, then there is no need for government intervention to smooth the rough edges of capi- talism. Diligence and skill, the argument goes, will yield a fair

distribution of rewards” (Pew Charitable Trusts, 2007). Howev- er, research continues to reveal that structural factors beyond the control of individuals are important in determining where a person’s place will be in the U.S. class system.

Can we keep the American Dream alive for all? According to Block, Korteweg, and Woodward (2008), we must take a number of specifi c steps to revitalize the American Dream for more people in this country and to reverse the compassion gap. We must make people aware of how far social reality has departed from the ideals of the American Dream. As a nation, we must also take action to deal with the costs of four criti- cal services that have risen much more rapidly than people’s wages and the rate of infl ation. These four critical services are health care, higher education, high-quality child care, and hous- ing. As sociologists and other social analysts have suggested, if we as a nation are to claim that we have a commitment to compassion, we must make it our collective responsibility to help remove the structural barriers that currently reduce opportunities, mobility, and a chance for a better way of life for millions of Americans: “True compassion requires that we build a society in which every person has a fi rst chance, a second chance, and, if needed, a third and fourth chance, to achieve the American Dream. We . . . need to use every in- strument we have—faith groups, unions, community groups, and most of all government programs—to address the struc- tural problems that reproduce poverty in our affl uent society” (Block, Korteweg, and Woodward, 2008: 175).

refl ect & analyze Consider the area where you live. Do you know of people there whose situations could be improved if they were given a greater opportunity to take charge of their lives? How could such a change happen?

Reducing Structural Barriers to Achieving the American Dream

sociology works! 238

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• For Discussion: Ask the class, according to confl ict theorists, which occupational categories make up the working class? Would functionalists agree with this categorization? Why or why not?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Active Learning: Assign your students to small groups, and have them design a model meritocracy in which all positions are rewarded based on people’s ability and credentials. Ask each group these questions: What kinds of ability would you reward most highly? Least? What types of credentials are most important for the society? Least?

Th e thesis assumes that economic rewards and pres- tige are the only eff ective motivators for people and fails to take into account other intrinsic aspects of work, such as self-fulfi llment (Tumin, 1953). It also does not adequately explain how such a reward sys- tem guarantees that the most qualifi ed people will gain access to the most highly rewarded positions.

Confl ict Perspectives From a confl ict perspective, people with economic and political power are able to shape and distribute the rewards, resources, privileges, and opportunities in society for their own benefi t. Confl ict theorists do not believe that inequality serves as a motivating force for people; they argue that powerful individuals and groups use ideology to maintain their favored positions at the expense of others. Core values in the United States emphasize the importance of material posses- sions, hard work, individual initiative to get ahead, and behavior that supports the existing social structure. Th ese same values support the prevailing resource dis- tribution system and contribute to social inequality.

Are wealthy people smarter than others? Accord- ing to confl ict theorists, certain stereotypes suggest that this is the case; however, the wealthy may actu- ally be “smarter” than others only in the sense of having “chosen” to be born to wealthy parents from

whom they could inherit assets. Confl ict theorists also note that laws and informal social norms sup- port inequality in the United States. For the fi rst half of the twentieth century, both legalized and institu- tionalized segregation and discrimination reinforced employment discrimination and produced higher levels of economic inequality. Although laws have been passed to make these overt acts of discrimina- tion illegal, many forms of discrimination still exist in educational and employment opportunities.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Symbolic interactionists focus on microlevel concerns and usually do not analyze larger structural factors that contribute to inequality and poverty. However, many signifi cant insights on the eff ects of wealth and poverty on people’s lives and social interactions can be derived from applying a symbolic interactionist approach. Using qualitative research methods and infl uenced by a symbolic interactionist approach, researchers have collected the personal narratives of people across all social classes, ranging from the wealthiest to the poorest people in the United States.

A few studies provide rare insights into the social interactions between people from vastly divergent class locations. Sociologist Judith Rollins’s (1985) study of the relationship between household work- ers and their employers is one example. Based on in-depth interviews and participant observation, Rollins examined rituals of deference that were oft en demanded by elite white women of their domestic workers, who were frequently women of color. According to the sociologist Erving Goff man (1967), deference is a type of ceremonial activity that functions as a symbolic means whereby appre- ciation is regularly conveyed to a recipient. In fact, deferential behavior between nonequals (such as employers and employees) confi rms the inequality of the relationship and each party’s position in the relationship relative to the other. Rollins identifi ed three types of linguistic deference between domestic workers and their employers: use of the fi rst names of the workers, contrasted with titles and last names (Mrs. Adams, for example) of the employers; use of the term girls to refer to female household workers

meritocracy a hierarchy in which all positions are rewarded based on people’s ability and credentials.

▲ According to a functionalist perspective, people such as these Harvard Law School graduates attain high positions in society because they are the most qualifi ed and they work the hardest. Is our society a meritocracy? How would confl ict theorists answer this question?

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stock market bring about weekly predictions that things are either getting better or becoming worse.

So this brings us to an important fi nal question in this chapter: Will social inequality in the United States increase, decrease, or remain the same in the future? Many social scientists believe that exist- ing trends point to an increase. First, the purchas- ing power of the dollar has stagnated or declined since the early 1970s. As families started to lose ground fi nancially, more family members (espe- cially women) entered the labor force in an attempt to support themselves and their families (Gilbert, 2010). Economist and former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich (1993) has noted that in recent years the employed have been traveling on two escala- tors—one going up and the other going down. Th e gap between the earnings of workers and the income of managers and top executives has widened even in an era when large salaries and even larger bonuses for CEOs have been frowned on by political leaders and everyday people.

Second, wealth continues to become more con- centrated at the top of the U.S. class structure. As the rich have grown richer, more people have found themselves among the ranks of the poor. Th ird, federal tax laws in recent years have benefi ted cor- porations and wealthy families at the expense of mid- dle- and lower-income families, and even if changes are made in the tax code, wealthier individuals and corporations typically fi nd new ways to shelter their incomes. Finally, as previously mentioned, structural sources of upward mobility are shrinking, whereas the rate of downward mobility has increased.

Are we sabotaging our future if we do not work constructively to eliminate poverty? It has been said that a chain is no stronger than its weakest link. If

regardless of their age; and deferential references to employers, such as “Yes, ma’am.” Spatial demeanor, including touching and how close one person stands to another, is an additional factor in deference rituals across class lines. Rollins (1985: 232) concludes that

Th e employer, in her more powerful position, sets the essential tone of the relationship; and that tone . . . is one that functions to reinforce the inequality of the relationship, to strengthen the employer’s belief in the rightness of her advantaged class and racial position, and to provide her with justifi cation for the inegalitarian social system.

Many concepts introduced by the sociologist Erving Goff man (1959, 1967) could be used as springboards for examining microlevel relation- ships between inequality and people’s everyday interactions. What could you learn about class- based inequality in the United States by using a symbolic interactionist approach to examine a set- ting with which you are familiar?

Th e Concept Quick Review summarizes the three major perspectives on social inequality in the United States.

U.S. Stratifi cation in the Future Th e United States is facing one of the greatest eco- nomic challenges it has experienced since the Great Depression, in the 1930s. Although we have strong hopes that the American Dream will remain alive and well, many people are concerned that the current economic slump will create a lack of upward mobil- ity for Americans. Th e nationwide slump in housing and jobs has distressed people across all income lev- els, and rising rates of unemployment and a shift ing

spare me your politics and tell me what you need and how you’re going to get it to these people” (Bob Geldof, Live Aid Founder). “There is a spiritual hunger in the world today—and it cannot be satisfi ed by better cars on longer credit terms” (Adlai Stevenson).

• Table Note: Use the Concept Quick Review table to prepare students for the next exam. Introduce situations of inequality,

• Active Learning: Have students work in small groups to come up with examples of rituals of deference that members of lower social classes give to members of higher classes.

• For Discussion: What keeps people from changing the world? Have students respond to the following statements: “If you can’t feed a hundred people, then just feed one” (Mother Teresa). “It’s really very simple, Governor. When people are hungry they die. So

Sociological Explanations of Social Inequality in the United States

[ concept quick review 7.1 ]

Functionalist perspectives Some degree of social inequality is necessary for the smooth functioning of society (in order to fi ll the most important positions) and thus is inevitable.

Confl ict perspectives Powerful individuals and groups use ideology to maintain their favored positions in society at the expense of others, and wealth is not necessary in order to motivate people.

Symbolic interactionist perspectives The beliefs and actions of people refl ect their class location in society.

opportunities to feed the hungry in your own neighborhoods. What happens to leftover food from your campus cafeterias?

and ask students to use each perspective to construct an explanation.

• PowerLecture: Among its many multimedia teaching resources, this disk also includes the text’s full Instructor’s Resource Manual and Test Bank, both in Microsoft® Word.

• Applied Sociology: Ask leaders from your own campus and community organizations to drop by class and introduce

The great fear among us all is that we are going to have to feed even more people. . . . It’s not enough to just hand food out anymore.

—Robert Egger, director of the nonprofi t Central Kitchen in Washington, D.C. (qtd. in Clines, 1996)

Egger is one of the people responsible for an innovative chef’s training program that feeds hope as well as hunger. At the Cen- tral Kitchen, located in the nation’s capital, staff and guest chefs annually train around 48 homeless persons in three-month- long kitchen-arts courses. While the trainees are learning about food preparation, which will help them get starting jobs in the restaurant industry, they are also helping feed about 3,000 homeless persons each day. Much of the food is prepared using donated goods such as turkeys that people have received as gifts at offi ce parties and given to the kitchen, and leftover food from grocery stores including 7-Eleven stores, restaurants such as Pizza Hut, hotel food services, and college cafeterias. Cen- tral Kitchen got its start using leftovers from President George H. W. Bush’s inaugural banquet in the late 1980s (Clines, 1996). Recently, donated food has gotten a boost from the Good Samaritan law passed in 1996, which exempts nonprofi t orga- nizations and gleaners—volunteers who collect what is left in the fi eld after harvesting—from liability for problems with food that they contribute in good faith (see Burros, 1996).

Can you think of ways that leftover food could be recov- ered from places where you eat so the food could be redistrib- uted to persons in need? Have you thought about suggesting that members of an organization to which you belong might donate their time to help the Salvation Army, Red Cross, or other voluntary organization to collect, prepare, and serve food to others? If you would like to know more,

● “A Citizens Guide to Food Recovery” is available to help individuals participate in food recovery. Call 800-GLEAN-IT, or call the Salvation Army in your com- munity. On the Internet: www.salvationarmy.org

Feeding the Hungry

you can make a diff erence

● WhyHunger has projects such as Reinvesting in Amer- ica that try to end hunger: www.whyhunger.org

● Contact the American Red Cross: www.redcross.org

▲ Many community volunteers try to make a diff erence during holiday seasons by providing food for people who otherwise might have none. Serving dinner for the homeless at a Los Angeles mission is an example. However, some programs empower homeless persons by teaching them kitchen arts so that they can prepare food for themselves and for others.

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we apply this idea to the problem of poverty, then it is to our advantage to see that those who cannot fi nd work or do not have a job that provides a living wage receive adequate training and employment. Innovative programs can combine job training with

producing something useful to meet the immedi- ate needs of people living in poverty. Children of today—the adults of tomorrow—need nutrition, education, health care, and safety as they grow up (see the You Can Make a Diff erence box).

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(1985: 13), if we join in solidarity with the poor, we will “rediscover our own best selves . . . we will regain the vision of America.”

Some social analysts believe that the United States will become a better nation if it attempts to regain the American Dream by attacking poverty. According to the sociologist Michael Harrington

chapter review ● What is social stratifi cation, and how does it

aff ect our daily life?

Social stratifi cation is the hierarchical arrangement of large social groups based on their control over basic resources. People are treated diff erently based on where they are positioned within the social hier- archies of class, race, gender, and age.

● What are the major systems of stratifi cation?

Stratifi cation systems include slavery, caste, and class. Slavery, an extreme form of stratifi cation in which peo- ple are owned by others, is a closed system. Th e caste system is also a closed one in which people’s status is determined at birth based on their parents’ position in society. Th e class system, which exists in the United States, is a type of stratifi cation based on ownership of resources and on the type of work that people do.

● How did classical sociologists such as Karl Marx and Max Weber view social class?

Karl Marx and Max Weber acknowledged social class as a key determinant of social inequality and social change. For Marx, people’s relationship to the means of production determines their class posi- tion. Weber developed a multidimensional con- cept of stratifi cation that focuses on the interplay of wealth, prestige, and power.

● What are some of the consequences of inequality in the United States?

Th e stratifi cation of society into diff erent social groups results in wide discrepancies in income and wealth and in variable access to available goods and services. People with high income or wealth have greater opportunity to control their own lives. People with less income have fewer life chances and must spend their limited resources to acquire basic necessities.

● How do sociologists view poverty?

Sociologists distinguish between absolute poverty and relative poverty. Absolute poverty exists when people do not have the means to secure the basic necessities of life. Relative poverty exists when peo- ple may be able to aff ord basic necessities but still are unable to maintain an average standard of living.

● Who are the poor?

Age, gender, and race tend to be factors in poverty. Children have a greater risk of being poor than do the elderly, and women have a higher rate of poverty than do men. Although whites account for approxi- mately two-thirds of those below the poverty line, people of color account for a disproportionate share of the impoverished in the United States.

● What is the functionalist view on class?

Functionalist perspectives view classes as broad groupings of people who share similar levels of privilege on the basis of their roles in the occupa- tional structure. According to the Davis–Moore thesis, stratifi cation exists in all societies, and some inequality is not only inevitable but also necessary for the ongoing functioning of society. Th e positions that are most important within society and that require the most talent and training must be highly rewarded.

● What is the confl ict view on class?

Confl ict perspectives on class are based on the assumption that social stratifi cation is created and maintained by one group (typically the capitalist class) in order to enhance and protect its own eco- nomic interests. Confl ict theorists measure class according to people’s relationships with others in the production process.

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243 ● What is the symbolic interactionist

view on class?

Unlike functionalist and conflict perspectives that focus on macrolevel inequalities in societ- ies, symbolic interactionist views focus on micro- level inequalities such as how class location may

positively or negatively influence one’s identity and everyday social interactions. Symbolic inter- actionists use terms such as “social cohesion” and “deference” to explain how class binds some indi- viduals together while categorically separating out others.

key terms absolute poverty 234

alienation 214

capitalist class (bourgeoisie) 214

caste system 211

class confl ict 215

class system 214

feminization of poverty 235

income 225

intergenerational mobility 209

intragenerational mobility 210

job deskilling 236

life chances 208

meritocracy 238

offi cial poverty line 233

pink-collar occupations 219

power 217

prestige 216

relative poverty 234

slavery 211

social mobility 209

social stratifi cation 208

socioeconomic status (SES) 217

underclass 220

wealth 216

working class (proletariat) 214

questions for critical thinking 1. Based on the Weberian and Marxian models of

class structure, what is the class location of each of your ten closest friends or acquaintances? What is their location in relationship to yours? To one another’s? What does their location tell you about friendship and social class?

2. Should employment be based on meritocracy, need, or affi rmative action policies?

3. What might happen in the United States if the gap between rich and poor continues to widen?

Watch the CBS video Economic Meltdown (running time 2:22), available through CengageBrain.com. This video asks the question, Will the new economic realities change the way Americans looks at money and possessions? As you watch the video, think about your own attitudes toward money and possessions before the recession—

was there anything “excessive” about the way you lived then? After you’ve watched the video, consider these questions: Do you believe Americans have undergone a cultural shift in regard to personal fi nances? Why or why not?

turning to video

Go to .com to access online homework and study resources such as Aplia or CourseMate, which include a searchable, interactive eBook version of the text and more!

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Marathon running has taken me a long way from my roots in the small town of Baringo in Kenya’s Rift Valley. I grew up knowing what it was like to be poor and hungry. Whenever I come to London or other cities in the developed world to compete in marathons, I enter a diff erent universe where choice, opulence and opportunity characterize people’s lives.

It has been fascinating to follow the debate in Britain about school meals. I have listened to the arguments about whether children should be allowed to eat Turkey Twizzlers, or beefburgers and chips. I wish it could be the same the world over. While nutrition is a serious matter for any child, for me and my classmates [in Kenya] it was never really a case of what we might

choose to eat, but rather whether we would eat at all.

Most kids in Baringo had to help their families earn a living. Education was out of the question or, at best, something only one child in the family could pursue. For the lucky ones like me, who could go to school, the three- mile trek each morning on an empty stomach made it diffi cult, and sometimes impossible, to concentrate on lessons.

When I was eight, that changed. The United Nations began distributing food at the schools in the area and a heavy burden was lifted from our shoulders. My friends and I no longer worried about being hungry in class. We ate a

Global Stratifi cation

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▲ The success story of marathon world- record-holder Paul Tergat, who grew up poor and hungry, calls our attention to issues of global stratifi cation and inequality.

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Chapter Focus Question

How do global stratifi cation and economic inequality aff ect the life

chances of people around the world?

simple meal each day and could stay focused during lessons. . . . I often ask myself: without the benefi t of school meals, would I have become a literate, healthy, successful long-distance runner? —Paul Tergat (2005), a marathon world record holder and winner of two silver Olympic medals, describing his early childhood, marked by poverty and hunger in Kenya

M arathoner Paul Tergat speaks for mil-lions of people around the world who have experienced poverty and hunger, and he continues to be a spokesperson for hungry children. Tergat encourages others to get involved in campaigns against hunger, illiteracy, pollution, homelessness, and other problems that limit people’s life chances and opportunities. He also highlights the fact that although students in high- income nations have many food choices, some of which may be bad for them, students in low-income nations have very little food and extremely limited choices in life without intervention from the outside (Hattori, 2006).

Regardless of where people live in the world, social and economic inequalities are pressing daily concerns. Poverty and inequality know no political boundaries or national borders. In this chapter, we examine global stratifi cation and inequality, and discuss perspectives that have been developed to explain the nature and extent of this problem. Before reading on, test your knowledge of global wealth and poverty by the taking the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz.

Wealth and Poverty in Global Perspective What do we mean by global stratifi cation? Global stratifi cation refers to the unequal distribution of wealth, power, and prestige on a global basis, resulting in people having vastly diff erent life- styles and life chances both within and among

the nations of the world. Just as the United States is divided into classes, the world is divided into unequal segments character- ized by extreme diff erences in wealth and poverty. For example, the income gap between the richest and the poorest 20 percent of the world population continues to widen (see ▼ Figure 8.1). However, when we compare social and economic inequal- ity within other nations, we fi nd gaps that are more pro- nounced than they are in the United States.

As previously defi ned, high- income countries are nations characterized by highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administrative, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and per capita (per person) income. In contrast, middle-income countries are nations with industrializing economies, particularly in urban areas, and moderate levels of national and per- sonal income. Low-income countries are primarily

global stratifi cation the unequal distribution of wealth, power, and prestige on a global basis, resulting in people having vastly diff erent lifestyles and life chanc- es both within and among the nations of the world.

In this chapter ● Wealth and Poverty

in Global Perspective

● Problems in Studying Global Inequality

● Classifi cation of Economies by Income

● Measuring Global Wealth and Poverty

● Global Poverty and Human Development Issues

● Theories of Global Inequality

● Global Inequality in the Future

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• PowerLecture: The PowerLecture disk provides numerous teaching resources for this chapter, including PowerPoint® slides,

videos, PowerPoint® and JPEG image libraries, and JoinIn clicker questions.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

agrarian nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income. Within some nations, the poorest one-fi ft h of the popula- tion has an income that is only a slight fraction of the overall average per capita income for that coun- try. For example, in Brazil, Bolivia, and Honduras, less than 3 percent of total national income accrues to the poorest one-fi ft h of the population (World Bank, 2005).

Just as the diff erences between the richest and poorest people in the world have increased, the gap in global income diff erences between rich and poor countries has continued to widen over the past fi ft y years. In 1960, the wealthiest 20 percent of the world population had more than thirty times the income of the poorest 20 percent. By 2000, the wealthiest 20 percent of the world population had almost sev- enty-fi ve times the income of the poorest 20 percent (United Nations Development Programme, 2008).

Income disparities within countries were even more pronounced.

Dramatic changes in the global economy in recent years have brought about an economic crisis that aff ects all of the nations of the world; however, this fi nancial crisis had its origins in the United States, where a real estate asset bubble, fed by a boom in subprime mortgage lending, burst. At the same time, a number of major banks experienced liquid- ity and solvency problems. Prior to the 2008 global crisis, economic growth had been strong across many low- and middle-income countries even though the growth rate for high-income nations had continued to move downward. As a result of these economic problems, many analysts believe that the world may experience a global recession that will greatly aff ect rich and poor nations alike. As is gen- erally true, however, they believe that the poorer nations will bear the larger impact of the fi nancial

1990 20001980 Year

19701960 $1

$30

$70

Richest 20% of the world’s population

Poorest 20% of the world’s population

▲ FIGURE 8.1 INCOME GAP BETWEEN THE WORLD’S RICHEST AND POOREST PEOPLE The income gap between the richest and poorest people in the world continued to grow between 1960 and 2000. As this fi gure shows, in 1960 the highest-income 20 percent of the world’s population received $30 for each dollar received by the lowest-income 20 percent. By 2000, the disparity had increased: $74 to $1. Sources: International Monetary Fund, 1992; United Nations Development Programme, 2003.

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• For Discussion: Have students come up with their own defi nitions of global stratifi cation, and discuss how it contributes to economic inequality.

• Global Perspective: “Foreign aid has at times been a spectacular success. Botswana and the Republic of Korea in the 1960s, Indonesia in the 1970s, Bolivia and Ghana in the late 1980s, and Uganda and Vietnam in the 1990s are all examples of countries

• Global Perspective: “Kenya’s free and compulsory education system has increased gross enrollment rates to over 90 percent nationally. But poor children still cannot aff ord to attend school; 9 out of 10 children from poor households fail to complete their basic education. School dropout rates are increasing, especially in drought-aff ected areas” (UNICEF). Ask students what these facts indicate about the challenges of global stratifi cation.

crisis. For example, low-income economies are the most vulnerable to potential losses of offi cial aid, pay for workers, and foreign direct investment. Th e slowdown in trade harms low-income nations such as Nigeria, Mongolia, Papua New Guinea, and Zimbabwe, which export commodities to middle- and high-income nations. According to the World Bank (2009), the global economic crisis may trap 46 million more people below the poverty line, which this organization now defi nes as living on less than $1.25 per day (the previous poverty line was $1.00 per day). An additional 53 million people will be living on less than $2.00 a day. Overall, nearly 40 percent of low- and middle- income nations are highly exposed to the poverty eff ects of this crisis, and most of them do not have the ability to raise funds within their own economies or from interna- tional fi nancial sources to reduce the severe eff ects that this downturn will have on their economies and on the lives of their people.

Many people have sought to address the issue of world poverty and to determine ways in which resources can be used to meet the urgent challenge of poverty. However, not much progress has been made on this front despite a great deal of talk and

billions of dollars in “foreign aid” fl owing from high- income nations to low-income nations. Th e idea of “development” has become the primary means used in attempts to reduce social and economic inequali- ties and alleviate the worst eff ects of poverty in the less industrialized nations of the world. Oft en, the nations that have not been able to reduce or elimi- nate poverty are chastised for not making the neces- sary social and economic reforms to make change possible (Myrdal, 1970). Or, as another social ana- lyst has suggested,

Th e problem of inequality lies not in poverty, but in excess. “Th e problem of the world’s poor,” defi ned more accurately, turns out to be “the problem of the world’s rich.” Th is means that the solution to the problem is not a massive change in the culture of poverty so as to place it on the path of development, but a massive change in the culture of superfl uity in order to place it on the path of counterdevelopment. It does not call for a new value system forcing the world’s majority to feel shame at their traditionally moderate consumption habits, but for a new value system forcing the world’s rich to see the shame and vulgarity of their overconsumption habits, and

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True False

T F 1. Poverty has been increasing in the United States but decreasing in other nations because of globalization. T F 2. The assets of the 200 richest people are more than the combined income of over 40 percent of the world’s

population. T F 3. More than one billion people worldwide live below the international poverty line, earning less than $1.25 each day. T F 4. Although poverty is a problem in most areas of the world, relatively few people die of causes arising from

poverty. T F 5. In low-income countries, the problem of poverty is unequally shared between men and women. T F 6. The majority of people with incomes below the poverty line live in urban areas of the world. T F 7. Most analysts agree that the World Bank was created to serve the poor of the world and their borrowing

governments. T F 8. Poor people in low-income countries meet most of their energy needs by burning wood, dung, and agricul-

tural wastes, which increases health hazards and environmental degradation.

Answers on page 248.

How Much Do You Know About Global Wealth and Poverty?

sociology and everyday life 247

• Active Learning: Divide students into smaller groups, and ask them to identify some contemporary dynamics to which this description might apply: “The horror of class stratifi cation, racism, and prejudice is that some people begin to believe that the security of their families and communities depends on the oppression of others, that for some to have good lives there must be others whose lives are truncated and brutal” (Dorothy Allison).

that have gone from crisis to rapid development. On the fl ip side, foreign aid has also been, at times, an unmitigated failure. While the former Zaire’s Mobuto Sese Seko was reportedly amassing one of the world’s largest personal fortunes (invested, naturally, outside his own country), decades of large-scale foreign assistance left not a trace of progress (World Bank).

the double vulgarity of standing on other people’s shoulders to achieve those consumption habits. (Lummis, 1992: 50)

As this statement suggests, the increasing interde- pendence of all the world’s nations was largely over- looked or ignored until increasing emphasis was placed on the global marketplace and the global economy. In addition, there are a number of prob- lems inherent in studying global stratifi cation, one of which is what terminology should be used to describe various nations.

Problems in Studying Global Inequality One of the primary problems encountered by social scientists studying global stratifi cation and social and economic inequality is what terminology should be used to refer to the distribution of resources in

various nations. During the past fi ft y years, major changes have occurred in the way that inequality is addressed by organizations such as the United Nations and the World Bank. Most defi nitions of inequality are based on comparisons of levels of income or economic development, whereby coun- tries are identifi ed in terms of the “three worlds” or upon their levels of economic development.

The “Three Worlds” Approach Aft er World War II, the terms “First World,” “Sec- ond World,” and “Th ird World” were introduced by social analysts to distinguish among nations on the basis of their levels of economic development and the standard of living of their citizens. First World nations were said to consist of the rich, industrial- ized nations that primarily had capitalist economic systems and democratic political systems. Th e most frequently noted First World nations were the United

1. False. In the twenty-fi rst century, the income gap between the richest and poorest has increased on a global basis as well as in the United States.

2. True. Assets of the 200 richest people are more than the combined income of 41 percent of the world’s population (United Nations Development Programme, 2003).

3. True. The World Bank estimates that more than 1.4 billion people worldwide live below the international poverty line, which is defi ned as earning less than $1.25 each day (World Bank, 2009).

4. False. One of the consequences of extreme poverty is hunger, and millions of people—including 6 million children under the age of 5 years—die of hunger-related diseases or chronic malnutrition each year (PBS, 2008).

5. True. In almost all low-income countries (as well as middle- and high-income countries), poverty is a more chronic problem for women due to sexual discrimination, resulting in a lack of educational and employment opportunities (Hauchler and Kennedy, 1994).

6. False. Although the number of poor people residing in urban areas is growing rapidly, the majority of people with incomes below the poverty line live in rural areas of the world (United Nations DPCSD, 1997).

7. False. Some analysts point out the linkages between the World Bank and the transnational corporate sector in both the borrowing and lending ends of its operation. Although the bank is supposedly owned by its members’ govern- ments and lends money only to governments, many of its projects involve vast fi nancial dealings with transnational construction companies, consulting fi rms, and procurement contractors (see Korten, 1996).

8. True. Although these fuels are ineffi cient and harmful to health, many low-income people cannot aff ord appliances, connection charges, and so forth. In some areas, electric hookups are not available (United Nations DPCSD, 1997).

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Global Wealth and Poverty

sociology and everyday life 248

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• Global Perspective: Focus on specifi c countries from the “three worlds” approach. Give a brief cultural and economic summary of Japan, Russia, and Ecuador. Emphasize the role that geopolitical and economic stratifi cation have in the history and future of these nations.

• Applied Sociology: The World Health Organization is the United Nations’ specialized agency for health. It was established on April 7, 1948. WHO’s objective, as set out in its constitution, is the attainment

• For Discussion: Which answers to the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz did most students tend to miss? Ask students to talk out loud about why they answered in the way they did. Find out where their misconceptions came from, and use this information as a starting point for some of your lectures.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

States, Canada, Japan, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand. Second World nations were said to be countries with at least a moderate level of economic development and a moderate standard of living. Th ese nations included China, North Korea, Viet- nam, Cuba, and portions of the former Soviet Union. According to social analysts, although the quality of life in Second World nations was not comparable to that of life in the First World, it was far greater than that of people living in the Th ird World—the poorest countries, with little or no industrialization and the lowest standards of living, shortest life expectancies, and highest rates of mortality.

The Levels of Development Approach Among the most controversial terminology used for describing world poverty and global stratifi ca- tion has been the language of development. Ter- minology based on levels of development includes concepts such as developed nations, developing nations, less-developed nations, and underdevelop- ment. Let’s look fi rst at the contemporary origins of the idea of “underdevelopment” and “underdevel- oped nations.”

Following World War II, the concepts of under- development and underdeveloped nations emerged out of the Marshall Plan (named aft er U.S. Secre- tary of State George C. Marshall), which provided massive sums of money in direct aid and loans to rebuild the European economic base destroyed dur- ing World War II. Given the Marshall Plan’s success in rebuilding much of Europe, U.S. political leaders decided that the Southern Hemisphere nations that had recently been released from European colo- nialism could also benefi t from a massive fi nancial infusion and rapid economic development. Leaders of the developed nations argued that urgent prob- lems such as poverty, disease, and famine could be reduced through the transfer of fi nance, technol- ogy, and experience from the developed nations to lesser-developed countries. From this viewpoint, economic development is the primary way to solve the poverty problem: Hadn’t economic growth brought the developed nations to their own high standard of living?

Ideas regarding underdevelopment were popular- ized by President Harry S Truman in his 1949 inau- gural address. According to Truman, the nations in the Southern Hemisphere were “underdeveloped

areas” because of their low gross national product, which today is referred to as gross national income (GNI)—a term that refers to all the goods and services produced in a country in a given year, plus the net income earned outside the country by individuals or corporations. If nations could increase their GNI, then social and economic inequality among the citizens within the coun- try could also be reduced. Accordingly, Truman believed that it was necessary to assist the people of economically underdeveloped areas to raise their stan- dard of living, by which he meant mate- rial well-being that can be measured by the quality of goods and services that may be purchased by the per cap- ita national income. Th us, an increase in the standard of living meant that a nation was moving toward economic development, which typically included the improved exploitation of natural resources by industrial development.

▲ Vast inequalities in income and lifestyle are evident in this photo of slums and nearby higher-priced housing in Mumbai, India. What visible patterns of economic inequality exist in the United States?

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more friends and better enemies. Foreign assistance is national security—not charity. The Marshall Plan saw it that way and we have to do the same today” (President Bill Clinton). Ask your students to brainstorm ideas for eff ective applications of foreign aid.

• Extra Examples: Pull out the maps to demonstrate diff erent regions of economic development. Show where fi rst-, second-, and third-world countries historically have been geographically

by all peoples of the highest possible level of health. Health is defi ned in WHO’s constitution as a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infi rmity. Have students fi nd examples of WHO work in the news.

• Historical Perspective: “You have to have a positive strategy to make more partners and fewer terrorists. Harry Truman and George Marshall took a little bit of our money to build a world that had

What has happened to the issue of development since the post–World War II era? Aft er several decades of eco- nomic development fostered by organi- zations such as the United Nations and the World Bank, it became apparent by the 1970s that improving a country’s GNI did not tend to reduce the poverty of the poorest people in that country. In fact, global poverty and inequality were increasing, and the initial optimism of a speedy end to underdevelopment faded.

Why did inequality increase even with greater economic development? Some analysts in the developed nations began to link growing social and eco- nomic inequality on a global basis to relatively high rates of population growth taking place in the underdevel- oped nations. Organizations such as the United Nations and the World Health Organization stepped up their eff orts to provide family planning services to the populations so that they could control their own fertility. More recently, how- ever, population researchers have become aware that issues such as population growth, economic development, and environmental problems must be seen as interdependent concerns. Th is changing perception culminated in the U.N. Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (the “Earth Summit”), in 1992; as a result, terms such as underdevelopment have largely been dropped in favor of measurements such as sustain- able development, and economies are now classifi ed by their levels of income.

Classifi cation of Economies by Income Today, the World Bank (2009) focuses on three development themes: people, the environment, and the economy. Because the World Bank’s primary business is providing loans and policy advice to low- and middle-income member countries, it clas- sifi es nations into three major economic categories: low-income economies (a GNI per capita of $935 or less in 2007), middle-income economies (a GNI per

capita between $936 and $11,455 in 2007), and high- income economies (a GNI per capita of $11,456 or more in 2007).

Low-Income Economies About half the world’s population lives in the forty- nine low-income economies, where most people engage in agricultural pursuits, reside in nonurban areas, and are impoverished (World Bank, 2005). As shown in ▼ Map 8.1, low-income economies are pri- marily found in countries in Asia and Africa, where half of the world’s population resides.

Among those most aff ected by poverty in low- income economies are women and children. Mayra Buvinić, who has served as chief of the women in development program unit at the Inter-American Development Bank, describes the plight of one Nigerian woman as an example:

On the outskirts of Ibadan, Nigeria, Ade cultivates a small, sparsely planted plot with a baby on her back and other visibly undernourished children nearby. Her eff orts to grow an improved soybean variety, which could have improved her children’s

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▲ Global inequality is most striking in nations that are sometimes referred to as “Third World” or “underdeveloped.” In this Wenzhou, China, shoe factory, workers produce shoes only for export to other countries.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Research: The World Bank’s analytical income categories (low-, middle-, high-income) are based on the bank’s operational lending categories (civil works preferences, IDA eligibility, etc.). These operational guidelines were established three decades ago, based on the view that since poorer countries deserve better conditions

situated on the globe. Find older maps of the British Empire and of the Cold War communist countries for comparison.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #9 Multicultural, Cross- Cultural, and Cross-National Content

• For Discussion: Have students brainstorm more examples of the feminization of poverty. Discuss the ways that global stratifi cation and gender are linked.

diet, failed because she lacked the extra time to tend the new crop, did not have a spouse who would help her, and could not aff ord hired labor. (Buvinić, 1997: 38)

According to Buvinić, Ade’s life is typical of many women worldwide who face obstacles to increas- ing their economic power because they do not have the time to invest in the additional work that could bring in more income. Also, many poor women worldwide do not have access to commer- cial credit and have been trained only in tradition- ally female skills that produce low wages. Th ese factors have contributed to the global feminiza- tion of poverty, whereby women around the world tend to be more impoverished than men. Despite the fact that women have made some gains in terms of well-being, the income gap between men and women continues to grow wider in the low- income, developing nations as well as in the high- income, developed nations such as the United States (Buvinić, 1997).

Middle-Income Economies About one-third of the world’s population resides in the ninety-fi ve nations with middle-income economies (a GNI per capita between $936 and $11,455 in 2007). Th e World Bank divides middle- income economies into lower-middle-income ($936 to $3,705) and upper-middle-income ($3,706 to $11,455). Countries classifi ed as lower-middle- income include the Latin American nations of Bolivia, Columbia, Guatemala, and El Salvador. However, even though these countries are referred to as “middle-income,” more than half of the people residing in countries such as Bolivia, Guatemala, and Honduras live in poverty, defi ned as below $1.25 per day in purchasing power (World Bank, 2009). In recent years, millions of people have migrated from the world’s poorest nations in hopes of fi nding better economic conditions elsewhere. However, many of these migrants remain impoverished as they primar- ily move between lower- and middle-income econo- mies (see the Sociology in Global Perspective box).

Low-income ($935 or less in 2007) economies Lower-middle-income ($936 to $3,705 in 2007) economies

Upper-middle-income ($3,706 to $11,455 in 2007) economies

High-income ($11,456 or more in 2007) economies

Asia

Equator

EuropeGreenland

North America

South America Australia

Africa

▲ MAP 8.1 HIGH-, MIDDLE-, AND LOW-INCOME ECONOMIES IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE How does the United States compare with other nations with regard to income? Source: World Bank, 2009.

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #9 Multicultural, Cross- Cultural, and Cross-National Content

• For Discussion: Have students discuss whether or not the following description applies to their communities: “The big majority of Americans, who are comparatively well off , have developed an ability to have enclaves of people living in the greatest misery without almost noticing them” (Gunnar Myrdal).

from the bank, comparative estimates of economic capacity needed to be established.

• Extra Examples: List and describe the human development indicators used by the United Nations to understand global poverty. Why are these indicators considered good measures? How can they be misleading?

We are forced to come back here—not because we like it, but because we are poor. When we cross the border, we are a little better off . We are able to buy shoes and maybe a chicken.

—Anes Moises explaining why he and many other Haitian migrants face continual hardships so that they can live and work in the Dominican Republic (qtd. in DeParle, 2007: A1)

In the Dominican Republic, Anes Moises works in the banana fi elds and earns six times as much money as he would in his homeland of Haiti. For Anes and the more than 74 million “south-to-south” migrants—people who have moved from one developing country to another—even marginal gains in money and quality of life are important. As one journal- ist described the living conditions of Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic, “The scrap-wood shanties on a muddy hillside are a poor man’s promised land” (DeParle, 2007: A1). Although we hear much more about the 82 million migrants who have moved “south to north”—from a lower-income nation to a country with a high-income economy—the lived experiences of “south-to-south” migrants are also important in understanding global wealth and poverty in the twenty- fi rst century (Ratha and Shaw, 2007).

What are the typical characteristics of people who move from one poor nation to a slightly less poor one? Do their eff orts make a diff erence in their economic status? Recent studies have found that south-to-south migrants are often poorer than individuals who migrate from lower-income to high- income nations. South-to-south migrants are also more likely to travel without proper documentation and be more vulnerable to unscrupulous people and to apprehension by law enforcement offi cials than are south-to-north migrants (Ratha and Shaw, 2007). Many south-to-south migrants send money back home to extremely poor family members who reside in remote rural areas. Some analysts estimate that the

Marginal Migration: Moving to a Less-Poor Nation

sociology in global perspective

money sent by these migrants has a signifi cant economic im- pact on the lives of people in the poorest nations of the world. For example, Haitians residing in the Dominican Republic typi- cally send about $135 million a year to relatives back home (DeParle, 2007: A16). Ironically, numerous jobs are available for Haitians in the Dominican Republic because many Dominicans have migrated to the United States (south-to-north migration) in hopes of fi nding better jobs and higher wages. We can iden- tify similar patterns that exist across many nations as some individuals migrate to high-income economies while others move from a very poor country to a slightly less poor one:

Nicaraguans build Costa Rican buildings. Paraguayans pick Argentine crops. Nepalis dig Indian mines. Indonesians clean Malaysian homes. Farm hands from Burkina Faso tend the fi elds in Ivory Coast. Some save for the more expensive journeys north, while others fi nd the move from one poor land to another all they will ever aff ord. With rich countries tightening their borders, migration within the developing world is likely to grow. (DeParle, 2007: A16)

A comparison of the 2007 average per capita income of several nations shows why south-to-south migration will no doubt continue in the future (based on New York Times, 2007b: A16):

● Haiti ($480) to the Dominican Republic ($2,850) ● Nicaragua ($1,000) to El Salvador ($2,540) ● Guatemala ($2,640) to Mexico ($7,870) ● Columbia ($2,740) to Panama ($4,890)

refl ect & analyze How do these fi gures compare with what migrants might gain from moving to the United States or other nations with high-income economies? Does this information provide us with new insights on the nature and extent of global stratifi cation and inequality as they aff ect people living in the United States? Why or why not?

252

Other lower-middle-income economies include Russia, Romania, and Kazakhstan. Th ese nations had centrally planned (i.e., socialist) economies until dramatic political and economic changes occurred in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Since then, these nations have been going through a transition to a

market economy. According to the World Bank (2005), some nations have been more successful than others in implementing key elements of change and bringing about a higher standard of living for their citizens. Among other factors, high rates of infl ation, the growing gap between the rich and the

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progress makes whole categories of people useless without making it possible to support them with the wealth produced by the progress” (Jacques Ellul). Have students respond based on their own experiences. What are some solutions to this problem?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #8 The Centrality of Race, Class, and Gender in Society and Sociological Analysis

• Quote, Unquote: “Technological society leads to increasing numbers of people who cannot adapt to the inhuman rhythm of modern life with its emphasis on specialization. . . . Technological

poor, low life-expectancy rates, and homeless chil- dren have been visible signs of problems in the tran- sition toward a free-market economy in countries such as Russia.

As compared with lower-middle-income econo- mies, nations having upper-middle-income econo- mies typically have a somewhat higher standard of living and export diverse goods and services, ranging from manufactured goods to raw materi- als and fuels. Nations with upper-middle-income economies include Argentina, Chile, Hungary, Mexico, and Saudi Arabia. Although these nations are referred to as middle-income economies, many of them have extremely high levels of indebted- ness, leaving them with few resources for fi ghting poverty. According to one analyst, “A major cause of debt accumulation was investment in ill-consid- ered, ill-conceived projects, many involving bloated capital costs and healthy doses of graft ” (George, 1993: 88). Additional debts also accrued through military spending, even though a sizable portion of some populations is living in hunger and misery (George, 1993). Th e World Bank sought to set up funds to reduce the debts of some nations that have debts in excess of 200 to 250 percent of their annual export earnings. However, some high-income nations believed that such an action on the part of the World Bank might set a dangerous precedent, so the debt-reduction process was limited in scope (Lewis, 1996).

As middle-income nations have been required to make payments on their debts, the requisite struc- tural adjustments have necessitated that the coun- tries make spending cuts in areas that formerly helped some of the poor, including subsidized food, education, and health care. Th ese structural adjustments have been required in agreements with lending agencies such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Th us, there is a high rate of poverty in many countries that are classifi ed as middle-income economies.

High-Income Economies High-income economies are found in sixty-fi ve nations, including the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia, Portugal, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Norway, and Germany. Nations recently moving into the high-income category include Equatorial Guinea,

Hungary, Omar, and the Slovak Republic. High- income economies are defi ned by the World Bank as having a gross national income per capita of $11,456 or more. According to the World Bank, people in high-income economies typically have a higher stan- dard of living than those in low- and middle-income economies. Nations with high-income economies continue to dominate the world economy, despite the fact that shift s in the global marketplace have aff ected some workers who have found themselves without work due to capital fl ight—the movement of jobs and economic resources from one nation to another—and deindustrialization—the closing of plants and factories because of their obsolescence or the fact that workers in other nations are being hired to do the work more cheaply.

Some of the nations that have been in the high- income category do not have as high a rate of annual economic growth as the newly industrializing nations, particularly in East Asia and Latin Amer- ica, that are still in the process of development. Th e only signifi cant group of middle- and lower-income economies to close the gap with the high-income, industrialized economies over the past few decades has been the nations of East Asia. China has expe- rienced a 270 percent increase in per capita income over the past twenty years.

Despite economic growth, the East Asian region remains home to approximately 350 million poor people. And from all signs, it appears that nations such as India will continue to have an extremely large population and rapid annual growth rates. (Th e Concept Quick Review describes economies classifi ed by income.)

Measuring Global Wealth and Poverty On a global basis, measuring wealth and poverty is a diffi cult task because of conceptual problems and problems in acquiring comparable data from vari- ous nations. Although gross national income con- tinues to be one of the most widely used measures of national income, in recent years the United Nations and the World Bank have begun to use the gross domestic product (GDP). Th e gross domestic prod- uct is all the goods and services produced within a country’s economy during a given year. Unlike the

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• Table Note: Use the Concept Quick Review to quiz the class on their grasp of other related characteristics not listed in this chart.

GNI, the GDP does not include any income earned by individuals or corporations if the revenue comes from sources outside of the country. For example, using GDP as a measure of economic growth, a World Bank report concluded that nations such as China, India, and Indonesia were well on their way to becoming “economic powerhouses” in the next twenty-fi ve years. However, some scholars criticize the assumption that economic development always benefi ts low-income nations and that poor nations can and should play “catch-up” with the wealthy, industrialized nations.

Absolute, Relative, and Subjective Poverty How is poverty defi ned on a global basis? Isn’t it more a matter of comparison than an absolute standard? According to social scientists, defi ning poverty involves more than comparisons of personal or household income; it also involves social judg- ments made by researchers. From this point of view, absolute poverty—previously defi ned as a condition in which people do not have the means to secure the most basic necessities of life—would be mea- sured by comparing personal or household income

or expenses with the cost of buying a given quantity of goods and services. Th e World Bank has defi ned absolute poverty as living on less than $1.25 a day. Similarly, relative poverty—which exists when people may be able to aff ord basic necessities but are still unable to maintain an average stan- dard of living—would be measured by comparing one person’s income with the incomes of others. Finally, subjec- tive poverty would be measured by comparing the actual income against the income earner’s expectations and perceptions. However, for low-income nations in a state of economic tran- sition, data on income and levels of consumption are typically diffi cult to obtain and are oft en ambiguous when they are available. Defi ning levels of poverty involves several dimen- sions: (1) how many people are poor,

Classifi cation of Economies by Income

[ concept quick review 8.1 ]

Low-Income Middle-Income High-Income Economies Economies Economies

Previous categorization Third World, Second World, First World, underdeveloped developing developed

2007 per capita income (GNI) $935 or less $936–$11,455 $11,456 or more

Type of economy Largely agricultural Diverse, from agricultural Information-based and to manufacturing postindustrial

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▲ Where are these Dell Computer service technicians working? Dell’s headquarters is located in Round Rock, Texas (near Austin), so you might assume that these employees are working there or somewhere else in the United States. However, as part of the global workforce in high-income nations, the people you see here are employed at the Dell Enterprise Command Center in Limerick, Ireland.

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history” (Boston Globe, 9/2008). How do these assumptions aff ect the approaches to global inequality and development?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #7 Sociological Literacy

• Research: Have students examine the following statement by Peter Lindert, an economist from the University of California at Davis: “It is well-known that higher taxes and transfers reduce productivity. Well-known—but unsupported by statistics and

(2) how far below the poverty line people’s incomes fall, and (3) how long they have been poor (is the poverty temporary or long term?). ▼ Map 8.2 pro- vides a unique portrayal of human poverty in which the territory size shows the proportion of the world population living in poverty in each region.

The Gini Coeffi cient and Global Quality-of-Life Issues Th e World Bank uses as its measure of income inequality what is known as the Gini coeffi cient, which ranges from zero (meaning that everyone has the same income) to 100 (one person receives all the income). Using this measure, the World Bank (2005) has concluded that inequality has increased in nations such as Bulgaria, the Baltic countries, and the Slavic countries of the former Soviet Union to levels similar to those in the less-equal industrial market economies, such as the United States. In fact, inequality in Russia rose sharply in the 1990s: By 1998, the top 20 percent of the population received a much larger percentage of the total income than it had in 1993. Stark contrasts also exist in countries such as India, where abject poverty still exists side by side with lavish opulence in Calcutta. Note the sharp contrast in lifestyle on one Calcutta street:

On one side is the Tollygunge Club, 40 hectares of landscaped serenity with an 18-hole golf course, a driving range, riding stables, tennis courts, and two covered swimming pools. . . . On the other side stands the M.R. Bangur Hospital, a sooty building with a morgue [that sometimes takes] the corpses of paupers who die in Calcutta’s streets. (Watson, 1997: F1)

Th is street is symbolic of the sharp chasm that divides the 15 million people who live in Calcutta. In fact, some analysts believe that the scale of poverty in South and East Asia is most visible in the heavily populated states of India and China. It is estimated that more than 700 million of Asia’s people are poor and that 455 million of them live in India alone, where there are more than twice as many poor people as in sub-Saharan Africa. When the World Bank increased its poverty line to $1.25 per day, this further increased the number of people counted as living in poverty in India and other nations.

Global Poverty and Human Development Issues Income disparities are not the only factor that defi nes poverty and its eff ect on people. Although

▲ MAP 8.2 PROPORTION OF WORLD’S POPULATION LIVING IN POVERTY (BY REGION) Source: Copyright 2006 SASI Group (University of Sheffi eld) and Mark Newman (University of Virginia). Map courtesy of worldmapper.org.

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the average income per person in lower-income countries has doubled in the past thirty years and for many years economic growth has been seen as the primary way to achieve development in low- income economies, the United Nations since the 1970s has more actively focused on human devel- opment as a crucial factor in fi ghting poverty. In 1990 the United Nations Development Program introduced the Human Development Index (HDI), establishing three new criteria—in addition to GDP—for measuring the level of development in a country: life expectancy, education, and living standards. According to the United Nations, human development is the process of “expanding choices

that people have in life, to lead a life to its full poten- tial and in dignity, through expanding capabilities and through people taking action themselves to improve their lives” (United Nations Development Programme, 2009). ▼ Figure 8.2 compares indica- tors such as gross domestic product, life expectancy, and adult literacy in regions around the world.

In 2009 the Human Development Report intro- duced a new top category of nations, “Very High Human Development.” According to the report, people who live in countries in the highest human development categories can expect to be better edu- cated, to live longer, and to earn more. In a nation with very high human development, for example,

South Asia 47%

Other 3% Latin America and Caribbean 5%

Middle East and North Africa 9%

Sub-Saharan Africa 15%

East Asia and the Pacific 21%

a. Distribution of the world’s illiterate population, age fifteen and older, by region

b. Life expectancy in years for persons born in 2006

80.0

73.1

72.0

67.8

64.1

49.9

High-income nations

Latin America

East Asia and the Pacific

Middle East and North Africa

South Asia

Sub-Saharan Africa

c. Per capita gross domestic product in U.S. dollars, 2006

$35,062

$9,051

$7,760

$5,110

$2,671

$1,873

High-income nations

Latin America

East Asia and the Pacific

Middle East and North Africa

South Asia

Sub-Saharan Africa

▲ FIGURE 8.2 INDICATORS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Source: World Bank, 2009.

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• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• Extra Examples: Ask students to conduct some narrative research to personalize the following statistics: “Approximately 2.5 million and 2.4 million children are working in developed and transition economies respectively. An estimated 246 million children are engaged in child labor” (UNICEF).

• Sociological Imagination: Have students conduct research and write short papers on the complicated relationship between life expectancy and economic development. Have them apply sociological concepts to elucidate some of these dynamics.

• For Discussion: Describe the relationship between infant mortality and economic development. Have students focus on and discuss this relationship in Kenya, using information from this and other texts.

the per capita income ranges on average to more than $37,000 per year, as compared to less than $1,000 in countries with a low high development index. It will be interesting to see how these fi gures change in the future with the inclusion of this new category. Up to this date, the change has primar- ily moved around some nations that formerly were listed in the high or medium human development categories. Th e top-three countries in the HDI are Norway, Australia, and Iceland. By contrast, Niger, Afghanistan, and Sierra Leone are the bottom-three countries this year. In other words, a child born in Niger has a life expectancy of slightly more than 50 years, which is 30 years less than a child born in the same year in Norway. Likewise, for every dol- lar (U.S. currency) earned per person in Niger, $85 is earned in Norway (United Nations Development Programme, 2009).

Life Expectancy As the example above shows, although some advan- ces have been made in middle- and low-income countries regarding life expectancy, major problems still exist. Th e average life expectancy at birth of people in middle-income countries remains about 12 years less than that of people in high-income countries. Moreover, the life expectancy of people in low-income nations is as much as 30 years less than that of people in high-income nations. A child born in a low-HDI country has a life expectancy of just over 50 years, which is 17 years less than in medium-HDI countries and 30 years less than in the very-high-HDI countries (United Nations Devel- opment Programme, 2009). Especially striking are the diff erences in life expectancies in high-income economies and low-income economies such as sub- Saharan Africa, where estimated life expectancy has dropped signifi cantly. For example, in Zambia the average life expectancy is 41.2 years for women and 41 years for men.

One major cause of shorter life expectancy in low-income nations is the high rate of infant mor- tality. Th e infant mortality rate (deaths per thou- sand live births) is more than eight times higher in low-income countries than in high-income coun- tries (World Bank, 2009). Low-income countries typically have higher rates of illness and disease, and they do not have adequate health care facilities.

Malnutrition is a common problem among chil- dren, many of whom are underweight, stunted, and anemic—a nutritional defi ciency with serious con- sequences for child mortality. Consider this journal- ist’s description of a child she saw in Haiti (prior to the deadly 2010 earthquake):

Like any baby, Wisly Dorvil is easy to love. Unlike others, this 13-month-old is hard to hold.

Th at’s because his 10-pound frame is so fragile that even the most minimal of movements can dis- locate his shoulders.

As lifeless as a rag doll, Dorvil is starving. He has large, brown eyes and a feeble smile, but a stom- ach so tender that he suff ers from ongoing bouts of vomiting and diarrhea.

Fortunately, though, Dorvil recently came to the attention of U.S. aid workers. With round-the-clock feeding, he is expected to survive.

Others are not so lucky. (Emling, 1997a: A17)

Among adults and children alike, life expectan- cies are strongly aff ected by hunger and malnutri- tion. It is estimated that people in the United States spend more than $35 billion each year on weight- loss products, whereas the world’s poorest people suff er from chronic malnutrition, and many die each year from hunger-related diseases (McNamara, 2006). Some analysts estimate that the number of people worldwide dying each year from malnutri- tion and other hunger-related diseases is the equiv- alent of more than 300 jumbo-jet crashes per day with no survivors, and half the passengers children (Kidron and Segal, 1995).

On the plus side of the life expectancy problem, some nations have made positive gains, seeing aver- age life expectancy increase by about a third in the past three decades. Life expectancy is now more than 70 years (average for men and women) in 95 coun- tries (United Nations Development Programme, 2009). Only Iceland has reached a life expectancy for men of 80 years or more; however, 33 countries have reached an expectancy of 80 years or more for women.

Health Health is defi ned in the constitution of the World Health Organization as “a state of complete physi- cal, mental and social well-being and not merely the

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opportunities that are possible because they have graduated from high school. What do they think will happen to their life chances when they graduate from college?

• ASA Task Force Recommendation: #6 Empirical and Theoretical Analysis

• For Discussion: Elaborate on the relationship among education, health, and literacy in terms of societal development. Have students discuss the following statement: “Education is a companion which no future can depress, no crime can destroy, no enemy can alienate it and no nepotism can enslave” (Ropo Oguntimehin).

• Sociological Imagination: Ask students to write about the role of education in their own economic futures. Focus on the

absence of disease or infi rmity.” Many people in low- income nations are far from having physical, men- tal, and social well-being. In fact, about 20 million people die each year from diarrhea, malaria, tuber- culosis, and other infectious and parasitic illnesses (World Health Organization, 2009). According to the World Health Organization, infectious diseases are far from under control in many nations due to such factors as unsanitary or overcrowded living condi- tions. Despite the possible eradication of diseases such as poliomyelitis, leprosy, guinea-worm disease, and neonatal tetanus in the near future, at least thirty new diseases—for which there is no treatment or vaccine—have recently emerged.

Some middle-income countries are experienc- ing rapid growth in degenerative diseases such as cancer and coronary heart disease, and many more deaths are expected from smoking-related diseases. Despite the decrease in tobacco smoking in high- income countries, there has been an increase in per capita consumption of tobacco in low- and middle- income countries, many of which have been tar- geted for free samples and promotional advertising by U.S. tobacco companies (United Nations Devel- opment Programme, 2002).

Education and Literacy According to the Human Development Report (United Nations Development Programme, 2008), educa- tion is fundamental to reducing both individual and national poverty. As a result, school enrollment is used as one measure of human development. Although school enrollment has increased at the primary and secondary levels in about two-thirds of the lower-income regions, enrollment is not always a good measure of educational achievement because many students drop out of school during their elementary-school years. Many of the children who do not attend school work long hours, under hazardous conditions, for very low wages.

What is literacy, and why is it important for human development? Th e United Nations Edu- cational, Scientifi c and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defi nes a literate person as “someone who can, with understanding, both read and write a short, simple statement on their everyday life” (United Nations, 1997: 89). Based on this defi nition, people who can write only with fi gures, their name,

or a memorized phrase are not considered literate. Th e adult literacy rate in the low-income countries (55.2 percent) is about half that of the high-income countries (99 percent), and for women the rate is even lower. Women in the poorest nations have a literacy rate of 45.9 percent, as compared to 64.5 percent for men. By sharp contrast, women in high-income nations have a 98.7 percent literacy rate while men have a 99.3 percent rate (United Nations Development Programme, 2008). Women consti- tute about two-thirds of those who are illiterate: Th ere are approximately 75 literate women for every 100 literate men (United Nations, 1997). Literacy is crucial for women because it has been closely linked to decreases in fertility, improved child health, and increased earnings potential.

Persistent Gaps in Human Development Some middle- and lower-income countries have made progress in certain indicators of human devel- opment. Th e gap between some richer and middle- or lower-income nations has narrowed signifi cantly for life expectancy, adult literacy, and daily calorie supply; however, the overall picture for the world’s poorest people remains dismal. Th e gap between the poorest nations and the middle-income nations has continued to widen. Poverty, food shortages, hun- ger, and rapidly growing populations are pressing

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▲ In an eff ort to reduce poverty, some nations have developed adult literacy programs so that people can gain an education that will help lift them out of poverty. In regions such as Solomuna, Eritrea, women’s literacy is a particularly crucial issue.

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• For Discussion: Ask students this: What is modernization theory, and what stages did Rostow believe all societies go through? Have students list the stages in order on the board.

• Sociological Imagination: Have students research and write a short essay on the ways that dependency theory diff ers from modernization theory. How do the two theories complement and clash with each other?

• Global Perspective: Talk about the role of the “market economy” in modernization theory. Use India and China as examples of market- driven economies that are transforming their cultures in very diff erent ways. Have students go online to read the most recent news reports.

problems for at least 1.8 billion people, most of them women and children living in a state of absolute poverty. Although more women around the globe have paid employment than in the past, more and more women are still fi nding themselves in poverty because of increases in single-person and single- parent households headed by women and the fact that low-wage work is oft en the only source of liveli- hood available to them.

Theories of Global Inequality Why is the majority of the world’s population grow- ing richer while the poorest 20 percent—more than one billion people—are so poor that they are eff ec- tively excluded from even a moderate standard of living? Social scientists have developed a variety of theories that view the causes and consequences of global inequality somewhat diff erently. We will examine the development approach and modern- ization theory, dependency theory, world systems theory, and the new international division of labor theory.

Development and Modernization Theory According to some social scientists, global wealth and poverty are linked to the level of industrial- ization and economic development in a given society. Although the process by which a nation industrializes may vary somewhat, industrializa- tion almost inevitably brings with it a higher stan- dard of living and some degree of social mobility for individual participants in the society. Specifi - cally, the traditional caste system becomes obso- lete as industrialization progresses. Family status, race/ethnicity, and gender are said to become less signifi cant in industrialized nations than in agrar- ian-based societies. As societies industrialize, they also urbanize as workers locate their residences near factories, offi ces, and other places of work. Consequently, urban values and folkways over- shadow the beliefs and practices of the rural areas. Analysts using a development framework typically view industrialization and economic development as essential steps that nations must go through in order to reduce poverty and increase life chances for their citizens.

Earlier in the chapter, we discussed the post– World War II Marshall Plan, under which massive fi nancial aid was provided to the European nations to help rebuild infrastructure lost in the war. Based on the success of this infusion of cash in bringing about modernization, President Truman and many other politicians and leaders in the business com- munity believed that it should be possible to help so-called underdeveloped nations modernize in the same manner.

Th e most widely known development theory is modernization theory—a perspective that links global inequality to diff erent levels of economic development and suggests that low-income econ- omies can move to middle- and high-income economies by achieving self-sustained economic growth. According to modernization theory, the low-income, less-developed nations can improve their standard of living only with a period of inten- sive economic growth and accompanying changes in people’s beliefs, values, and attitudes toward work. As a result of modernization, the values of people in developing countries supposedly become more similar to those of people in high-income nations. Th e number of hours that people work at their jobs each week is one measure of the extent to which individuals subscribe to the work ethic, a core value widely believed to be of great signifi cance in the modernization process.

Perhaps the best-known modernization the- ory is that of Walt W. Rostow (1971, 1978), who, as an economic advisor to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, was highly instrumental in shaping U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America in the 1960s. To Rostow, one of the largest barriers to development in low-income nations was the tra- ditional cultural values held by people, particularly beliefs that are fatalistic, such as viewing extreme hardship and economic deprivation as inevitable and unavoidable facts of life. In cases of fatalism, people do not see any need to work in order to

modernization theory a perspective that links global inequality to diff erent levels of economic development and suggests that low-income economies can move to middle- and high-income economies by achieving self-sustained economic growth.

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• Historical Perspective: Walt Whitman Rostow was an economic historian who guided U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War. He was one of the few political advisors to serve throughout the 1960s, working with both John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. He always insisted that the United States could have emerged from the confl ict victorious (New York Times, 2/2003).

improve their lot in life: If it is predetermined for them, why bother? Based on modernization the- ory, poverty can be attributed to people’s cultural failings, which are further reinforced by govern- mental policies interfering with the smooth opera- tion of the economy.

Rostow suggested that all countries go through four stages of economic development, with iden- tical content, regardless of when these nations started the process of industrialization. He com- pared the stages of economic development to an airplane ride. Th e fi rst stage is the traditional stage, in which very little social change takes place, and people do not think much about changing their current circumstances. According to Rostow, societies in this stage are slow to change because the people hold a fatalistic value system, do not subscribe to the work ethic, and save very little money. Th e second stage is the take-off stage— a period of economic growth accompanied by a growing belief in individualism, competition, and achievement. During this stage, people start to look toward the future, to save and invest money, and to discard traditional values. According to Rostow’s modernization theory, the development of capitalism is essential for the transformation from a traditional, simple society to a modern, complex one. With the fi nancial help and advice of the high-income countries, low-income countries will eventually be able to “fl y” and enter the third

stage of economic development. In the third stage, the country moves toward technological maturity. At this point, the country will improve its technol- ogy, reinvest in new industries, and embrace the beliefs, values, and social institutions of the high- income, developed nations. In the fourth and fi nal stage, the country reaches the phase of high mass consumption and a correspondingly high standard of living.

Modernization theory has had both its advo- cates and its critics. According to proponents of this approach, studies have supported the assertion that economic development occurs more rapidly in a capitalist economy. In fact, the countries that have been most successful in moving from low- to middle-income status typically have been those that are most centrally involved in the global capitalist economy. For example, the nations of E